ABOUT the end of July, 1797, the yellow fever again made its appearance in Philadelphia. It conti­nued to extend through various parts of the City and Liber­ties, for about three months. Towards the close of October, some days of cold weather, or perhaps some natural cause beyond the reach of human conception, by degrees, abated its violence. Its ravages have now ceased; or, if a few re­maining patients can be found, they are only to be consi­dered as convalescents, and rare exceptions to the general statement, that the city is now restored to its usual propor­tion of healthiness.

The citizens became more early aware of their danger than in 1793; and the speedy flight of many thousands of them into the country, seems to have been the chief cause why the mortality of this contagion has been so much less violent than that of the former. By the way, though not so generally known as to create alarm, it is true, that in the fall of 1794, Philadelphia had a transient visit from this fatal scourge. A small number of persons, perhaps twenty or thirty, died of it. The unexpected intervention of one or two days of a wind more than usually cold for that season of the year, was the apparent cause of its abrupt extinc­tion. Perhaps the infection might be less violent in its nature than that of the former year. It is well known, that the plague, while remaining identically the same dis­ease, hath yet very different degrees of violence in its suc­cessive [Page 4]visitations. In 1794, the sickness was kept a secret by those who had an opportunity to be acquainted with its having reached the city. The news was, on every account, unwelcome; and, happily, there did not occur any positive occasion for its being generally divulged.

As the consequences of the present fever have been much less dreadful than of that in 1793, an account of it will be far less interesting; besides, the subject has lost much of novelty. The silent desolation of our streets in one year, displays a close resemblance to the same scene in another year. But still it may be proper that some compendious ac­count should be given of this calamity, that hath again so abruptly swept away so many of our relations and acquain­tances.

On the 11th of August, 1797, the governor of Penn­sylvania issued a proclamation. He mentioned the intelli­gence of a contagious disease existing in the West-Indies. He enjoined that every vessel from the Islands, from New-Orleans, or from any French, Dutch, or Spanish ports on the Main, should perform quarantine for five days, at the health-office, on State-Island; or for such longer time, as the resident physicians and officers of the health-office should advise.

A second copy of this proclamation was issued on the 15th of August, with the addition of " British" ports on the Main. On the 14th, the governor wrote a letter to Dr. John Redman, president of the college of physicians, re­questing a state of facts as to the origin and progress of the contagion. The answer, dated August 16th, said, in a few words, that "a malignant contagious fever has lately ap­peared in Penn-street, and its vicinity, of which ten or twelve persons have died." He promised to communicate, as speedily as possible, the advice of the college.

The following piece appeared, on the 16th of August, in the newspapers:

[Page 6]On the 16th of August, a proclamation was issued from the health-office. Citizens, in general, and especially those keeping lodging-houses for sailors, and passengers from vessels, were advised to give notice of any such persons, if seized with indisposition, having the appearance of the yel­low fever, to the health-office; to Dr. Samuel Duffield, No. 12, Chesnut-street; to captain William Allen, No. 2, Key's-Alley, or to any of the inspectors of health in the City or Liberties, that the patients might be removed to the city hospital, where every accommodation was provided for their reception.

On the 18th, the board of health published the follow­ing account of patients supposed to be ill of the contagion:

Friday, 18th August, 1797.

In consequence of circular letters addressed to the phy­sicians, for the purpose of obtaining information of the number of patients who may be afflicted with fevers of a malignant or contagious nature, the following reports have been received yesterday and to-day, viz.

• Drs. Seybert, Pascalis, Cutbush, Goss and Parks—no case of a contagious nature.
• Dr. Thompson—one patient, with every symptom of a malignant nature.
• Dr. Dorsey—two do. in a bilious yellow fever.
• Dr. Griffiths—one case, suspicious only.
• Dr. Currie—three cases, two recovering, the other re­moved.
• Dr. Gallaher—one case, suspicious only.
• Dr. Budd—one do.
• Dr. Woodhouse—one, recovering.
• Dr. Caldwell—one, in a bad way.
• Dr. Annan—one, do.
• Dr. Dewees—one, suspicious only.
• Dr. Wistar—two, suspicious only, and those under a consultation.

The following letter, from Dr. Currie, appeared in reply to those above inserted from Dr. Mease. They deserve to be printed entire, as tending to throw light on the origin of the contagion:

The following letter was transmitted from Dr. Redman, to governor Mifflin, in answer to his request for the advice of the college of physicians:

Hopes were still entertained that the progress of the con­tagion might be checked. On the 21st of August, the in­spectors of the health office published an address to the ci­tizens. They began with assuring the public that the infec­tion which had made its appearance in Penn-street and its vicinity, was so limited in its extent, that, by proper exer­tions, it might, in their opinion, be entirely removed. They next published a series of resolutions, to which was sub­joined a note signed by Mr. Dallas, as secretary of Penn­sylvania: he signified the approbation of the governor. The resolutions directed, that every person infected with the yellow fever, and whose case would admit of removal, should be conveyed by his friends, or the health officer, to a proper situation distant from Philadelphia. The ad­joining inhabitants were directed immediately to remove; a yellow flag was to be placed to houses containing, or which had recently contained, the sick. No person, the needful attendants excepted, was to enter any such house, till it had been properly cleansed. Physicians were requested to give notice of such contagious cases as came under their observation. The board farther announced, that a number of houses and tents had been procured for accommodating the healthy people who might remove from the city. At the same time, there was published a list of the inspectors, being twenty-four in number, with the respective places of their residence. A note, of the 21st of August, from their chairman, John Miller, jun. stated, that since the 17th inst. [Page 12]ten cases of fever had occurred south of Pine-street, and mostly in Penn-street, of which several had been sent to the hospital. Two others in the city had been traced back to Penn-street.

The newspapers now began to be crouded with publica­tions respecting the yellow fever. Dr. Caldwell, in a let­ter of the 21st, said, that the report of the committee of health, exhibited but "a very faint and imperfect image of the health of the city, relative to the prevailing malig­nant fever." On the 22d, Drs. Dobel, Cox, Pleasants, and Church were appointed to visit the City and Liberties, in quest of new cases. On that day, only three were reported to the board of health. The Wigwam Tavern, out Race-street, near Schuylkill, some years since converted into an hospital, was made use of for the reception of the sick. It was said that some dead bodies were removed from it, about this time, back into the city, for interment. If it was intended to spread the disorder, a more apt method could not have been contrived. The idle parade of a number of people at burials, ought to have been forbidden, as also the custom of ringing bells for the dead, which served only to alarm the sick. However irre­ligious it may seem, places of worship ought to have been universally shut up. To assemble a thousand or fifteen hun­dred people, of all ages, and from all parts of the city, into one place of meeting, in weather which was moderately warm, and during the prevalence of such a distemper, was certainly imprudent, as it could not fail to promote the disorder.

Another mistake was, the enduring of a public market in the midst of the city. This spot was frequently, upon market days, so crouded, that one could not walk twenty yards through it without jostling against persons on every side. Their very breath and clothes were sufficient to convey contagion. This fever may well be termed a younger branch of the plague. In countries where the latter prevails, if as little attention was given, as has lately been exhibited in Philadelphia, to keep people at a distance from each other, the human race would, perhaps, in these parts of the world, be extirpated. It would have been very easy to adjourn the market to a spot on the commons, [Page 13]where people should not have been under the necessity of squeezing each other in this way. Taverns, as another ve­hicle of infection, should have been discouraged from be­ing kept open, unless such as were designed for the recep­tion of travellers from the country. The latter exception would have been necessary for securing subsistence to the inhabitants.

The alarm continued gradually to increase: on the 23d of August, the board of health reported that fifteen new cases had occurred since the day before, and that the ut­most diligence would be necessary to prevent the disorder from spreading. The inhabitants began to move into the country; and, in a short time, they emigrated in such pro­digious numbers, that the city was said to be half empty. On every road from Philadelphia were seen waggons con­veying families and their effects to the country. Many merchants removed to Wilmington, where they began business. Germantown, Chester, Wilmington, Frankfort, Darby, Trenton, Bordenton, Easton, and Burlington were more or less crouded with fugitives, who fled in every di­rection. Sometimes they carried the disease along with them; as in the instance of Mr. Robert Cary, glazier, who died at Burlington of the disorder; which, almost at the same time, cut off his son Mr. James Cary, a clerk in the office of the Philadelphia Gazette. He had remained in the city, and was universally lamented, as a young man of uncommon merit. So greatly was Philadelphia thinned, within the space of a week or two, that almost nobody was to be seen upon the streets. Even of those who staid in town, many shut themselves up in their houses, as in so many castles, and entertained no commerce with their neigh­bours, unless when they ventured out to market; and that, above noticed, was a dangerous service. Among other misfortunes, the markets grew dearer than usual, and some of the bakers made their bread as light, it is said, as when flour had been at fifteen dollars per barrel. We must, how­ever, take into account, the very great risk which they ran, by staying, upon any terms, in the city.

The appearance of the streets was not, upon the whole, so exceedingly dismal as in the fall of 1793. Sometimes one met a cart driving at considerable speed to Potter's [Page 14]field. The man who took care of it was frequently singing. The dead bodies were not, on every occasion, very decent­ly put into coffins; but this is a topic too delicate to be en­larged upon. One cart broke down, above the corner of Chesnut and Seventh-streets; and the body, which was not removed for several hours, annoyed the neighbourhood with a most intolerable smell.

An alarm had now spread over the continent. On the 18th of August, the governor of New-York published a proclamation, directing that all vessels from Philadelphia should, till further orders, perform quarantine. On the 23d, the governor of this state issued a proclamation.— He therein ordered that all communication should be cut off with the wharves, houses, and inhabitants situated be­tween Spruce and Front-streets, to extend from the river to the west side of Front street. Necessary attendants only were to be admitted within this spot. Poles or fences were to be placed across the streets and avenues leading to it. The shipping were to be removed from the wharves, and yellow flags to be placed at the corner of each of the streets leading to the rest of the city. An injunction was added for the removal of the sick, if the case would admit of it, and the inhabitants were also to remove upon orders from inspectors of the health office. Yellow flags were to be suspended from the tops of the houses, wherein the sick­ness had appeared. The physicians were requested to give notice to the health office, of all cases within their know­ledge. A fine of three hundred dollars was to be impo­sed on any person obstructing the execution of this order, or neglecting to pay obedience to it.

The latter part of this proclamation met with an imme­diate refusal; for, on the very next day, the 24th of Au­gust, the inspectors informed the public, that they could no longer tell whether any new cases had occurred, because the physicians had not given them any communications. A misunderstanding had taken place: The doctors declined to name the number of their patients, because the latter were liable, when discovered, to be hurried off to the Wigwam in carts. This treatment gave general offence. Had a coach been employed for that end, as it was in the sequel, and something more of gentleness been displayed, [Page 15]the scheme would have succeeded much better. It is here stated, on respectable authority, that an English gentleman was hurried away to the hospital, although he offered five hundred dollars for leave to continue where he was, and although the people where he lodged were willing to have kept him. It is added, that he died soon after his removal.

Another instance is generally reported and believed, of a woman being hurried off, as in a yellow fever, and who next morning was delivered of a child. Very strong ob­jections were made to the peremptory orders of removal, as both inhuman and impracticable. Dr. Caldwell, in a letter to the printer of the Philadelphia Gazette, of the 28th of August, inveighed severely against it. He related that he had on Saturday, the 26th, been called to a patient. This man was seized with illness on the Wednesday preceding, and had forborne, as he said, to call in assistance, for fear of being conveyed to the hospital. He mentioned another case of a man, who, when dying, sent for him to enquire if any thing could be given to alleviate his pain. He did not expect to be cured, but had merely sent for aid in the hope of obtaining a mitigation to the agony of his last mo­ments. Dr. Caldwell added, that many other cases of this sort had occurred. He farther said that he had lately ob­served in the crowd of the court house in Chesnut-street, three persons who, a few hours before, had been visiting patients ill of the fever. He had them called out, and persuaded them to go away. On the 28th, the inspectors advertised that a coachee was kept in readiness at the con­stable's office, at the corner of Front and Almond street, for the removal of those who desired to be sent to the hos­pital, as also that a hearse was kept at the same place. But it was more easy to raise an alarm than to suppress it.

The inclosure recommended by the governor, and like­wise the yellow flags, were pulled down, in spite of the threatened penalty of three hundred dollars. Indeed, the best safe-guard was the removal of the inhabitants into the country, which, of course, crippled the progress of the contagion. Much of its violence may be ascribed to the wretched practice common in Philadelphia, as well as in all other large towns, of jamming and heaping houses to­gether, as if the surface of the country did not afford room [Page 16]for holding them. Nothing can be more completely ridi­culous, than that, in a continent twelve hundred leagues wide, and where land is so extremely plenty, that conta­gion should be promoted by the narrowness of the streets. In 1793, only thirty-nine persons died in the whole extent of Market-street, from the Delaware to the Schuylkill; whereas, in Pewter-Platter-Alley, containing perhaps forty houses, thirty-two persons died; in Elfrith's-Alley, twen­ty-three, in Combes's-Alley, twenty-nine; and in Mora­vian-Alley, thirty-seven. These make, in whole, an hundred and twenty-one deaths, in only four alleys. If each of them had been as wide as Market-street, the chance is, that at least half of these lives would have been saved. If Water-street, and several others, were near an hundred feet broad, the ravages of this dreadful disorder would surely have been less fatal; as ventilation is an evident preventative. This appears from the distemper having made such very small progress in the country. It would have saved many lives annually, if every street in the City and Liberties had been thirty or forty yards broad, even if there never had been a yellow fever. In the hot summer months, Philadelphia is far from being a healthful situa­tion, and to children it is extremely fatal. Two or three hundred additional acres of ground, which at the planning of the city was not worth twenty dollars per acre, would have saved, by this time, thousands of lives. It is well known that previous to the great fire in London, in 1666, the plague had seldom, if ever, been entirely out of that city. But after it was burnt, the streets being rebuilt on a wider plan, that distemper has never since been known to infest it.

The assembly of the state met on the 29th of August, and, on the same day voted ten thousand dollars to be appro­priated for the accommodation, employment, and re­lief of the sick and indigent, during the prevalence of the fever. The money was acceptable and useful; yet, if the sum given had been even considerably larger, there was no want of objects of charity to receive it. The state is worth some millions of dollars, and an additional donation could scarcely have injured its interest.

A committee from the health-office were appointed to [Page 17]visit the hospitals, at State-Island, and the Wigwam, which they did on the 26th of August. They reported, that at the former place they found only thirteen patients; all of whom appeared to be on the recovery. At the Wigwam, forty-eight had been received, of whom sixteen were dead, and most of the remainder either cured, or in a state of convalescence.

It has already been hinted, that a misunderstanding had arisen between some of the physicians and the inspectors of the health-office, in consequence of which, the former had declined giving in any further reports of their patients. ^* On the 1st of September, 1797, the board published a narrative of their proceedings, in consequence of the governor's pro­clamation. They denied that force had been employed, or even contemplated, for the removal of the sick to the hos­pital; and that no such removals had taken place, unless when the attending physician declared the measure to be ne­cessary. As to the former assertion, the general belief is otherwise; though force might be used, and undoubtedly was used, by some agents of the board, perhaps with­out their knowledge. If the physicians had in every case been consulted, they could have had no reason to be of­fended, as they certainly were, when they declined the re­porting of cases. The board further said, that all persons near the sick, necessary attendants excepted, had been ear­nestly advised to remove. They mentioned, that the City-Hospital had been kept in a state of complete preparation for the receiving of patients; and that five physicians, Drs. Cox, Dobel, Pleasants, Church, and Leib, had been ap­pointed in different parts of the city, to seek out and ad­minister relief to such persons as required assistance.

[Page 18]After giving this view of the subject, the inspectors ex­pressed a hope, that all sick or indisposed persons, as well as those employed in the care of them, would see the pro­priety of an early application either to their family-physi­cian, to Dr. Duffield, consulting physician of the port of Philadelphia, or to some of the medical gentlemen above named. There was a postscript at the bottom of this notice, which must have been the consequence of some hesitation among the members of the board themselves. It was sign­ed by four members, who said, that during the considera­tion of this address, they had requested and obtained leave to withdraw. The burials at this time began to be more numerous. An account appeared in the Philadelphia Ga­zette, stating, that, during the forty-eight hours preceding Monday, the 4th of September, at noon, there had been thirty-six interments. This was a greater number of dead than had yet occurred within an equal period.

The commissioners appointed by the governor to carry into effect the law for alleviating the distresses of the poor, by the expenditure of ten thousand dollars, attended punc­tually to their appointment. Their names are as follow, viz.

• Robert Wharton, (Chairman) South Third-street, No. 135.
• George Krebs, North Fifth-street, No. 17.
• John James, (Treasurer) do. do. No. 18.
• Israel Israel, corner of Chesnut and Third-streets.
• Thomas Savery, North Fifth-street, No. 20.
• Edward Garrigues, Cherry-street, No. 39.

• Samuel Wheeler, Vine-street, No. 99.
• John Wagner, Noble-street.
• George Inglis, New Market-street.

• Samuel Church, corner of South and Water-streets.
• William Linnard, South Second-street.
• Robert M'Mullin, Swanson-street.

[Page 19]They invited the inhabitants to recommend in writing such indigent persons as might come within their know­ledge. These were to be assisted by applying at the state-house from three to nine o'clock in the evening, of Wed­nesday, the 6th inst. and thereafter, on "every 2d, 4th, and 6th days of the week, called Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, while necessary." The commissioners, as above, were twelve in number, and their names and respective places of residence were printed, that people, during the recess of their meetings, in want of employment or relief, might know where to apply. Numbers of per­sons were immediately set to work upon the streets and high-roads near the city. The funds were not adequate to give them full wages; and some of the overseers told them that a whole day's work was not, of course, to be expected from them. The reader may suppose that no such hints were necessary, for idleness is natural to man. But relief was essential, and it was proper to find them employment, if only to divert them. Should their perfor­mances not have been equal to the expense which they cost, still it was fit that they should have something to do. Even supposing that only ten of them were dishonest, the temp­tation to robbery might have proved more detrimental to the citizens, than the whole amount of the expenditure; for some of them, after getting their wages, actually rob­bed one another. On South-street and Broad-street, the indulgence was taken in its utmost latitude; but when it is considered that some were emaciated, others delicate—and that many soon got blisters on their hands, no great ex­ertions could be expected.

The contagion continued to extend. For the twenty-four hours preceding Saturday the 9th, at noon, the Phila­delphia Gazette reported thirty-two deaths; being about double the amount of any former single day. From that time, till Monday at noon, the deaths were by the same newspaper, fifty-seven. On September 7th, the inhabitants of the Northern Liberties appointed a committee to assist the board of health. On the 12th, the commissioners for assist­ing the poor, sent a letter to the governor, giving an ac­count of their proceedings. They stated that, from the 4th to the 9th instant, two hundred and eighty-four per­sons, chiefly heads of families, had been relieved, at an expense [Page 20]of two hundred and sixty-nine dollars and sixty-five cents, besides a quantity of bread, the cost of which an account had not been received. Two hundred and fifty men, at seventy-five cents per day, had been employ­ed on the roads, and to open the courses of water in South­wark, so as to drain the grounds. Provision was further made for about two hundred people, who had removed to the tents on the Schuylkill.

On the 22d of September, a note appeared in the news­papers, signed by James Oldden, No. 1, South Sixth-street; John Gardiner, jun. No. 28, Strawberry-alley; Frank­lin Wharton, No. 268, South Second-street; John Clif­ton, No. 74, Swanson-street, Southwark; and Thomas An­derson, No. 63, Shippen-street, do. They stated, that the guardians of the poor having generally left the city, they had voluntarily undertaken to superintend the poor, near Schuylkill; and had appointed David Thomas to be steward, who constantly resided there. They notified, that those who desired to remove from the neighbourhood of the sick, to the tents, were to apply to them for an or­der, before they could be admitted. They requested con­tributions of straw, of old blankets, of children's clothes, &c.

In a second letter from the commissioners, appointed to inspect the distribution of money, to the governor, dated September the 18th, they related, their having, during that week, relieved six hundred and fifty-eight per­sons, chiefly heads of families, with five hundred and nine­ty-five dollars and fifty cents, besides a considerable quantity of bread; that about 520 persons, who were thrown out of employment, and destitute of subsistence, had been paid at the rate of seventy-five cents per day, for labouring on the high-roads, &c. They had been obliged, from the state of their funds, to lower the wages to fifty cents.

In a third letter to the governor, dated September 25th, the commissioners mentioned, that, since their last, they had relieved eight hundred and fifty-five persons. They had paid six hundred and thirty-nine men for labour on the roads; and including provisions for the people in the tents, and forty-six dollars and fifty-four cents for incidents, their whole expenditure came to five thousand seven hun­dred [Page 21]and eighty-one dollars and forty-nine cents. Some accounts were likewise unsettled. Hence the total outlay came to upwards of two thousand dollars per week; and, consequently, the whole money granted by the legislature, being ten thousand dollars, would last only for five weeks, or to the end of the one then current.

To remedy this deficiency, the mayor of Philadelphia was authorised, by an ordinance, to borrow on the credit of the Corporation, from either of the banks in the city, ten thousand dollars; one thousand were to be applied to the repairing of the high roads, and the remainder for the hiring of patroles, and such other measures as might be necessary for the protection of the city.

On October 4th, the commissioners for taking care of the poor, addressed a fourth letter to the governor. They stated, that the weekly expense of supporting them, came to upwards of two thousand five hundred dollars. They had since their last publication, relieved a number of men, by employment on the roads, at fifty cents per day, to the amount of fifteen hundred dollars; other distribu­tions had come to the amount of twelve hundred dollars more. They earnestly recommended private subscriptions for the relief of the poor, and subjoined a catalogue of do­nations already made. This is reserved for a separate arti­cle, including the whole of such donations, as far as it shall be found possible to collect them.

The Merchant's Advertiser of October 10th, contained another address from the commissioners. They began by stating, that, on September 1st, they had accepted of their appointment. They then received the ten thousand dollars bestowed by the legislature, and which had gene­rally been supposed more than sufficient for the purpose. They found, upon examination, upwards of three thousand people, of all ages, destitute of work or subsistence. The number had since greatly increased, and the whole yet re­mained in the same suffering condition. They next, in pa­thetic terms, addressed the richer class of their fellow-citi­zens for aid; and considerable supplies were gradually pro­cured.

By the 15th of October, sixteen physicians had been affected with the disorder. Of these, eight, whose names are [Page 22]in Italic, fell its victims: the names of the whole are as follow:

• Dr. Way.
• Dr. Thompson.
• Dr. Annan.
• Dr. Dobel.
• Dr. Jones.
• Dr. Pleasants.
• Dr. Clements.
• Dr. Hunt.
• Dr. Reynolds.
• Dr. Physick.
• Dr. Caldwell.
• Dr. Church.
• Dr. B. Duffield.
• Dr. Haworth.
• Dr. Boys.
• Dr. Strong.

If a generous contempt of danger and of death me­rits the gratitude of mankind, that tribute is, on the pre­sent emergency, unquestionably due to the physicians of Philadelphia. The most laborious, hazardous and disagree­able task was, in almost every instance, to be performed gratuitously. Dr. Dobel, with a view to this contagion, had previously made his will. He was of independent cir­cumstances; had been married but a few months before, and could have no temptation for the office which he un­dertook, but what arose from pure benevolence.

Apprehensions had been, for some time, entertained by the steward of the city hospital, that illicit practices were carried on at that place; after some vigilance, one of the attendants was, on the 12th of October, taken with a bag full of sundries belonging to the public. On a promise of forgiveness, he confessed that property, to a considerable amount, had been secreted in the house of a certain John Brown, another of the attendants. A search-warrant was issued; and the fact being proved, Brown was directly committed to prison.

Before the middle of October, the mortality in the city began to abate. On the 13th of that month, the inspectors of the health-office addressed a note, signed by William Montgomery, as chairman, to such of their fellow-citi­zens whose families were then out of town. They were advised not to return for a few days longer, because, altho' there was an appearance of the fever having begun to sub­side, still they did not think it advisable to return at so early a period. They particularly cautioned citizens resi­dent in the country from yet entering Southwark, and the lower parts of the city. They further advised, that proper [Page 23]persons should, in the mean time, be employed to ventilate and clean their houses.

Nothing, however, could exceed the impatience of some citizens to return. There had been complaints of extortion in those small towns and places in the country to which many had retired. This is worthy of observation, that we may be cautioned, in case Providence should permit Phi­ladelphia to be again visited by a similar misfortune. That quadrupeds, birds, and aquatic animals, should prey upon each other, seems, in many classes, to have been the pre­vious destination of nature; but that human beings should practice the same rapacity against their fellow-creatures, is a very poor illustration of the pretended sanctity so pom­pously displayed by some of them. Many of the country people have gained largely by the city; yet when its inha­bitants came into their power, they discovered what small reliance should be placed on their gratitude. Both lodging and provisions were often unconscionably enhanced in price. This extortion was sometimes attended with much affected concern for the sufferers, and many pleas of merit for giving them admittance on any terms whatever. To this account, exceptions were to be found, and this contrast added still more to the shame of the inhospitable.

As a relief to the sameness of this detail, we shall here insert a few anecdotes which have come within our infor­mation.

Soon after the commencement of the fever, and while the inhabitants kept a guarded distance from each other, the bar-keeper of Mr. Wucherer's tavern, in Chesnut-street, happened to be abroad, fell into company, came home inebriated, and went to bed. Suspicion immediately took the alarm; and a doctor was sent for, who pronounced his case to be the yellow fever. The neighbours were un­der apprehensions for their safety, and began to pack up their furniture for a retreat to the country. But next morn­ing unfolded their mistake, by the patient's resuming the duties of his station. Several loungers about Market-street wharf, were, like the bar-keeper, considered as having caught the contagion, and, consequently, conveyed to the hospital. Some of them, perhaps, got infected in that place by the disease, as one or two paid their last debt to nature. Dur­ing [Page 24]this time, a volunteer patrol guarded the city. One night, some of them took up three foreign sailors; and in accompanying them to their vessel, one of them, either to escape from the patrol or by accident, fell into the river, and was drowned. His body was found and buried next day. The committee of health requited each of the patrol with twenty-two dollars per month; and the latter have since been raising a contribution from indivi­duals by subscription, as a further reward for their own vigilance.

Tricks were played by some of the prisoners in the city gaol. They feigned to have the disorder, were conducted to the hospital, and after partaking of a warm supper, and a good night's lodging, disappeared on the wings of the morning. Several who had been really attacked by the fe­ver, and others who had been sent to the hospital against their will, by virtue of the governor's proclamation, in consequence of the medical verdict of a suspicious case, fled, as soon as they were able.

A Mr. Horn, a young German, had been about five days from Philadelphia, when he was taken ill in Northumber­land county, and died of the yellow fever. A remarkable cir­cumstance is here stated respecting his illness, on the autho­rity of his landlord, a Mr. Rittenhouse. Such was the deceit­ful and flattering state of the disorder, that within two hours of his exit, he had no apprehension of the approach of his dissolution: he appeared sensible, though his continual theme was love; and he was planning his happiness in a connu­bial life; but Death, in so short a space, triumphed over the fascinating desires of Cupid.

A Mr. Barry visited the city, during the calamity. He had been advised to keep his body open, as a preparative, in case that he should be attacked. Accordingly, he went to an apothecary, and bought a box of thirty-two purga­tive pills.—From ignorance, he swallowed the whole immediately, and was suddenly taken unwell in the street, opposite to the bank of North-America. A sick-cart happened to pass by empty, and the drivers believing him attacked with the disorder, forced him into it, and were proceeding to the hospital. At the corner of Twelfth and Chesnut-streets, one of the drivers quitted the cart. Anger or fright perhaps [Page 25]had stopped the operation of the pills; for he summoned strength, got loose, and beat the driver that remained. He led the man, his horse and cart to the City-hall, where he left them with many complaints of bad treatment.

Mr. Robert Longdon, a carpenter, at the beginning of the sickness, had gone to Darby to work for Mr. Jesse Sharples. Having come to town upon a Sunday, he was, on the following Thursday, seized with a chill, at Darby, and on Friday, the black vomit appeared. The family where he was lodged, left the house, and he must have died, if he had not with the fever, for want of necessaries, but for the humanity of David Ross, a young man who at­tended in the store of Mr. Sharples. Two physicians vi­sited him on the ensuing Monday, and pronounced it to be a case of the yellow fever: salivation was recommen­ded; but the patient became delirious, and died on the same afternoon.

Mr. Sharples bespoke a coffin, and got his grave dug in the Friends' burying-ground, near Darby. The people of that town became alarmed: the grave-digger and cof­fin-maker fled through fear; and there was some danger that the corpse might be suffered to putrify in the street. James Ryan and David Ross, clerks to Mr. Sharples, along with that gentleman and a stranger, went through Darby to the burying-ground, with the hearse, every door in the place being shut. This was about nine o'clock at night. The horse stumbled, and fell, at the distance of a quarter of a mile from the place of interment. Both the shafts of the hearse were broken; and it was with great difficulty that these four persons contrived to drag the hearse forward. On their return, every door was shut against them, except that of Mr. Sharples. His two clerks, who had assisted at the funeral, found it necessary to re­turn to the city. Such were the difficulties which occurred not only to the sick, but to the healthy.

The landlord of the Golden Swan, North Third-street, hired a horse and carriage to the board of health, for the purpose of conveying the dead to the burying-ground. One day, the driver stopt at a tavern: the horse, not being properly fastened, ran off with an empty coffin that hap­pened to be in the carriage; and returned, with full speed, [Page 26]homeward. In passing through the yard of the inn, to­wards the stable, he was espied by the cook and bar-keeper. They instantly raised an alarm that the horse brought home a dead body, instead of conveying it to the place of in­terment. Fame or calumny soon after reported that two or three persons were dead at the Golden Swan.

Two persons employed by the committee of health, pur­sued a man into the War-Office, whom a physician had condemned to the hospital. The patient had been an old soldier. He held in his hand a rusty bayonet, and kept them off. He had only been too free with his bottle, and would not be made a prisoner.

Some have imagined themselves to be attacked by the contagion, when they had only been intoxicated. One young man, an apprentice in Philadelphia, drank too much port wine. It returned from his stomach: he mistook it for the black vomit; and when he got sober, he became delirious, through fear he should be sent to the hospital.

One of the most affecting circumstances of death, was, in the case of Dr. Jacob Thompson. He had been married in the evening—had gone to bed, and within two hours, felt the symptoms of the disorder approaching. The fa­mily were alarmed. The bridegroom was removed, and died on the third day, leaving his unfortunate wife, "at once a widow and a bride."

Dr. Pleasants had removed to the country: philanthropy actuated his return, whereby he also perished. Dr. Annan, another physician, who lost his life, had, like Dr. Thomp­son, been but newly married. David Thomas, of South­wark, fell an early and much lamented victim to this scourge. In the different and successive capacities of con­stable, deputy-sheriff, and as steward to the poor at the tents, on Schuylkill, he had served with integrity, vigilance and humanity. Mr. Peter Helm, so distinguished in 1793, and who, upon this occasion, again offered his services at the City-Hospital, was likewise attacked, but has since re­covered.

During this contagion, Wilmington became the general mart for trade over Philadelphia: merchants notified, in a joint advertisement, their removal to that place. Many country customers, however, went else here for their [Page 27]fall assortments; in consequence of which, we fear some will feel themselves embarrassed to preserve that promp­titude, which has hitherto generally characterised the mercantile houses of our metropolis.

Some of those who were most courageous in 1793, were timid, and fled among the most early, in 1797. They had witnessed such distress then, that their resolution now faul­tered. At the commencement of the attack, more or less of panic seized every one; but those who procrastinated a flight, and saw "Death's shafts fly thick," were like sol­diers in a battle, who, as we are told, cannot, at its com­mencement, dispossess themselves of terror; but, after balls have, for some time, flown over their heads, feel less apprehension for personal safety, and composure and firmness generally succeed.

No such instances of general fatality occurred now, as in 1793. Then, according to Mr. Mathew Carey, a man of the name of Collins, buried his wife, his two daugh­ters, his son, and his son's wife, with her child; after all this, he got married a second time, before the close of the fever, buried his new wife, and, to wind up the scene, died himself. Such fatal occurrences being rife in the mind, people were happily impressed with the danger of remain­ing in the city.

Drs. Hunter and Stafford distinguished themselves by benevolence. The poor were invited to call at their stores for medicines, which, with the general prescriptions for the relief of those infected, they actually supplied, free of expense. Such instances of philanthropy should be record­ed not only here, but in the grateful minds of our citizens.

Among other persons meriting public notice, for their liberality during the disorder, two bakers, Christopher Ludwick and Frederick Frailey, ought not to be forgotten. They baked, gratis, for the poor, several thousand loaves of bread, of flour furnished by the commissioners.

On the Saturday previous to the meeting of the assembly of the state, the Mayor expressed his apprehension of the progress of the contagion, to an association of Friends, who styled themselves, "a society for improving the con­dition of the poor." John James, Thomas Wistar, Ed­ward Garrigues, Thomas Savery, George Pennock, Sa­muel [Page 28]Garigues, jun. and Peter Barker, were appointed to apply to the assembly, as the funds of the society itself were not adequate to the necessities of the case. Henry Drinker, sen. and Thomas Wistar, who were not members of that society, joined themselves to the committee. They waited on the Tuesday following upon the legislature, and the ten thousand dollars were granted on the same day. The promptness of this grant merits considerable enco­mium. The Mayor had, from his office, peculiar oppor­tunities of learning the public distress. People's necessities impelled them to sue for debts, while those who were sued, pled in defence, the general langour of business, in con­sequence of the desertion of the citizens. Jonathan Pen­rose, late magistrate of Southwark, and now sheriff, in a struggle between sympathy and the duties of his office, actually refused to grant a warrant against a person in distress, and absented himself, to avoid the pain of being importuned to bring suits for creditors. Towards the more advanced periods, however, of the calamity, the courts of justice were suspended.

A grateful mind will recur with singular pleasure to the recollection of those gentlemen, who, after having encoun­tered, in 1793, every degree of toil and hazard, returned in 1797, to the same arduous and alarming duty. Among these were, Israel Israel, John Letchworth, Thomas Savery, Stephen Girard, Caleb Lownes, and John Connelly. Mr. Israel had, in 1793, first suggested, and afterwards assisted in promoting the plan of an orphan committee, of which he and Mr. Letchworth were active members. The latter also served in the committee of distribution. On the late emergency, they again officiated with eminent usefulness; as did likewise Mr. Savery; who, in 1793, had been also a member of the committee of distribution. Messrs. Girard, Lownes, and Connelly now superintended the City-Hospital. In 1793, Mr. Girard had volunteered as one of the ma­nagers of Bush-hill hospital. Mr. Lownes, at the same awful period, was secretary to the committee for relieving the sick and distressed, while Mr. Connelly acted in va­rious capacities. In 1793, he twice caught the contagion, and, as soon as he recovered, returned to his charge.

The prudence of the commissioners, in providing em­ployment, [Page 29]as well as subsistence for the poor, should ever be respectfully remembered. The necessitous who were relieved, doubtless feel gratitude ingrafted in their hearts, to those gentlemen who stood to their respective posts, at the imminent hazard of their lives, to be their guar­dians and benefactors. What must have been the feelings of the Board of Health—the Commissioners—the Com­mittee, and Inspectors of the Hospital and Tents—the Overseers of the Poor ^*, when they were relieving the nee­dy—easing the sorrows of their fellow-creatures, and dry­ing up the tears of a parent, and of numerous and help­less children? ************ To many of them crouds often flocked with children in their arms.—Perhaps one-half of the family were lying sick at home:********** Was it interest which actuated them? The heart which can feel for another's woe, will answer, that it was sym­pathetic benevolence.

• John Miller, jun.
• John Savage
• Thomas W. Francis
• Jacob Clarkson
• Edward Russel
• William Montgomery
• Thomas Morgan
• Abraham Kintzing, jun.
• John Gardiner, jun.
• Jacob Sperry
• Samuel Meeker
• William Smith, jun.
• William Sansom
• James Oldden
• Leeson Simmons
• Jonathan Jones
• James Whitehead
• Standish Forde
• John Starr
• James King
• William Doughty
• Joseph Marsh, jun.
• Franklin Wharton
• David Evans, jun.

One of the most lamented victims of the disorder, was Dr. Nicholas Way, who, during 1793, resided at Wilmington, and was remarkable for his hospitality to the fugitive citizens of Philadelphia. He had since re­moved [Page 30]to our metropolis, where his talents as a physician, and philanthropy as a man, which his fortune enabled him to support, introduced him to extensive practice. Few men either lived or died with a greater number of friends, or a smaller number of enemies. It was by his sug­gestion, that, during the late calamity, five physicians were appointed to search for and attend such of the poorer citi­zens as might be affected with the disorder. He was trea­surer of the mint.—While the public lament his depar­ture, they will be pleased to hear, that that office is now filled by a gentleman, to whom they owe an equal re­spect;—one, who, like him, could feel for the distressed, and always exerted himself to benefit his fellow-creatures.

The Committee of Enquiry, appointed on September 7th, for the Northern Liberties, consisted of the following gentlemen, viz.

• James Pentland
• John Kunckle
• John Graul
• Jacob Souder.

• Jesse Groves
• John Kesler
• Christian Kunckle
• John Goodman, jun.

• Thomas Kehrom
• John Alberger
• John Breish
• William Lawrence.

• Casper Snyder
• Samuel Lehman
• Charles Fleming
• William M'Intire.

• Henry Sommers
• George Forepaugh
• Conrad Rohram
• Jacob Zigler.

• William Coats
• Daniel Groves
• Albertus Sherlock
• Samuel Brown.

• Daniel Miller
• Conrad Seybert
• Frederick Wolbert
• Simon Shugart.

• Peter Gabel
• Jacob Keen
• John Fisher
• Peter Smith

• [Page 31]Samuel Macferran
• John Bender
• John Kehr
• Joseph Baker

• Lewis Deets
• Jacob Toy
• Adam Upperman
• Christian Shitz.

William Coats, Esq. officiated as Chairman.

The following list of patients, who were copiously bled in the fever, and recovered, we give on the authority of Dr. Redman Coxe:

Charles Burrel

120 oz.

Horace Hall

120

Thomas Smith

96

George Eyre

100

Stephen Thompson

110

David Evans

126 oz.

Mr. M'Gahan

124

Dr. Physick

176

Mrs. Lewis

96

Mrs. Elliot

90

Mr. David Evans, jun. was twice attacked. In the first illness, he lost an hundred and twenty-six ounces of blood, and in the second, twenty-four. This account is given by himself.

About the middle of October, the Board of Commis­sioners, having considered that the distresses of the poor would be likely to continue through the ensuing winter, opened a subscription, to raise money for the purchase of wood and provisions, to be distributed in the rigour of the season; and appointed agents to buy up five hundred cords of wood, which has been purchased, and is daily distributed to them.

As an instance of the malignity of this disease, we shall mention, that a man from Baltimore, in a convalescent state, called, during this time, at a store in Newcastle, kept by Clay, Bond and Co. Mr. Clay and Mr. Shelly, of the firm, and Mr. Ruth, an accidental purchaser, re­ceived the contagion, and expired within twenty-four hours of each other.

At Philadelphia, a dead body, said to be thrown from the Arethusa, was found in the Delaware, sewed up in a bag. Another body of a man was picked up, that had a note about him, signifying that he had spent his whole money upon the doctors, without recovering from his [Page 32]complicated infirmities, and that he thought Death was the most certain relief. No evidence appears, however, that he was the writer of the note. Possibly he might have been murdered, and that the perpetrator wrote it to elude suspicion.

The College of Physicians recommended, in preference, as nurses to the sick, Negroes who were natives of Africa. This produced an inconvenience; for, the blacks of this country became alarmed, and generally refused to at­tend; while the scarcity of Africans, made people bid high for them, and raised, to exorbitance, the price of their at­tendance.

The practice of burning the clothes of the infected, must, on serious reflection, be viewed as highly improper. For, the pestilential air, arising with the smoke, it is more than probable, aided by wind, might have a tendency of com­municating the fever to any one who inhaled such noxious effluvia. One gentleman, who was at a considerable dis­tance from the Hospital, observing the practice, imagined that from them proceeded a disagreeable smell: be this as it may, he was soon after seized with the contagion, and now imputes it to that cause.

A gentleman in this city, who was attacked with the disease, immediately sent for his physician. By the ap­plication of the usual remedies, he was, in a short time, out of danger. But, though relieved from the fever, he still remained under a deep affection of the salivary glands. In consequence of this, a bason was provided, which received the saliva that fell from his mouth. One day, two young cats entered the room, unperceived by him, at first, and licked up part of the contents of the bason. They were seized, within an hour afterwards, with violent chills, and continued to waste away to mere skeletons, loathing all kinds of food. On the fourth day, one of them died. The person having experienced the good ef­fects of mercury, in relation to himself, supposed it might be of some service to the surviving cat, and accordingly gave her twelve grains. In a short time, to his expecta­tions, it operated, and the cat, before to appearance near­ly dead, seemed to recover, and was, during the day, much revived. The medicine was not continued, and the [Page 33]next day she drooped as before. The day after (the se­venth) it died. The mother of the cats never left them while in this situation!—She appeared slightly diseased, but did not die.

On the 13th of August, a man of the name of Peter Molisis, late a seaman of the ship Hinde, was sent to the Marine Hospital, from Love-lane; and died in two or three days. This was eleven days after the vessel was ex­amined. Also, on the 14th, another man, a Portuguese, was taken from the corner of Penn and South streets, to the Hospital, who had the fever, and said he had been landed about five days from the same ship; another man, belonging to the Hinde, was also landed sick, and lodged at the corner of Almond and Front streets, at Mrs. O'Connor's.—He was, by the alarm of the neighbours, and his landlady, carried off from thence.

On the 24th of August, a meeting of a few citizens was held; who appointed a committee, consisting of the following gentlemen:—Dr. William White, Dr. Nicho­las Way ^*, Nathaniel Falconer, John Connelly, Samuel Coates, and Caleb Lownes. The object of this association was, to visit the houses of the sick, and, generally, the sick and distressed, for the purpose of administering such relief, as their suffering situations required. Samuel Coates was appointed treasurer; and, besides answering the orders drawn by the gentlemen of the committee, he visited with them the houses of the sick, during the pre­valence of the fever. This early association had not con­templated the extensive duties which the different recesses of distress unfolded to their view. The unwearied and disinterested labours of these gentlemen, their posterity may hear with gratification:—It may bring in view the unexampled character of the philanthropic Howard. With their pecuniary aid, they raised a fund, without any solici­tation, to the amount of about three thousand six hundred dollars. With this sum, the sick were assisted without dis­tinction to the City or Liberties.

An association of young ladies, of the sect called Friends, under the name of " The Female Society," a considerable [Page 34]time since formed in our city, for the purpose of relieving the poor without discrimination, at this awful period, amidst the frowns of Providence, continued that goodness, which, in more tranquil hours, inspired their tender souls. The last mentioned committee gave them, to aid their views, two hundred dollars; thirty pair of childrens' shoes, and sixty blankets. They procured numerous donations from other sources Distress plead not here in vain:—The chari­table—the virtuous—the religious, yet left in a corrupted city, may, we hope, avert the correction of Heaven.**** May the recording angel drop a tear, and blot out many of the faults inherent in our natures, that we may, by repentance, be spared like Nineveh!

Mr. James Smith, merchant (brother to one of the firm of Gurney and Smith) resided, at the beginning of the sickness, in the most infectious part of the city. He assisted strangers that were sick, and particularly the poor, who were forsaken by their friends; helped many patients to the Hospital, and many bodies to their graves. He defied all danger that could ease the patient, or could render re­spect to the dead. He offered his gratuitous service to the Board of Health, to superintend the cleansing of infectious houses. As soon as he got his commission, the Board fur­nished him with tubs, buckets, brushes, lime, &c. and he recruited a black company, consisting of twenty or thirty, and entered on his office. Every house, in which he could get access, where people had died, he purified. While he left some of these people in one house, to see how others came on elsewhere, they broke open and robbed the store belonging to it, of a quantity of goods, the property of the late house of Richard & James Smith, the former of whom had died. Here Mr. Smith had new trouble on his hands, in pursuing, with constables, this sable, light-fingered groupe, and in arraigning them before Hilary Baker, our Mayor; whose name we cannot pass over, without signi­fying to distant readers, that he did not flinch from his station; but daily evinced himself to be that mild arbiter, which, in more tranquil hours, was a conspicuous trait in his character. Mr. Smith requested that no address or application on the subject of his office should be sent to his house, that his family might not feel uneasy apprehensions for his personal safety.

[Page 35]Mr. Thomas Annesly undertook to cleanse several houses in Southwark, where people died, free of expense, except what actually accrued to him.

Mr. Samuel M. Fox, President of the Bank of Penn­sylvania, wrote a letter to the Board of Health, on the 22d of August, offering to lend them any sum of money that [...] might want. This offer, which is like other instances [...] [...]berality that has distinguished the Directors, was ac­ [...]ed; and they obtained from them 12,000 dollars.

At the close of the fever, the Board of Health appoin­ted "a committee to purchase and transfer to Dr. Edward Stevens, to Dr. John Church, to the heirs of Dr. Benger Dobel, to the heirs of Dr. Samuel Pleasants, to Dr. John Redman Coxe, to Dr. Michael Lieb, and to the heirs of Dr. William Annan, each one share of the stock of the Bank of Pennsylvania, and that the transfers so made ex­press, that they are in consideration of the high sense the Board of Health entertain of the service of those gentle­men, during the calamity of 1797."

Dr. Stephens wrote a letter to the Board, politely de­clining the acceptance of the bank share granted to him.

The Board, on the 10th of November, resolved, That their thanks should be presented to Dr. John Duffield, for his services, and that, as an acknowledgment for them, he should be presented with a share in the bank of Pennsylvania, transferred as those to the other physicians.

On the 23 November, they also "resolved, that their thanks should be presented to Mr. James Smith, late of New-York, for his voluntary, disinterested and benevo­lent services during the late contagious fever, and that the same be published."

The Chairman of the Board, in notifying to the Gover­nor certain resolutions, expressed to him, that the Board are so strongly impressed with the extraordinary labour and attention of Dr. John Church and Dr. Benger Dobel, in consequence of their being seated where the disorder raged with most violence, that they would [...] have voted for each of these physicians a further compli­ment of a bank share, had their funds warranted such an appropriation.

The Board of Health estimated their expenses at about two hundred and fifteen dollars and forty-four cents per [Page 36]day; and, during the whole calamity, their aggregate disbursements were 19,100 dollars.

• Samuel Duffield,
• Edward Stephens.

• Michael Lieb,
• Benger Dobel,
• William Annan,
• John Redman Coxe,
• John Church,
• Samuel Pleasants.

Resident Physician, John Duffield.

The impropriety practised by the drivers of the car­riages that conveyed the dead to the burying-grounds should be noticed; so that, in case any such calamity might visit us hereafter, we may learn to improve by the blun­ders of others. Those particularly who conveyed the dead from Southwark, frequently drove the carriage along the most central parts of the city, in conveying them to the Hospital burying ground, instead of taking a direction towards the Commons.

While this is issuing from the press, the river is frozen over, wood is dear, and trade is almost stagnant. The necessaries of life, are, generally speaking, at a higher rate than in 1793. Bankruptcies are as numerous as they were at the close of the American revolution. When links to a chain are thus broken, we are, literally, on a boiste­rous sea. Thousands suffer by the failure of hundreds. Our trade, being long cramped by the aggressions of two opposite powers, has rendered money scarce, and increased the number of poor to an unexampled amount. Hence, though Death has not snatched away from us more than one-quarter so many souls as in '93, yet we cannot, on a cursory view, find much contrast in the picture of the two periods. ^*