ON the eve of a day set apart for a literary feast of fat things, I have judged that a plain dish would be most acceptable. Indeed had it been assigned to me to speak to you of Greece and Rome; of the inexhaus­tible treasures of Hebrew, Greek, and Arabic, or to have discussed the height and diameter of the antedilu­vians, or to have explained the cause why a black man is not a white man, or why an an elm-tree does not bear apricots: you must have sat here in silence, and the spi­rit would never have moved me to address you. Avoid­ing literary discussion, I have selected as the theme of this occasion, THE EXTENT AND POWER OF POLITICAL DE­LUSION.

The character of delusion is most strongly marked at its first appearance in our world, when Satan ( cide­vant that old serpent, now called "the arch jacobin" ^*) practised his deceit on our federal mother, saying to her, "For God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, then shall your eyes be opened and ye shall be as gods knowing good and evil." In the work of deceit Satan has in all ages been uniform; he begins by quoting the knowledge of God in proof of that which is false; he wishes to persuade men to do that which they ought to avoid; he promises them good, and they suffer evil; those, who follow his advice, find the earth cursed for their sakes; thorns and thistles spring up in place of fruits and flowers; by the sweat of their faces they eat their bread, till they return to the ground; and as for Satan, sooner or later he appears to those, whom he has d [...]cived, literally cursed above all cattle. I shall now [Page 6]leave [...]a [...]n to that class of men, whose professional business is to detect his delusions, with this mark, that I dou [...] much whether they have rightly understood his policu [...] character.

The [...]gents of delusion are, the great, the wise, rich and mighty men of the world. These, acting with powers of substitution, are very sagacious in choosing, and successful in securing, fit instruments for their pur­poses. Delusion prepares his prime agents with charming outsides, engaging manners, powerful address and inex­haustible argument. He furnishes them with an accurate knowledge of the heart, and opens all the avenues to the passions.

The means of delusion are, uniformly the walking in a vain show, hypocrisy assuming the garb of religion, pride of meekness, knavery of honesty, ambition of patriotism. As a full assumption of character is neces­sary to success, and as delusion naturally over-acts, you find the greatest impostors in our world to have appeared more holy, meek, honest and patriotic than other men.

The object of delusion is, to gain the wealth, honors and favors of men by cheap, false and insidious means.

The subjects of delusion are, the laboring and subor­dinate people throughout the world. Their toil goes to support the splendor, luxury and vices of the deluders, or their blood flows to satiate lawless ambition. Nearly the whole of Africa and a considerable part of Asia, are subject to the delusions of Europe: slaves in im­mense troops must sweat under a scorching sun to bear or follow the palanquin of a lordly master: slaves by ship loads must be dragged from their homes to serve imperious tyrants; immense multitudes must be bowing to stocks and stones, or kneeling before images and lighted tapers, to gratisy the zeal of impostors.

The end of delusion is, the elevation of the deluders to a condition of power, splendor and infallibility, and the reduction of the deluded from knowledge to ignorance, [Page 7]from freedom to slavery, from wealth to want, from present enjoymen to a destitution of all things, and from future hopes to ceaseless doubt.

Having defined my subject I shall exclude from dis­cussion all ancient delusions, from a persuasion that to us the present moment, the present character of man, the present form and pressure of the times are infinitely more interesting than all the past.

I might have entertained you with some of the light skirmishes of delusion in the ordinary walks of life; but have preferred to lead you at once into the political field, where he brings into general action all his forces and displays all his character.

Having no leisure to make long porches, or to take by house-row, the measures of our government, I shall begin with the COMMERCIAL, SYSTEM, which, like a common hall, gives you access to all the rooms of the federal building.

When republicans ^* complain of a Navy, of diplo­matic corps, of Algerine tribute, or British treaty, the uniform reply of the agents of delusion is, "all these things are necessary to commerce, and commerce is the handmaid of industry; abridge our political arrangements, say they, and all your well-earned produce would perish— your ship-timber and ships would be of no value—your seamen would become towns-poor—your rope-walks go to decay, and your merchants become bankrupt!"

Now every well-informed merchant knows that there is not one word of truth in all this; yet as Delusion has forged the story for his benefit, he is disposed not to discredit it, and when such a plausible kind of things get a currency, they will pass like a well counterseited bill, till by accident the deceit is discovered, by which time the counterfeiter has gained all his ends. Every reflec­ting [Page 8]man knows that if the most worthless produce in the world will attract our vessels to the most distant ports, laden with the staples of this country, then these staples would, from their intrinsic and unfailing value, toge­ther with the profits of the carrying trade, invite the merchants of those ports to come and purchase of us. At our own doors we can make better bargains than abroad; we lose nothing by dangers of sea, wastage, casualties or bankruptcy; we receive every think at full weight and guage, and our articles are put off in the best possible order without any diminution.

But, if with free ports and commerce thus con­ducted, our merchants could not live, then they live now merely by virtue of certain advantages tendered to them by the government, every one of which takes a million of dollars out of your pockets in order to enable you to gain half a million in another way. If the car­rying trade is valuable, and we retaining this trade by political arrangements secure it to our merchants, and yet Spain, Holland and Great Britain are willing to ex­change their manufactures in their own ports for our produce, then surely our produce would be in high de­mand, and an object of supreme competition, if go­vernment would suffer the carrying trade to operate as a premium in favor of our market.

The fundamental proposition, viz. that separate from the present system, our articles would not be in market, is pointedly denied, and if this is false, the whole super­structure falls.

The real object is diametrically opposite to the osten­sible one. The agricultural interest, instead of being helped, is vitally attacked. This charming commercial system, so sedulously and artfully addressed to the yeo­manry of our country, is a system of indebtedness and eventual bankruptcy. Confining the carrying trade to ourselves, opens an infinite field of credit to the mer­chant, Millions of property, belonging to the farmers, [Page 9]must constantly be in the hands of the merchants; for if the avails of our produce are to come from all quar­ters of the globe, there must be an average credit given by the farmers till the returns can be made. This draws on to the water an immense quantity of property, and interests the farmers strongly in the success of the mer­chants whom they have trusted. This property on the water is within fiscal purview and control. Government has purposes to answer. The merchant is indirectly the collector of a great portion of the revenue. The mer­chant can lend ships and cargoes to government. The merchant can plan long, circuitous and hazardous voy­ages apparently at his own risque; but really at the risque of the farmer; for all losses must eventually fall on those who trust. These arrangements lead up great capitals in trade, great bankruptcies and great fortunes. They fill the sea with vessels and sailors, valuable auxiliaries and reverberators to a naval system. This last being calculated to protect the merchants, secures their perpe­tual attachment, and they freely advocate the extraordi­nary expenses of an armament. Their influence is thrown directly in the scale opposed to the farmer, and government has thereby secured a number of capital­ists to whom resort may be had in the day when grind­ing runs low at the treasury.

Before the adoption of this system silver and gold moved according to the laws of industry; but now banks are introduced, giving to paper a forced and unnatural circulation, taking the command of the medium of all business from the agricultural interest, ^* and yielding it wholly to the cominercial.

[Page 10] It is no wonder that in the complexity of this policy, the farmer is lost in the midst of paper bills, boundless credit, crouded harbors, princely estates, and made to cry out, O! the depth of the wisdom of administration! little dreaming that he has in fact paid and is paying an­nually the whole prosits of the carrying trade, the whole of the Algerine tribute, the expense of all commercial treaties—of all the consuls abroad—the amount of all the losses by sea—of all bad markets, and of all navy expenses—that the money, which he pays, suffers many sweatings before it gets to the treasury, and that what he does not pay is placed on interest, and that the land from which he raises this produce, which excites such a fatherly care of government, is pledged for the payment of princi­pal and interest, and that his children may always see the date and amount of the mortgage by calling on the sur­veyors of the revenue. Little short of miracle can re­deem men from such masterly strokes of delusion.

This mercantile system leads up an appearance of im­mense prosperity, the reality of which is eraftily ascribed to government; but individuals appear to the world most thrifty, when they are thriftily expending the price of their mortgaged estates: nations appear most busy and thriving in seasons of the greatest expense and pub­lic dissipation: for such occasions draw all the money into view and give it a rapid circulation. When a dollar changed owners once in a week it counted only for a dollar; but when by the magic power of a forced com­merce it changes owners an hundred times in a week it counts for an hundred dollars. If all the property of a town like this were to be transported every day through all the streets, there would be great commotion and a great show of business and wealth, and the gaping world might admire the thrift of the place and might lend mo­ney on the credit of it. Just like such a farce is that of the great public prosperity now enjoyed. The people are not more industrious than they were before the re­volution: [Page 11]they are certainly more extravagant, mort­gages abound more on the records— including public and private indebtedness, there never was a season before this when the people were so deeply involved. Burn all your paper-bills and your paper evidences of debt, public and private, worlds full of which would not add one cent to the real wealth of any country, or collect the debts evidenced by these papers, and which now lie as a heavy weight on the houses, lands and industry of the people, and this vision of prosperity would vanish: but this delusion answers the political purposes of unsettling the public mind, of destroying frigid ideas of economy, and of making tolerable many public projections, which otherwise would be detested.

This commercial system presents to the world an im­mense tonnage, which not only fortifies the appearance of prosperity; but affords employment to a numerous class of men on land, who must feel grateful for a system which yields them wealth; and it employs a number of masters and mates, who must kiss the hand which feeds them; and sailors, who are most valuable astringents in the ingredient of power, and may answer for lining to wooden walls: and delusion whispers that by these things all the money is saved among ourselves. Though this is among Delusion's weak tricks, yet it is too often successful. It has been well said that it will cost two ducats to keep one in prison. To the man, who is able to pay for money, it matters not whether that which is to fill his coffers be now in his own town, or in Madrid or Canton: his industry will draw in from the ends of the earth. If we lived on an isthmus or an island, the suggestion of saving the money might be more plausible; but living in a country of immense extent, capable of employing more than ten times its number of inhabi­tants, capable of infinite internal defence, and of keep­ing tributary to us all nations so long as natural or arti­ficial wants shall be known in the world, it is an idle [Page 12]suggestion—and the time will come, when it will be hard to make the readers of history believe that Americans in the infancy of society, of settlement and agriculture, did seriously undertake to fight their way through nations, whom they could not buy nor bribe, to carry the ne­cessaries of life to the men of those nations who were perishing for the want of them, and then with a return-cargo of far less useful produce to fight their way home again—and that all this was done with the full and free consent of the men who raised the exports, and who could have sold them without hazard for a better price at their own doors.

Commerce, aided by banks, draws property into the hands of men without the medium of industry. Such men not knowing the earning of money are adventur­ous and extravagant. They become embarrassed—and nearly one half of the people in our populous cities are running after the other half in consequence of this em­barrassment. The debtor walks quick when he is avoid­ing his creditor. The creditor moves quick after him. The bankrupt sells rapidly his stock on hand. The vendue rooms receive the refuse. These are domestic scenes of prosperity! On the water we are losing ships and cargoes and lives, and to foreign courts are dancing attendance or paying tribute for these privileges.

On this commercial subject delusion is strong; it presents imaginary advantages, demonstrable on paper, but false in fact, and these can be presented in every variety and succession. Impressions are easily made: loss or gain equally stimulate the spirit of adventure. Commerce draws into its vortex one class of men after another, and when the farming interest yields decidedly to this fascinating system, but a few years elapse before commerce commands all the wealth of the country. A navy becomes necessary, and the same necessity which last year led up sloops of war, this year leads up frigates, and the next ships of the line; sloops can only beat off [Page 13]gun-boats; frigates and ships can only meet equal guns: the principle of power demands that we be the most powerful; increased debt and taxes are inevitable: the enormous expense of supporting a navy ^* justifies other enormous expenses. When a national debt is beyond redemption, the addition of a few millions is of little moment; it lightens the burden of the present genera­tion; they and their taskmasters will soon be out of the region of murmuring. The next generation will open their eyes on a bright sun—fertile country—splendid cities—national debt—and though they may wonder for a time at the artificial evils of society; yet they will surely have philosophy enough, [...] compose themselves under calamities which they cannot avoid, and to con­sider it as the lot of man that the evil shall be set over against the good, that man may literally find nothing after him. In that day the principles of our revolution will be either forgotten, or considered as the ravings of visionaries; the systems of great nations will be adopted in their extent. In that day will be no murmuring de­mocrats, no deadly disorganizers: government will move strong, as did the Church of Rome, when the tortures of the Inquisition could supply the place of convincing argument, and the thunders of heaven be hurled at pleasure on the devoted heads of heretics.

[...] the merchants, can you support commerce and pa [...]e expences of its protection? They will readily answer, no. Then it is clear that commerce is not paying for itself; the people are paying for it more than it is worth; but the system of naval defence secures the mercantile interest; the clergy are gained by the consi­dence reposed in them and the smiles which they get for [Page 14]their influence; the army and government printers and collectors and officers of all descriptions are secured by the treasury—and to support all these establishments, you, the people of the United States, have been paying more than 20,000 dollars a day ever since the new go­vernment has been in operation; that is in eleven years you have paid more than eighty-three millions of dol­lars, and in the present year it is costing you more than 1,700 dollars an hour to support the public burdens. It goes from you in cents and small change, and the re­turn of expenditures is in gross millions. The Presi­dent's salary and the compensation to members of Con­gress, so often complained of form but a very small part of the bill. The federal city, begun on a system ri­valling in expense and magnificence ancient Babylon, has been a sink for your money. The military estab­lishment and navy are immensely expensive. ^* Your great men abroad need some pocket money. The Dey of Algiers can account for 24,000 dollars a year beside the frigate Crescent and some extras. Should you get involved in war, imperious necessity would demand new loans. Your houses and lands are appraised; you have paid one ground-rent for them, and they will be good security for any additional debt. The present system of measures will lead to war. You cannot keep a navy long afloat without receiving insults or provoking hos­tilities. You cannot mix with foreign courts and avoid foreign policy. When causes of discontent increase, ministers have found it their interest to engage directly in war. During the season of war, the minister has an army and navy at command—war requires expense, hushes clamor and veils in mystery all cabinet measures. I shall now open to you the appropriate delusions of the WAR SYSTEM.

War presents to all the country a commission to seize and carry to legal adjudication the commercial [Page 15]property of an adverse nation. War opens all the floodgates of the human passions. War calls into the employment of government an immense multitude. Contractors through all the mechanical arts pronounce a blessing on war. The grazier adores the administration. The legions attached to admiralty courts, insurers, deal­ers in stock, bankrupts and all men to whom change of times must be for the better, bless the government. The capitalist who has long kept his money for the public, blesses the occasion, and over them all the chaplain pro­nounces an hearty amen. In the midst of all, the strag­gling patriots, unwilling to be outdone by their brethren, bring their offerings of rags to the treasury, and from the midst of expense and national dissipation forth comes the government immensely rich in all the magnificence of paper.

Though Delusion has played this farce a thousand times, over, and has always successfully compassed the means, it has never concealed the end. That end is uniformly the degrading of morals and religion—de­rangement of business—increase of national debt, lead­ing to a long train of public burdens—decrease of pri­vate and social happiness, and a certain sinking of the people beneath the civil, military and naval functionaries of this mighty farce.

The tribes of Africa fight, because Europeans will buy their prisoners. Cabinets wage wars, because by them they are sure of their object, which is to exalt themselves and to humble those who are beneath them. This has always been the case, and always will be, so long as the people give the reins out of their own hands; so longs as they bestow more power on government than is absolutely necessary, so long as they suffer themselves and their opinions to be despised. Wars have been the means by which these cabinets have effected their pur­poses. The great, wise and rich men well understand the art of inflaming the public mind, and generally pre­sent at the outset the delusive bubble of national glory, a [Page 16]thing in which nine tenths of society have no kind of interest; but which well managed turns into crowns and diamonds in the hands of the blowers. Courtiers tell slaves that liberty is in danger, or that infidels abound and the church is in hazard, or of plots at home, or invasions and insults abroad. Courtiers' waiters echo the alarm. Court-telegraphs spread the sound. Court­casuists find it typified in the pentateuch. War is de­cided on [...] armies are raised; the legions, who depend on war for support, are all in motion; the papers are full of news; public curiosity is on the stretch. The ca­binet, which in time of peace was occupied only in the means of internal order, has now to consult the balances of foreign governments—to receive letters weighing five ownces in ships of 500 tons sailing in ballast—is thronged with expresses; great scences are opening; the naval armament, which but for this had been laid up in dry docks, and the army, which in time of peace was in no estimation, rise into importance; prize-masters arrive with the ill-gotten wealth of honest adventurers. The country abounds with proof prints of admirals and generals, and naval engagements, forts stormed and all the dignified array of carnage and desolation.

Here Delusion opens batteries, which are never si­lenced till liberty and public happiness are gone forever; for a war system is fatal to them both.

When courtiers tell you that such a system can alone preserve peace, fly or fight the delusion. Mark you that the man who learns the art of fencing in his youth is seldom contented with having received his lessons; you will hear of him in a duel. An army or a navy well officered and manned is always restless in a state of peace: war must and will be had at some rate. After a few years of war and a few bullet-holes through admirals' hats and some flesh-wounds and broken limbs, the bill [...] services becomes greater than can be paid with mo­ney; honors, stars and ribbons, or pensions, must go [Page 17]towards an instalment. A nation which makes great­ness its polestar can never be free: beneath national greatness sink individual greatness, honor, wealth and freedom. But though history, experience and reasoning confirm these ideas; yet all-powerful Delusion has been able to make the people of every nation lend a helping hand in putting on their own fetters and rivetting their own chains, and in this service Delusion always employs men too great to speak the truth, and yet too powerful to be doubted. Their statements are believed—their projects adopted—their ends answered, and the deluded subjects of all this artifice are left to passive obedience through life, and to entail a condition of unqualified non-resistance to a ruined posterity.

To this delusive war-system are we indebted at the present time for the redundance of national gasconade. When the pompous statesman, safe in the cabinet, in­sults the brave men of all nations and cries to arms! when boasting words come from great generals, who never saw service but on parade-day, and whose whole courage lies in the seal which graces their fair-weather commissions, depend on it that some poor deluded men are to bleed. When by accident or force one of our infant navy succeeds in capturing the adverse vessel, straight we are told that the sun shines not on a people, who bid as fair as we do to be a great maritime nation. Just like the boy, who because he has caught a tame rabbit, imagines that he is to be a mighty sportsman. Why are not the people told that several of the maritime powers of Europe have in every year discovered instances of prowess superior to ours: ^* that their ships are larger, stronger and better manned, and that at least a century must elapse and 100,000 lives of Americans be lost, beside the after-bills of wounding and dismemberment, before we can expect to be on a footing with the most powerful [Page 18]nation—and that this footing must always be sustained by an enormous expense of blood and treasure—that naval glory is at best uncertain—that privates must bleed by thousands for the glory of admirals, commodores and post-captains, and that the only glory to which the sailor or marine can arrive, is to have his name published in the papers and against it, "thigh badly fractured, since am­putated and likely to recover", and in a few months after published again, "bravely fighting in the main-top, cut in two by a chain shot," ^* and just under it, "we are hap­py to announce that though not quite successful this time; yet the admiral and officers are in high spirits, and hav­ing put into Jamaica to rest, ^† intend to look at them again. Delusion, these are thy trophies!

But admiral Harvey has said that our 44 gun frigates were 74's in disguise! well perhaps he had heard that they cost as much as 74's, or that under the guise of these frigates was concealed a plan of an immense navy, the expense of which would eternize our national debt and ensure a perpetuity of energetic government. But our ships are not only strong as mountains, they are swift as eagles, captain Tryon says so himself: and not only strong and swift; but so full of courage, "that men are run through the body for looking pale," says lieutenant Sterret. Surely all these things might have been omened from the success attending their launching.

The sun rises with unusual splendor, and strange to tell, it rises in the east! The birds chaunt their matin songs. Out bounces from his bed that wonder of all wonders—once a boat-builder, afterwards a ship-wright, now a federal navy artichect. Formerly a ship-wright [Page 19]might have built a ship merely by virtue of his skill; but now if it be not constructed by federal axes, adzes and mallets, wielded by federal hands, it will certainly sink. Straight collect from all qua [...]ere the ingenious men who by force of iron bolts and cramps have been able to keep wood together, and all those labourers who con­veyed the timber and plank from where it grew to where it did not grow. Soon all the country is collected the adjacent houses and fences are lined with beauty and strength—old Neptune with his trident walks forty miles up a river to see the show—every heart palpitates in unison, and prayers are sent up for success. With ad­mirable skill every thing has been prepared, and with an easy graceful motion the ship glides on to the bosom of the waters, which receive the present from the earth with humble gratitude. At this moment the fish through­out the ocean thrill with rapture, and the ships of hostile nations receive a shock evincive of their danger—the at­tending throng fill the air with shouts—the little hills on every side rejoice, and the mountains echo the scene. ^*

Surely after such a launch a ship ought to be stronger and swifter, and fuller of brave men than all the other ships on the ocean. A few more such delightful laun­ches will launch this country from liberty to slavery, from a republican to a monarchical government. The great distinctions, enormous expenses and cruel wars, which navies lead up, are all calculated to destroy a condition of equal rights, and to sacrifice private com­petence and social happiness on the altar of national greatness. Now, if all this scenery of gasconade was a mere sport, no great harm might follow from it. There might be some expense about it and nations might con­sider us cowardly, just as we consider an individual cowardly, who is always boasting of his own courage; but even in this miserable work, Delusion is playing a deep [Page 20] [...]. All this boasting actually amuses the people and by degr [...]e [...] they get habituated to an idea that a powerful [...] is [...]ery respectable thing, as well as a good de­ [...] to commerce. To the tune of "hearts of oak [...] ship [...] hearts of oak are our men," ^* have thou­sands of brave British seamen danced into eternity; and the wealth, freedom and private independence of the nation have not long survived them.

I am aware that the frigate John Adams, and the brig Pickering may, like the Royal George and the Pitt-East-In [...]man, make certain names immortal as plank and spli [...]—and the Merrimack, the Connecticut and the Philadelphia gun-boats may attach the people of certain districts to the success of the navy; yet though these are very pleasant things, a republican will hardly be recon­ciled to them while he regards even the naming of the ships as among the hair-strokes of Delusion.

The army has not been favored with occasions ca­pable of exciting any very pornpous encomiums—but it is in proof before the public that the inspector-general, while a clerk in a compting-house, accepted a challenge which was sent to his master, and behaved bravely though he did not fight. This proves conclusively that he is the bravest man in the world, and that Buonaparte, Moreau and Massena, ought to hide their diminished heads; but if government did not know of this compt­ing-house story at the time of appointing him—I am unable to assign the reason of his being placed over the heads of experienced patriot generals born in our own country. But the army, tho' they did not sight, stood their ground boldly in their cantonments— Buonaparte and his army, whom they were raised to crush, being less than 8,000 miles distant from them [Page 21]through the diameter of the earth. To democratic eyes there was no prospect of his visiting us, except he perfo­rated the earth with his army, and like Baron Trenck, watched an occasion to [...]earth himself; yet had he arri­ved, they would doubtiess have given him a warm re [...] ­tion: but for a short time [...]ly were they kept in the [...]eid: the French did not arrive: the [...]emy was dishanded. I have thus turned my period [...] m [...]ch as they did theirs. Some have said that this army was [...]ised to ensure the success of certain measures, or to influence elections, or to keep the democrass in awe, or to enable general Ha­milton to exemplify his declaration that our constitution was a mere temporary expedient, and that this country [...]uld never be governed without an heredita y monarch—th [...]se speculations I wave, in order to remark to you,

That however plausible may be the arguments of De­lusion on the subject of an army, a country can never be free unless it depends for protection on the body of the people, whose rusty gun-barrels can send certain death from a distance to every bird or beast fleeting through the air or on the earth. These are the men who will always fight bravely for their altars and their homes; but how absurd is it to rely for defence on men, who care not for altars, and who have no homes! The only earthly objection to reliance on the body of the people is, that with arms in their hands they might repel domestic aggressions.

If the present state of things shall continue, you will soon be told that bright gun-barrels are more respectable than rusty ones, and that our own guns, made by fede­ralists at 13 dollars, are surer of their aim than foreign guns of equal quality bought at 6, and that thus all the money is saved. ^* Soon it will be polite to level your piece at your enemy only breast-high, and not to take [Page 22]aim, following the example of the British soldiery; for if you take aim, say they, it is murder; but if you fire away at random 30 rounds of his majesty's powder and one of them takes full effect, why the man is dead! but he had a fair chance for his life. Soon it will be deemed scandalous for a man to be fighting in his country's de­fence behind a tree or a stone wall. No! he must join the standard, be dressed in uniform, and if mortally wounded, must languish sweetly into eternity under the notes of drums and trumpets. Thundering noises must drown the cries of your brethren and children in the agonies of death. No father to watch the symptoms of decaying life! no mother to drop a tear over a dying son! no sister to stretch out the hand of faithful affec­tion and to soften the pillow in the moment of dissolving nature!

These are scenes of standing armies. Should our nation ever advance so far, as, after having presented a government wholly variant in detail from that which was contemplated by the people, should one party violently hold to itself all power and oppress the other party; should they discover a want of considence in the people and even that they despise their opinions; should they take the people's money to buy guns and bayonets and slaves to keep them under, rest assured that the more intelligent among the oppressed will rouse, they will re­monstrate loudly, they will continue to remonstrate [...]ill they are imprisoned: then if power shoudl be extended to the taking of life, they will employ the precious rem­nant of days between sentence and execution to prepare lessons which posteri [...] shall read with admiration, when their oppressors shall be laid in inglorious dust.

Every attempt to place the defence of the country on other ground than on that of the bravery and integrity of the people; every attemp [...] to create great distinctions of rank; all acts of intolerance in the ruling party; all expressions of contempt on public opinion, are [...]o [Page 23]many approaches to that dreadful order of things. In this country you can never make a host of great men without a host of little ones: these last cannot be pro­duced without oppression. The people may bear op­pressions gradually and to a certain point; but if the impetuosity of the lordlings shall push it beyond that point, the people whom they now call sederal, and who have been such merely by an honest misplaced confi­dence, will find themselves betrayed, and though not among the first will be found among the firmest avengers of their wrongs.

In the delusions of the commercial and war systems I have presented two very powerful aristocracies—both deriving strength, emolument and exclusive privileges from the government; both operating with immense force in favour of national greatness and against the in­terests of the body of the people.

Of the funding system I can only say as of the great fire in London, 'tis past beyond recall; it is an awful calamity; it has ruined thousands; but this system has also led up an arislocracy more numerous than the farm­ers-general in France, more powerful than all others, because it combines the men of wealth and gives effici­ency to all the rest.

These aristocracies sink the people. They can stand alone against kings or presidents and courts: but when the great, rich, wise and mighty among their brethren can be draw [...], through an extended system of favor, to operate gainst them, they are in imminent danger; and to crown this danger,

Delusion associates with principalities and powers those who profess to be officers of a kingdom, not of this world; they pray and preach for measures; they, in their most sacred services, offer incense to the great talents, tried patriotism and celes [...]ial virtues of the mighty men in place; they baptize your children and follow the remains of your friends to the grave; and they take [Page 24]your weak moments to persuade you that the president and his party are as a munition of rocks to the church.

We have heard that the national religion of England has been held in requisition to support the government, and that the Romish religion has been employed to the same en [...]ct in all Catholic countries. There test acts, oaths and inquisitions, have been so many state-engines to subordinare mankind to the great and little tyrants, who for centuries have held society in bondage; but surely the good sense of Americans is ready to repel the first attempts to bind us with ecclesiastical fetters, and to say to the clergy, "your business is to teach the gospel; the sheep will never thrive, if the shepherd, instead of leading them to green pastures, is to be constantly a­larming them with the cry of wolves." ^*

How much, think you, has religion been benefited by sermons, intended to show that Satan and Cain were jacobins? How much by sermons in which every d [...]isti­cal argument has been presented with its greatest force as being a part of the republican creed? Is this, men of God, following the precept, "feed my sheep, seed my lambs?" The people, instead of being alarmed lest re­ligion should suffer under a new administration, ought to be infinitely solicitous to wrest the protection of it from those who are using it as a state engine. The king­dom of heaven now suffereth political violence. Think you that the bishop of Ephesus, if now with us, would have left the care of souls to ascertain the number of votes which his favorites could get for a seat in con­gress? Would Paul of Tarsus have preached to an an­xious listening audience on the propriety of sending en­voys? I ask these questions seriously, because on this subject the people feel seriously, and because here Delu­tion is playing a most cruel game.

Have you not read that the head of the church will sustain his own cause, and that this cause will never be [Page 25]perfected, till wars and rumours of wars shall cease from under the whole heaven? The Captain of salvation is not so weak as to need an army and navy and a majority in congress to support his cause. The systems of enmity, pride, vice and abandonment, which characterise all modern governments are hostile to religion. ^* The Sa­viour would be ill received in levees, in fields of battle, or on board of hostile ships. He takes no delight in the flowing robes and masquerade' dress of the lords spi­ritual. The morals of courts and camps never rise up before his throne as sweet incense. Courts and camps have in modern ages been the hot-beds of immorality, the nurseries of infidelity. That religion, which you so highly value, is suffering a gradual, certain and pain­ful extermination, by the very means which affect to support it. While every nerve is stretched to obtain wealth and greatness, that cause, which began in po­verty, and thrives best in the shades and retirements of life, must mourn. Our great political arrangements are like so many armaments against religion; ^† yet the men who oppose them are denounced atheists, and no proof of their atheism is required but their opposition to federal measures.

I shall not in this place pursue further this article of clerical delusion: ^‡ but my respect for well-starched bands and fashionable surplices, will never restrain me from presenting it to your marked disapprobation.

In the profession of the law Delusion has secured to government an aristocracy highly intelligent and opera­tive; and to these is entrusted the ladder of promotion, which they hold with as much power and claim of pre­scription as the pope holds the keys of St. Peter; and [Page 26]in these northern states you find lawyers on every round of it, ascending and descending, as were the angels of God in the vision of Jacob: though the two classes of characters are upon very different business. Though in this profession the habits of acquiring property and the indiscriminate defence of right and wrong might seem to disqualify for the business of legislation; yet Delusion has impressed it upon the people, that those who talk fluently must be knowing—and that through much debating cometh truth: hence these men are the first in market for congress and the offices of govern­ment— and excellent stuff for transportation to foreign courts; and it has been lately discovered that a tho­rough knowledge of the law will qualify a man ^* to be secretary of the war department.

All these aristocracies and measures which I have no­ticed, correspond exactly with the systems of monarchical government. At the end of eleven years, the American nation (formerly called the United States) have with great industry got into a good state of preparation for an hereditary monarch. Mr. Lyman tells us, that 'the ruling party is united in their object, though divided as to the means—the first is for bold strokes, the last for address and reasoning? We will not run in debt to this defunct federalist for a definition of this object. It can­not be a republican government; that the people have long prayed for in vain. It cannot be to get more mo­ney out of the people; for you, federalists, are now sunk up to your necks in their pockets. It cannot be to send more ambassadors and consuls abroad; for they have already glutted every market. It is not to fund more debt; all claims have been deluged with the liberality of government. Why the ob­ject is to crush opposition: these two segments of fede­ralism, after having made arrangements obnoxious to one half of the country, are to crush that half, and then [Page 27]the first chapter is completed; but they are united in an­other object, viz. an energetic, aristocratic, monarchic government, which can move without control; both parts are united to subjugate the republicans, and now call for a few years more to complete the work. ^*

My evidence of the existence of such an intention on the one part, (which must be the intention of the other if they are united) might result from the declara­tion of general Hamilton already quoted, or from a declaration of president Adams to the same effect; ^† for these men know precisely what the leaders are seeking: but I choose to rely for proof on the complexion of federal measures already submitted. We have a sure key to the feelings of the Federal party in their joy at the supposed capture of Moreau's army; their triumphs on the success of Nelson; their exultation at the infa­mous and perjured story of Barbaczy, that the directory had caused the murder of their own envoys at Rastadt; their strong affection for Suwarrow; their zeal for the success of the British arms—and for the humiliation of republicans in France, Holland and Ireland. Every thing abroad which looked like the downfal of freedom was published and echoed here with triumph.

If personal declarations, public acts, and federal pa­pers can be relied on, we have a strong party in this country, who wish for a season when congress shall be opened with aspeech from the throne to my lords and gen­tlemen— they wish to have the papers announce that the princess royal was at the theatre—that the young prince had fallen from his horse and received a slight contusi­on in the joint of one of his fingers, which had been de­clared by one of his majesty's surgeons not to be mortal; that the carriage of the gentleman usher of the black [Page 28]rod had been broken down, but without accident; or they wish to hear of brilliant levees and splendid drawing-rooms, and if any insane man should happen to shoot at the precious royal pageant, they would have all the bulbous marquisses and bedizened earls with the whole bevy of dukes, viscounts and lords run to see who should first gain the senate-house and announce in faint and al­most breathless accents to the lords temporal and spiritu­al, the knights of the woolsack, "my lo [...]ds, the king has been shot at!" ^* just God, and have not thousands, yea millions of his subjects not only been shot at, but shot and killed for his cause? have not the decks of his ships of war been paid over with the blood of dying agonizing man? my lords, the king has been shot at! Thousands fell in battle ^† to gain him his crown, tens of thousands to sup­port his dignity; millions have endured hardships and death to supply the splendors of his throne and the artifi­cial wants of the sycophants who surround it— my lords, the king has been shot at! by the politics of that king thousands of families have been deprived of their head and support—mourning, lamentation and woe have been heard in every part of his dominion—the east and west Indies, and the United States have been made so many fields of blood, even the ocean has been swelled with the blood of murdered man—carnage on the con­tinent has furnished only the interludes of royal cruelty; while the cries and tears of widows and orphans, of sacked towns and a convulsed world, which dared not be expressed on earth, have risen up in memorial before God— my lords, the king has been shot at! and if all the king and emperors of the earth, with all their minions [Page 29]could be shot and deposited in one grave, all the re­publicans throughout the earth might say, "The Lord gave and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the name of the Lord; and all the royalists might assemble about the grave, and howl and lament, saying, here lies all that was mortal of his Turkish majesty, who was once called "shadow of God, brother to the sun and moon, disposer of all earthly crowns!" here lies mixing with com­mon earth, the defender of the faith with his most chris­tian majesty! here lies the emperor of Russia with the kings of Spain and Denmark! and the king of the Ro­mans, with the king of the Goths and Vandals, the great prince of Finland! with the knights of the star and gar­ter, and the red eagle and the golden lion! here lie dis­regarded the keys of St. Peter with cardinals' bonnets and golden crosses! here lie the generalissimos and ad­miralissimos of our world!

Was man made but a little lower than the angels, and yet has he sunk so low as to stoop to such slavish mockery?

Sleep on ye who, when alive, by your delusions, made the earth one great aceldama; the resurrection will wake you to lessons, which you never learnt nor taught on earth.

Having discussed the artful means, and dreadful end of political delusion, I shall now mark to you in distinct characters the AGENTS OF DELUSION. A question is of­ten proposed, how it is possible that our greatest and most pious men should betray us? I answer, because you have every thing to lose and they every thing to gain. Who under the ancient government of France deluded the people and held them in vassalage? the greatest men, the most pious men! Who hold in subjection the people of Russia, Germany and Poland? the greatest and most pious of men! Who in England delude the people with dreams of national prosperity in the midst of national [Page 30]bankruptcy? the lords spiritual and temporal! Who have been filling the world with desolating wars for many centuries? the dignitaries of church and state: men whose elevated birth or talents have raised them to elevated sta­tions, and given them an immense influence over the people. Wealth and talents are like the mines of Peru to crowned heads: they know well how to seek, alchy­mize and improve their treasures. The tendency of all governments is towards monarchy: distinction of rank is among the first objects. When the leaders have com­passed this, the body of the people sink into a stupid mass, to be thereafter ranked as in the first class of cattle, to be driven to the military slaughter-houses, to be ship­ped abroad for foreign consumption, or to be dragging about their hated lives at home, subject to the lash and command of imperious lords, raised from nothing, by the power of delusion practised on themselves.

Greatness and littleness are only ideas of comparison: as the base of the mountain is in the depth of the valley; so the base of great men is in the lowness, poverty, igno­rance and humility of the people. Pride stimulates the knowing to be great: power furnishes the means. When they would enslave the people, they present to them pictures of liberty; when they would impoverish them, they present pictures of wealth; when they would lead them to war, they present pictures of peace and security. Delusion can never succeed by exhibiting unadorned fact. Even the powers of reason and eloquence, which may be turned to infinite good, are often devoted to the production of infinite evil. When the British treaty was in discussion, had the cool reason of the country been addressed, that instrument had never been ratified; but when an eloquent statesman, ^* pushing beyond this cold region, addressed the passions of the country, alarm­ed the farmer with fears of danger, and roused the mer­chant by hopes of indemnity, he gained attention; when [Page 31]he presented "on the sea coast vast losses uncompen­sated; on the frontier, Indian war; on our territory, actu­al encroachment; national discord and abasement," he wrought strong impressions; but when fathers were cal­led to witness the corn fields fartened with the blood of their sons and mothers; to hear the war-whoop waking the sleep of the cradle, he became irresistible; and to the tune of such harmonious songs the people of every country are in danger of dancing away their rights. When every measure fatal to liberty can be made to ap­pear conducive to it, their is need of infinite vigilance. Our great men are ready enough to preach to us peace and safety, even while they are leading us into systems, which will ensure to the earth a drenching of human blood through all generations, and will waft us to the sound of the war-whoop from all the military nations of the earth.

These great men, who are to gain by every system inju­rious to freedom and equal government, are the best in­formed men in society. They are well versed in lan­guages and history and political science, and are able to say more and argue better on the wrong side of the question than the people are on either side of it. In all governments they are retained in favor of measures, if not by offices and bribes; yet by hopes of office, of emolument, of honors and influence. All their hopes are pledged on a perfect understanding of every part of the subject. Their passions combine with their interests to make them eagle-eyed and diligent to know what the people will bear; to watch the fit moment; to attack the weak side, and to make entry wherever they find a loose clap­board. Such men harangued the country at the open­ing of our government, by telling them "that the people would be sovereign; that the poor would be favored; that the agricultural interests would be held sacred and especially that taxes would be light." But when a heavy debt was created, ostensibly from motives of justice to [Page 32]the soldiers, though few had any interest in it, the air was filled with protestations of gratitude and honesty.— The people were indignant; but these artful men silen­ced the rising murmurs. Delusion sat aloft and smil­ed at the subtilty of her sons.

These men can prove conclusively that a national debt is a blessing or a curse; that an army destroys or cherishes freedom; that the friends of government are the guardian angels of liberty, and that the opposers are a part of Satan's chosen legion. They can prove that the people virtually chose electors, when the men, chosen to prescribe the manner of the people's choosing, say ^* that they are the people, and will choose for themselves. They can prove that counsellors ^† and members of congress, chosen by men who never saw nor knew them, are more cautiously and judiciously chosen, than if their constituents were their own neighbors; because in the last case partiality or passion might influence, which never could be the case when they know nothing about them. ^‡ They can prove that the country grows rich, in proportion to the taxes paid; just as a trench grows wide, in proportion to the lands taken from it.

Subtle arguments, well directed and eloquently en­forced, sometimes lead men astray on questions of mere right and wrong. Shall we then wonder that men should be deluded on subjects far more complicated?

The end to be answered by these arguments is im­mense? it compasses all the objects at which delusion has been aiming ever since it appeared in Eden. Do [Page 33]you see any wordly motives in these eloquent patriots? Have you never known that a director of a bank wishes for a large capital to be subject to his control? that a judge is pleased with an extension of his jurisdiction? that a general is anxious for an increase of the army establishment? and that a sea-captain likes an addition of tonnage and guns to the ship which he is to com­mand? These men, who talk thus persuasively to you either are, or expect to be, sharers of the power which they wish you to delegate; or trustees of the confidence which they wish you to repose; or managers of the mo­ney which they wish you to pay. Hence their zeal: hence their persuasive eloquence! If you seem to doubt them they will ask, are not we of you? are not our in­terests the same as yours? They are indeed, of you: so is the oak, which shades all the smaller trees and draws its nourishment from their roots, a part of the grove. They are of you: they tread the earth which you cultivate; they feed on the luxuries which your industry supplies, and if an earthquake should swallow the contry, they must condescend to sink with you; but by circumstances of fortune, birth or superior endowments of mind, or better education they have ceased to be as you; their political condition is immensely different from yours: they are to govern, you are to be governed. They are well-born, you are base-born!

Who are the men constantly praising the measures of government? These great, well-born! all interested in the subjects of their praises; all craftsmen, who live by making images for the worshippers of the great goddess; or those really base-born men, who have been in the ha­bit of following these great men, faithfully, as hounds do the horn. These wise, pious leaders are crafty enough to speak to their followers truly and rationally on com­mon subjects and by this they gain their confidence; like the retailer, who, wishing to get cent [...] per cent [...] profit on articles not well understood, will sell his pins and [Page 34]needles for less than prime cost. Multitudes of men, who [...]e rights are daily abridging, follow on in admiration of government. They are made to believe that religion is attacked; that the French are coming upon us; that the democrats are raising an army, or that the rays of presidental favor, after melting down all the great men above them, may finally honor them with a scorch­ing. A great temptation with the base-born is, that by thus doing they keep the track of the great, dignified and wealthy; exactly the company which despises them and which they ought to avoid. If among these base-born should be any abstract philosophers, who seeing that great beasts devour little ones, and great fish the smaller, and are willing to devote themselves by heca­tombs to the rapacity and gluttony of these great men, I wish them many consolations as they are experiencing the work of mastication and digestion. Surely devoured they will be, provided their learned, pious, juggling leaders, should serve them as such men have served their followers in every age of the world.

The uniform language of these great men is, 'a little more patience, a little more money, in a short time sun­beams will be in abundance,' yet never was such a pro­mise realised. When Delusion is detected and disap­pointment succeeds, it sometimes happens that an heroic patriot dare to say, as Tell ^* to Gres [...]er, 'Tyrant, this ar­row is for they heart'—but 'tis stupid to bear and suffer voluntarily, or like Carthusians to beat ourselves, till excess of pain stimulates to vengeance on the system. A free people, would always continue free, if they were as vigilant as their rulers; but a dormant acquiescence will forever land them in servitude. Single man is de­praved; uncontroled he would be intolerable. Men placed together without restraint, and made strong with power and money, will usurp.

[Page 35] But say these great men, 'It is impossible for the men in power to usurp: our government is well sur­rounded by a constitutional fence.' I ask, what avails a fence against a herd of deer? That constitution ^* is per­haps as well wrought as language would admit; but language is very elastic. The men, whose interest it is to stretch it to the extent, are, or have made themselves, the judges of it. They know well the force and power of every word; the east, west, north and south, of eve­ry semicolon, and can extract power from every dash or asterism. They have mostly been practitioners in this work, and understand it as the engineer under­stands the force of his ordnance.

That constitution delegated powers calculated for the contingencies of centuries; but it is a singular fact, that all those contingencies have occurred in the course of ele­ven years of peace, and that these great men actually pro­ceeded, under the power of raising armies expressly con­fined to congress, to provide that an army of 80,000 men might be raised at the pleasure of the president. As well might they have said 800,000, or have left the number wholly indefinite, or they might have made a general law that the president of the United States should always ex­ercise the functions of the legislature under this article. They might have gone further and enacted laws which, like the collects of the Romish ritual, would have an­swered all purposes, and then have ordained that the pre­sident might bring into operation those laws, whenever he judged best, and then have adjourned without day. These great men made a sedition act; which, however constitutional in terms, was unconstitutionally and basely directed towards placing one class of our citizens at the feet of the other. They made an alien act, which was a very ingenious thing; but it would not go! And finally [Page 36]having exhausted their other powers, they raised a batte­ry against the remonstrances of the people, manned by a committee of privileges ^*; and began to work secretly un­der the general clause, empowering them, 'to make all laws, which should be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other pow­ers, vested by the constitution in the government of the United States or in any department thereof.' This, as they were about to work it, was to operate as a wide open gate, out of this enclosure which was so well fenced. They even attempted to take from the legisla­tures the power, which these last had wrested from the people, of choosing electors. The machinery of this bill was perfect; but it would not go!

Well, say these great men, the constitution is not yet violated: and, let me say, on your vague principles it never can be violated: but the constitution is in fact vio­lated, whenever an act is passed without the motives or causes, which that constitution contemplated as the basis of such act: for example, the constitution says, "you may borrow money on the credit of the United States; may coin money, raise and support armies; provide and maintain a navy; appoint ambassadors;" now if money is unnecessarily borrowed, or coined at great ex­pence and without occasion; war declared; armies raised and navies provided without just cause; if ambassadors are sent abroad to see whether water is fluid; what are the expenses of living abroad; and what a wicked world we live in; surely, in all these cases the constitution is violated; for the power is exercised under circumstances which will not warrant its exercise. Even if the consti­tution had said "do whatever your hands find to do with all your might;" yet this would not have sanction­ed the enaction of one useless, oppressive or intolerant law, nor have justified the waste of a cent of public money, nor the imposition of one unnecessary tax.

[Page 37] It is Delusion's self which is constantly crying to you that the constitution is your sacred bulwark and that it is yet inviolate. You, the people, must be the bulwark of that constitution, or it will never preserve your rights: your sentiments, your actions, your very souls must animate that consti [...]ution and give life and effect to its language. When the spirit of the people is lulled by the soft zephyrs of Delusion into security in the lap of the constitution; when it relies on inanimate paper for se­curity of rights, that people is in the first stage of slavery. Of what avail think you was the magna charta of Great Britain, to the millions who have been pressed into na­val or military service; to the authors and printers, who have perished in dungeons, or to the tens of thousands, who for asserting some privileges under the magna char­ta of the great God, have been transported to Botany-Bay, or suffered a gibbet at home? yet this magna charta, this precious boon of a king, benignantly re­storing to the people one half of their rights, has been kept literally inviolate.

In a free government the rulers must resign their pride, vanity and avarice; and in consideration of the trust reposed in them must make sacrifices, in order to yield to the people the blessings of a republic: but our rulers are not tempered to such bargains: they like the money, the power, the titles and distinctions; but avoiding the sacrifices, are pushing hard to have the substance of aris­tocratic government under the form of a republic.— Hence their constant demands for energy to crush op­position; but the seeds of opposition are sown in the ca­binet.

There is a stout hardy race of men in this country, who fought and paid for a republic. They have learned tactics which will enable them to out general your oblique manoeuvres. They dont reason logically as your great men do; but they have learned to speak in language [Page 38]which kings and courtiers are obliged to understand; and should there be any very loud call for additional energies, nothing but respect for the laws will restrain them from speaking that language. They are even now insulted with all the arguments which have been used in favor of energetic governments, ever since the days of Pha­roah: but every one knew long before our revolution that an energetic government could be supported: it is a piece of unfailing machinery; invented many centuries ago, and consists in governing as much, in collecting as many taxes, and in employing as much force as the go­verned will bear without revolt. The patriarchal go­vernment of slaves is energetic; it goes to the utmost verge of endurance. Peter the Great, who civilized his sub­jects, suspending them by thousands over the Wolga in the most cruel tortures, was an energetic prince. The late Frederic, practised all the tactics of energy. Henry 4th and Lewis 14th were energetic. Nearly all the na­tions of Europe are groaning under the blessings of ener­getic government; and whenever the cry for energy with us overpowers the cry of the people for freedom, we cease to have the government for which we bled. Should a season ever arrive, when no opinions are re­spected, except those which in courtly orations and ser­mons, or in addresses ^* or responses to addresses servilely adulate the measures of government, that season will he a dark morning to a dismal day for Americans. Rights once given up, are never restored: principles once deserted never return.

Monarchy and republicanism part at this point; the first insists on unity and energy; the last on such a division [Page 39]of power that it cannot be dangerous. With such divi­sion no laws can be made and no plans projected, except▪ they be of general and obvious utility. There will be, then, no national greatness, destroying like a mighty monster every portion of social happiness; no men whose salaries shall absorb the earnings of hundreds. If it be said we can have no peace nor wealth, except we com­mand it by force: no respectability, except we conform to the policy and manners of other courts; Then-take that course with all its splendors. 'Tis not the course of a republic.

Delusion is ready to whisper, these are all idle va­garies; but they are not the vagaries of modern philo­sophy, all the subjugated people of the earth have found them to be solemn, humbling, dreadful realities. No­thing can prevent their establishment here, but the united and persevering efforts of those who are destined to be deluded.

Having presented a course of delusions under the head of these great men: you may be ready to ask, If these men are dangerous, how shall we get rid of them? I answer, that these great and dangerous men, whose feelings and interests are always opposed to equal rights generally compose about one tenth of so­ciety. You have no other means to extricate your­selves; but by passing over that part of the nine tenths whom they have secured by favors of deluded by their enchantments, and to choose from the remainder the firmest and most intelligent. What cries one and ano­ther, will you leave our men of abilities and put in the base-born to govern us? Be composed, gentlemen, the base-born support the government, and suppose you should just let them have a peep through the key-hole of the treasury door; they may see what will amuse them. But you may be comforted, these great men are made of very flexible materials; and as soon as they find power to be decidedly on the other side of the [Page 40]equation, they will be after it: and perhaps some of these base-born may prove themselves to be better than they appear. You will recollect that the citizens of this country are like trees, all set out together: but, through the influence of a system of favor, one part of them have been nursed and watered, and the earth about them en­riched: they have had all the nourishment of the ground, the others have been neglected. Not only so, but the language to them has been "be ye accursed, let no fruit grow on ye forever." Are we to wonder that all passers by admire the thrift and flourishing state of the first, and are disposed to say that the last ought to be cut down and gathered into bundles?

'Tis a real misfortune to the nine-tenths of society, that the other tenth should be opposed to them; but never let it be fogotten, that the argument drawn from the coincidence of great and wise and holy politici­ans in public measures, is of all others the most alarm­ing. These are the only men whom you have to fear. If some are apparently more holy than their neighbors, then if they meddle with your politics they are most capable of deceiving you: their holiness may recom­mend them to heaven; but is no guarantee for their political rectitude. This class, however, are gene­rally set on by other great men: not by those who are great because they are rich; for these are the tools of another set, who are the knowing ones. In Athens those who became too great and influential suffered ostracism: but in this country we ought to have pru­dence enough to prevent any man, or class of men, from deserving such an honorable banishment.

For my own part, I am willing to be governed by men greater, wiser and richer than myself: but have no opinion of having men so great that their altitude must be taken by a quadrant and their width by a four rod chain: through excessive indulgence we have, already, a number of men too great for a republic. How comes [Page 41]it that these great men are so very fit to govern? Inter­nal government is designed to control inordinate passi­ons: great men are most proud, avaricious, and tyran­nical: will you then select these to curb pride, avarice and tyranny? Republican society is to protect the weak against the strong: but, if the strong are to have all the power the weak will be oppressed. But says one and another, what will become of our great men? My answer is, that they always had address enough to work their own passages. The great host of mankind, the nine-tenths, are those, which a republican government ought to concern itself about: and if this is faithfully at­tended to, the other tenth will still gain such a portion of power and money as will make them useful instead of dangerous. They are the very men for your purposes whenever you have reduced them to the standard weight and measure of the people.

I am well aware of the great convenience which many of you find in keeping close to these knowing men, in gathering the crumbs which fall from the tables of the rich, and in sailing under the lee of the ecclesiastical con­voy-ships; but you are taking a bad road: it is a broad road; it is the broad road: thousands have paid turnpike toll on it before you were born; and, if you follow it, it may lead you to wealth and honors; it may ruin your country; but will certainly land you where it has landed all your predecessors.

Having little confidence in addressing placemen, court sycophants and those who expect the wages of hirelings, I turn to the last general head of political delusions, which is the subject of ELECTIONS TO OFFICE.

If the career of delusion could be stopped at the end of every two or four years, and the people could be left to exercise free and unbiassed elections, all the evils proposed to you might be remedied; but delusion re­serves his greatest strength and subtlety for these occa­sions [Page 42]which, in their turn, demand from me an accu­mulated force of discussion.

Let me first present to you the delusions, which have attended past elections. Formerly, the people of his coun­try had sense enough to originate and organize govern­ment; and, by their intelligence and energies, to keep it in operation; now, by force of federal opiates, they have just sense enough to choose the wisest and greatest men, but, as soon as the choice is over, they sink into a torpid state, and thus remain for two years, till the trump of new election wakes them to new life and energy: but even then they have been so long dormant that some­times the crew of a ship must be murdered; this murder must be registered in sermons for the edification of po­litical saints; the men must continue bona fide dead, till the election is closed; miracles must be wrought at the bottom of meal tubs; the Indian tribes must be all in motion to invade the frontiers; mighty ships with mighty men in them must be traversing the ocean on mighty, portentous and unaccountable errands; the whole po­litical stage must be veiled in darkness and mystery; clouds, tempests and coruscations must mark the sky: and, in the midst of all this scenery, Satan with his infer­nal host must be advanving to take his long lease of the earth, and to make princes and nobles of those infernal opposers of religion and good government, whom all friends of order are called on to keep out of place. All this, in modern days, is necessary to wake the people to a recollection that the men, whom they chose last are the fittest candidates for another election.

But mark how ineffectual are all these causes to produce the wished effect, till, joining the wonder-working host, the clergy (and as Cowper to aid his verse, so I, my prose, with awe profound repeat the sacred name, the clergy) heralds of the prince of peace, ambassadors of him, who disclaimed for himself and his followers the honors of men; the clergy, preachers of the word of life, deign [Page 43]for some days to wave their sacerdotal functions; to de­scend from their high seats, made venerable by the res­pect of the people for religion, and as they advance to join and influence the throng you may hear a shout from every quarter, THE CHURCH IS IN DANGER! This completes the scenery, and lethargy starts into life and vigor. At this moment by the light of those great moral luminaries Robison ^* and Barruel, and by the aid of Rush-lights, ^† are discovered in all their deformity the atheistical opposers of funding systems, those delightful downy pillows, on which have slept in everlasting repose the rights of man; the abandoned enemies of splendid American courts, of diplomatic legions, of foreign tri­bute. As this vision is passing, the people are called on to look at those disinterested men, who regardless of pri­vate interest, have sacrificed years to their service, and who wish to serve them again, only to show their zeal to the death. The election being satisfactorily closed, the people, like the bird, whom they represent, fly to their hiding places to wait for a biennial resurrection.

Let no one imagine that I would represent the clergy as acting out of their sphere in all this scenery; for is it not said unto them, "Go ye into all the world and preach politics unto every creature. When men op­pose ye, call them enemies of God and trample them un­der your feet. Appoint fasts unto the Lord, and when the people are assembled, say to them that the Lord reign­eth on the earth in the midst of men of power and wealth; that he delighteth in the proud, even in those who are lofty; that he will exalt the vain, and lay in the dust, those who are humble in his sight; that the great men are gods; but that the little men are like the chaff, which he driveth before the wind; that in the day of his power he [Page 44]will shine mightily on those who are in power, and that he will make the people under them like the hay, and the stubble and the sweepings of the threshing floor." And when these mighty men shall say unto you the church is in danger; then shall ye cry mightily unto the people and say "the church is in danger, ^*" and when my peo­ple hear this, they shall gird on each one his armour, and ye shall lead my people, and ye shall say unto them, "Though these mighty men be blasphemers, and though they are often seen in the seat where Satan dwelleth; yet for righteousness sake they live a lie, and though apparent­ly the disciples of Satan will in the end betray them," and the people shall hear you and shall fear you, and they shall say unto these mighty men "ye have taken our cloaks: yet ye are cold; ye have taken our purses; yet ye are poor; ye have mortgaged our houses and our lands; yet ye are destitute: behold what remains to us, take of all that which seemeth to ye meet; for though ye be called our servants; yet we are servants unto you, and will serve you—we and our wives and our children."

Hail mighty Delusion, these are thy handy works!

Fortunately for us, most of these delusions have lost their effect. Robison and Barruel, can deceive no more. The 17 philosophistical work-shops of Satan ^† have never been found: not one illuminatus major nor minor has been discovered in America, though their names have been published, and though their existence here is as clearly proved as was their existence in Europe. The cannibal's progress and bloody buoy, have destroyed each other: the political prayers sent up on former occasions have never reached the tops of the steeples, nor have they brought one blessing down: the pantomimical sermons, which have graced political sabbaths are laughed at: the suggestions about Jefferson's atheism are despised, since [Page 45]many who make them are found to be men, who would fell all the temples and altars in the country for 12 fri­gates: the monstrous noise about ancient wickedness and infidelity is abated, since mankind have reflected that the sins of the antediluvians are not particularly charge­able on democrats. The terrible outcry about French atheism has met a similar fate, and the charges of French cruelty vanish before the characteristic crimes of Britain, which fashien obliges us to read on the anni­versaries of independence in the monumental act of our country. Murders and robberies on sea; plots and in­surrections on land, have all lost their effect: and all the little tricks of delusion, such as the prophecy of a re­markable boy in Vermont about the great evils which this country might expect from the reign of democracy, together with Nelson's belts, Suwarrow bonnets, Dan-Harrison and Moses Seymour letters ^* are flying on the wings of oblivion to the realms of Er [...]bus.

Better than this, the federal party ^† is divided. Porcu­pine is gone, Fenno resigned, Mc Henry missing, Pick­ering dismissed—great confussion in the cabinet: Sedg­wick, Harper, Lyman and Co. taking leave of their constituents and publishing letters of advice, which are to sail down the stream of time as jolly-boats to the ad­vice of Washington.

Lately our chief executive was the rock on which the storm might beat: then he was supposed to second the views of a party; and said to be the champion of a durable system, the unerring pilot of the political ship: now that party regard him as a frail sand-mole over which washes every wave: of weak measures, a timid [Page 46]partizan: of a crazy ship, a blind pilot. Now they wish for some young energetic leader, who will bear no foreign insults, who will have wooden walls and regi­ments in abundance. ^*

In this confused state of the leading party, it is difficult to calculate in what form delusion is to attack you. Whether the diplomatic corps abroad are to operate, or whether sermons on a new construction are to be served up, is yet a matter of doubt. I shall, however, venture to present you some of the probable delusions and cer­tain obstructions which are to operate against your exercise of free election.

Look at once on the aristocracies, which I have nam­ed to you, consider their wealth, their force, their subtlety, the immense interests which they have at stake; remember that these furnish the men, who, in the definition of my subject, were stiled the prime agents of delusion, who know the heart and the avenues to the passions, and who can place before you, with strong im­pressions, every conceivable motive of hope and fear. Your treasury, supplied with your own money, is to ope­rate against your freedom of election. See the host of your brethren, who depend on that treasury. Tens of thousands of men in our country live on the people▪ but independent of them and their weight and influence is found mostly in the governing scale. If the first officers lose their election the subordinate ones may lose their offices and emoluments: therefore every new election has exactly all their influence, and generally that of all their connections to balance against an im­partial issue, and by all that influence which is incalcu­lably great and increasing those in place have a chance of re-election superior to those not in place. This idea [Page 47]opens to you the inducement which the higher officers have to lead up a funding system, an army, a navy, federal city, valuation tax. All these things lead to new appointments in abundance, to a system of favor, ^* which engages a host of expectants in addition to the successful candidates and whenever these offices amount sufficiently to create a moral certainty of re-election, ^† the government ceases to be republican: you may then call it an oligarchy or a monarchy: to the people it matters not what it is.

But these great men and privileged orders do not op­pose to you their single votes; they have about them a host of sycophants or dependants, who must vote ac­cording to orders: but not to this false influence alone is Delusion confined. The characters, principles and feelings, of those who are opposed to present men and measures are to be torn in pieces. The election ball is not well opened, till the republicans are bleeding at every pore, The 4th of July occasions, ^‡ which you imagined yourselves to have earned, have been wrested from you and they have been perverted into days for chastising the enemies of administration by the odious characters of illuminatists, disorganizers and atheists: but as our Indian tribes, when they are torturing a prisoner, suffer him, in the interval of his torments, to sit and smoke or eat with them; so have these federal gentlemen, after a public wounding of you in every part, suffered you to dine with them, to toast men, whom you regard as des­poilers of your rights; and to join them in copious liba­tions to principles and measures, which you hold in ab­horrence; and, the penalty for your neglecting or refusing to do and suffer the whole measure of torment has been, [Page 48]to hold you up as a hissing and a bye-word, as jacobins, anarchists, and fit companions for infernal spirits. Such has been part of the system of tyranny, which, even be­fore our own eyes, has been acted repeatedly on the me­morable anniversaries of our independence. Happy would it be were this confined to the great cities; but our government has led up a number of little aristocra­cies no bigger than pea-brush in our small towns— where either priest or lawyer, or federal officers, or mo­dern whigs and their associates, must, like their superi­ors, be lording it over the poor convicted democrats.

A great art, on these public occasions, has been to paint up a certain character in every deformity of vice; then to rob the infernal wardrobe to dress him, then to call this a democrat, disorganizer, jacobin and satanist. Their creed is to be as monstrous as their ap­pearance; they are made to believe things incredible, to practise things horrid, and to meditate mischiefs infinite. There, say they, ladies and gentlemen, is a republican and this is republicanism. Then to shew the power of contrast, you have presented a charming, amiable, di­vine character, dressed in celestial robes, believing, prac­tising and contriving all which is good and deserving. This, say they, is a federalist, and this is federalism. They then proceed to muster up all the infernal actions of all the bad men in the world, and set them up as the admiration of these infernals. They make them look complacently at blasphemy, smile at murder and fall in­to a broad laugh at atheism. They then assign to them as companions all the wretches, who have in every age disgraced humanity: and on the other side all the good actions throughout the world; all men famous for piety, goodness and science, are presented as the objects of love and esteem for their celestials. They claim all holy men of every age as federalists. Then, to crown the work, they send these infernal jacobins to the infernal world, and translate the federalists to a state of glory.

[Page 49] Nearly every one who hears me, knows this picture to be taken from the life— every one knows it to he sheer. palpable, abusive delusion; combining the base [...]t of means with the most abandoned of ends. There is a great host of intelligent republicans in this country; not one of whom wishes for the abolition of religion and government; not one of whom approves any of the unjustifiable measures of France.

But Delusion knows that many men fear to be on the weak side; therefore these occasions are sometimes im­proved to shew that there are few or no democrats in these northern states. I shall shew the fallacy of this by two short traverses.

First, go about the country and ask the people, do you like Mr. Adams, Mr. Pickering, &c? they don't know. Do you like the constitution? Yes. Do you like the funding system, federal city, foreign intercourse, stamp-act, army, navy—no, decidedly not one of them. But ask them whether they intend to vote for federal men—they will answer, yes, certainly; for we are told that all the democrats are atheists, and would pull down all religion and government. Now surely a federalist must be ashamed that men, thoroughly republicans at heart should be obliged to make war on their feelings, princi­ples and liberties, under the influence of such a false, barefaced delusion. The man, who told them this knew it to be false: he never saw any man in his senses, who wished to destroy all religion, and surely he never be­lieved that great exertions would be made by men to get into place, if their object was no other than to tear down the edifice of government and to bury themselves in its ruins. Multitudes of rational men are for destroy­ing that kind of religion, which is made a foot-ball or stalking horse, and which operates only to dishonor God and ruin man: but the world at large is well disposed to have due homage paid to the source of being, though [Page 50]it may differ about the forms, in which that can be most acceptably rendered.

But let us try another traverse. From the whole number of reputed federalists, deduct those, who depend directly or indirectly on government for support; de­duct the expectants of federal office; these surely are not impartial judges; then deduct the great host of men who are marked like a box of glass, with a keep this side up, who would be pleased with any government under a dey, bey, monarch, grand duke, grand seignor, or viceroy, provided they could share the power of it: men, who praise all preachers, serve all great men and are lacquies to every thing but truth and honesty; then deduct the great number of men who are wholly unin­formed on the subject of government and who are fe­deral, merely because they are hauled about by a federal windlass; then deduct the men in advanced life, who have seen many changes and have been deluded in them all, and who calculate that in any government things will be as bad as the men in power can make them.

After these deductions you may look round for fede­ralists, you will not see men as trees walking. Separate those who follow for the loaves and fishes, with those who habitually follow the multitude, from the sincere admirers of present men and measures, and the result would present the conclusions which your minds ought to admit.

But, say these deluders, 'suppose there are a few demo­crats see who they are, a poor ragged noisy company! but to these rags you owe your robes: these men have been taxed severely to support a government, which gloried in depriving them of the means. When a federal tax-gatherer appeared, they could not, as you could, resort to federal purses; but cast your eyes southward and you will see some men with whole clothes, correct morals and unquestionable intelligence, daring to oppose strength to [Page 51]argument and thunder of eloquence to your motley garbled system of European politics.

We poor ragged democrats in these truly federal northern [...]tates, who read the lying Bee, Aurora and Mercury, and dare not touch the Spectator, the Centinel, nor the Connecticut Courant lest the splendor of truth should destroy our eye-sight: we, who meet in barns to settle the nation, pray that our littleness may save us from the crushing power of your federal highnesses. We confess that for our sins we deserve to have an ever­lasting debt fixed upon us, due to men who despise the services for which the debt was contracted. We deserve to be kept under by an army and navy. We deserve to be made the victims of constructive treason and have no claim to be afterwards treated as the monuments of presidential mercy. Jails, fines, and gallowses ought to be our portion. We deserve even in the midst of suffering to be jeered and laughed at by our tormentors; to be traduced in the news-papers of federal truth, and to be ranked in fast and election-sermons among infern­al spirits. We deserve to be wholly cut off from all hope of presidential favor and the blessing of society. Though sone of us fought and bled for the revolution, [...]et we have fallen from our first estate into all the guilt and pollution of democracy; and had it not been for the sparing mercy of our true liege lords we should long since have been cut off from our homes, and had our portions appointed among the democrats of a wretched world. Have mercy upon us! Have mercy upon us! ye well-fed, well dressed, chariot-rolling, caucus-keep­ing, levee-revelling federalists; for we are poor and wretched and ignorant and miserable,

I should hope that such a humble confession might save the poor handful of northern democrats from the mighty power of the northern federalists, and that these gentlemen would turn their attention to the banks of the Hudson, Delaware and Potomac, where they may [Page 52]find as much ability, integrity and eloquence a [...] they can afford to meet: but, if we must be persecuted, we shall probably increase, and perhaps in eight years more there may be some of our number, who can discern the difference between a government of equal rights and a government, where inequality and distinction of rank form the most prominent feature.

Now let me seriously ask my brethern, the retailers of words and gestures on those anniversaries— Do you not know at least twenty democrats ^* in the United States, who profess far more accurate and extensive knowledge on the subject of politics than you do? who have as large families, and as much property to protect as you have; and whose reasonings and conclusions on the state of our country are likely to be full as ingenious and pertinent as yours? If you are ignorant of this you ought to read. Well, have you any power of attorney from these men to abuse them? have you a patent for the exclusive use of all the opprobrious terms in the language? or do you claim to be key-keepers to that world, whither you have so often sent the democrats? how comes it that every orator, on such occasions, is able to call before him all the great, and brave, and wise men of ancient and mo­dern days, of this and all other countries and to catechise and curse them? There is something mighty farcical in all this business. It is to be wished that these gentlemen would keep their curses for domestic consumption.

Here it may be interesting to notice for a moment some of the strange stimulating logic dished up on such occasions—such as, that Voltaire was an atheist— that Voltaire was a Frenchman—that all democrats are attached to be French, therefore that all Frenchmen and democrats are atheists. Now this is good reasoning, but it renders no reason why I should pay an extra tax. But [Page 53]Roussea [...], D'Alembert and Dide [...]ot were infidels, and the maso [...]s in Europe have become faithless. This strengthens the argument; still the connection be­tween all this and my money is wholly invisible: but perfidious France is murdering the honest Germans and Russians, and the Dutch have treated shamefully the Duke of York, and the Egyptians are in danger of a revolution; all this is very important. It proves that the measures of our government are perfectly right, and that there is no occasion for looking at home. But the Indians have stolen a horse! By all means raise an additional regiment. But Truxton has taken the In­surgent, and we are now masters of the ocean! Make the forests ring with your axes, fill the sea with ships; put your liberties afloat, sailing will season them as it does liquors. But a foreigner infests your national councils. Amend your constitution. But a foreigner is at the head of your armies! Delusion commands silence. But a howling atheist, who has crept into the third story of the federal building, is proclaiming that my neighbor's opinion will not pick my pocket nor break my leg! ^* This shews the importance of associating re­ligion with government.

Not less delusive than the orations are the toasts on those days. It is well known, that if you set up any thing, and pray for it and preach for it and toast it, the thing becomes of consequence. But voluntary effusions will not answer: committees must be appointed, and they give you, 1st, the president, 16 cheers three guns. Federalism used almost to fail in expression. He was Adams and liberty, he was the rock, the pilot, in short every thing but a parish steeple; not a word about the vice-president! Next, millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute. Federalists rise; make the air ring; cannons make your speeches; and if any growling jacobin should damp the general joy, by speaking of a tribute to the dey of Algiers, blow him into the air. Then " confusion [Page 54]to the democrats: nine cheers. Now when one class of citizens begin to exorcise the other, the chances in favor of harmony and unanimity are wholly incal­culable. Again, "The American Fair, their frowns on democrats, and their exclusive smiles on federalists." There, my good friends, your toasts wont help you; those smiles are to be merited: not won by toasting.

I have introduced this little specimen of toasts to swell the list of delusive arts which are practised to render palatable the measures of administration, and to give force to a remark, that on the side of govern­ment have been prayers, sermons, orations, toasts, offices, influence and treasury; and against the re­publicans, alien and sedition laws; exclusion from of­fice; abuse in and out of congress; reviling in news­papers; and yet, with all this, at the end of 11 years, if the officers of government could be chosen [...]nder a new census, there is a moral certainty of a great ma­jority in favour of the democratic candidates. This shews, in a strong point of view, how little the ad­ministration has bottomed itself on the confidence of the people; the only basis on which a republic can rest.

When delusion has given command to attack the democrats on the score of their attachment to the cause of France, the stage, the desk and the press have been alike at his service. Falsehood has borrowed the hun­dred tongues of fame, and each tongue has had full em­ploy in detailing the enormities of the French, and in representing these enormities as the objects of affec­tion with the republicans; but they have shrunk from the distinction between the cause of struggling freedom and the enormities inseparable from a revolution.

To render such base delusions contemptible, let me call to your view the tottering thrones of Europe; the exhausted finances of royal tyrants: see where feudal­ism and vandalism had overspread kingdoms, sunk in the calm of despotism, shrouded in the night of slavish delusion: see freedom, like the lightning of the hea­vens, bursting from the midst of darkness in rapid [Page 55]and tremendous flashes; by this light see freemen mounting to the top of the waves in the tempestuous sea of liberty. Wait with patience; this sea will soon be quieted; that lightning will soon be succeeded by the day of freedom. Let not the convulsions which attend an unparalleled struggle for freedom alarm you, who witnessed the spasms of our partial revolu­tion. If with excess of pain and strong cryings the blood returns into the veins of a man in a state of re­suscitation, shall we wonder at the strong convulsions and inexpressible agonies which nations experience, when freedom, that vital fluid of society, after a sus­pension of 900 years, is again made to flow freely in its veins? Writers may tell you of the cruelties and excesses of the French revolution; British writers told the same of us when we contended against them. Summon up the faults of the best of men, you may fill a page; those of the worst of men might employ a pamphlet; those of nations in a state of peace would require volumes; and, in a state of war, if their ene­mies are to be their biographers, the world would hardly contain a catalogue of their crimes.

Lies told about the French, in English, Hamburg, Russian and German papers for months, all concentra­ted in one federal paper, present a most horrid charac­ter of that people. This concentration even for years is condensed into a cannibal's progress, and the picture becomes monstrous indeed. Suppose that all the true accounts of murders, robberies, extraordinary reptiles, duels, sentences of courts and executions in America, for one year, were to be republished with only the common exaggerations of a second impression: and if to these should be added, by those who are fond of the marvellous, many wonderful prodigies of fraud and cruelty, monstrous beasts and reptiles, calculated to impress the reader with horror; together with all the commentaries, which in the course of that year had been made on these publications, by the decided and rancorous enemies of the people, gov­ernment, [Page 56]climate and manners of America; and the whole published in the compass of a pocket volume, by an editor keenly determined to ruin our character; and then let this be read by a man re­solved to believe the worst of us; pray what would be [...] impressions? why he would consider Amer­ica as [...]he off-scouring of the earth; as a den of cru­elty; as a refuge for wild beasts and hideous rep­tiles, [...]ust as good have been your means of intelli­gence about France. Not one person who had any re­putation of friendship for that nation has addressed y [...] on the subject. Hence it has been thought regu­lar for every royalist to deal out his curses on France; to conjure up Satan to make up his deficiency of language to abuse them; and, having sent them on a journey to the infernal world, the next task was to send after them all who retained a belief, that though many of their measures were indefensible on cool ra­tional principles; that though in their mighty con­vulsions and tremendous wars they had sometimes been excessive; yet that their cause was good, and that the Lord reigned and guided the storm.

On this subject of elections, delusion always raises a great cry about the ins and outs, and it is said by the ins, that the outs wish to be in. This is always said by the same class of men; but how can it be true in the present case; for, according to their own statement, the public officers retire poor and the others could do better at home. Now one or the other side of this proposition must be true. If then theirs be true, that there are constant outgoings of disinterestedness and patriotism, why so unwilling tha [...] others should share the burden? Is it because they would not govern as well as you? Suffer me to say you are miserable judges on this point, and your modesty ought to preclude the suggestion. But suppose there are immense advanta­ges attached to the ins; such as the holding as tenants in common all the power in the country; distributing all the money, all the office [...]; living on the best, keep­ing [Page 57]the first of company; forming important connec­tions and providing for friends. ^* "If, says the vene­rable Pelatiah Webster, "the ins do not know how to appreciate such advantages, I pity not them so much as the fools who send them." The six dollars a-day, or four or five or twenty thousand dollars a year, form the smallest item in the account. Will you say, "we have responsibility to balance these extras?" Tell of the responsibility of nine-pins and rattle-boxes! pray where is your ability to respond, if by your misman­agement you take millions of money from the people, or waste thousands of lives in a useless quarrel? Open your purses and see whether you have small change to pay for principles dearly assumed, but idly sacrificed; for expected blessings, thro' your means, turned into curses founded on interminable interest; for ration­al freedom turned, by your delusive measures, into slavery unchangeable. Will you say that your char­acters are to pay the bill? alas! while the scrutiny is making they will vanish. This responsibility is all a delusion. The ins have privileges in abundance, and it was once said that in a free government these should be in rotation. Will you say that all mankind are alike, and in similar situations would equally be­tray? ^† Be it so, when the people let the power go out of their own hands they will always be betrayed. Take away the sovereignty of the people, which always rests in unbiassed ^‡ elections, and all the rest is not worth contending for. Take this away, and it is of no moment to the people who is president or vice-president—who are senators and members, or who are the heads of de­partments; for when that is gone, all the rest will sooner or later go: but 'tis of infinite moment to the people to know and feel, that if the elected do not [Page 58]conform, they shall not be re-elected. This forms a responsibility, which once established, might preserve a free republic for ever; and this maxim is the corner stone of republicanism. This is the rock founded on which a building would stand strong in the day of the floods and winds. Republicanism may bid defiance to delusion, whenever the people shall have firmness and weight enough to balance president, vice-president, senators, representatives, heads of department, diplo­matic corps, army, navy, together with all the subordi­nate agents which new measures place it in the power of rulers to appoint and support independent of them.

Another electioneering delusion is, "that the Au­rora and other republican papers are full of lies, and the conclusion is, that the federal papers are full of truths." Here let me ask how often did the federal papers drown, shoot, or massacre Buonaparte, while in Egypt? How often was Suwarrow victorious when he was flying before the French? How often was Moreau's army defeated by the humane conquer­or of Ismael? How often was Holland taken by the Duke of York? How often has rebellion been com­pletely quelled in Ireland? How many illuminats have been found in this country? How often has Mr. Ross been governor of Pennsylvania? How completely did Mr. Monroe fail of his election to the chair in Virgi­nia? What great federal conversions has been wrought in North Carolina? What plots in the South? and fi­nally, when nearly all the federal papers in the last year published the success of the federal ticket in New-York, and added, that democracy would never again raise its head there: I ask how true was it? The fede­ral papers tell you that all New England is federal; and even the same Boston papers, which announce 20,000 votes in favour of the democratic ticket, proclaims the integral federalism of that state: but unfortunately the federalists came in such throngs and so darkened the air, that 20,000 of them got benighted and voted for Gerry. Delusion, these are thy weak tricks!

[Page 59] Well, say these deluders, let the democrats have their way, they will appoint a president who will turn out all the old tried officers, and put a set of men in their place, who would annihilate the funding system and bring confusion out of order: then goes national character: for these men have no idea of honesty or public faith; but these democrats who best know their own calculations, profess that a president of their choice would probably retain in place all men who had served faithfully. As to their principles he might well calculate to find them in a bundle with their in­terests, and in a few weeks they would draw well in republican geers. The funding system would be anni­hilated as fast as means to discharge it could be pro­cured. These would result from savings, by calling home the deplomatic corps and the ships of war; by retrenching offices at home; salaries and unnecessary expences, and by the proceeds of our immense west­ern territory, and no laws would be made to prevent the citizens of other countries from coming to assist us in the reduction of it. Probably a new administra­tion would stop the building of the federal city, and leave its unfinished walls as a monument to future ages of the magnificent plans ^* of men, who once undertook to be the rulers of a free people; and that those who are hereafter to lament on another sub­ject, may here practise their notes of sorrow, and say, "Federal Babylon is fallen, is fallen!" that great ci­ty, which in the ordinary course of things would have been the refuge of every hateful bird, and the recepta­cle of the abominations of the whole earth. The system of a new administration would be less directed to fe­deral greatness than the present: our militia would be made strong; unlimited confidence would be placed in the people, and our constitution would be firmly sup­ported. Now I believe that such would be the course of a new administration; yet it is possible that they might seize a creditor and drag him to prison instead [Page 60]of his debtor: they may hang the witnesses in a cause instead of the condemned culprit; they might sell the country, and themselves and families a [...] auction; might declare war against their own characters and principles; and, like true harlequins bite their own heads off. These things are full as probable as any of the electioneering delusions dealt out to you.

Having under three general heads exhibited the prominent features of political delusion, suffer me to apply the subject in a [...] address to the nine tenths of society.

When you see, my brethren, the most despotic and tyrannical administrations in the world defend­ed by the ablest pens, bravest armies, and most shi­ning abilities, you surely will not believe that a combination of all these in our own is a conclusive argument of its goodness. Men have written and spoken like angels, and fought like blood-hounds, in defence of despotism and tyranny.

I have pointed to you the line which distinguishes you, the people, from that class of men whose inter­ests are opposed to those of the people, by naming to you the acts which mark this distinction. Not more opposed to religion are the world, the flesh and the devil, than are the subtlety, avarice and pride of the one tenth, to the rights of the nine tenths in society.

Newly initiated politicians, and anniversary ora­tors, having just learned the delightful machinery of energetic government, are apt to wonder how a people, who enjoy the sun and moon and tides, according to Stas [...]ord's Almanac, and whose lands produce in plenty, [...]n wish for another system of measures; but 'tis not by authority of the United States that the heavenly bodies revolves; not by rea­son of the interest of our court in the court of heaven, that we have spring and autumn, heat and light, fine crops and abundant markets. The praises of admin­istration have been [...]ng from the one end of the con­tinent [Page 61]to the other. Amused by this, your exer­tions have hitherto been devoted solely to the pro­motion of this one tenth, to the neglect of your­selves: ^* they have taken rank with the mighty men of the earth: while you, hewers of wood and drawers of water, have been "crouching down be­tween two burdens." 'Tis true you have as yet no titles of nobility; but who cares for titles of nobil­ity, provided you do not give with them wealth and influence? What would a duke in England be, if he had no property, nor credit, nor a seat in the house of lords? Fill a man with wealth and power, and he is in fact a peer of the realm. The nature of things is not changed by names; an eagle would not cease to be gold, though you should politely call it a York six-pence; nor would a cent experience the mighty power of a transmutation of metals, though you should call it an eagle. The man who can hold a supreme court in his cabin; sentence men to death, from which there can be no appeal nor reprieve, and hang them by dozens to the yard-arm for offen­ces, which in civil society might have cost them a fine of 7 dollars, can never respect the people. The man who can gain an appetite for breakfast, by seeing 100 lashes, severely bestowed, on half a score of sol­diers, for speaking lightly of some upstart adjutant, some privileged cousin of some influential man, can never respect the people. Martial and naval laws are fatal to freedom, and ought never to be in force, ex­cept at the moment of actual invasion. A man, attach­ed to the distinctions of being and blessedness be­tween the admiral and the sailor, the general and soldier, can never contemplate a condition of equal rights without contempt. He sees the soldier and sailor taken from the nine tenths of society, submit­ting [Page 62]to humiliations abhorrent to the cause for which he professed to enlist; and hence concludes that the class of men, from whom they were taken, deserves nothing but lashes and contempt.

The luxurious courtier, who must have his pease and salmon, before the frost has left the earth, or the ice the rivers, and who loaths the sight of vegetable or animal food in the season of it; who rides in a gig with half a dozen lacqueys behind him; who curses every tavern-keeper; excommunicates eve­ry cook, and kicks over the table, because his eggs were not brought to him in a pre-existent state; can never have any opinion of the plebians who are toiling to furnish the means of his splendor.

The man who, raised by the people from 25 and 50 cent habits, to a lucrative establishment; from a plain to a sumptuous table; from a laborious profes­sion to the brilliant region of levees and courts; from the company of farmers to the society of fo­reign ministers; and from obscure life to the top ridge of the federal mountain, must look down on the people. No shade-wilted belle ever looked with more scorn on the ruddy milk-maid, than does such an elevated Proteus on his fog-benighted con­stituents. He looks up and sees some still greater be­ings about him; but wisely calculates that the same power, which raised him from nothing can make a man-mountain of him. Feeling that more power would be welcome to himself, he endeavours to fill all his superiors with [...]s much power as possible. Charged with this mighty project, he forgets all sense of connection, and is full as likely to appoint a lieutenant-general and inspector-general without an army as with. He is for making his fourth-proof and common-proof sea-commanders, by the pompous title of vice-admirals and admirals, even without a na­vy; and in all this dream forgets that at home he left an abundance of generals, who led numerous stocks and herds; and that the uncut navies of his native [Page 63]state were full of admirals with axes on their shoul­ders. ^* But full of his immense project, he writes long letters to his constituents, of things passing strange and wondrous pitiful;—"how that the honor of America would not suffer her to send to a foreign court, men, whom that court could not with honor receive, and how those good men, after ploughing much water, found themselves, as they expected, ill received; and how they came back a­gain, and how much they had been assailed by the rear guard of the alphabet; and how every nation has a right to send such men abroad as they please; ^† and concludes, by telling the people that they must be mad, and must put, cockades in their hats, and be mad for many days, and must have great talks, and raise an army of officers, and make out a valuation, on which the most loyal state in the union, should have the honor of paying a tax one year earlier than the rest; and how the people must tru [...] the reins of govern­ment wholly in the hands of the constituted autho­rities; for that troublesome times are coming."

As all this appears to come from one of our own flesh and blood, it appears highly plausible and is readily swallowed; but it never occurs, till all is over, that this same man, though one of us, is now translated into another state of being; that he has new hopes, new objects, more enlarged conceptions; that instead of being our representative, he has be­come a representative of the United States. It never occurs that this man's greatness is mightily enhan­ced, if he can be a master workman in the shop, wh [...] all these generals, and admirals, and envoys, and [...]cers' commissions, and taxes are manufactured. It never occurs that all that he pays of the expence of this business, will be only some decimals of the units, which we pay him over what his services are worth.

[Page 64] Now if the contempt of these great men for the nine tenths of society were all it might be borne; but immense sums must be levied by them in order to support their splendor and their schemes of great­ness. I have avoided to speak to you of unaccounted for millions; but HAVE PRESENTED SYSTEMS BY WHICH THE WEALTH OF THE WORLD IS TO BE WASTED, AND THE BLOOD OF MILLIONS IS TO FLOW; yet it may be well for you to know that the support of your government now amounts to 42,000 dollars a day: ^* that this expence has been, and is increasing; and that, in the last ses­sion, it was found impossible to provide ways and means to raise the 15 millions of dollars for the ex­pences of the present year. The secretary proposed a stamp duty on transfers of real estate. The com­mittee of ways and means proposed a national lotte­ry, which might annually raise from 100 to 150,000 dollars; and the same committee reported the expe­diency of impowering the president to borrow 3,500,000 dollars for the service of the present year. Large loans are convenient sops for a greedy sink­ing fund—when public resources fail, and public good requires some object to be compassed too aban­doned to justify a tax or a subscription, a lottery is often proposed, and in the scheme immense advan­tages are offered to the purchaser: no less than one chance in 25,000 to draw the highest prize. An old soldier would be shot at for one cent, if his chance of being killed was no greater than one in 25,000; but worse than bad chances, the sinews of industry must be cut in the purchaser: relying on dame fortune he must quit dame industry; for they keep their lod­gers at different hotels. Scarcely two and a half blanks to a prize! and why should not fortune deluge a man for this once, when before she had never dropped on him a particle of her dew? But the fortunate adven­turer must resign 15 per cent. in order to entitle him to a draw-back of 15 per cent. in his chance for [Page 65]ruin; and the woe-worn disappointed blank-holders are taught to wait for another scheme and better stars.

All this bears in front the marks of delusion, and it is far better to be thus deluded than to have money raised upon us by indirect means. When my tax-master fears to present me his bill, lest I should ask the whys and wherefores, he contrives in some artful way to pick my pockets. He knows that I have pas­sions, propensities and wants. These he taxes in the articles which contribute to my supply or indulgence. He sees that streams of wealth are flowing into the treasury thro' the medium of sugar hogsheads and tea­chests. I feel that my resources are expending: he cheers me up with, "fear not, the hairs of your head are all numbered;" to which I might well reply, "yes, and all the pence in my pocket." But lotteries draw money from the credulous; indirect taxes from the voluptuary: imperious necessity demands a stamp, and valuation tax: all will not ward off the dreaded crisis. Tho' in an individual the lending of money at 8 per cent. is a crime, denominated by statute corrupt and usurious, and meriting a forfeiture of the whole sum loaned; yet the exigencies of government drive them to procure the commission of this crime. Then comes the moment for sovereign delusion to open all its batteries, the wounds of a bleeding country! just healing under the metallic tractors of Grenville, o­pened afresh, by exterminating France: a country im­poverished by too copious emanations of gratitude to­wards the revolutionary army, and overpowered by sensibility towards the dey of Algiers, for suffering us to exchange the most valuable productions of the earth, for the wine, oil and fruits of the Mediter­ranean: a most benevolent country, wishing to be on speaking and hand-shaking terms with every power in Europe, and obliged for that end to send abroad ship loads of diplomacy: a most equitable country! suf­fering the irruptions of law less savages and the plots of seditious jacobins—must have an army; must have a fleet. A warlike attitude commands peace, and a [Page 66]peaceful conduct provokes wars; exertions must be made: posterity must not be burdened with taxes. All this is closed with a flattering statement of the financial condition of our country, and a few round periods, shewing the prosperity of our country as flowing from the greatest quantity of wisdom, pru­dence and patriotism that was ever made into one compost, since the creation of the world. ^*

Surely the nine-tenths of our people have too much sense and firmness to sacrifice their political all to such false artifices.

Most of the delusions which I have named to you, will be practised on you at the approaching presiden­tial election, and then delusion, ever busy and inven­tive, will assume new and potent forms, proportioned to the immense importance of that occasion. Some candidates will be proposed to you, whose whole sys­tem consists of the delusions which I have explained: but was our revolution atchieved? did the great God guide the storm in order to land us in the harbour of peace and freedom, and yet is the whole scene to be clouded with the bursting of crackers, and raising of sky-rockets? Republicans be awake—the day is more important than any day of your revolution. Now re­publicanism dies or lives for ever. Your candidate is a tried patriot and statesman. It is not the atheist Jef­ferson; not the infamous discoverer of a standard of weights and measures by the vibrations of a pendu­lum; not the base author of the letter to Mazzei. Fe­deralists need not apprehend that such a man is to be held up; but your candidate is,

JEFFERSON, president of the philosophical society, who, in all his communications to them, has spoken reverently of the wisdom and goodness of God; ^† the [Page 67]man who in his writings has spoken reverently of the christian religion, and has for years supported at his own expence a preacher of the gospel; a man of un­questionable morality both in theory and practice; a­miable in private life; holding the second office in your government by the free suffrages of the people; the ingenious discoverer of a perfect standard of weights and measures, and the man who in public, as well as private, has dared to speak truths galling to federal ears; has dared to say that we had men, who preferred the calm of despotism to the tempest­nous sea of liberty; that we had an aristocratic, monarchic, Britannic faction in this country. Know­ing accurately the power of delusion, he ventured to predict, that after the war there would be a relapse of spirit in the people; that abuses would creep in and continue, till a crisis, when, by the energy of the people, our rights would revive; or, till they should expire in a convulsion: and herein he predicted this very day. Our spirit has declined; gross abuses have crept in; we have a powerful aristocratic, monar­chic, Britannic faction; but by a due exertion of your constitutional right of election, your rights may yet revive; and the man who predicted this, lives to re­ceive the testimony of your respect and confidence, the withholding of which may lead you to the sad catastrophe of seeing your dearly earned rights lite­rally expire in a convulsion.

However you may be agitated on the subject of religion, rest assured, that you are not to depend on any administration of government for the prosperi­ty of Zion. You will not, like the people of En­gland, expect that examples of piety, issues of grace, and streams of salvation, are to flow from his most sacred majesty, and the titled slaves which compose a luxurious court. The chariot wheels of salvation, are far different from the chariot wheels which are to be rolling round the streets of the federal city, with loads of domestic and imported infidelity.

[Page 68] Finally, republicans, be strong: tho' they, who are opposed to you may say, "we are called legion; for we are many," fear not their numbers. Though they may offer you all the kingdoms in the world in considera­tion of your submission: tho' they may say, "follow us, and ye shall be as gods," [...]eed them not: their busi­ness is to delude you. Singular as it may seem, though you have been called infidels; yet you have to com­bat systems destructive to religion: though you have been called jacobins; yet you have to contend for that equal rational freedom which no jacobin ever sought: tho' you have been called infernals; yet you have the same enemies to fight which the ancient church had: you have principalities and powers, and the rulers of the darkness of this world, and spirit­ual wickedness in high places, with the prince of the power of the air at the head of them. Though a government which you equally obtained and equal­ly support, has been directed both in language and laws against your feelings, liberties and rights; yet you have waited peaceably, tho' impatiently, for the day of your constitutional deliverance. Soon will your prison doors be set open; the day to redeem yourselves from great and little tyrants is at hand. If you have firmness to meet the crisis, and faithful­ly to act your parts in it, you may shout, for your redemption is at hand.

But if in any of you present, delusion has wrought its perfect work, if you have bowed the knee to the political Baal: if you are slavishly devoted to the self stiled friends of order and good government, then bid an eternal adieu to the freedom which you never merited; prepare your necks for the yoke; hail Isachar as your venerated ancestor; say to delu­sion, "thou art my father," and to the funding system, federal city, foreign intercourse, army, navy, "ye are our brethren and sisters."