IT is the curse of the Age in which our Lot hath been cast, that not only men in general think less of those concerns which belong to their permanent tranquillity, than of the carking cares of gain: but, that a very large portion of society think not of them at all.

HENCE it arises, that the public concerns are swayed by characters and by circum­stances, grovelling and insignificant; that the most abject classes of society, give law to their masters; and that a progressive de­cline, marks, in painful traces, the funereal progress of our political career. We seem to have abandoned ourselves to the lethargy of the Sloth, and to have crept up the Tree of Apathy, where every murmur of every [Page 2]breeze excites a narrow and chilling dread lest our repose be for a moment annoyed. Our fears, our alarms, are all the emotions of an abject cowardice, impelled by strong circumstance to blink at danger, and then slinking into the former state of sluggishness 'till again roused by new excitements, fruit­less of all useful effect as the former. One call to action succeeds another in ineffectual round, for the last leaves us where we were found by the first.

FROM visionary dreams, from fantastic prognostications and golden hopes, we were roused by the phrenzy of the French Revo­lutionists, through the instrumentality of their Agent, Genet. A miracle, the forbear­ance of Robespierre, extricated us most un­fortunately from a dilemma, which it was hoped would terminate in a declaration of war on the part of that extraordinary mon­ster. But the whim of Robespierre, and our ill stars conjoined, cut us off from a con­tingency so devoutly to be wished: a con­tingency which must inevitably have pre­cluded [Page 3]all those unhappy calamities which have since been brought upon the country. But, this danger evaded, we slept again, as­sumed the wreath of Meconium, and aban­doned ourselves in such confidence to re­pose, as if security and thoughtlessness were the only attributes with which we were endowed, the only characteristics of our natures.

THE conceptions of illustrious men, of the nature of this extraordinary crisis, pre­sented an almost infinite variety. Perhaps, at this period, when from the long-past extinction of all passions connected with the point of time, there is the better chance for temperate judgment; it may be concluded, that the fever of liberty and equality raged too hotly in the veins of the people to ad­mit the only measure which, in the eye of wisdom, could have been deemed expedient, or adequate to the exigencies of that preg­nant crisis: it may be concluded, that the murder of the Monarch, with all its atten­dant circumstances of horror, at a time when [Page 4]Illuminism, and the invasions of barbarians, ^* had not steeled our sinews to the emotions of humanity, perhaps alone enabled the Ad­ministration of that day to carry into effect, even the Proclamation of Neutrality. Car­ried into effect, indeed, it never was; but it was borne, it was suffered to be promulged, with however great murmur, with however bitter execrations. Influenced by these considerations, which, it seems probable, an impartial posterity will recognize as unequi­vocal facts, this Act will justly be regarded as one of the most luminous points in the character of its great Author.

FROM the torpor which ensued upon the turbulence and conspiracies of Genet, we were again goaded into momentary "sensi­bility" by new turbulences and new conspi­racies, which being overcome, like the for­mer, by our singularly good or ill fortune, were eventually succeeded by actual hosti­lities [Page 5]and a declaration of war. A declara­tion of war against the Government, by the Minister at our Court, and his Administra­tion at home, and by the actual commence­ment of unequivocal hostilities upon the people, under the orders of the latter.

AFTER two years' hostilities, waged with remorseless persecution and cruelty, after in­numerable flagellations of our defenceless people, and numerous murders, after the loss of a thousand valuable merchantmen, and the extinction of that Character, under the auspices of which alone we could have acted with effect, and after the Government had kneeled again and gain, in the dirt, to lick the dust at the feet of low-bred up­starts, the people rose, and demanded war. A new system was put in force, and how wonderful, and how glorious were its ef­fects, until our Evil Genius administered a new potion of Mandragora, lulled the very soul of the country to sleep, and sunk every energy into a state of inexorable somno­lency.

[Page 6] As we have slept, and idly dreamed of peace, and repose and security, and Repub­lican millenarianism, new perils have sprung up from the fertile hot-bed of faction; and watered by the genial dews of demagogy, and cherished by the benignant sun of Phi­losophism, have taken deep root, to bring forth fruit abundantly.

As we have slept, we have been impas­sively borne along to the verge of a crisis, on the turn of which hangs no less a point than the fate of the whole community: and we are arrived nearly to the decision, with­out even a random effort to stay the plague which impends.

As we have slept, amidst the delusions of commissioners, assurances, negociations, and words and sounds and schemes, without meaning, and without other effect than to prolong our torpidity, the machinations of the servants of the enemy, have advanced to a violent probability of success, in their long contemplated project of obtaining pos­session [Page 7]of the Government of the country. A catastrophe at even the possibility of which, who is so infatuated as not to tremble?

BUT the success of Faction, in forcing down its Candidate upon the Public, is, as I promise myself hereaster to make apparent, but an insignificant means to a vast end.

THE universal end of Jacobinism, is the the overthrow of whatever good exists. With one consent, its disciples are, and have been, and ever will be, ready to exclaim,— Whatever is, is WRONG. ^* They are the footpads and the highwaymen of society, with whose existence, law and order and system are altogether incompatible; the scorpions, and adders of mankind, whose mortal ve­nom "holds such enmity with blood of man, that swift as quicksilver it courses through the natural gates and alleys of the body, and with a sudden vigour, it doth posset and [Page 8]curd, like eager droppings into milk, the thin and wholesome blood." Such is the general character of Jacobinism: Its spe­cial attributes and tendencies, vary with times, localities, and temperaments. The Jacobinism, or Anti-Foederalism, or True Americanism, or (according to the last di­stinction which it has assumed) the Republi­canism of America, took its origin at the establishment of the present Constitution of the United States, impropoperly denomi­nated Foederal.

THE Anti-Foederalists (the undoubted Jacobins of that day and of this) declared the Government contemplated by their po­litical opponents, to be monstrous ^* and im­practicable, and advocated a form of simple confederation in its stead.

[Page 9] THIS faction misrepresented in toto, the nature and form of the contemplated Insti­tution; since the Constitution of the United States possesses no one feature of a Foede­ral Government. On the contrary, it was the misery which the people had encounter­ed under their Foederal Government, which induced the abolition of that form and esta­blishment of the present.

THE Constitution of the United States, in its original form, (I mean, as it was even­tually adopted) contains in no instance any acknowledgment of the supremacy, of the lo­cal Governments. They are therein repeat­edly and expressly recognized as fiefs of the general supremacy, and as such are by that instrument holden to numerous feudal duties; but they are never recognized as paramount sovereignties, nor even as co-estates; So preposterous an idea never could arise in any other than the present ridiculous aera.

[Page 10] IN order to shew, more clearly, that the prevailing conceptions concerning the na­ture of the American Government are erro­neous, it is necessary to advert to the causes which gave birth to its establishment.

IN the course of this examination, it will as I think, very clearly appear, that the men denominated Jacobins, are the real Foe­deralists of the present day; and that the Constitutionalists, or friends to their coun­try, and its Government, as at first establish­ed, are unwittingly playing into the hands of their enemies, by contributing to the perpetration of a delusion, under colour of which the Faction are advancing into the seats of power.

THE cabalistic denomination of this sect, as well as any set of principles, by which they may affect at seasons to be governed, ought not to obtain the serious currency which they have at all times done. It is of no consequence, under what mask an assassin approaches us so that we recognize him an [Page 11]assassin: fair words, smooth pretensions, and hypocritical denominations, charm not the enmity of faction, and ought ne­ver to lull our apprehensions, or to di­vert our views from its invariable end. The Anti-Foederalist of 1789, opposed the Go­vernment because he thought it conducive to the happiness of the country, and the Ja­cobin or soi-disant Republican of the pre­sent day, acts precisely on the same princi­ples. In the eye of reflection, the charac­ters are completely identified.

THE condition of the country from the treaty of peace in 1783, to the year 1787, presented so melancholy a succession of disasters, of every kind, as to produce an uni­versal voice for a new Constitution. Under the Foederal Government, the people saw their trade declining almost to non-entity; they saw all public confidence and all cre­dit between man and man at an end, and they one and all despaired of any fa­vourable change under so untoward a sys­tem. They saw their Confederation whol­ly [Page 12]inadequate to the protection of its sub­jects, who were in great numbers

While the fire of revolt and rebellion had burst the cobweb barrier which restrained it, and threatened to devastate the prostrate land. With one consent, it was resolved to abolish that system so fertile in miseries, whatever other might be substituted.

IN fixing on a substitute, it was very obvious that vast difficulties were to be en­countered; by many they were feared even to be insurmountable.

THERE were to be conciliated, the great­est variety of jarring passions, principles and interests, that ever fell to the lot of men to encounter.

"IT was obviously impracticable," as the Convention who formed the Constitution, observe, "to secure all rights of Indepen­dant Sovereignty to each, and yet provide for [Page 13]the interest and safety of all." Therefore, "in all our deliberations," continue they, "we kept steadily in our view, that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true American, the CONSOLIDATION of our Union, in which is involved our Prosperity, Felicity, Safety, perhaps our National Ex­istence."

SUCH were the views which prevailed over the establishment of the Constitution of the United States. It was essentially and entirely an act of CONSOLIDATION, taking place of the act of Foederation, which had died of inanition.

WHILE these, the only proper and legi­timate conceptions of the nature of that In­strument, obtained, an uninterrupted tide of prosperity distinguished the public fortunes. Nor was it till that fatal breach was made in this barrier round the public weal, by which the States were made paramount Sovereignties, that faction ever attained that daring height which is almost instantly assu­med. [Page 14]No longer was there wanting to the Jacobins a point of rallying, no longer had any one to exclaim with Archimedes, [...] their indispensable passion for revolutionary movements, was confirmed on the most important basis, by this establishment of its practicability, and of the long desired means to their end.

WHILE there was but one Government in the country; while the States were re­garded but as so many Lieutenancies, or sub­ordinate divisions, suffered to exist in their ancient form, instead of being constituted counties, only from deference to prejudice; while, in fact, there was but one rallying point, and of course an unity of action, and an entirety of organization; the people revolted at the projects of revolutionizers when they dared, which indeed was then seldom, to carry their views, openly, to that extent. But, no sooner, was the foundation of the Constitution subverted, and the Governments of the country mul­tiplied to seventeen or eighteen, than Fac­tion [Page 15]immediately laid its axe at the root of the Constitution of the United States, and employed all its efforts to bring about the substitution of the State Governments in its stead; in other words, to revive the old Confederation. This proposition is to be found in very distinct terms in the writings of several of the party, and particularly in a work published at the southward, called "The Prospect before us."

This end they hope and mean to obtain through the instrumentality of the Candi­date whom they are seeking to exalt to the Chief Magistracy. His opinions on the sub­ject are before the world. These have es­sentially varied at different times, according to the different currents of public sentiment, of which he hath ever been a most obse­quious slave. At first, though he had thrown whatever influence he possessed into the scale of opposition to the New Constitution, he yet affected, in public, to be an admirer of that Instrument, to which he took no [Page 16]other exception than at the omission to in­corporate with it, a bill of rights.

BUT when we receive his opinion of the Constitution, through a medium exempt from this servile influence, we find it of a very different cast. When in the warmth of confidence, he writes of it what he thinks, we find him stigmatising that form, as the form of the odious Constitution of England. Its ties which he considers as Lilliputian "we" says he, "shall break."

IT is become a question, then, whether the Constitution of the United States shall stand, or whether we will quietly behold it subverted, and the organized anarchy of Federalism substituted. This is the simple point of contest between the two parties. We have most foolishly put it at issue; and it is with God only to grant us "a good deliverance."

IF the preceding views be correct, it is obvious that the distinctive appellations of [Page 17]the parties in this country are improper and absurd. It is true that mankind in all ages have been little influenced by reflec­tion in this regard; having in many instances adopted cabalistic distinctions from accident and often from the most ludicrous whim. Yet I think it as well at least to wear a cha­racteristic name as an unmeaning one, and better even an unmeaning one, than that which conveys a false meaning.

THE Foederalists it is to be assumed, de­sire that the Constitution of the United States may exist in its original, integral state of supremacy; that it may be in all cases, the Supreme Law of the Land, unaffected by the clashing of Local Interests, and uncontroul­ed by the operations of subordinate pow­ers. They are Constitutionalists, Ameri­cans, loyal to their country and to one another.

THE Democrats desire that the Consti­tution of the United States should be "dis­annulled"—they [Page 18]desire that condition of things, in which the total absence of order, may give "passage free" to the personal violences of their malignant passions, and to their thirst for power and for gold. They would revive the Confederation, and are indisputably Foederalists, without having Foe­deralism or any other object really at heart, any further than as a means of aggrandise­ment, a step by which to ascend the height of power.

WHAT is Foederalism? This is an en­quiry peculiarly necessary, notwithstanding the term has been in so common use for so many years. It may be denominated The State of Nature applied to Governments; and this perhaps is the ground of preference with those who call themselves Republicans, as they are ever ready to exclaim, with the illegitimate villain of Shakespeare,

[Page 19] BUT their Goddess of Nature is a New Deity and of the Modern Pantheon; and she resembles the image of a celebrated tyrant, in the remorseless cruelties and per­secutions which she has inflicted on man­kind, under the fair semblance of mildness and philanthropy.

Foederalism, or the quality of attach­ment to a Foederal form of Government, is surely the most trivial distinctive title of a party that was ever yet assumed: a man may be a Foederalist and Royalist, a Foederalist and Republican, or a Foederalist and an enemy to either Royalty or Republi­canism. There is no inconsistency in these characters, as has been exemplified in fact and experience. The consequence has been that the political adversaries of the men styling themselves Foederalists, have robbed them of their distinctive appellation, and they now act without any name, as they have long done without any fixed or defined principles either of morals or poli­ties: As the Cuckow creeps into the nest [Page 20]of a certain foolish bird, and ejects it and its offspring.

IN the distinctive appellations of parties in every age, we discern some meaning, some connection, more or less remote, be­tween the name and qualities of some cer­tain kind. This is obviously necessary, to prevent the dilemma alluded to above. It will be said that Foederalism denotes attach­ment to the Foederal Government, mean­ing the government of this country, and that, reaching this end, it is sufficiently defi­nite. The object to be defined, viz. at­tachment to the Government, is surely simple enough; but if, in attempting to define a definite object, a term so indefi­nite is made use of, as to be liable not only to perversions but misconstructions, the simplicity of the object itself is rendered of no avail; it might as well have been com­plex and abstruse.

THE Constitutionalist denominates him­self a Foederalist, and pronounces the attri­butes [Page 21]of Foederalism to be these or those. The Republican as loudly proclaims himself a Foederalist also, but his picture of the at­tributes of Foederalism is diametrically the reverse of the other. So opposite are the representations and the views of these two Foederalists, that the latter would (in the words of Mr. John Adams) incontinently "fine, imprison and hang his own brother" if a person of the former persuasion. The truth is, that the former, if he be a man of either sense or honesty, is not a Foederalist. No man can be a real friend to the Govern­ment of the United States, and a Foederal­ist, in the sense in which the term is ap­plied.

TO decide with more precision this question, it is worth while to attempt to at­tain a right understanding of the force and meaning of the term Foederal, in its fullest extent. The unequivocal derivation of the term, goes far to decide every question of its signification, and Foederation (a new root of the word, of American growth) [Page 22]may be asserted to extend no farther than to denote a league or covenant. Now a league or covenant may take place, either between individuals or bodies politic. The account of the combat between the Horatii and Curiatii, begins " Foedere icto, trigemini arma capiunt," and Otway makes his hero declare himself the " covenanted foe of Ve­nice." By construction, however, and by long usage, the application of the term Foederation has been restricted, and it may be said at present to apply only to leagues or covenants between States. And as we have never known the term to be applied to denote leagues or covenants between sepe­rate or independant States, it must be further restricted to leagues or covenants or associa­tions of different States forming one Nation.

NOW a league, whether between sepa­rate Nations, or different States of the same Nation is a temporary arrangement for the purpose of meeting some great emergency. uch was the league of the Grecian States against Philip, such also was was the league [Page 23]of the American States against Great Britain. As long as the league, commonly called the Old Confederation lasted, the United States were a Federation. But their fed­eralism merged in the Constitution of the United States.

FOEDERALISM, therefore, is a league be­tween different States of the same Nation, (as England, Scotland and Ireland) for tem­porary purposes: it is the Interregnum of Governments not Monarchical: and it al­ways implies the absence of settled Go­vernment.

I AM well aware that these uncontrover­tible truths will encounter vehement resis­tance from various classes of men. Those, who, ostentatious of their supposed politi­cal orthodoxy, carry their bawling Foede­ralism not only into the market place, but actually to market, will with much zeal pro­test against these opinions, so fatal to the craft by which they have their wealth. Nor will there be wanting the acrimonious taunts [Page 24]and jeers of those inclement spirits, who realizing these truths, dread from their pre­valence the defeat of their projects and the downfall of their power.

BUT truth will march onwards in her career, however interested ignorance and malice may oppose. While it may be al­lowed us to speak, we will with loud voice proclaim those truths which we deem to be useful; nor will their tendency to conciliate the applause or provoke the ill-will of the malignant and venomous sectaries of blind and brutal violence be at all enquired into.

WHILE, yet there is life, and while yet living, we have hope, it shall be endeavour­ed by active exertions to prolong that life, by exciting that hope to energetic action. To the friends of Government, it seems time to apply every effort that may tend to rouse them, to a sense of those dan­gers which surround them, of those conspi­racies which are unremittingly urged against their peace.

[Page 25] TOWARDS the remedy of an evil, tow­ards defence against any danger, it is a potent advance, that we acquire a know­ledge of its nature and extent. It is in this view that I have endeavoured to indicate what seem palpable to me, as the lines of di­rection which the Jacobin faction have al­ready taken, in their progress towards their vast and destructive end.

HAVING sufficiently shewn, by induction, that the purpose of abolishing the Constitu­tion of the United States and of Foederal­izing the country, is contemplated by the Jeffersonian party, it is worth while to en­quire into the consequences of a successful issue to their Foederalizing project.

THE inseparable concomitant of the abolition of the present form of Govern­ment, is the annihilation of its debt, should it even survive, which is doubtful, the election of Mr. J. The distress, the horrors attendant on the overthrow of the public credit, what mind is so callous [Page 26]to view with unconcern. Thus will your hearts, if they be made of penetrable stuff, be rent, with the sharp pangs of ancient gentlemen, a long train, worn down with sorrows and distresses, and decayed to a dependence on the pittance of their stake in the common fortune of the land—thus will your hearts, if not estranged from every touch of pity, bleed at the unuttera­ble woes of widows and orphans, stripped of the hardly-saved relics of happier days, or the acquisitions of long and painful toil;—thus, if the emotions of humanity be not expunged from your system, if your attri­butes be not denaturalized, and all the milk of human kindness turned to corroding gall, thus will your most poignant emotions rise, at the sight of maimed veterans strip­ped of the scanty means that kept their ho­norable scars from mendicancy, perishing in starvation, or bearing their mouthed wounds to challenge pity of the pityless. Gesrörn, like Pappenheim,—they will say ‘Ille et nefasto nos posuit die, opprobrium pagi.’

[Page 27] SUCH will be the dawn of the Sun of Foe­deralism: the malignant splendours of its advance towards a meridian must fructify every innoculation and graft of evil, that can disgust the wise or distress the good.

THE Constitution overthrown, and the debt abrogated, the new organization, un­der the Foederal Form, with perhaps so much of the French system engrafted there­on, as to provide some Consulates for the Chief and his Compeers, succeeds to that system under which we once had every the fairest chance of prosperity and happiness.

THE History of Foederalism, through every age, is one continued record of wretchedness and affliction. Calculated only for those great emergencies during which, the minds of men are super-natural­ly strained to a sort of ardor bordering on fury, if it be continued after that fury has declined, and the nerves have relaxed into their natural state of organization, such con­tinuance is unvaryingly followed by conse­quences [Page 28]of the most deplorable and often fatal nature. Seldom, indeed, have Confe­deracies of States, upon a similar footing to ours, frequent as they have been, terminated so successfully as in our case. Strangers to any unity of action, their devoted members have often fallen the miserable prey of corruption, and cabal.

EVEN from the imperfect and indistinct accounts which have been transmitted us of the fortunes of the ancient Confederacies, we may gather a summary of wretchedness more voluminous than the annals of unmix­ed Governments through long ages. In­stances unceasingly recur to our exasperat­ed observation, of revolts, riots and massa­cres; of corruption, treasons and speculations in Flour, of the most atrocious nature. The rebellion of the members against the body is continually acted over again, and we observe nothing settled but the propensity to disturbance, nothing per­manent but riot and ruin. At every step multiplied evidences crowd on us, of the [Page 29]impossibility of either natural or civil equal­ity; for the struggling equals are each in­cessantly aspiring to elevation, nor is any one ever content even with a benefit, unless it has had a larger share than the rest in producing it. The folly which induces men to reject the deductions of judgment from experience, here meets its destined expiation; the vanity of human nature here atones in misery, its weak and despi­cable passion; here it receives impressive lessons, written by the hand of violence in characters of blood.

THESE multiplied disorders and distress­es of Foederal Institutions, seem to have en­countered sufficient good sense in their day, to have produced the repudiation of such projects. Through many ages Foederalism was unknown. As the state of society changed from the stillness of more general dynasties to smaller divisions, and the mi­grations of whose nations altered by the influence of an altered soil and climate, formed various new nations, the subdivi­sions [Page 30]gave rise to wars of civilization against civilization, and the common cause of oppo­sition to barbarism, was sunk in subordinate hostilities. The confederacies of Germany, Switzerland, Holland and others of less im­portance, then arose. They arose, and more particularly the two last, in an exact­ly similar manner to that of the United States. The passion of mankind for change had burst forth in its full vigour, and from a state of subjection to one universal sove­reignty, men seemed to have become only anxious to multiply new sovereignties and to found new nations. It was a change for the better in almost every respect; it was favourable to civilization, freedom and science. It was above all favourable to ci­vil liberty, as it founded and confirmed a powerful balance, admirably fortified against the encroachments of violent ambition; a balance now effectually broken.

THE Confederacies of modern times, ex­hibit a picture still more deplorable than those of the ancients, because our opportu­nities [Page 31]of observation being more immediate are more intimately employed. Here we observe in specification, those minutiae of misery which a remote transmission had ex­cluded from our view. Here we observe fraud, violence and corruption en gros et en detail. In these vast Gymnasia, crowded with zealots infuriated to insanity, and with bigots infatuated to phrenzy, a continuous succession passes of every species of conten­tion and strife that can annoy men's present repose, or cut off their hope of future com­fort. Nor are these the worst aspects of confederate forms. Venality, and of course corruption, appear here to have reigned in full vigour. Not only individuals, but whole bodies have been bought and sold, with a profligacy unparalleled in other history. A low and deadly jealousy perpe­tually urges to multiplied embarrassments, and cuts off every shadow of harmony, while ambition inflates every evil propensi­ty to the utmost pitch of malice. Hence faction tears unceasingly, the quivering limbs of the victim, and it knows no inter­vals [Page 32]of repose from either present misery, or certain apprehension. A struggle for predominance generally commences at an early period, between the different members, and this struggle never fails to display all the worst passions of human nature in their worst forms. These struggles termi­nate in the preponderance of some one State, more fortunate than the rest, and they must be content to submit, in a condition bordering o servility, to its imperious man­dates: as in the instance of Berne in the Swiss Cantons, and of Holland in the Seven Provinces.

So abhorrent is equality to every impulse of human nature, that men are not only found restive under the application of this principle to them as individuals, but still more so in their political relations. Provi­dence hath wisely ordained a chain of grades and subordinacies, from the peasant to the peer, from the monarch to the collected majesty of all monarchs. It is the frequent office of philosophical arrogance to attempt [Page 33]the disarrangement of this beautiful system, by interposing the stumbling-blocks and the foolishness of infidelity, and the vile con­ceptions of mortal vanity. To the voice of philosophers, men have delighted more to listen than to the voice of that wisdom which is from on high: but as they have delighted to drink at the polluted streams of Sophistry rather than at the pure fountains of life, they have drank deep damnation to themselves and their posterity: as they have swerved from those maxims by which society had been wont to be held together—sanctified in their origin, and embalmed in every heart by their beneficent effects, men have unva­ryingly fallen off to that state in which the remembrance of refinement and the influ­ence of system exist but in projects for de­naturalizing mankind, and burying every wonted regulation of society under a mass of chaotic jargon.

GOVERNMENT is an entire thing: it is a system of influence, penetrating the obscu­rity of modest virtue, and the den of the [Page 34]the lurking conspirator,—encouraging and cheering, and praising and rewarding and promoting and blessing whatsoever things of goodness and of fair report come in con­tact with it; and stamping its seal of repro­bation or of excommunication upon every nascent principle of evil. A well ordered State is a flourishing Oak—the Constitution is its Trunk—its various ministers are the ramifications—each forming after its capaci­ty, a proper conduit, through which circulates the bounteous stream of the parent trunk, to the leaves and foliages; which like the diversified actors on the great theatre of life are perpetually coming on and going off, while the mutual dependance is admira­bly subserved by the superior permanency of the intermediate branches. The leaves periodically wither—but the trunk and its branches survive in unimpaired vigour and glory: the hand of violence may prune it of its branches—the dependant leaves then perish by the stroke; yet the Tree is still a Tree: but the blow which levels the trunk annihilates the whole together.

[Page 35] THE venerable parent Trunk, every half-lunatic quack and subaltern juggler, thinks he may now subject to his delirious incanta­tations. No unhappy metal hath been ever more tortured with fire, or the violence of iron, by crack-brained Chemists, hunting the Philosopher's Stone, than has the Constitution of almost every State, by the Talgols, Si­drophels and Wackums of the present age. They keep in the centre of the country, a vast Cauldron, which momentarily re­ceives supplies from a thousand contributary spells, in which are brewed together every possible ingredient of annoyance and mis­chief. When the charm is firm and good, it is their way to souse the unhappy victim into the fatal vortex. It expires in their hands, and in the act of bubbling over the dragons' scales, and wolves' teeth, and fenny snakes, and tygers' chaudrons, and adders' forks, and blind worms' stings, which now with

[Page 36] WITH infuriate and idiotic air, another description of beings exhibit an instrument with which they are desirous to divide the trunk into a multitude of equal parts, in or­der that it may the better accommodate their passion for variety by growing in new, vari­ous and excentric forms; and to gratify this propensity to change and novelty, are very content to risk its life.

IT is time, in the idea of Burke, to conse­crate the State. It is time to bestow on it whatever degree of venerability and sancti­ty it is capable of receiving, that the hand of innovation may be cast into the fire, as the hand of sacrilege and patricide. We have sailed round the world of novelty without making any discovery worth retaining, ex­cept that our discoveries are worthless. We have touched on island after island, we have discovered new rocks, new quicksands and new shoals, but we have discovered no new continent—we are yet afloat on a wide and procellose ocean. In a tone of much earnest­ness, [Page 37]and very serious anxiety, I would repeat the interrogation and exhortation of Horace ‘O Navis, referent in mare te novi Fluctus? ô quid agis? fortiter occupa Portum.’ It is indeed time to haul up the vessel, and to repair the ravages of tempests and whirl­winds; to secure a competent rudder, to repair the sails, and even the keel; instead of painting and patching over her defects, by arts which cannot content the wary, who confide nothing in gilded baubles.

POSTERITY will scarce believe, that with so many fatal examples before their eyes, and after the bloody tragedy of Foederalism acted in France, under their immediate ob­servation, a race of men could have been found, sufficiently stupid and sufficiently in­fatuated, to wish for a repetition of the pro­ject Yet such is the fact, and that man must be blind as ignorance itself, who does not perceive an intention to revive the sys­tem of Confederation, in the opinions and practices of the Democrats.

[Page 38] IT is this intention, evidently tantamount to an entire revolution, that the preceding pages are designed to expose, and if possible to defeat.