AT SHAMBLEE.

This village is about fifteen miles from Montreal. The French were very kind to me: A gentleman of the place, took me into his house, and to his table; and lodg­ed me at night on a good feather bed. The Inhabitants and officers were very oblig­ing to me, the little time I stayed with them, and promised to write a letter to the gov­ernor in chief, to inform him of my pass­ing down the river. Here I saw a girl taken from our town, and a young man, who informed me, that the greatest part of the captives were come in, and that two of my children were at Montreal; that many of the captives had been in, three weeks before my arrival: Mercy in the midst of judgment! As we passed along the river towards Sorel, we went into a house where was an English woman of our town, who had been left among the French in [Page 32] order to her conveyance to the Indian fort. The French were very kind to her and to myself, and gave us the best provision they had; and she embarked with us to go down to St. Francois fort. When we came down to the first inhabited house at Sorel, a French woman came to the river side, and desired us to go into her house, and when we were entered, she compas­sioned our state, and told us, she had in the last war been a captive among the Indians, and therefore was not a little sensible of our difficulties. She gave the Indians some­thing to eat in the chimney corner, and spread a cloth on the table for us with nap­kins; which gave such offence to the In­dians, that they hasted away, and would not call in at the fort. But wherever we entered into houses, the French were very courteous. When we came to St. Fran­cois river, we found some difficulty by reason of the ice; and entering into a Frenchman's house, he gave us a loaf of bread, and some fish to carry away with us; but we passed down the river, till night, and there seven of us supped on a fish called bullhead or pout, and did not eat it up, the fish was so very large.

The next morning we met with such a great quantity, of ice, that we were forced [Page 33] to leave our canoe, and travel on land. We went to a French officer's house, who took us into a private room, out of the sight of the Indians, and treated us very courteously. That night we arrived at the fort called St. Francois; where we found several poor children who had been taken from the eastward the summer be­fore; a sight very affecting, they being in habit very much like Indians, and in manners very much symbolizing with them. At this fort lived two Jesuits, one of which was made superior of the Jesuits at Quebeck. One of these Jesuits met me at the fort gate, and asked me to go into the church and give God thanks for preserv­ing my life. I told him I would do that in some other place. When the bell rang for evening prayers, he that took me, bid me go, but I refused: The Jesuit came to our wigwam, and prayed a short prayer; and invited me to sup with them; and justified the Indians in what they did a­gainst us; rehearsing some things done by Major Walden above thirty years ago; and how justly God retaliated them in the last war, and enveighed against us for be­ginning this war with the Indians, and said, we had before the last winter, and in the win­ter [Page 34] been very barbarous and cruel in burning and killing Indians. I told them, that the Indians in a very perfidious manner, had committed murders on many of our in­habitants, after the signing articles of peace: And as to what they spake of cruelties, they were undoubtedly falsehoods; for I well knew the English were not approvers of any inhumanity or barbarity towards enemies. They said, an Englishman had killed one of St. Casteen's relations, which occasioned this war: For, say they, the na­tions in a general council, had concluded not to engage in the war on any side, till they themselves were first molested, and then all of them as one, would engage against them that began a war with them: And that upon the killing of Casteen's kinsman, a post was dis­patched to Canada, to advertise the Mac­quas and Indians that the English had be­gan a war. On which they gathered up their forces, and that the French joined with them to come down on the eastern parts; and that when they came near New-England, several of the eastern Indians told them of the peace made with the English, and the sat­isfaction given them from the English for that murder. But the Macquas told them it was now too late; for they were sent for and were [Page 35] now come, and would fall on them, if without their consent they made a peace with the Eng­lish. Said also, That a letter was shown to them from the governor of Port Royal, which, he said, was taken in an English ship, being a letter from the queen of England, to our governor, writing how she approved his designs, to ensnare, and deceitfully seize on, the Indians; so that being enraged from that letter, and being forced as it were, they began the present war. I told them the letter was a lie, forged by the French.

The next morning the bell rang for mass: My master bid me go to church; I refus­ed: He threatened me, and went away in a rage. At noon the Jesuit sent for me to dine with them, for I eat at their ta­ble all the time I was at the fort. And after dinner they told me, the Indians would not allow of any of their captives stay­ing in their wigwams, whilst they were at church; and were resolved by force and vio­lence to bring us all to church, if we would not go without. I told them it was high­ly unreasonable so to impose upon those who were of a contrary religion; and to force us to be present at such a service, as we abhorred, was nothing becoming chris­tianity. They replied, They were savages, [Page 36] and would not hearken to reason, but would have their wills: Said also, If they were in New England themselves, they would go into their churches to see their ways of wor­ship. I answered, the case was far differ­ent, for there was nothing (themselves be­ing judges) as to matter or manner of worship, but what was according to the word of GOD, in our churches; and there­fore it could not be an offence to any man's conscience. But among them there were idolatrous superstitions in worship: They said, Come and see, and offer us conviction, of what is superstitious in worship. To which I answered, That I was not to do evil that good might come of it; and that forcing in matters of religion was hateful. They an­swered, The Indians are resolved to have it so, and they could not pacify them without my coming; and they would engage they should offer no force or violence to cause any compli­ance with their ceremonies. The next mass, my master bid me go to church: I ob­jected; he rose and forcibly pulled me by my head and shoulders out of the wigwam to the church, which was nigh the door. So I went in and sat down behind the door, and there saw a great confusion, in­stead of any gospel order. For one of the [Page 37] Jesuits was at the altar, saying mass in a tongue unknown to the savages; and the other, between the altar and the door, say­ing and singing prayers among the Indians at the same time; and many others were at the same time saying over their pater nosters, and Ave Mary, by tale from their chapelit, or beads, on a string. At our go­ing out, we smiled at their devotion so managed, which was offensive to them: For they said we made a derision of their worship. When I was here, a certain savages died; one of the Jesuits told me, She was a very holy woman, who had not committed one sin in twelve years. After a day or two the Jesuits asked me, What I thought of their way, now I saw it? I told them, I thought Christ said of it, as Mark vii. 7, 8, 9. Howbeit, in vain do they wor­ship me, teaching for doctrines the command­ments of men. For laying aside the com­mandment of God, ye hold the tradition of men, as the washing of pots, and cups; and many other such like things ye do. And he said unto them, full well ye reject the com­mandment of God, that ye may keep your own tradition. They told me, They were not the commandments of men, but apostolical [Page 38] traditions, of equal authority with the ho­ly scriptures. And that after my death, I would bewail my not praying to the virgin Mary; and that I should find the want of her intercession for me, with her Son; judging me to hell, for asserting the scriptures to be a perfect rule of faith; and said, I abounded in my own sense, enter­taining explications contrary to the sense of the Pope, regularly sitting with a gen­eral council, explaining scripture, and making articles of faith. I told them, it was my comfort that Christ was to be my judge, and not they at the great day: And as for their censuring and judging me, I was not moved with it.

One day a certain savagess, taken pris­oner in Philip's war, who had lived at Mr. Bulkley's at Weathersfield, called Ruth, who could speak English very well, and who had been often at my house; being now proselyted to the Romish faith, came into the wigwam, and with her an Eng­lish maid, who was taken the last war, who was dressed in Indian apparel, unable to speak one word of English, who said she could neither tell her own name, or the name of the place from whence she was taken. These two talked in the Indian [Page 39] dialect with my master a long time; af­ter which my master bade me cross my­self; I told him I would not; he com­manded me several times, and I as often refused. Ruth said, Mr. Williams, you know the scripture, and therefore act a­gainst your own light; for you know the scripture faith. Servants obey your masters; he is your master, and you his servant. I told her she was ignorant, and knew not the meaning of the scripture; telling her, I was not to disobey the great God, to obey my master, and that I was ready to die to suffer for God, if called thereto: On which she talked with my master, I suppose she interpreted what I said. My master took hold of my hand to force me to cross my­self, but I struggled with him, and would not suffer him to guide my hand; upon this he pulled off a crucifix from off his own neck, and bade me kiss it; but I refused once and again; he told me, he would dash out my brains with his hatch­et if I refused. I told him, I should sooner choose death than to sin against God; then he ran and took up his hatch­et, and acted as tho' he would have dash­ed out my brains; seeing I was not mov­ed, he threw down his hatchet, saying, he [Page 40] would first bite off all my nails, if I still refused; I gave him my hand and told him, I was ready to suffer; he set his teeth in my thumb nail, and gave a gripe, and then said, No good minister, no love God, as bad as the Devil; and so left off. I have reason to bless God, who strength­ened me to withstand; by this he was so discouraged, as never more to meddle with me about my religion. I asked leave of the Jesuits to pray with those Eng­lish of our town that were with me, but they absolutely refused to give us any per­mission to pray one with another, and did what they could to prevent our having any discourse together.

After a few days the governor de'Vau­drel, governor in chief, sent down two men with letters to the Jesuits, desiring them to order my being sent up to him to Montreal, upon which one of the Jesu­its went with my two masters, and took me along with them, as also two more from Deerfield, a man and his daughter about seven years of age. When we came to the lake, the wind was tempestu­ous and contrary to us, so that they were afraid to go over; they landed and kind­led a fire, and said they would wait a while [Page 41] to see whether the wind would fall or change. I went aside from the company among the trees, and spread our case, with the temptations of it, before God, and pleaded that he would order the season so that we might not go back again, but be furthered on our voyage, that I might have opportunity to see my children and neighbors, and converse with them, and know their state. When I returned, the wind was more boisterous, and then a second time, and the wind was more fierce; I reflected upon myself for my unquiet­ness, and the want of a resigned will to the will of God. And a third time went and bewailed before God my anxious cares, and the tumultuous working of my own heart, begged a will fully resigned to the will of God, and thought that by his grace I was brought to say amen to what­ever God should determine. Upon my return to the company, the wind was yet high; the Jesuit and my master said, come we will go back again to the fort; for there is no likelihood of proceeding in our voyage, for very frequently such a wind continues three days, sometimes six; after it continued so many hours, I said [Page 42] to them, The will of the Lord be done; and the canoe was put again into the river, and we embarked. No sooner had my master put me into the canoe, and put off from the shore, but the wind fell, and coming into the middle of the river, they said, we may go over the lake well e­nough; and so we did. I promised, if God gave me opportunity, I would stir up others to glorify God in a continued persevering, committing their straits of heart to him; He is a prayer hearing God, and the stormy winds obey him. After we passed over the lake, the French wherever we came, were very compassionate to us.

[AT MONTREAL.]

When I came to Montreal, which was eight weeks ^* after my captivity; the gov­ernor de'Vaudrel redeemed me out of the hands of the Indians, gave me good cloath­ing, took me to his table, gave me the use of a very good chamber; and was in all respects relating to my outward man, courteous and charitable to admiration. At my first entering into his house, he sent for my two children, who were in the city, that I might see them; and prom­ised to do what he could to get all my children and neighbors out of the hands [Page 43] of the Savages. My change of diet, after the difficulties of my Journeys, caused an alteration in my body: I was physicked, and blooded, and very tenderly taken care of in my sickness. The governor re­deemed my eldest daughter out of the hands of the Indians; and she was carefully tend­ed in the hospital, until she was well of her lameness; and by the governor pro­vided for respectfully, during her stay in the country. My youngest child was re­deemed by a gentlewoman in the city, as the Indians passed by. After the Indians had been at their fort, and discoursed with the priests, they came back and offered to the gentlewoman a man for the child, al­ledging that the child could not be prof­itable to her, but the man would, for he was a weaver, and his service would much advance the design she had of mak­ing cloth: But GOD overruled so far, that this temptation to the woman pre­vailed not for an exchange; for had the child gone to the Indian fort, in an ordi­nary way it had abode there still, as the rest of the children carried there do. The governor gave orders to certain officers to get the rest of my children out of the hands of the Indians, and as many of my neigh­bors [Page 44] as they could. After six weeks, a merchant of the city obtained my eldest son, that was taken, to live with him: He took a great deal of pains to persuade the savages to part with him. An Indian came to the city (Sagamore George of Pennacook) from Cowass, and brought word of my son Stephens' being near that place; some money was put into his hand for his redemption, and a promise of full satisfaction if he brought him; but the Indian proved unfaithful, and I never saw my child till a year after.

The governor ordered a Priest to go along with me to see my youngest daughter among the Macquas, and endeavor for her ransom. I went with him; he was very courteous to me, and from his parish which was near the Macqua fort, he wrote a letter to the Jesuit, to desire him to send my child to see me, and to speak with them that took her, to come along with it. But the Jesuit wrote back a letter, that I should not be permitted to speak with, or see my child, and if I came my labor would be lost; and that the Macquas would as soon part with their hearts, as my child. At my return to the city, I with an heavy heart carried the Jesuit's letter to the gov­ernor, [Page 45] who when he read it, was very angry, and endeavored to comfort me, assuring me I should see it, and speak with it; and he would to his utmost endeavor for it's ransom: Accordingly he sent to the Jesuits who were in the city, and bid them improve their interest for the obtain­ing the child. After some days, he went with mé in his own person to the fort. When we came thither, he discoursed with the Jesuit: After which my child was brought into the chamber where I was, I was told I might speak with her, but should not be permitted to speak to no other English person there. My child was about seven years old; I discoursed with her near an hour; she could read very well, and had not forgot her catechism; and was very desirous to be redeemed out of the hands of the Macquas, and bemoan­ed her state among them, telling me how they prophaned God's sabbath, and said, she thought that a few days before they had been mocking the devil, and that one of the Jesuits stood and looked on them. I told her, she must pray to God for his grace every day; she said, she did as was able, and God helped her: But, says she, they force me to say some prayers in latin, but I don't under­stand [Page 46] one word of them, I hope it wont do me any harm. I told her she must be care­ful she did not forget her catechism, and the scriptures she had learnt by heart. She told the captives after I was gone, as some of them have since informed me, al­most every thing I spake to her; and said, she was much afraid she should forget her catechism, having none to instruct her. I saw her once a few days after in the city, but' had not many minutes of time with her, but what time I had improved to give her the best advice I could. The governor laboured much for her redemp­tion, at last he had the promise of it, in case he would procure for them, an Indian girl in her stead. Accordingly he sent up the river some hundred of leagues for one, and when offered by the governor it was refused: He offered them an hundred pieces of eight for her redemption, but it was refused. His lady went over to have begged her from them, but all in vain; it is there still; and has forgotten to speak Eng­lish. Oh! that all who peruse this histo­ry, would join in their fervent requests to God, with whom all things are possible, that this poor child, and so many others of our children who have been cast upon God [Page 47] from the womb, and are now outcasts ready to perish, might be gathered from their dispersions, and receive sanctifying grace from God.

When I had discoursed with the child, and was coming out of the fort, one of the Jesuits went out of the chamber with me, and some soldiers to convey me to the canoe. I saw some of my poor neighbors, who stood with longing expectations to see me, and speak with me, and had leave from their savage masters so to do. I was by the Jesuit himself thrust along by force, and permitted only to tell them some of their relations they asked after, were well in the city, and that with a very audable voice; being not permitted to come near to them.

After my return to the city, I was very melancholy, for I could not be permitted so much as to pray with the English, who dwelt in the same house. And the Eng­lish who came to see me, were most of them put back by the guard at the door, and not suffered to come and speak with me. Sometimes the guard was so strict that I could scarce go aside on necessary occasions without a repulse; and when­ever I went out into the city (a favor the [Page 48] governor himself never refused when I asked it of him) there were spies to watch me, and to observe whether I spake to the English. Upon which I told some of the English, they must be careful to call to mind and improve former instructions, and endeavor to stand at a further distance for a while, hoping that after a short time I should have more liberty of conversing with them. But some spies sent out, found on a sabbath day more than three of us in company together, the number we by their order published were not to exceed, who informed the Priest; the next day one of the Priests told me, I had a greater number of the English with me, and that I had spoken something re­flecting on their religion. I spake to the governor that no forcible means might be used with any of the captives respect­ing their religion; he told me he allowed no such thing. I am persuaded that the governor, if he might act for himself, would not have suffered such things to be done as have been done, and that he never did know of several things acted a­gainst the English.

At my first coming to Montreal, the governor told me, I should be sent home as [Page 49] soon as Captain Battiss was returned, and not before; and that I was taken in order to his redemption. The governor sought by all means to divert me from my melan­choly sorrows, and always shewed a wil­lingness for my seeing my children. One day I told him of my design of walking into the city; he pleasantly answered, Go with all my heart. His eldest son went with me as far as the door, and saw the guard stop me, he went and informed his father, who came to the door and asked, Why they affronted the gentleman going out? they said, It was their order: But with an angry countenance he said, His orders were that I should not be stopped. But within a little time I had orders to go down to Quebeck. Another thing show­ing that many things are done without the governor's consent, tho' his name be used to justify them, viz. I asked the Priest, after I had been at Montreal two days, leave to go and see my youngest child; he said, Whenever you would see it, tell me, and I will bring it to you; for, says he, the governor is not willing you should go thither. And yet not many days after, when we were at dinner, the governor's [Page 50] lady (seeing me sad) spake to an officer at table, who could speak latin, to tell me, That after dinner I should go along with them and see my two children. And ac­cordingly after dinner I was carried to see them; and when I came to the house, I found three or four English captives who lived there, and I had leave to discourse with them. And not long after, the gov­ernor's lady asked me to go along with her to the hospital to see one of my neighbors who was sick there.

One day one of the Jesuits came to the governor, and told the company there, That he never saw such persons as were taken from Deerfield; said he, The Mac­quas will not suffer any of their prisoners to abide in their wigwams whilst they them­selves are at mass, but carry them with them to the church, and they cannot be prevailed with to fall down on their knees to pray there, but no sooner are they returned to their wigwams, but they fall down on their knees to prayer. He said, They could do nothing with the grown persons there; and they hin­dered the childrens complying. Whereupon the Jesuits counselled the Macquas to fell all the grown persons from the fort; a stratagem to seduce poor children. Oh [Page 51] Lord! Turn the counsels of these Ahitophels into foolishness, and make the counsels of the heathens of none effect!

Here I observed, they were wonderfully lifted up with pride, after the return of captain Montinug from Northampton, with news of success: They boasted of their success against New-England. And they sent out an army as they said of seven hundred men, if I mistake not, two hun­dred of which were French, in company of which army went several Jesuits; and said, They would lay desolate all the places on Connecticut river. The superior of the Priests told me, Their general was a very prudent and brave commander, of undaunted courage, and he doubted not but they should have great success. This army went away in such a boasting triumphing manner; that I had great hopes God would discov­er and disappoint their designs: Our prayers were not wanting for the blasting of such a bloody design. The superior of the Priests said to me, Do not flatter yourselves in hopes of a short captivity; for, said he, There are two young princes con­tending for the kingdom of Spain; and for a third, that care was to be taken of his estab­lishment on the English throne. And boast­ed [Page 52] what they would do in Europe; and that we must expect not only in Europe, but in New-England, the establishment of popery. I said, glory not, God can make great changes in a little time, and revive his own interest, and yet save his poor af­flicted people. Said he, The time for mir­acles is past; and in the time of the last war, the king of France was as it were a­gainst all the world, and yet did very great things; but now the kingdom of Spain is for him, and the duke of Bavaria, and the duke of Savoy, &c. and spake on a lofty man­ner of great things to be done by them; and having the world, as I may say, in subjection to them.

I was sent down to Quebeck in company of governor de Ramsay, governor of Mon­treal, and the superior of the Jesuits, and ordered to live with one of the council; from whom I received many favors, for seven weeks. He told me, It was the Priests doings to send me down before the governor came down; and that if I went much to see the English, or they came much to visit me, I should yet certainly be sent away where I should have no con­versation with the English.

[AT QUEBECK.]

After coming down to Quebeck, I was invited to dine with the Jesuits, and to my face they were civil enough. But af­ter a few days, a young gentleman came to my chamber, and told me, that one of the Jesuits (after we had done dinner) made a few districks of verses, and gave them to his scholars to translate into French: He shewed them to me. The import of them was, ‘That the king of France's grandson had sent out his huntsmen, and that they had taken a wolf, who was shut up, and now he hopes the sheep would be in safety.’ I knew at the reading of them what they aimed at, but held my peace, as though I had been ignorant of the Jesuits' intention. Ob­serving this reproaching spirit, I said in my heart, If God will bless, let men curse if they please: and I looked to God in Christ, the great Shepherd, to keep his scattered sheep among so many Lamish ravenous wolves, and to remember the reproaches wherewith his holy name, ordinances and servants were daily reproached. And up­on an observation of the time of these verses being composed, I find that near [Page 54] the same time, the bishop of Canada with twenty ecclesiasticks, were taken by the English, as they were coming from France, and carried into England as prisoners of war.

One sabbath day morning I observed many signs of approaching rain, a great moisture on the stones of the hearth and chimney jams. I was that day invit­ed to dine with the Jesuits; and when I went up to dinner, it began to rain a small drisling rain: The superior told me, They had been praying for rain that morning, and lo, (says he) it begins to rain. I told him, I could tell him of many instances of God's hearing our prayers for rain. However in the afternoon there was a gen­eral procession of all orders, Priests, Jes­uits, and Fryars, and the citizens in great pomp, carrying (as they said) as an holy relic, one of the bones of St. Paul. The next day I was invited to the priests seminary to dinner; Oh, said they, we went in procession yesterday for rain, and see what a plentiful rain followed. I answered, We had been answered when praying for rain, when no such signs of rain, or the be­ginnings of rain had preceded, as now with them, before they appointed or began their [Page 55] procession, &c. However they upbraided me, That God did not approve of our reli­gion, in that he disregarded our prayers, and accepted theirs. For, said they, We heard you had days of fasting and prayer be­fore the fleet came to Quebeck; God would not regard your prayers, but heard ours, and almost in a miraculous way preserved us when assaulted, and refused to hear your fast day prayers for your preservation, but heard our's for your desolation, and our success. They boasted also of their king, and his greatness, and spake of him as tho' there could be no settlement in the world, but as he pleased; reviling us as in a low and languishing case, having no king, but be­ing under the government of a queen: And spake as tho' the duke of Bavaria would in a short time be emperor. From this day forward God gave them to hear sorrowful tidings from Europe: That a war had been commenced against the duke of Savoy, and so their enemies in­creased: That their bishop was taken, and two millions of wealth with him. News every year more distressing and impoverishing to them; and the duke of Bavaria so far from being emperor, that he was dispossessed of his dukedom; and [Page 56] France so far from being strengthened by Spain, that the kingdom of Spain was like to be an occasion of weakening and im­poverishing their own kingdom [...] they themselves so reporting. And their great army going against New-England, turn­ed back ashamed; and they discouraged and disheartened, and every year very ex­ercising fears and cares as to the savages who lived up the river. Before the re­turn of that army, they told me, we were led up and down, and sold by the heath­ens, as sheep for the slaughter, and they could not devise what they should do with us, we should be so many prisoners, when the army returned. The Jesuits told me, it was a great mercy that so many of our children were brought to them, and that now especially since they were not like speedily to be returned, there was hope of their being brought over to the Romish faith. They would take the English children born among them, and against the consent of their parents, bap­tize them. One Jesuit came to me and asked, whether all the English at Loret (a place not far from Quebeck where the savages lived) were baptized? I told him, they were. He said, If they be not, [Page 57] let me know of it, that I may baptize them, for fear they should die, and be damned, if they die without baptism. Says he, When the savages went against you, I charged them to baptize all children before they killed them; such was my desire of your eternal salvation, tho' you were our enemies. There was a gentleman called Monsieur de Beauville, a captain, the brother of the Lord intendant, who was a good friend to me, and very courteous to all the captives; he lent me an English bible, and when he went to France gave it to me.

All means were used to seduce poor souls.

I was invited one day to dine with one of chief note; as I was going, I met with the superior of the Jesuits coming out of the house, and he came in after dinner; and presently it was propounded to me, if I would stay among them, and be of their religion, I should have a great and honorable pension from the king every year. The superior of the Jesuits turned to me, and said, ‘Sir, you have manifest­ed much grief and sorrow for your sep­aration from so many of your neighbors and children; if you will now comply with this offer and proposal, you may have all your children with you; and [Page 58] here will be enough for an honorable maintenance for you and them. I an­swered, Sir, if I thought your religion to be true, I would embrace it freely without any such offer, but so long as I believe it to be what it is, the offer of the whole world is of no more value to me than a BLACK­BERRY;’ and manifested such an abhor­rence of this proposal, that I speedily went to take my leave, and begone. Oh; Sir, (said he) ‘ Sit down, why in such a hurry? You are alone in your cham­ber, divert yourself a little longer;’ and fell to other discourse: And within half an hour says again, "Sir, I have one thing earnestly to request of you, I pray you pleasure me!" I said, "Let your lordship speak:" said he ‘I pray come to the palace tomorrow morning, and honor me with your company in my coach to the great church, it being then a Saint's day.’ I answered, ‘ Ask me any thing wherein I can serve you with a good con­science, and I am ready to gratify you, but I must ask your excuse here;’ and imme­diately went away from him. Returning to my chamber, I gave GOD thanks for his upholding me; And also made an enquiry with myself, whether I had by a­ny [Page 59] action given encouragement for such a temptation.

[AT CHATEAUVICHE, fifteen miles below Quebeck.]

Not many days after, and a few days before governor de'Voudrel's coming down, I was sent away fifteen miles down the river, that I might not have an opportu­nity of conversation with the English. I was courteously treated by the French, and the Priest of that parish; they told me, he was one of the most learned men in the country; he was a very ingenious man, zealous in their way, but yet very familiar. I had many disputes with the Priests who came thither: And when I used their own authors to confute some of their positions; my books borrowed of them were taken away from me; for they said, I made an ill use of them. They having many of them, boasted of their u­nity in doctrine and profession, and were loth I should show them from then own best approved authors, as many different opinions as they could charge against us. Here again, a gentleman in the presence of the old Bishop and a Priest, offered me his house, and whole living, with assur­ance of honor, wealth and employment, [Page 60] if I would embrace their ways. I told them, ‘ I had an indignation of soul against such offers, on such terms as parting with what was more valuable than all the world;’ [...], "What is a man profited if he gain the whole world, and loose his own soul? or, What shall a man give in exchange for his soul?" I was sometimes told, I might have all my children, if I would comply, and must never expect to have them on any other terms; I told them my chil­dren were dearer to me than all the world, but I would not deny CHRIST and his TRUTHS for the having of them with me; I would still put my trust in GOD, who could perform all things for me.

I am persuaded that the Priest of that parish where I kept, abhorred their send­ing down the heathen to commit out­rages against the English; saying, It was more like committing murders, than managing a war. In my confinement in this parish, I had my undisturbed oppor­tunities to be humbly imploring grace for ourselves, for soul and body; for his pro­tecting presence with New-England, and his disappointing the bloody designs of his enemies; that GOD would be a little sanc­tuary to us in a land of captivity; and [Page 61] that our friends in New-England, might have grace to make a more thankful and faithful improvement of the means of grace, than we had done; who by our neglects, find ourselves out of GOD'S sanctuary.

On the twenty first of October, 1704, I received some letters from New-England, with an account that many of our neigh­bors escaped out of the desolations in the fort; and that my dear wife was decently buried; And that my eldest son who was absent in our desolation, was sent to col­lege, and provided for; which occasion­ed thanksgiving to GOD in the midst of afflictions, and caused prayers even in Can­ada, to be going daily up to heaven for a blessing on benefactors, showing such kindness to the desolate and afflicted.

The consideration of such crafty designs to ensnare young ones, and to turn them from the simplicity of the gospel, to Rom­ish superstition, was very exercising. Sometimes they would tell me my chil­dren, sometimes my neighbors, were turned to be of their religion. Some made it their work to allure poor souls by flatteries and great promises, some threat­ened, [Page 62] some offered abusive carriage to such as refused to go to church, and be present at mass. Some they industriously contrived to get married among them. A Priest drew up a Compendium of the Romish Catholic Faith, and pretended to prove it by the scriptures, telling the Eng­lish, "that all they required was contain­ed in the scriptures which they acknowl­edged to be the rule of faith and manners▪" but it was by scriptures horribly pervert­ed and abused. I could never come to the sight of it, (tho' I often earnestly en­treated a copy of it) until I was on ship board for our voyage to New-England; but hearing of it, I endeavored to possess the English with their danger of being cheated with such a pretence. I under­stood they would tell the English that I was turned, that they might gain them to change their religion. These their en­deavors to seduce to Popery, were very ex­ercising to me. And in my solitaryness, I drew up some sorrowful, mournful con­siderations, though unused to, and unskill­ful in poetry, yet in a plain style for the use of some of the captives, who would sometimes make their secret visits to me, [Page 63] which, at the desire of some of them are here made public.

THE hearts of some were ready to be discouraged, and sink, saying, They were out of sight, and so out of mind. I en­deavored to persuade them we were not forgotten; that undoubtedly many pray­ers were going up to heaven for us. Not long after came captain Livingston and Mr. Shelden, with letters from his excellen­cy our governor, to the governor of Can­ada about the exchange of prisoners; which gave a revival to many, and raised expectation of a return. These visits from New-England to Canada so often, greatly strengthened many who were ready to saint; and gave some check to the de­signs of the Papists to gain proselytes. But God's time of deliverance was not yet come: As to some particular persons, their temptations and trials were increas­ed; and some abused because they re­fused compliance with their superstitions. A young woman of our town met with a [Page 65] new trial: For one day a Frenchman came into the room where she was, and shewed her his beads, and boasted of them, putting them near to her; she knocked them out of his hands on the floor; for which she was beaten and threatened with death, and for some days imprisoned. I pleaded with God his overruling this first essay for the deliver­ance of some, as a pledge of the rest be­ing delivered in due time. I implored Capt. de Beauville who had always been very friendly, to intercede with the gov­ernor for the return of my eldest daugh­ter; and for his purchasing my son Ste­phen, from the Indians at St. Francois fort; and for liberty to go up and see my chil­dren and neighbors at Montreal. Divine providence appeared to the moderating my afflictions, in that five English persons of our town were permitted to return with Capt. Livingston, among whom went my eldest daughter. And my son Stephen was redeemed and sent to live with me: He was almost quite naked, and very poor; he had suffered much among the Indians. One of the Jesuits took upon him, to come to the wigwam, and whip [Page 66] him, on some complaints that the Squaws had made, that he did not work enough for them. As to my petition for going up to Montreal, to see my children and neighbors, it was denied; as my former desire of coming up to the city before Capt. Livingston's coming, was. GOD granted me favor as to two of my peti­tions; but yet brought me by his grace to be willing, that he should glorify him­self in disposing of me and mine as he pleas­ed, and knew to be most for his glory. And almost always before any remarka­ble favor, I was brought to lie down at the foot of GOD, and made to be willing that GOD should govern the world, so as might be most for his own honor, and brought to resign all to his holy sovereign­ty. A frame of spirit when wrought in me by the Grace of GOD, giving the great­est content and satisfaction; and very of­ten a forerunner of the mercy asked of GOD, or a plain demonstration, that the not obtaining my request was best for me. I had no small refreshing, in having one of my children with me for four months. And the English were many of them strengthened with hopes, that the treaties [Page 67] betwixt the governments would issue in opening a door of escape for all.

In August, Mr. Dudley and Capt. Vetch, arrived, and great encouragements were given as to an exchange of all, in the spring of the year: and some few again were sent home; amongst whom I ob­tained leave to send my son Stephen.

[AT QUEBECK.]

Upon Mr. Dudley's and Capt. Vetch's petitioning, I was again permitted to go up to Quebeck; but disputing with a mend­icant Friar, who said, " He was an Eng­lishman sent from France, to endeavor the conversion of the English at Quebeck;" who arrived at Canada whilst our gentle­men were there: I was by the Priests means ordered again to return to Chateau­viche; and no other reason given, but be­cause I discoursed with that Priest, and their fear I should prevent his success a­mong the captives. But GOD shewed his dislike of such a persecuting spirit; for the very next day, which was Septem­ber 20. O. S. October 1st, N, S. the seminary, a very famous building, was most of it burnt down; occasioned by a join­er's letting a coal of fire drop down a­mong the shavings. The chappel in the [Page 68] Priests garden, and the great cross were burnt down; the library of the Priests burnt up: This seminary and another li­brary had been burnt but about three years before. The day after my being sent away by the Priests means from Quebeck at first, there was a thunder storm, and the lightning struck the seminary in the very place where the fire now began.

[AT GHATEAUVICHE.]

A little before Mr. Dudley's arrival, came a soldier into my landlord's house, barefoot and bareleg'd, going on a pil­grimage to Saint Anne. For, said he, my captain, who died some years ago, appeared to me, and told me he was in purgatory; and said I must go a pilgrimage to Saint Anne, doing penance, and get a mass said for him, and then he should be delivered. And many believed it, and were much affected with it; and came and told me of it, to gain my credit of their devised purgatory: The soldier told me the Priests had coun­selled him to undertake this pilgrimage, and I am apt to think, ordered his calling in at my landlord's, that I might see and speak with him. I laughed at the con­ceit, that a soldier must be pitched upon to be sent on this errand; but they were [Page 69] much displeased, and lamented my obsti­nacy, in that I would not be reclaimed from a denial of purgatory, by such a mi­raculous providence.

As I was able, I spread the cause be­fore GOD, beseeching him to disappoint them in their expectations to proselyte a­ny of the captives by this stratagem; and by the goodness of GOD, it was not very serviceable: For the soldier's conversation was such, that several among the French themselves, judged it to be a forgery. And though the captain spoken of, was the governor's lady's brother, I never more heard any concernment or care to get him out of purgatory.

One of the parish where I lived, told me, That on the twenty second of July, 1705, he was at Quebeck, at the mendi­cant Friars church, on one of their feast days, in honor of a great saint of their or­der, and that at five o'clock mass in the morning, near two hundred persons being present, a great grey cat broke or pushed a­side some glass, entered into the church, and passed along near the altar, and put out five or six candles that were burning; and that no one could tell which way the cat went out: And he thought it was the devil.

[AT QUEBECK.]

When I was in the city in September, I saw two English maids who had lived with the Indians a long time. They told me that an Indian had died at the place where they were, and that when sundry of his relations were together, in order to at­tend his funeral, the dead arose and in­formed them, "That at his death he went to hell, and there he saw all the Indians that had been dead since their embracing the Popish religion; and warned them to leave it off, or they would be damned too;" and laid down dead again. They said the Indians were frightened, and very mel­ancholy: but the Jesuits to whom they told this, told them it was only a delusion of the devil, to draw them away from the true religion; adding, That he knew for certain, that all those Indians who had been dead, spoken of by that Indian, were in heaven, only one squaw was gone to hell, who died without baptism. These maids said also, that many of the Indians much lamented their making a war against the English, at the instigation of the French.

[AT CHATEAUVICHE.]

The Priests, after Mr. Dudley's going from Canada, were ready to think their [Page 71] time was short for gaining English prose­lytes, and doubled their diligence and wiles, to gain over persons to their persua­sion. I improved all opportunities I could, to write to the English, that in that way I might be serviceable to them. But many or most of my letters treating about reli­gion, were intercepted, and burnt. I had a letter sent down to me by order of the governor, that I had liberty of writing to my children and friends, which should be continued; provided I wrote about indif­ferent things, and said nothing in them a­bout the points in controversy between them and us: And if I was so hardy as to write letters otherwise, they should en­deavor to prevent their being delivered. Accordingly I found many of them were burnt. Sometimes notice would be giv­en to the English, that they were burnt; so that their writing was somewhat useful, though never perused by the English, be­cause they judged those letters condemned Popery. Many of our letters written from New-England were never delivered, be­cause of some expressions about religion in them. And as I said before, after Mr. Dudley's departure from Quebeck, endeavors were very vigorous to seduce. Some [Page 72] were flattered with large promises, others were threatened and beaten, because they would not turn. And when two Eng­lish, women, who had always opposed their religion, were sick in the hospital, they kept with them night and day, till they died, and their friends were kept from coming to visit them: After their death, they gave out that they died in the Rom­ish Faith, and were received into their communion. Before their death masses were said for them, and they were buried in the church yard, with all their ceremo­nies. And after this, letters were sent in­to all parts to inform the English that these two women turned to their religion before their death, and that it concerned them to follow their example; for they could not be more obstinate than those women were in their health, against the Romish Faith, and yet on a death-bed they embraced it. They told the English who lived near, That our religion was a dangerous religion to die in. But I shall hereafter relate the just grounds we have to think these things were falsehoods.

I was informed, there was an English girl bid to take and wear the cross, and cross herself: She refused; they threat­ened [Page 73] her, and shewed her the Cross. At length she had her choice, either to cross herself, and take the cross, or be whipt, she chose to be whipt; and they took up her clothes, and made as tho' they would correct her; but seeing her choosing in­deed to suffer rather than comply, they desisted and tied the Cross about her neck. Some were taken and shut up among the religious, and all sorts of means used to gain them.

I received a letter from one of my neighbors, wherein he thus bewails: ‘I obtained leave of my master to go to the Ma [...]qua fort to see my children, that I had not seen for a long time: I carried a letter from my master, to shew that I had leave to come. When I came to the sort, I heard that one of my children was in the woods. I went to see a boy I had there, who lived with one of the Jesuits; I had just asked him of his welfare, he said his master would come presently, he durst not stay to speak with me now, being in such awe of his master. On which I withdrew, and when his mas­ter came in, I went and asked leave of him to speak with my child, and shewed [Page 74] him my letter. But he absolutely refus­ed to let me see or speak with him; and said, I had brought no letter from the governor, and would not permit me to stay in the fort, though I had travelled on foot near fifty miles for no other er­rand than to see and speak with my chil­dren.’

The same person, with another English­man, last spring, obtained leave of the gov­ernor general, to go to the same fort on the fame errand, and carried letters from the governor to the Jesuits, that he might be permitted to speak with his children. The letter was delivered to the Jesuits; who told him, his son was not at home, but gone a hunting. Whereas he was hid from them, as he heard afterwards, so the poor man lost his labour a second time. These men say, that when they returned to Montreal, one Laland, who was appoint­ed as a spy, always to observe the motions of the English, told them, that one of the Jesuits had come in before them, and had told the governor that the lad was gone a hunting; and that the Englishman who accompanied this poor man, went out in­to the woods in hopes of finding the lad, and saw him, but the lad run away, and [Page 75] that he followed him and called after him, but he would not stop; but holding out a gun, threatened to shoot him down, if he followed him, and so he was discour­aged, and turned back. And says LA­LAND, you will never leave going to see your children and neighbors, till some of you are killed. But the men told him, it was an absolute lie, let who would report it; for they had neither seen the lad, nor did they go into the woods to search after him. They judge this was told to the governor, to prevent any English for the future go­ing no see their children and neighbors. Some of ours say, they have been little better than absolutely promised, to have their children who are among the Savages, in case they themselves would embrace Popery. And that the Priests had said, They had rather the children should be among the Indians, as they were, than be brought out by the French, and so be in a readiness to return for New-England.

A maid of our town was put into a re­ligious house among the Nuns, for more than two years, and all sorts of means, by flatteries, threatenings and abusive carriage used to bring her to turn. They of­fered her money, which when refused, es­pecially [Page 76] the latter part of the time, they threatened her very much; sent for her before them, commanded her to cross her­self. She refused, they hit her a box on the ear; bid her again, still she refused. They ordered a rod with six branches full of knots to be brought; and when she refused, they struck her on the hands, still renewing their commands; and she stood to her refusals, till her hands were filled with wales, with the blows. But one said, beat her no more, we will give her to the Indians, if she will not turn. They pinch­ed her arms till they were black and blue; and made her go into their church; and because she would not cross herself, struck her several blows with their hands on her face. A Squaw was brought in and said, She was sent in to fetch her to the INDIANS; but she refused; the Squaw went away, and said, She would bring her husband with her tomorrow, and she should be carried a­way by force. She told me, she remem­bered what I told her one day, after the Nuns had threatened to give her away to the Indians; that they only said so to af­fright her, that they never would give her away. The Nuns told her, She should not be permitted any more to speak to the English; [Page 77] and that they would afflict her without giving her any rest, if she refused: But GOD pre­served her from falling. This poor girl had many prayers going up to heaven for her, daily, and by name, because her tri­als were more known to the English, than the trials of others, who lived, more re­mote from them.

Here might be an history by itself, of the trials and sufferings of many of our children, and young ones, who have been abused, and after separation from grown persons, made to do as they would have them.

I shall here give an account of what was done to one of my children, a boy between fifteen and sixteen years of age, two hundred miles distant from me, which occasioned a grief and sorrow, that I want words to utter; and yet was kept under such awe, that he never durst write any thing to me, for fear of being discovered in writing about religion. They threat­ened to put him to the Indians again, if he would not turn; telling him, He was nev­er bought out of their hands, but only sojourn­ed with them, but if he would turn, he should never be put into their hands any more. The [Page 78] Priests would spend whole days in urging him. He was sent to school to learn to read and write French; the school master sometimes flattered him with promises, if he would cross himself, then threatened him if he would not. But when he saw flattering promises of rewards, and threat­enings were ineffectual, he struck him with a stick he had in his hand; and when he saw that would not do, he made him get down on his knees about an hour, and then came and bid him make the sign of the cross, and that without any delay; he still refused. Then he gave him a couple of strokes with a whip he had in his hand; which whip had three branches, and about twelve great knots tied to it: And again bid him make the sign of the cross; and if it was any sin, he would bear it himself; and said also, You are a­fraid you shall be changed if you do it; but (said he) you will be the same, your fingers wont be changed. And after he had made him shed many tears, under his abuses and threatenings, he told him, He would have it done: And so through cowardice and fear of the whip, he made the sign, and did so for several days together, and with much ado, he was first brought to cross himself, [Page 79] and then the master told him, He would have it done without his particular biding him. And when he came to say his lesson, and crossed not himself, the master said, Have you forgot what I bid you do? No Sir, said he: Then the school master said, Down on your knees; and so kept him for an hour and an half, till school was done; and so did for about a week. When he saw this would not do, he took the whip, What wont you do it, (said he) I will make you; and so again frightened him to a compli­ance. After this, commanded him to go to church: When he refused, he told him, he would make him: And one morning sent four of the biggest boys of the school, to draw him by force to mass. These, with other severities, and witty stratagems were used; and I utterly ignorant of any attempt made upon him, to bring him to change his religion. His fear was such, that he never durst write any of these things, lest his letters should fall into their hands, and he should again be delivered to the Indians. Hearing of an opportuni­ty of writing to him by one of the parish where I was, going up to Montreal, I wrote a letter to him, and had by him a [Page 80] letter from my son, which I shall here in­sert.

I HAVE here transcribed the letter in the very words of it, without the least al­teration: The same in substance was sent to several other captives. When I had this letter, I presently knew it to be of Mr. Meriel's composing; but the mes­senger who brought the letter, brought word that my son had embraced their re­ligion. Afterwards, when some blamed him for letting me know of it, because (they said) they feared my sorrow would shorten my days; he told me he thought with himself, that if he was in my case, he should be willing to know the worst, and therefore told me as he would have de­sired to have known if in my place. I [Page 85] thanked him, acknowledging it a favour to let me know of it: But the news was ready to overwhelm me with grief and sorrow. I made my complaint to GOD, and mourned before him; sorrow and anguish took hold upon me. I asked of GOD, to di­rect me what to do, and how to write, and find out an opportunity of conveying a letter to him; and committed this diffi­culty to his providence. I now found a greater opposition to a patient, quiet, humble resignation to the will of GOD, than I should otherwise have known, if not so tried. Here I thought of my af­flictions and trials; my wife and two chil­dren killed, and many of my neighbors; and myself, and so many of my children and friends in a Popish captivity, separated from our children, not capable to come to them to instruct them in the way they ought to go; and cunning, crafty enemies, using all their subtilty to insinuate into young ones, such principles as would be perni­cious. I thought with myself how hap­py many others were, in that they had their children with them, under all ad­vantages to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord; whilst we [Page 86] were separated one from another, and our children in great peril of embracing dam­nable doctrines. Oh! that all parents who read this history, would bless GOD for the advantages they have of educating their children, and faithfully improve it! I mourned when I thought with myself, that I had one child with the Macquas, a second turned to Popery, and a little child of six years of age, in danger from a child to be instructed in Popery; and knew full well, that all endeavours would be used to prevent my seeing or speaking with them. But in the midst of all these, GOD gave me a secret hope, that he would magnify his power and free grace, and disappoint all their crafty designs. When I looked on the right hand, and on the left, all refuge failed, and none shewed any care for my soul. But GOD brought that word to uphold me, who is able to do exceeding abundantly above what we can ask or think. As also that, Is any thing too hard for God? I pray­ed to GOD to direct me; and wrote very short the first time, and in general terms, fearing lest if I should write about things in controversy, my letter would come to him. I therefore addressed him with the following letter:

WHAT I mournfully wrote, I fol­lowed with my poor cries to GOD in heav­en, to make effectual, to cause in him a consideration of what he had done. GOD saw what a proud heart I had, and what need I had to be so answered out of the whirlwind, that I might be humbled be­fore [Page 89] him. Not having any answer to my letter for some weeks, I wrote the follow­ing letter, as I was enabled of GOD, and sent to him by a faithful hand; which by the blessing of GOD, was made effectual for his good, and the good of others, who had fallen to Popery; and for the establishing and strengthening of others to resist the es­says of the adversary to truth. GOD brought good out of this evil, and made what was designed to promote their inter­est, an occasion of shame to them.

[Page 109] GOD who is gloriously free and rich in his grace to vile sinners, was pleased to bless poor and weak means for the recovery of my child so taken, and gave me to see that he did not say to the house of Jacob, Seek you me in vain. Oh! that every reader would in every difficulty make him their refuge; he is an hopeful stay. To alleviate my sorrow, I received the following letter in answer to mine:

THIS Priest, Mr. Meriel, has brought many letters to him, and bid him write them over and send them, and so he has done for many others. By this, as also by Mrs. Stilson's saying, ‘She does not think that either of these women did change their religion before their death;’ and also, ‘that oftentimes during their sickness, whilst they had the use of their reason, they protested against the Romish reli­gion [Page 111] and faith,’ it is evident that these women never died Papists, but that it was a willy stratagem of the Priests to advance their religion, for letters were sent imme­diately after their death, to use this as a persuasive argument to gain others; but GOD in his providence gave farther con­victions of their fallaciousness in this mat­ter.

For the last summer, one Biggilow from Marlborough, a captive at Montreal, was very sick in the hospital, and in the judgment of all, with a sickness to death. Then the Priests and others gave out, that he was turned to be of their religion, and taken into their communion: But contrary to their expectation, he was brought back from the gates of death, and would comply with none of their rites; saying, ‘that whilst he had the use of his reason, he never spake any thing in favor of their religion; and that he never disowned the Protestant Faith, nor would he now:’ So that they were silenced and put to shame. There is no reason to think that these two women were any more Papists than he; but they are dead and cannot speak. One of the witnesses spoken of in the be­forementioned [Page 112] letters, told me, "she knew of no such thing," and said, "Mr. Meriel told her, that he never heard a ‘more fervent and affectionate prayer than one which Esther Jones made a lit­tle before her death.’ I am verily per­suaded, that he calls that prayer to God so full of affection and ferver, ‘the con­fession made by her of the sins of her whole life.’ These two women always in their health, and so in their sickness, op­posed all Popish principles, as all that knew them can testify, so long as they could be permitted to go and speak to them. One of these women was taken from the east­ward, and the other, namely, Esther Jones, from Northampton.

[AT QUEBECK.]

In the beginning of March, 1706, Mr. Shelden came again to Canada, with letters form his excellency our Governor, at which time I was a few days at Quebeck. And when I was there, one night about ten o'clock, there was an earthquake, that made a report like a cannon, and made the houses to tremble: It was heard and felt many leagues, all along the island of St. Lawrence, and other places. When Mr. Shelden came the second time, the [Page 113] adversaries did what they could to retard the time of our return, to gain time to seduce our young ones to Popery. Such were sent away who were ungainable, and most of the younger sort still kept. Some still flattered with promises of reward, and essays were made to get others married a­mong them. One was debauched, and then in twenty four hours of time, publish­ed, taken into their communion and mar­ried; but the poor soul has had time since to lament her sin and folly, with a bitter cry; and asks your prayers, that God of his sovereign grace would yet bring her out of the horrible pit, she has thrown herself into. Her name was Rachel Storer, of Wells.

In April, one Zebediah Williams, of Deer­field, died: He was a very hopeful and pious young man, who carried himself so in his captivity, as to edify several of the English; and recover one fallen to Pope­ry, taken the last war; tho' some were enraged against him on these accounts; yet even the French where he sojourned, and with whom he conversed, would say he was a good man: One that was very prayerful to God, and studious and pain­ful [Page 114] in reading the holy scriptures: A man of a good understanding, a desirable con­versation. In the beginning of his last sickness he made me a visit, (before he went to the hospital at Quebeck,) as he had several times before, to my great sat­isfaction, and our mutual consolation and comfort in our captivity: He lived not above two miles from me over the river, at the island of St. Lawrence about six weeks or two months. After his death the French told me Zebediah was gone to hell, and damned: For, said they, he has appeared since his death, to one Joseph Egerly, an Englishman who was taken the last war, in flaming fire, telling him, ‘He was damned for refusing to embrace the Romish religion, when such pains were used to bring him to the true faith; and for being instrumental to draw him away from the Romish Communion, forsak­ing the Mass; and was therefore now come to advertise him of his danger!’ I told them I judged it to be a popish lie; saying, I bless God our religion needs no lies to uphold, maintain and establish it, as theirs did. But they affirmed it to be true, telling me how God approved of their religion, and witnessed miraculous­ly [Page 115] against ours. But I still told them, I was persuaded his soul was in heaven, and that their reports were only devised fables to seduce souls. For several weeks they af­firmed it, telling me, ‘That all who came over the river from the island affirmed it to be a truth,’ I begged of God to blast this hellish design of theirs; so that in the issue it might be to render their re­ligion more abominable, and that they might not gain one soul by such a strata­gem. After some weeks had passed in such assertions, there came one into my landlord's house, affirming it to be a truth reported of Zebediah; saying, ‘ Joseph Eg­erly had been over the river and told one of our neighbors this story,’ After a few hours I saw that neighbor, and asked him, whether he had seen Egerly lately? he said, Yes; What news told he you? None, said he. Then I told him what was af­firmed as a truth; he answered, ‘ Egerly said nothing like this to him, and he was persuaded that he would have told him, if there had been any truth in it.’ About a week after came one John Boult from the island of St. Lawrence, a lad taken from Newfoundland, a very serious, sober lad, of about seventeen years of age: He had of­ten [Page 116] before come over with Zebediah to vis­it me. At his coming in he much lament­ed the loss of Zebediah; and told me, ‘That for several weeks they had told him the same story, affirming it to be a truth, and that Egerly was so awakened by it, as to go again to mass every day;’ urging him, ‘since GOD in such a mirac­ulous way offered such conviction of the truth of their religion, and the false­hood and danger of ours, to come over to their religion, or else his damnation would be dreadfully aggravated.’ He said, ‘ He could have no rest for them day and night;’ but (said he) ‘ I told them their religion was contrary to the WORD of GOD, and therefore I would not em­brace it; and that I did not believe what they said.’ And says he to me, ‘One day I was sitting in the house, and E­gerly came in, and I spake to him before the whole family, (in the French tongue, for he could not speak much English) and asked him of this story:’ He an­swered, It is a great falsehood, saying, he never appeared to me, nor have I ever re­ported any such thing to any body; and that he had never been at the mass since Zebedi­ah's death. At the hearing of which, they [Page 117] were silenced and put to shame. We blessed GOD together, for discovering their wickedness, and disappointing them in what they aimed at; and prayed to GOD to deliver us and all the captives from delusions, and recover them who had fallen, and so parted. After which I took my pen and wrote a letter to one Samuel Hill, an English captive, taken from Wells, who lived at Quebeck, and his brother Ebenezer Hill, to make a dis­covery of this lying plot, to warn them of their danger, and assure them of the falshood of this report; but the letter fell into the hands of the Priests, and was nev­er delivered. This Egerly came home with us, so that they gained nothing but shame by their stratagem: God often dis­appoints the crafty devices of wicked men.

In the latter end of summer, they told me, ‘they had news from New-England, by one who had been a captive at Bos­ton, who said that the ministers at Bos­ton had told the French captives, that the protestant religion was the only true religion; and that as a confirmation of it, they would raise a dead person to life before their eyes, for their convic­tion; and that having persuaded one to [Page 118] feign himself dead, they came and pray­ed over him, and then commanded him in the name of Christ (whose religion they kept pure) to arise; they called and commanded, but he never arose; so that instead of raising the dead, they killed the living, which the bereaved relations discovered.’ I told them, ‘ It was an old lie and calumny against Luther and Calvin, new vamped, and that they only change the persons and place;’ but they affirmed it to be a truth; I told them, ‘ I wondered they were so fond of a faith prop­agated, and then maintained by lying words.’

We were always out of hopes of being returned before winter, the season prov­ing so cold the latter end of September, and were praying to GOD to prepare our hearts with an holy submission to his holy will, to glorify his holy name in a way of passive obedience, in the winter. For my own part, I was informed by several who came from the city, that the Lord Intendant said, if More returned, and brought word that Battis was in prison, he would put me in prison, and lay me in irons. They would not permit me to go into the city, saying, I always did harm [Page 119] when I came to the city, and if at any time I was at the city, they would persuade the governor to send me back again.

In the beginning of last June, the Su­perior of the Priests came to the parish where I was, and told me, ‘He saw I wanted my friend, captain de Beauville, and that I was ragged:’ But says he, ‘Your obstinacy against our religion, discourages us from providing better clothes;’ I told him, ‘ It was better go­ing in a ragged coat, than with a ragged conscience.’

In the beginning of last June, went out an army of five hundred Macquas and In­dians, with an intention to have fallen on some English towns down Connecticut riv­er, but lighting on a Scatacook Indian, who afterwards ran away in the night, they were discouraged; saying, He would a­larm the whole country. About fifty, as some say, or eighty, as others, returned: Thus GOD restrained their wrath.

When they were promising themselves another winter, to draw away the English to Popery, news came that an English brigantine was coming; and that the honourable Capt. Samuel Appleton, Esq. was coming ambassador, to fetch off the [Page 120] captives, and Capt. John Bonner with him▪ I cannot tell you how the clergy and oth­ers, laboured to stop many of the prison­ers: To some liberty, to some money, and yearly pensions were offered, if they would stay. Some they urged to tarry at least till the spring of the year; telling them, it was so late in the year, they would be lost by shipwreck, if they went now; some younger ones they told, if they went home they would be damned and burnt in hell forever, to affright them; day and night they were urging them to stay. And I was threatened to be sent aboard, without a permission to come ashore again, if I should again discourse with any of the English, who were turned to their religion: At Montreal especially, all crafty endeav­ours were used to stay the English. They told my child, if he would stay, he should have an honourable pension from the king every year, and that his master, who was and old man, and the richest in Can­ada, would give him a great deal; telling him if he returned, he would be poor, for (said they) your father is poor, has lost all his estate, it was all burnt; but he would not be prevailed with to stay. And others were also in like manner urged to [Page 121] stay; but God graciously brake the snare, and brought them out. They endeavour­ed in the Fall of the year, to prevail with my son to go to France, when they saw he would not come to their communion any more. One woman belonging to the eastern parts, who had by their per­suasions, married an English captive taken the last war, came away with her husband, which made them say, they were sorry they ever persuaded her to turn to their religion, and then to marry; for instead of advancing their cause by it, they had weakened it; for now they had not only lost her, but another they thought they had made sure of. Another woman be­longing to the eastward, who had been flattered to their religion, to whom a Bi­ble was denied till she promised to em­brace their religion, and then had the promise of it for a little time; opening her Bible whilst in the church and pres­ent at mass, she read the fourth chapter of Deuteronomy, and received such conviction whilst reading, that before her first com­munion she fell off from them, and could never be prevailed with any more to be of their religion.

[Page 122] We have reason to bless GOD, who has wrought deliverance for so many; and yet pray to GOD for a door of escape, to be opened for the great number yet be­hind, not much short of an hundred; many of which are children, and of these not a few among the savages, and having forgot the English tongue, will be lost, and turn savages also in a little time, unless something extraordinary prevent.

The vessel that came for us, in its voyage to Canada, struck on a bar of sands, and there lay in very great hazard for four tides; and yet they saw reason to bless GOD for striking there; for had they got over that bar, they would at midnight in a storm of snow, have run upon a terrible ledge of rocks.

We came away from Quebeck, October 25; and by contrary winds, and a great storm, we were retarded, and then driv­en back nigh the city, and had a great deliverance from shipwreck, the vessel striking twice on a rock in that storm. But through GOD's goodness, we all arriv­ed in safety at Boston, November 21; the number of captives, fifty seven, two of which were my children. I have yet a daughter of ten years of age, and many [Page 123] neighbours, whose case bespeaks your compassion, and prayers to GOD, to gath­er them, being out casts ready to perish.

At our arrival at Boston, we found the kindnesses of the Lord in a wonderful manner, in GOD'S opening the hearts of many, to bless GOD with us and for us; wonderfully to give for our supplies in our needy state. We are under obliga­tion to praise GOD, for disposing of the hearts of so many to so great charity; and under great bonds to pray for a bless­ing on the heads, hearts and families of them, who so liberally and plentifully gave for our relief. It is certain, that the charity of the whole country of Cana­da, though moved with the doctrine of merit, does not come up to the charity of Boston alone, where notions of merits are rejected; but acts of charity performed out of a right christian spirit, from a spir­it of thankfulness to GOD, out of obedi­ence to GOD'S command, and unfeigned love and charity to them that are of the same family and household of faith. The Lord grant, that all who devise such liber­al things, may find the accomplishment of the promises made by GOD, in their [Page 124] own persons and theirs after them, from generation to generation.

I SHALL annex a short account, of the troubles beginning to arise in Can­ada. On May 16, arrived a canoe at Quebeck, that brought letters from Missis­sippi, written the May preceding; giving an account that the plague was there, and that one hundred and fifty French in a ve­ry little time had died of it; and that the savages, called the Lezilouways were very turbulent, and had with their arrows wounded a Jesuit in five places, and killed a Frenchman that waited on him. In Ju­ly, news came, that the nations up the river were engaged in a war, one against the other; and that the French living so a­mong them, and trading with them, were in great danger; that the Mitchel Macqui­nas had made war with the Mizianmies, and had killed a Mendicant Friar, and three other Frenchmen, and eleven savages, at a place called the Straits, where they are set­tling a garrison and place for traffic; the Michel Macquinas had taken sixteen Frenchmen prisoners, and burnt their trad­ing houses. These tidings made the French very full of perplexing troubles; [Page 125] but the Jesuits are endeavouring to paci­fy them; but the troubles when we came away, were rather increasing than lessen­ing; for the last letters from the French prisoners at Michel Macquina, report, That the savages had sent out two com­panies, one of an hundred and fifty, the other of an hundred and sixty, against the savages at the Straits; and they fear­ed, they would engage as well against the French as the Indians.