TO cherish the remembrance of great and auspicious events, and to distinguish by annual festivals the days on which they have happen­ed, has been an early and common practice among nations. It is a prac­tice that originates in the feelings of the heart, and whilst it continues to be directed to worthy objects, it is useful in its tendency, and claims the approbation of reason. Its effects are, to renew the joy and the gratitude to heaven which such events most reasonably inspire, to accustom the mind to appreciate their importance, to stimulate men to improve the benefits that flow from them, and to imitate, on proper occasions, the bright exam­ples that have contributed to produce them.

IF there is▪ in the political annals of mankind, a day that is intitled to national devotion, if there is one that presents an useful lesson to the world at large, it is that which we are now assembled to commemorate. It is the day from which we date the commencement of our national existence, and our deliverance from a degrading state of subordination to a distant power. It has released us from the thraldom of force and of false opinion, and opened to our view a new path whereby to pursue our political hap­piness. It has enabled us to exhibit to the world an experimental proof, that the perpetual bondage of the human race, is not written among the immutable decrees of divine providence: but that it depends on his own proper exertions, and the temperate employment of his reason, that the bles­sings of a dignified freedom shall become the portion of man.

NINETEEN years have now passed away, since the people of these States, wearied with unavailing expostulations against the exercise of arbitrary au­thority, renounced their connexion with the British government, and pre­pared [Page 4] to maintain, by an appeal to arms, the rights of sovereignty and inde­pendence. In the then destitute condition of our country, it was an enterprize of a tremendous aspect. Weak in respect to numbers, and more weak by the total want of military resources and experience, to engage in a war against the most powerful nation on earth, appeared to be rash and desperate But the object was above all price, and the cost and hazard were not to be counted. Not a few were the difficulties to be encountered, not a few were the calami­ties to be endured, not a few were the precious lives that were to fall victims in the perilous contest. After a long and manly perseverance under the hea­viest discouragements, heaven smiled approbation on the labours employ­ed in a righteous cause, and crowned them with a glorious success.

RELEASED from the controul of prescriptive authority, Americans de­termined also to break the fetters of prescriptive opinion, and to make use of the light of reason to guide them in their future arrangements. The Rights of Britons made up the sum of their first demands, and of their wishes—but in the pursuit of this object, it was their peculiar happiness to discover and to obtain what was infinitely more precious—the rights of Human Nature. They perceived no claim, in reason or justice, that any one man could have, to be, by inheritance, a ruler over millions; nor could they find that the right of hereditary pre-eminence, in any class of men, rested on more tenable ground. It remained then to inquire, whether considera­tions of national interest dictated an acquiescence in principles, which rea­son seemed to disclaim.

FROM the documents of history, it was evident that the pretended right of Kings was not conceded from a general experience of its utility, but was a mere usurpation, maintained by violence and fraud. Nor was there a want of proof, that the powers of monarchy had been employed, less for the purpose of diffusing happiness among men, than for that of rendering them subser­vient to the ambition and pleasures of a few, who viewed and treated them as cattle, only created to wear the yoke of despotism. It appeared that the great mass of mankind had, in all past times, been held in a state of ser­vitude; that their mental faculties had been stifled by oppression, and the fruits of their bodily labours seized on, to satisfy the rapacious luxury of their rulers. It was perceived also, that the cruel and destructive wars, which, in all ages, had spread horror and desolation over the earth, arose, [Page 5] not from an inherent enmity in human nature against itself—not from a savage desire in men to destroy each other, but from the insatiable thirst of princes, after false glory, conquest and empire. It was plain to be ob­served, that as the sense of mutual dependence was lost among men, the obligations of humanity were forgotten; that the insolence and cruelty of monarchs grew with the growth of their power; and that their vanity ex­acted homage in proportion to the multitude and enormity of their crimes. For the more effectual advancement of the interests of illegitimate autho­rity, fraud had been called in to the aid of force, the holy name of the Almighty himself had been profaned and prostituted to the vile purposes of deception, and religion reduced to a system of scandalous hypocrisy.

THIS is but a small selection from the endless catalogue of evils, that have arisen from the abuses of monarchic power; and the aristocratic orders have been generally branches from the common stock of despotism, whereby oppression, in its most odious shape, has been brought home to the door of every individual. In short, the whole history of monarchy is little other than a detail of acts of tyrannical injustice, under which the chief employ­ment of nations has been, to forge their own chains, and to enslave or ex­terminate their unoffending neighbours.

SUCH being the known state of recorded facts, for a people, who were free, to offer voluntary submission to the dominion of princes, would have been as unwise, as to expose themselves to the ferocious rage of prowling wolves and tygers. They would have acted no better than the foolish insect, which, being dazzled with the splendor of the flame, from which it has re­cently escaped, immediately rushes into it again, to be entirely consumed.

BUT Britain, in the opinion of many, formed an exception to the gene­ral rule, and claimed exemption from the general censure of monarchy. In that happy land no such enormities were to be found, the rank weed of despotism being eradicated from it's soil. Its government had been mould­ed by the hand of wisdom, and combined in it all the advantages of order, energy and freedom. Under a monarchic form, the aristocratic and de­mocratic principles were introduced, as correctors of every evil, and were so nicely proportioned, and so happily adjusted, that nothing could be want­ing to the perfection of the system.

[Page 6]THIS is the creed of Britons; and it is deemed criminal in a subject to utter an expression of infidelity. It was once also the creed of Americans; but a series of insulting attempts on their liberty, had somewhat dispelled the mist of political error, and they found it necessary to subject to the inquisitions of reason, aided by a knowledge of facts, those maxims, which had been gratuitously admitted, from a blind deference to what was deemed a pa­rental authority. Such a precaution was the more necessary, as this sup­posed master-piece of human wisdom was manifestly not the result of phi­losophical design, tested and justified by experiment, but of the fortuitous collisions of opposing interests, under changeable circumstances, which might well be expected soon to give a decided preponderancy to one or another of the three principles, and to destroy that balance, from which the good effects were to slow.

IT is neither my intention▪ nor my wish, to deny that the British government has its advantages and merits, compared with most of the other governments in Europe; nor to conceal, that the people of that nation have enjoyed, com­paratively, a large share of freedom and happiness. But I contend, that it contains not that nice balance of principles which is ascribed to it, that it is even theoretically unsound, and so far short of perfection, that for Ame­ricans to look to it as a model to copy after, would have been a folly never to be forgiven by their posterity.

AS hidden rocks are more dangerous to the mariner, than those which rise boldly before his sight, so, in politics, the concealed and insidious opera­tions of false principles are more difficult to be guarded against, than the di­rect invasions of open despotism. A short examination, therefore, of a sys­tem, by whose delusive appearances we have been, and may again be, in danger of being misled, could not be deemed an unprofitable employment of our time. And if it should appear, that it contains many imperfections which we have avoided, we should be taught to set a proper value on the benefits that result from our revolution;—for it is only by comparing our actual situation with what it might have been, that we can rightly judge of our gain or loss by the change.

SUCH a discussion was contemplated in my first design▪ but could not be comprized within a suitable compass: I am therefore compelled to omit it. [Page 7] I must here notify to my hearers, that, having planned my discourse upon too large a scale, I have not been able to pair it down to a proper size for this occasion. But as I am no volunteer in the business, and have not called you together with a promise of either entertainment or instruction, I have a claim to your candour and a right to expect from you an indulgent hear­ing of such observations as I am able to offer. How muchsoever I may trespass on your patience, my relief will be at least equal to yours, when I shall have arrived at the conclusion of my task.

ALL circumstances being duly weighed, it would have been strange in­deed, if Americans had consented to admit into their plan, principles whose manifest tendency is, to aggrandize a few at the expense of the multitude, to check the progress of knowledge and civilization, and to lessen the ag­gregate of human happiness. Animated with a love of freedom and a de­sire of transmitting it to posterity, they resolved to raise the fabric of their government on the broad and solid basis of equal and reciprocal obligation; on the immutable principles of justice and truth.

THEY well knew, that, without a government organized and endued with strong and efficient powers there can be neither order nor happiness;—and that anarchy, so far from being allied to freedom, is of all despotism the the most grievous and insupportable; being the despotism of the licentious and unprincipled part of a community, over the virtuous and well dispo­sed. On the other hand, they know also, that the love of power is among the most ungovernable of human passions, and by the misfortunes of other nations they were taught, that to confine it within due and wholesome li­mits, is a science, in which mankind had made but little proficiency. The re­cords of the Roman and Grecian republics furnished ample testimony, that men are not always to be judged of by their professions of patriotism, nor even by the actual services they have rendered the state;—since it free­quently appears in the end, that both the one and the other have proceed­ed from motives of ambition and private interest. The candidate for public favour acts often in disguise, until he arrives at the summit of power; then throws aside the mask, abuses the confidence of his fellow citizens, and turns against them the weapons with which they have furnished him. It was the freequency of such instances of unbridled and treacherous ambition, that in a manner compelled the Athenians to have recourse to the desperate and hor­rid [Page 8] expedient of the ostracism, whereby crimes were anticipated, and, un­der the influence of general distrust and jealously, many of their best citi­zens were unworthily doomed to a ten years banishment.

TO guard against such direful evils, in our own country, power was at first dealt out with a cautious and sparing hand; for, in entering upon a plan of arrangements, in which are involved the most momentous con­cerns of future generations, it was judged more wise to bear with some tran­sient evils, than, by hasty and precipitate steps, to quit the ground of safety, and bring into jeopardy the grand object of our designs. State govern­ments were planned on democratic principles, and carried into operation; and a scheme of confederation was adopted, whereby the whole were bound in perpetual union, under a national administration.

THE exact quantum of power to be delegated, and the best mode of distributing it, could only be ascertained by experiment; and a single ex­periment could only throw light on the subject, without clearing it of all uncertainty. To go beyond the proper point, was to give the staff out of the hands of the people, and to make a sacrifice of their liberty; to stop short of it, was to incur certain, but not incurable, inconveniencies. The suggestions of common prudence were in favour of the latter part of the alternative.

THE success of our arrangements proved in practice equal to what a re­flecting mind would have expected from a first essay, made with that degree of circumspection, which was due to so weighty a business. It is, however to be acknowledged, that the executive energy of our governments was not competent to the fulfilment of its intentions; and that other imperfections were discernable, that called for a remedy. But the particular situation of the States, at that time, had necessarily the effect of magnifying, to a very high degree, every appearance of imbecility and incapacity in our political system. A long and calamitous war, caried on in the bosom of our coun­try, had left the people under a variety of embarrassments, naturally pro­ductive of irregularities, which, in a new and unsettled state of affairs, could not suddenly have been corrected, even by arbitrary power.

[Page 9]WHOEVER wonders to see the billows of a troubled ocean continue to rage for a while, after the storm has ceased, betrays an ignorance of the power of physical causes;—and no less ignorant of moral nature is he, who ex­pects instantaneous order and tranquillity, after the devastations and con­vulsions of a civil war.

MANY of the disorders we experienced were of a temporary nature, and would have passed away with the pressure and remembrance of the circum­stances, by which they had been produced. Compared with those, which, on like occasions, have happened in other countries, they were light and trivial. Some of the state legislatures, however, bewildered with dificul­ties, which a little time would have removed, protracted and increased the disease, by many an illjudged attempt to administer a remedy. With unex­perienced statesmen at the helm of our public affairs, the ill success of one injudicious measure begot others equally mischievous, until the instability and weakness of our councils became a reproach to the principles of our government. It is not to be understood that there were wanting among us, men of sound principles, strict uniformity, and great abilities; men, who had conducted us through the war, with a wisdom and moderation, that will do them everlasting honor. It is not too high a commendation of the Ameri­can character, to say, that in no country were such men more abundant; and that, in no former struggle, had more virtue and patriotism been dis­played, in the cabinet, in the field, and in every department of duty. Long be distinguished and revered the names of those, who, undismayed by mis­fortunes, with persevering fortitude, hazarded every thing, and suffered every thing, for the service of their country. But, in difficult and untried circumstances, even among men of this description, joined in council with others less consistent, there will be a contrariety of opinions, and a muta­bility of measures, until experiment has pointed out the right road. Other particulars of the history of American politics I unwillingly omit;—be­cause, it is only from a connected account of disagreeable, as well as agreea­ble facts▪ that just and useful inferences can be drawn.—By a candid re­view of our follies, we are best enabled to acquire wisdom.

ABOUT the time when the American government was dubiously float­ing betwixt opposite principles some of its citizens trying [...] fast to the anchorage ground of democracy, whilst, in the [...] of [Page 10] others, the magic influence of titular distinctions, and privileged orders, formed the essence of all dignity▪ respectability and energy, in national ar­rangements; at this critical period, when republicanism was the jest of des­pots in Europe, and of fools in America, a new and wonderful revolution struck the world with astonishment, and changed the face of affairs in this country. The French nation having for many centuries, endured the most grievous oppressions, under a despotic government, were at length roused to break their chains, and to vindicate the rights of man. At a single stroke they cut down all privileged orders, as rank and noxious weeds, that poi­soned the soil, and stifled the very germ of freedom. They ploughed up the ground of civil government, that no vestige might be left of their ancient system.

THOSE among us, who fostered hopes, that they would soon be crushed by a powerful combination of enemies, affected to laugh at their folly, in attempting to go, at once, into the extreme of liberty, for which they were unprepared. The weak, common-place argument, that a nation is unpre­pared for a change, is always resorted to by those, who are opposed to the melioration of the condition of mankind. America was unprepared, France was unprepared, and every nation will be unprepared in the opini­on of the enemies of freedom, and of those who have the weakness to be­come dupes to them. It is true, that, the greater the change, that is to take place, the greater is likely to be the convulsion in effecting it, and the long­er the time, before tranquillity and order can be restored. But, the grand and proper preparation, is unanimity with respect to the object;—divided councils are the bane of every laudable undertaking.

THAT the French laboured under heavy oppressions, was admitted. Had they been content to reform actual abuses, had they been content to copy the British Government, they would have done wisely; or, in plainer lan­guage, had they been content to remain in the power of their oppressors, they would never have been able to alarm the friends of monarchy, or to enlighten the world, by the success of a new and grand experiment. Far be it from the soul of an American, or of any friend of freedom, to contemplate, without horror, the effusions of innocent blood▪ or the cruelties of unneces­sary rigor towards the guilty. It is a lamentable disgrace to the cause of [Page 11] liberty, that it should ever be indebted to the aid of sanguinary monsters, or contemners of order and law. But these horrors are, more properly, charge­able to the injustice of the previous despotism, than to the inevitable vio­lence of the explosion, which scatters it in ruins. — If men are bound in chains, and hoodwinked from the light of information, can it be expected, that they should conduct themselves with moderation and wisdom, at the moment of gaining their liberty?—As well might the torrent that has just torn away its banks, be expected to flow, in a gentle stream, down the rough precipice, that lies in its course.

THE intemperate publication of Mr. Edmund Burke, was read in this coun­try with an approving avidity; and his sentiments and predictions retailed out by many, with peculiar satisfaction. The steady friends, however, of re­publican government, felt the French revolution as a cordial, that revived their hopes, that the principle would yet be cherished, and tested by fair and impartial reason. Gradually those, who had been abashed by the horselaugh of triumphant scorn, finding a new and powerful support to the cause they had abandoned in despair, returned again and rallied round the democratic standard. As the progress of the revolution evinced the pro­bability of its success; in many instances, even the high toned aristocrat, the stickler for British principles of government, began to soften his note, and, laying aside his plumes, prepared to glide back, with the turning tide of popular opinion. In short the public sentiment took a decided turn in favour of republicanism, and the bark of liberty weathered the rocks, that had threatened her destruction.

BUT, as wisdom is only to be gained by experience; as the human mind is prone to vibrate to opposite extreams, before it finds the middle point, of safety and truth; it now happened, that the fire of democratic zeal kindled up to a dangerous height, and the over sanguine voatries of freedom, whist they beheld with enthusiasm the exertions of the French, mistook for democratic government that revolutionary state, which is only a dreadful pilgrimage to it. The mischief of this error was, a forgetful­ness of the necessity of law, of order, and of governmental authority; and a severish ardor, to take up arms in defence of a sacred cause, without a due consideration, whether it was likely to derive real benefit, or serious injury, from our precipitate efforts to succour it. The most laudable and [Page 12] judicious exercise of legal power, for the maintenance of order, for the preservation of the independent jurisdiction of our country, for the sup­port of the dignity of a government which was a deposit by the people in the hands of their officers, to be guarded against all invasions, was calum­niated as an arbitrary stretch of official authority. The most faithful dis­charge of public duty, in endeavouring to secure to the United States the invaluable blessings of lasting peace, was construed as a declaration against liberty, and in favour of a nation, from which we have received both in­sult and injury.

MUCH reason has this nation to pride herself, that, at so critical a period, she had, at the head of her affairs, a man, whose integrity was not to be warped by any considerations; whose judgment was sound, and whose for­titude was equal to the trying occasion: who saw, in the maintenance of order, of peace, and of just authority, the true interest of the community, and of republican freedom. Had the President of the United States done less for the assertion and vindication of the national rights of his country, he would have been culpable, as surrendering to others that power, which being lodged in his hands, he was bound to preserve▪ and to exercise when circumstances required. Had he done less for the preservation of peace with foriegn nations, he would have shewn himself too little sensible of the high value of it to America, or too little solicitous to promote her pros­perity. If he has felt the sting of unjust reproach▪ it must be a consoling reflection▪ that those, who are most forward to impeach the motives of an upright man, will also, if they live to see a change, be the first to contrast his merits with the real, or supposed, demerits of his successor.

THOSE▪ who complain of the too rigid measures to maintain the inde­pendent jurisdiction of our country, ought to be informed, that the man, who violates the rights of a nation, violates the rights of many men, and cannot be a friend to the democratic principle; and that the power vested by the people in any of their officers, is a sacred trust, the surrender of which vould be a high crime against the state. Those, who complain that too much pains have been taken to avoid war, have in fact, bestowed the highest possible encomium on the chief magistrate of a republican govern­ment. They should consider, how immensely valuable, at this time, is the peace of America, to herself, to France, and to the republican interest in [Page 13] every part of the globe. They should reflect▪ that a military character, of high reputation and great popularity, at the head of our administration, were he actuated by motives of ambition, instead of a desire to serve the public, could not wish for a more favourable opportunity of accomplish­ing his designs, than what a foreign war must necessarily present; and that his studious anxiety to avoid it, is the most certain proof of his patriotic views, if proofs can still be wanting from one, who has already given more than it can ever be the lot of any other man to give unless this country should again be involved in misfortunes that, all good citizens must deprecate. It is not the lover of peace, but the promoter of war, whose intentions are most to be suspected.

TO expatiate on this subject, is not within the compass of my plan. Suffice it to say, that peace is the voice of humanity, that it is the true po­licy of all republican governments, that it is in a peculiar manner the true policy of America, and more especially at this particular time, when the trial of her principles is pending before the tribunal of reason. Every year of peace, at present, adds immensely to our strength, and to our means of waging war, if necessity should require it. The time will come, and that shortly, when we may bid defiance, not to a single nation only, but to all the powers on earth, if they could be combined against us. In the mean while, should we waste our strength before it is matured, our pros­perity will be of much more tardy growth, and we may be engaged in con­tinual wars, sending to augment our national debt, to increase our taxes, to throw us off our guard against usurpations of power, and finally to en­danger the republican principle. But, although war is at all times to be considered as an evil▪ yet if the necessity should ever arrive—should the moment even now be near at hand, America will strike with a vigor, that will confound the hardiest of her foes, and convince them, to their cost, that they have mistaken her spirit, her power, and her resources.

ALTHOUGH we may, at times, be a little disturbed by temporary ebulli­tions of unreflecting passion, we may entertain a well grounded hope, that these will never lead to serious mischief. Our government is founded on democratic principles, and the more fully and correctly these are under­stood▪ the more will they conduce to the establishment of harmony and good order: and, although I am ready to confess my opinion, that in the [Page 14] modification of our present constitution those principles were not as well guarded as they ought to have, been under the circumstances existing at the time of adopting it, yet, as the French revolution came about oppor­tunely in aid of them, and brought us timely countenance and support, against the jeerings of the world, by which we were almost put out of countenance and out of conceit of our own plans and doctrines; and, as the experiment we have made without lofty titles and priviledged orders, has had a success, that refutes all the arguments in favour of such distinc­tion; and moreoever, as several of the nations of Europe seem to be now verging towards republicanism, I am persuaded that there is just reason to believe, that our principles are at length fixed on a basis, that will not easily be shaken. Much, however, must depend on the discretion, with which we manage the advantages we possess, and the care we take, to correct our errors. Americans ought to look upon themselves, at present, as al­most the sole guardians and trustees of republican freedom; for, other na­tions are not, as we are, at leisure to shew it in its true and most enticing form.

WHILST we contemplate, with a laudable delight, the rapid growth of our prosperity, let us ascribe it to its true cause, the wholesome opera­tion of our new political philosophy. Whatever blessings we enjoy, over and above what are to be found under the British government, whatever evils we avoid, to which the people of that government are exposed, for all these advantages are we indebted to the separation that has taken place, and the new order of things that has obtained amongst us. Let us con­tinue, then, to celebrate with festivity the great event, that has procured to us these rare benefits. Let us be thankful to the parent of the universe that he has given to us the first enjoyment of that freedom, which is intended in due time, for the whole race of man. Let us diligently study the nature of our situation, that we may better know how to preserve and improve its advantages But, above all, let us study the genuine principles of democracy, and steadily practice them, that we may refute the calumnies of those who who would bring them into disgrace.

LET us publish to the world and see our conduct verify our assertions, that, by democracy, we mean not a state of licentiousness, nor a subversion of order, nor a defiance of legal authority. Let us convince mankind, that [Page 15] we understand by it a well ordered government, endued with energy to fulfil all its intentions, to act with effect upon all delinquents, and to bring to punishment all offenders against the laws; but, at the same time, not a government of usurpation, not a government of prescrpition, but a go­vernment of compact, upon the ground of equal right and equal obliga­tion; in which the rights of each individual, spring out of the engagement he has entered into, to perform the the duties required of him by the com­munity, whereby the same rights in others are to be maintained inviolate. The supreme authority, or sovereignty, is in the people collectively. The government, or administration, is an agency appointed by the supreme au­thority, to exercise in their behalf, and for their good, such powers as they have thought proper to delegate to them. The laws are the will of the supreme authority, promulgated by its proper agents. Obedience to the laws, is the duty of each individual to the sovereignty of the whole, by whose authority they have been enacted. Opposition is treason against that sovereignty, and is a violation of the rights of the whole body of the people, collectively and individually. It is a denial of the sovereignty of the people, and therefore is incompatible with the principles of demo­cracy. The constitution is an expression of the powers to be exercised by the government for the general good. The legislature are bound, under the limitations of the constitution, to pass such laws as they may deem wholesome. The executive authority is bound to consider those laws, as the will of the community, and to carry them strictly into execution. Eve­ery individual is bound to implicit obedience.

IF the laws and measures of the government are sound to be injurious or oppressive, the people will shew their disapprobation, by changing their agents, and the evil will soon be remedied. If a change is not made, the inference is, that the measures are satisfactory, to the majority, at least, of the community; and the minority must peaceably acquiesce; having a right however, at all times, to endeavour, by fair and decent arguments, to prove the truth of their own opinions.

EVERY individual has a right to speak, or publish, his sentiments on the measures of government; but he ought to do it in such language, as to show that he has a deference for the sentiments of others, that he is a demo­crat, and therefore cannot wish to be a dictator—that, whilst he asserts the [Page 16] right of expressing and vindicating his own judgment, he acknowledges the obligation to submit to the judgment of those, whose authority he cannot dis­pute. In his statement of facts, he is bound to adhere strictly to the truth; for, any deviation from truth is an imposition on the public, and a gross vi­olation of the democratic principle, being an attempt to gain, by deception, more than that proportion of influence which belongs to truth and equality. In his strictures on the conduct of men in public stations, he is bound to do justice to their characters, and not to criminate them without substanti­al reason. The right of character is a sacred and invaluable right, and is not forfeited by accepting a public appointment. Whoever knowingly departs from any of these maxims, is guilty of a crime against the commu­nity; he is guilty of an attempt to usurp an undue influence, an influence by deception, and therefore is a violator of of the principles of democracy.

IT is of high importance to us, to distinguish the genuine spirit of demo­cracy, and to detect the impositions of those, who, whilst they pretend to be democrats, are acting the part of aristocrats and despots. Firmness▪ with­out violence, forms the true character of a democrat. If he is in the ma­jority, he has no occasion to be violent, because he is with the ruling party; if in the minority, he has no right to be so, for violent opposition to a majority, is rebellion against democracy, and subversive of its fundamen­tal maxim. But he may, at all times, be firm, and endeavour to convince the opposite party, that he is right; for it is by freedom of discussion, that truth is brought to light.

GOVERNMENTS may be variously modified, on the democratic princi­ple. That, which possesses the most energy, and, at the same time, best guards its principles, is the most perfect. A democratic governmnnt ought to have the most perfect energy; because there can be no excuse for diso­bedience to an authority that is delegated by the community at large, and only held during their pleasure. But, in communicating energy, without gradual and cautious experiment, there is a danger of communicating with it, the power of sencing in the government, and changing its principles: This was the danger apprehended by many, at the time of adopting our present constitution: nor was it a groundless apprehension. The de­mocratic principle being at that time, as it were, forlorn, destitute and despised by the world, was in danger of being laughed out of countenance, [Page 17] even in this country, and of being banished from it, as a thing of too mean an origin, to be admited into polished societies; but, having gained, by the French revolution, an immense addition of support, the fashion of opinion is much changed, and this danger proportionably diminished.

I REPEAT, that a democratic government ought to possess the most per­fect energy; and I add, that, without such energy, true freedom, and the real and essential rights of man, are without protection. Many maxims taken from other governments are inapplicable to ours, and therefore, with respect to us, are erroneous. All monarchies, however modified, are gov­ernments of usurpation, or prescription. In the exercise of their authori­ty, the interest and pleasure of the governing parties is more considered, than the general welfare: of course, the more energetic such authority is, the greater is the oppression felt from it. Hence arises the false idea, that energy in government is inimical to freedom. This is only true in the cases I have mentioned. In governments by compact, where, of course, the authority is legitimate, and exercised for the general good, the reverse is true—Energy, in such a government, is the best support that freedom can desire; and freedom is more perfect in proportion to the degree of energy.

EXECUTIVE officers, in a democratic government, are bound to enforce the laws strictly, except where a discretional power is given them; or, ex­cept in great emergencies, or circumstances unforeseen and unprovided for, by the legislature, and which admit of no delay. Otherwise, they are not to be judges of the propriety of the laws; and, to presume to dispense with their execution, is to usurp a legislative power, and betray their trust. General laws made by general consent, must be intended for the general good. An evasion of their operation, is an evasion of the obligations, and therefore, a contempt of the rights, of equality. The officer, who per­mits this violation of the democratic principle, is criminal and re­sponsible.

IF the laws of a democracy prove unwholesome in their effects, it is be­cause the members of the legislature have erred in their judgment, as the best and wisest of men are liable to do: in which case, they will soon cor­rect [Page 18] the error; or, because they have been improperly chosen, in which case, it depends on the people to correct it, at the next election. In the mean while, obedience to the law is the duty of every one, and none should be allowed to refuse it. If the people do their duty as electors▪ no lasting mischief can happen: If they do not, they are themselves the authors of it. Hence it plainly appear how very important it is, that every citizen should make a proper use of his right of suffrage. It is the more important, be­cause it is, with us, a received, although an erroneous maxim, that a legis­lator ought not to be questionable for any thing done in the legislative body. This sentiment is derived from the same source as the former, and does not apply to our government. In a monarchy, or mixed government, the doctrine is good, so far as it is intended as a barrier against the power of the crown. In a democracy, a legislator, as well as every other public functionary, ought to be responsible to the community for the uprightness of his conduct. If he concurs in an unconstitutional act, he is guilty of usurpation, and contempt of the sovereign authority, which has forbidden him to pass the bounds prescribed by the constitution. He has violated his oath, and the most sacred of all duties. To omit him at the next elec­tion, is no adequate punishment for such a crime. Abuse of power is des­potism, and the democracy that does not guard against it, is defective. If, in any department of government, a man may abuse, or exceed his powers, without fear of punishment, the right of one man is at the mer­cy of another, and freedom, in such a government, has no existence.

THERE is one other erroneous opinion, generally current with us, as well as the rest of the world, which I think it proper to combat; because it tends to produce an impatience of the restraints of good government, and to furnish in the minds of weak restless men, a sort of plea for turbu­lence and sedition. It is the long received doctrine, that, in a state of so­ciety or government, men give up a portion of their natural rights, in order to have the residue secured to them; by which it must be understood, that the rights possessed and enjoyed, in a state of government, are necessarily fewer than those possessed in, what has been called, a state of nature. A man who adopts this opinion, is naturally enough inclined to look on govern­ment with a jealous eye, to esteem it, at best, but as the least of two evils, and to feel the restraints, or obligations, imposed by it, as an abridgment [Page 19] of his natural liberty. This position conveys an idea altogether untrue, and highly derogatory to the noblest of all human institutions; an institu­tion so fundamentally necessary, that without it, no other could take place of any nature whatever. Without it, men must forever remain in a state of savage ignorance and wretchedness; in a condition more miserable, and more contemptible, than that of the vilest brutes: or reptiles. If we could suppose men in that state, which is falsely called a state of nature, their rights would be extremely few, of very little value, and wholly destitute of protection and security. And unless we include among the natural rights of man, his right of connecting himself with others in a state of civil soci­ety, his existence would be too wretched to be worth preserving. By le­gitimate government, his rights▪ so far from being diminished, are multi­plied more than a thousand fold. To government he is indebted for every comfort, every convenience, and every enjoyment of life. He binds him­self to certain duties, which are the conditions, by which he becomes en­titled to the benefits of government. But these duties, except on extraor­dinary occasions, are extremely light, whilst the benefits they procure are immense in value, and almost infinite in number. Were it possible, in the ju­risprudence of a democratic government▪ to deprive men of the benefits of government, in exact proportion to the neglect of their obligations to it, it would be a code founded in severe justice; and every one would become sensible, how incomparably more numerous and valuable, are the rights acquired by the stipulations of compact, than those which belong to a state of nature. All would then be induced to make a proper estimate of the blessings of a well ordered community, and to be in love with legitimate government, as the fountain of true liberty, and of every thing valuable in human life. No one should dare to talk of the rights of man, who is unwilling to perform the duties of a citizen. Such a person would, in strict justice, have no rights, but those of a savage: for, the essential rights of man are acquired by purchase, and the price must be paid, to make the title good. This price is, obedience to the laws.

HAD it been convenient, on this occasion, to give a connected history of American politics, it would have appeared▪ that we have, at one time, been in danger from the partialities early imbibed for the usages and opi­nions of the British nation; and, at another time, from an over zealous [Page 20] desire to assist our French friends, and to become, rather conspicuously active than essentially useful, in the advancement of their success. We have had time to recover from the phrenzy of both extreams, and to con­sider well the evils▪ into which either of the errors might have led us. In the first case we were rushing headlong into the vortex of monarchical opinion▪ and, mistaking pageantry for dignity▪ the exaltation of a few for the interest of the whole, complexity for system, the contrivances of arti­fice or the shifts of necessity for the wholesome arrangements of wisdom; we had begun with servile imitation, to weave around ourselves a net, in which we might long have been entangled. In the other case, we mistook dis­organization for freedom and were driving back to a state of anarchy, dreading the exercise of lawful authority, and the necessary restraints on the violators of order, as invasions of the rights of man.

WE have gained experimental knowledge, and are now fixing at the happy medium of orderly democratic government. We know that an­archy and monarchy are equally incompatible with freedom:—but, the former is the most insupportable tyranny of the two, for which reason, the latter has been so long tolerated by the world. We have discovered, that order may be produced by authority returning upon itself; or, rather by the conjunct authority of the whole community occasionally acting back upon each individual:—that this energy ought to be most perfect, since the community can never oppress itself, and can have no inducement to oppress any of the members, who compose it. We are giving to the world a proof, that an orderly and well regulated government may be founded on principles of equality, which take away all pretext for sedition and tu­mult, and all or most of the incitements to legalize the horrors of murder.

BUT, the unqualified use of the word equality, has given rise to the most erroneous and mischievous opinions, and furnished the enemies of democracy with too just a plea, to charge it with the grossest absurdity.— By equality is to be understood, equality of civil rights, and not of con­dition, for, the latter could never be produced, but by the total destruc­tion of the former, and could only have place in a state of barbarism and wretchedness. Equality of rights necessarily produces inequality of pos­sessions▪ because, by the laws of nature and of equality, every man has a [Page 21] right to use his faculties in an honest way, and the fruits of his labour are his own. But, some men have more strength than others, some more health than others, some more industry, and some more ingenuity, than others; and, according to these, and many other circumstances, the pro­ducts of their labor must be various, and their property must become un­equal. And this inequality, so far from being an evil, is absolutely necessary to the well being of society; it is the cement that binds together the various employments of life, and forms the whole into a beautiful system of mu­tual dependencies.—The rights of property must be sacred, and must be protected; otherwise, there could be no exertion of either ingenuity or industry, and, consequently, nothing but extream poverty, misery and brutal ignorance. No man can be a friend of equality, in its true and proper sense, who has not the most sacred regard to the rights of proper­ty. Not the rich only, but the most indigent, and the most infirm, are highly interested in the truth of this doctrine. The aggregate of the pro­perty of individuals, is the measure of the wealth and prosperity of a na­tion; and the prosperity of the nation is beneficial to the poorest indivi­dual, because it affords him a better chance of relief, if he is helpless, and a better chance of thriving▪ if he has health and industry. Who is there, although he be poor himself, that does not rejoice in the prosperity of his country? And what is this prosperity but the aggregate of the wealth of in­dividuals? Who is there, however indigent he may be, that would not prefer a rich and plentiful country to a poore one? And for what reason would he prefer the former? Is it not, because he would have a better prospect of thriving, or of receiving support?

IF I could have taken time to state properly the nature and principles of our government, it would have been made to appear, that the just ad­ministration of it, and the preservation of the democratic principle, de­pends entirely on the vigilance and circumspection of the people, in the choice of their agents. If they always take care to choose good and able men, the government can never be ill administered, nor changed in its principles. But, if they neglect the duties of election (for election im­plies a duty as well as a right) they may, when they least think of it, find themselves enthralled by illegitimate power.

[Page 22]THEY ought, also▪ to study diligently, and to practise faithfully, the genuine principles of democracy; and not suffer themselves to be misled, by those, who wish to disgrace it. They should consider, that democracy is a government of the people, not by irregular, disorderly, and contradic­tory acts of power, but by an indivisible union of the authority of the whole, organized, and acting by rule and system: That the whole people collectively are the sovereign authority, and that each individual is bound to a scrupulous obedience:—That, it being impossible for the whole peo­ple to assemble together▪ and as impossible if assembled, to transact, in their own persons, the business of government, it becomes necessary, that the government should be administered by agents:—That, they have a right, by a constitutional compact▪ to vest in those agents, conjunctly, or seve­rally, such powers, as they judge proper: and, the authority, exercised in pursuance of such delegated powers▪ is the authority of the whole. Re­sistance to it, is rebellion against the sovereignty of the people. and a vio­lation of the principles of democracy.

IT behoves the people, also, to hold in mind, that it is essential to the welfare of a democracy, that, whilst they are extremely watchful over the conduct of their agents, and ready to detect, expose, and punish, every de­parture from the strait line of duty, they should be equally liberal, in making allowances for errors of judgment, and differences of opinion. If a public servant is once caught tripping, let him be stigmatized, and never more taken into favor. If he errs from gross ignorance, let him be dis­missed without severe reproach. But, if his errors are neither intenti­onal nor egregious, let it be considered, that perfection is not the portion of humanity, and that the best, and wisest, must often err. To expect from man, more than belongs to human nature, is to be less than men our­selves.

THE most inflexible integrity, is what we have a right to require, in every public agent;—and, when we have found that, we ought to be sa­tisfied with something beyond mediocrity, in other qualities. Whilst we vainly go in quest of that perfection, which is not to be found, we may lose the benefit of valuable services that are at our command. True merit should always be encouraged and rewarded by popular approbation. [Page 23] It is often rather of a retiring than of a forward nature, and will not bear to be goaded by undeserved censure. When men of honor are driven from public stations, others of a different cast, will be ready, with osten­tatious pretensions, to worm themselves into their places; and the pub­lic interest must suffer by the change.

IN a republican government, it is of no less consequence to distinguish and encourage merit, than to detect and punish unfaithful conduct. Those, therefore, do not act the part of real democrats, who are always seeking occasion to wound, by sharp reproaches, the feelings of an honest man. Such practices tend to clear the stage of every valuable character, and to make room for those, who, for the sweets of power, and the uses to which they can convert it, are willing to receive all the dirt of calumny and scurrility. Can it be the interest of any community, to render its most faithful servants uneasy in their stations, and disgusted with the service? Harrassed with never ceasing murmurs and accusations, is it possible for men of the best intentions, to do their duty with alacrity and effect? Un­der the influence or such a policy, are the best, or the worst, of the citizens, most likely to be in the administration of the government? To be watch­ful over the interests of the community, to give notice of every danger, to expose every false character, is the part of a patriot. But, to be dissatisfi­ed with every thing, to delight in finding fault, is neither patriotism nor wisdom.

IT is both our duty and our interest, to distinguish betwixt liberty and licentiousness, and to shew, that they are not companions, but irreconcile­able enemies, that can never exist together. To speak of liberty without law, is to suppose an effect without a cause. We have done much for the advancement of the republican cause, we have proved the practibility of its principles;—It remains, that we cleanse it of the vile dross of licenti­ousness, that the world may contemplate it in its genuine purity. The lovers of licentiousness must ever be considered as the promoters of mon­archy;—because, by introducing an evil that cannot long be supported, they drive men to the necessity of flying to the most speedy remedy, which is submission to arbitrary power.

[Page 24]WE should shew, that we always consider the rights of nations as com­prehended in the rights of man; and that, however we may be convinced of the preference due to our own system, we are willing to leave to others the right of judging for themselves, so long as they act in the same liberal manner by us. It is among the rights of every nation, to live under a monarchy, until they become sensible of the superior dignity and happi­ness of a republican government: And even princes are intitled to be treated with respect, when they deport themselves as friends of the hu­man race. Let us never quarrel with others for being attached to mon­archy, if they do not shew a disposition to disturb us for being republicans. Let us recommend the tree of democracy, by the excellence of its fruit, and not frighten the world, by holding up to view the thorny and noxious plant of anarchy, in its stead. We should never separate the idea of the rights, from that of the duties, of a citizen, nor the idea of liberty from that of law.

WHILST the French, and other nations in Europe, are contending for the abolition of monarchy, it is the part of Americans, to shew what is to be substituted in its place. If anarchy were to take place of monarchy, the change would be infinitely for the worse, and the end of the experi­ment must be, after the effusion of a deluge of blood, and the waste of an immensity of treasure, to revert back to the ancient system. But if we prove to demonstration, as we certainly may, that democracy is the gov­ernment of reason and philanthropy, that it is truly a government of laws and not of men, that it is capable of producing all the benefits and im­provements of which human society is susceptible, that it is calculated to advance, to its highest pitch, the true dignity of the human character; we then remove from the world the clouds of dark uncertainty, and exhibit to mankind a resting point, where they may find the consummation and re­ward of their labours. In proportion as this truth is disseminated over the world, the cause of democracy will gain strength; and the rights and in­terests of human nature will derive more benefit from it, than from the operations of a thousand armies The empire of reason will soon pre­vail; and monarchs, perceiving it to be in vain to struggle against it, will be ready, at the first requisition, to descend from their thrones, and, [Page 25] to lay down their diadems and scepters at the feet of their subjects.— Revolutions will be produced without bloodshed, and the condition of man will be universally improved.

HOW much better is this, than to endanger our principles by plunging rashly into war, without a prospect of affording the smallest assistance to those we mean to serve! How much better is it, than to leave the world still in darkness with respect to the practicability of the republican principle, and to withold from nations the powerful incitement, we are able to set before them, to engage in its support! How much better is it, to inform mankind where they may fix with safety, than to leave them to struggle in the confusion of discordant and jarring opinions, and at length to relapse into former habits! In short, let us not leave our task unfinished; let us do the duty of republicans and of Americans, and not suffer any other nation to snatch from us the glory of being, not only the first of moderns to fight in the cause of democracy, but also the first to prove to the world, that we have fought in a good cause, that we know how to make a proper use of our success, and to derive from it an ample reward and compensa­tion, for all the blood and treasure expended in its defence.—It is thus that we shall subdue all the empires of the earth—not by the terrors of war, but by the allurements of reason—not to become our vassals and slaves, but to taste with us the blessings of freedom and peace. It is thus that we shall gain the noblest triumph over all our enemies, the triumph of having loaded them with benefits. It is thus, that we shall render this day glorious and splendid, not with the momentary blaze of a wasting meteor, nor within the narrow bounds of a single empire; but, with the permanent lustre of a genial sun, destined to diffuse light and comfort over the whole face of nature. It is thus that we shall prove America to be the friend and benefactress of the world— the names of her patriots shall adorn the page of history, and their noble actions shall be recorded for the imitation of future generations.

WHILST, on each anniversary of American independence, we indulge in the pleasing contemplation of numerous and increasing benefits, which have grown out of that great event; may the sincerity of our gratitude to the Divine Being, and our just estimation of the services of our fallen com­patriots [Page 26] be evinced by our corresponding endeavours to raise to the highest respctability, in the eye of reason and philosophy, that liberal system whose foundation we have established. And whilst with the sensibility of frater­nal affection, we seek to render due honor to the martial atchieve­ments and the magnanimous perseverance of those, whose lives or la­bors have been generously devoted to the public good, let us not for­get, that, on great and important occasions, the mild influence of female merit is a powerful stimulus to the exertions of manly virtue, and gives energy to its effects. Let it not be forgotten by the friends of freedom, that to the virtuous daughters of America, the praise is due, of a laudable and beneficent attachment to its cause, under the most trying circumstan­ces. With exemplary constancy, they have sustained the burthen of misfor­tune, and, to serve their country, have drank deep of the cup of affliction. They have seen the gloomy day of adversity and woe, and felt the ruthless hand of barbarian insolence triumphant over distress. They have been torn, with savage cruelty, from their dearest relatives: They have been deprived of their property, and insulted in their habitations, or driven from them, with the sad prospect of never returning to enjoy the comforts of do­mestic peace. These evils they have endured, without shrinking from their duty, or betraying the honor of their sex. When flattering insidious at­tentions, or brutal contempt, were in their option▪ with a dignified firmness, they preferred the latter Superior to the temptations of luxury and dissi­pation, they turned, with scorn, from the proud oppressor; and, with benignant smiles▪ cheared the burthened soul of the captive. They pour­ed the balm of comfort into his wounds, and changed his misery into de­light and triumph. It was thus, that, with the powerful influence of fe­minine virtue, they nobly supported the cause of liberty, and their country, and eminently promoted its success. Many of us, who are here present, have been witnesses of their worthy conduct and partakers of the sweet con­solation it afforded: Let us not suffer the remembrance of it to be obliterated from our minds, but gratefully pay them that just tribute of praise, which may excite others, on like occasions, to an emulation of their merits. From these examples and from the promising virtues of those whom we now see in the early bloom of beauty and youth, we may form a happy presage, that, in our country, the fascinating powers of the more lovely part of the [Page 27] community, will always take such a direction as to further the great ends of our revolution, and to heighten the lustre of the American name.

HAVING already consumed much more of your time than was reason­able on this occasion, I will not add to the trespass, by drawing out my dis­course to a greater length, or by useless apologies for its want of correctness and connexion. It only remains for me to request, that what has been said may be accepted with the same spirit of candor, with which, I trust, it has been offered: And that, if the doctrines I have delivered, are such as merit your approbation, you will concur with [...] endeavouring to pro­pagate them, for the honor of republican government, and the eventual advancement of human happiness.