AT a time like the present, when the Liberties of the People are in danger; when the executive and legislative powers have united to denounce the POPULAR SOCIETIES; and when there is great reason to fear that the supiness of the friends of Liberty will enable its enemies to accomplish its destruction; it behoves every lover of his country, every advocate for the equal rights of man, to awake from the dream of delusive security, and exert every energy of his nature, to enlighten and preserve his fellow-citizens.

The DEMOCRATIC SOCIETIES have been stigmatized with the opprobrious epithets of Anarchists and Disorganizers; they have been loudly rated as wanting in political knowledge, and destitute of integrity; and the public has been earnestly called upon, not to consider them with the eye of friendliness and ap­probation, but with the determined frown of indignation and contempt.

An enquiry naturally arises here—What have these people done? Wherefore are we required to suspect or detest them? It would be out of place, were I here to enter into a formal justi­fication of their principles and conduct; neither do I design it. It must be left to time, and to the unbiassed judgment of future generations, to determine candidly on this great question.

But whether the Democratic Societies have, or have not, been successful in the demonstration; there can be no doubt, in the mind of every intelligent observer of the condition of our coun­try, that a dangerous Coalition exists ( actively, if not formally) to destroy the general influence of the people; or, at least, so to modify it, as may be most advantageous to the personal aggrand­isement of the Coalition.

Those who are best acquainted with the history of these States, as well while under the authority and controul of Great Britain, as since the acknowledgement of their independence, have not failed to observe that this spirit of Aristocracy has manifested itself in various ways, and under very various forms, at different times.

[Page iv] The design of the British Ministry, beyond dispute, was to esta­blish the political and religious supremacy of their country over ours. A plan was undoubtedly in agitation to saddle us with an hereditary nobility; and a sufficient number of right reverend bigots was to be distributed among us, who might wield the wea­pons of opinion in support of that power which gave them being, and maintained them in the enjoyment of its advantages. The revolution disconcerted these measures. But though, for awhile, it prevented any attempts to carry them into execution, it did not destroy that secret longing which had been excited by the arti­fices of the vile instruments of the mother country.

It might be dangerous, and it certainly would be imprudent, to develope the secrets of all succeeding attempts. These, for­tunately for America, have hitherto failed of success. GOD grant that all future similar designs may be equally ineffectual! The surest means of causing them to be so, is, early to alarm the public mind concerning all men and all motions which appear to aim at the establishment of an undue influence in the hands of any particular description of citizens; and (the Honourable Legislator will pardon me if I misapply his words) ‘gibbet them to public detestation.’ This is the more necessary, as it is impossible to determine to what excesses even that assumption of power, which is apparently most innocent, may lead those who exercise it: and, as there is reason to fear, there are those in exalted stations who would gladly sing "the ditty of Republicanism," in derision, at the funeral of LIBERTY.

My enquiries have led me to examine, with more than com­mon attention, the subject of Policy, especially the policy of the United States: and this, because it appears evident to me, that, hitherto, our government is only a government of expedients; and that the great principle, by which the complicated affairs of this vast continent are to be directed, is not yet discovered. To this end, the most exact scrutiny has been made into the history, manners, circumstances, &c. of this country; and, above all, into the characters and situations of those persons who have at different periods taken the lead in civil, social, military, and political life, throughout the several States. It was in the course of this scru­tiny that the following POEM (the first Book of which is now given to the public) fell into my hands.

The Author of this work was, as acknowledged therein, con­cerned in one of those plots against the liberties of the people, of which I have taken notice; and, I have good reason to believe, [Page v]more deeply implicated in it than he assumes to be in the Poem. At any rate, he was the confidential friend of the man most active in its promotion. To the furtherance of this scheme, not Ameri­cans only, but Foreigners also, were associated; and all their projects were dear being carried into effect, by the assistance of a number of Foreign Envoys— three, in particular—though but one (probably for poetical reasons) is taken notice of in the Poem. The causes of their failure are exhibited at large in the work itself.

The Author submitted in silence to the demolition of his hopes; and solaced himself by composing this Poem at his country-seat, whither he had retired, and where he died a few years since,—with the reputation of a great Patriot! The manuscript, which probably was never intended for publication, at length passed into my hands. Hitherto I have kept it (even from the knowledge of my most intimate friends), together with copies in his own hand­writing of a few of the Author's original letters, as a precious evidence of the factious designs of certain aspiring characters in our country; and nothing but our present alarming situation could have induced me to make it public, while so many of the person­ages commemorated in it are yet alive. But the lust of power, when once excited, however it may be repressed for a time, can never be extinguished but with life. And when I see the same spirit, which has been so often subdued, again starting into action—and my countrymen again likely to become its victims—I should be wanting in that patriotism by which I profess ever to be guided, were I to be deterred by fear of any man, however exalted in station, from making every possible exertion in their behalf.

The publication of this Poem, at this time, appeared to me to promise some advantage to the general cause of Liberty. It may awaken some attention to our present condition; and, by shewing (even under the guise of interested praise) the means which have been used to acquire undue consideration and power, teach my fel­low-citizens to look warily about them, and see whether like de­signs are not now forming, and whether they ought not to be on their guard. It may serve to ‘counteract certain political here­sies,’—I repeat it again, ‘ certain political heresies—which have sprung up among us.’ And it may excite them to a re­collection, that ARISTOCRACY has ever imposed itself upon the necks of all former Republics, till, by its increasing weight, it has sunk them in slavery; and rouse into action that energy of Freemen, always superior to the force of Oppression.

[Page vi] In respect to the literary merit of the Poem, it is probable the opinions of men will differ, as their own prejudices and wishes are exposed or flattered. I shall attempt no vindication of it in a critical point of view. But I ought to exculpate the Author from one charge, to which he may, in the opinions of those who do not read attentively, have exposed himself: I mean that of self-vilifi­cation.

It is observable that the writer every where represents himself and his friends as influenced solely by self-interest: and it may seem improbable that such a confession should proceed from any one who was really so influenced. The following extract of a letter, by the same hand, will determine the Author's own opi­nion on this question. The letter is written to the friend here celebrated under the name of ARISTUS, and bears date November, 1786.

‘Let others think as they please: we, who have such ample experience, have long since discredited the dream of disinter­ested benevolence. Surely no dispute can be more ridiculous than those which have arisen on this subject, unless it should be those respecting the propriety of employing (what are called) iniquitous means to obtain a good end. Opinions of this sort are well enough to amuse the vulgar; and to be played off on those weak, but well-designing men, who must have Scripture for every thing they do.’ And, in another letter to the same person, he says— ‘In the prosecution of this design, I have no doubt of your inflexible adherence to that maxim which has so long been the governing rule of our actions, That if the END is desirable, we are not to hold question respecting the MEANS. Our motto should be RESPICE FINEM, but not in the sense of the Philosopher.’

A more serious objection seems to lie against the machinery of the Poet. Nor do I know of any justification of it, other than by supposing it a mere play of the fancy: for it could not be meant by him to insinuate that the designs of his friend were infernal; and it is certain that the Author regarded Heaven and Hell, Pro­vidence and Futurity, equally fabulous as the theology of the Greeks or Hindoos, and alike the property of every dealer in rhyme—to be the elegant decorations of the Epopea, or the pon­derous ornaments of the Sonnet.

Here, then, the Editor takes his leave, for the present, of the reader; assuring him, that, if this First Book of 'ARISTOCRACY' [Page vii]shall be esteemed of value, the remaining ones shall be presented to him with all convenient expedition. The Editor, indeed, de­signed at first to have published the entire work: but was de­terred from so doing, by a fear lest its size would prevent that general circulation which might be secured by a less immediately expensive mode of publication.

PHILADELPHIA, January 5th, 1795.

N. B. The Notes are by the Editor.