THIS auspicious day, my fellow citizens, is the epoch from which we date our national existence; it ranks first in our American calander. From one extreme to the other of these extensive states, does this anniversary of freedom and independ­ence call forth the patriotic citizens of America to mirth and festive joy. The birth-day of kings, their accessions to their thrones, and the periods of their victories, when thousands of their fellow men have fallen, constitute, in general, the great festivals of the earth; but in the view of reason and philosophy these are days of sorrow not of joy. We, on the contrary, assemble to celebrate a day, [Page 8] the first in the annals of time, which gave to man­kind equal rights and equal privileges—How striking the contrast! the one sinks and degrades, the other exalts and ennobles the human charact­er—How august the contemplation! that through the various changes and national revolutions which the historic page unfolds, this should be the first period of time, when in truth and reality man became re-invested with that equal liberty, which the God of nature gave him. It is right therefore, that we commemorate this joyous day; and in the commemoration there­of, what contemplations, my fellow citizens, more useful & instructive, than the causes from whence resulted this our great revolution. The principles on which it was defended and supported—the distinguished rank it takes among the other revo­lutions of the earth, and the conduct of its brave defenders in the days of danger and distress.

A British political writer observes, that the ‘American war originated in parliamentary job­bing, and its great purpose was to transfer enormous masses of English property into loans, funds and taxes, to form that corrupt ministe­rial phalanx called the friends of government, while this faction, like a malignant disease, was [Page 9] draining the vital substances of Britain, and even armies and navies were meerly its ramifi­cations.’

If this representation of the cause of the Ame­rican war be true, and such a faction, or such a parliament, could obtain such an ascendency in Britain as to draw forth the vital substances of that nation to effect such purposes, how awfully wretched must have been our situation and cir­cumstances had they been enabled to rear and establish the standard of corruption on our Ame­rican shores—instead of rejoicing this day, we should have been mourning—instead of celebrat­ing the triumphs of freedom, we should have been languishing in the shackles of despotism.

The frequent representations which were made in England of the wealth of the Americans by the British officers, who had served here against the French, and who had fared sumptuously at the American tables, roused into action the contemp­lations which had long been entertained by the government, to raise a revenue in America.

Early in 1764, the question of right to tax was brought forward in the house of commons, and so strong was the impulse of avarice, and such the [Page 10] influence which a corrupt administration had ac­quired at this period, that not a person in the house ventured to controvert the right. After­wards however, many illustrious characters came forward in the opposition; and the names of those whose motives were pure and uncorrupt will ever brighten and adorn the page of Ameri­can freedom. They improved us in the knowledge of our political rights, and confirmed us in the sup­port of them. The first, the foremost, and I may add, the most sincere, was the celebrated Colonel Barre, for whose noble defence of virtue, and America, in opposition to the whole house; "May recorded honors gather round his monument and thicken over him."

Subsequent to the revolution of 1688, the most prominent features in the British system of politics was "That taxation could only result from repre­sentation," or, in other words, that the property of the subject could never be taken without his consent. But the influence of corruption and the anxiety to draw resources from America to sup­port its foeted stream, in all its branches, from the king on the throne down to the lowest ministerial hireling, had opperated such an entire dereliction of principles, that when the question of right, as [Page 11] before observed, first came forward, there was not an advocate in its favor; and they considered the future opposition as merely the petulance of discontent and not the voice of reason.

From hence, my fellow citizens, we have this instructive lesson, never to permit a departure from a political principle of freedom, known, es­tablished and felt to be right—it augurs corruption in the government, and will never be attempted from motives pure and virtuous.

To supply the priviledged and pampered orders of state, the heart of poverty in Britain had been probed, from every quarter, for many years, and for new sources they turned their baleful eyes across the atlantic.

America was seen like a fair flower rising in the wilderness, untouched and unblighted by the breath of corruption. The hierarchy of that country ever closely united with the ministry and with hands equally impure, as anxiously desired to grasp and enjoy the flower—it was as strongly inculcated that the establishment and support of a Bishopric in America, with its desirable append­ages, was as essential to the support and preserva­tion of the mother church, as the obtaining a [Page 12] revenue was essential to the support of the state. Thus united with these views and these desires, they commenced the operation from whence re­sulted the glorious revolution which we this day celebrate.

But let us turn, my countrymen, from that bar­ren waste "in which no salutary plant takes root, no verdure quickens," to a soil, as I willingly be­lieve, pure as the limped stream, and fertile in every great and good qualification.

It is the observation of an elegant writer, "That the Americans, dispersed throughout an immense continent, free as the wilds of nature which surrounded them; amidst their rocks, their mountains, the vast plains of their deserts, on the confines of those forests, in which all is still in its sa­vage state, and where there are no traces of either the slavery or the tyranny of man; seemed to re­ceive from every natural object a lesson of liberty and independence—as far removed from riches as from poverty, they were not corrupted either by the excess of luxury or the excess of want. Feed us with food convenient for us, lest we be full and deny thee, and say, who is the Lord, or lest we be poor and steal and take the name of our God in vain," was their united prayer.

[Page 13]From this natural equality in which man is more jealous of his rights than perhaps in any other state of society, flowed a greater effusion of knowledge than falls to the lot of mankind in ge­neral, as they better understood their rights, so were they more ready to repel every unjust inva­sion of them.

The principle, that representation and taxation must go together, was well understood in America; there were comparatively few, so illiterate, but knew it to be a political axiom; none so insensible but felt it as their only security against the grasp of oppression—this principle individuals in Ame­rica opposed in their public prints to the repeated attempts making in Britain to bring forward bills to tax them; and illustrated it with a strength of argument that sunk beneath contempt the vile and slavish yell of the minions of despotism, that all opposition to government was rebellion, and re­bellion treason.

The plan however progressed in Britain, and when matured, was brought into action; it was like putting fire to the train; the noble sentiment of Freedom or Death spread quick as the electric flame from one extreme of our continent to the other, and roused, as it were, instantaneously, three millions of people in support of their right.

[Page 14]The forming a Congress by a representation from the then different Colonies, circumstanced as they were, is a phenominon in political science, and the strongest evidence of the happy effects resulting from a general diffusion of knowledge among the people; spread over an immense tract of territory, strangers to each other, with different customs, manners and local prejudices, under strong colli­sions of interest, flowing from commercial rival­ships and disputed boundaries of territory, reason and policy required their union under one head, to render effectual the defence of their freedom. Contrary to the expectation of their enemies they nobly sacrificed every private and party consider­ation, and immediately complied with the requi­sition. And here let me ask, in the language of a celebrated orator, "What memory teems not with the recollection of the wisdom, the eloquence and perseverance of our confederated states­men," —called together to vindicate the injured rights of their country, they assembled with hands and hearts pure as the cause in which they were engaged. No faction—no corruption found ad­mission here; their councils were not warped by intrigue, nor their resolutions confounded by party heat and animosity—the good of their coun­try [...] their object and every difference [Page 15] of opinion, as to the means of obtaining it, was discussed with the calmness of reason, seeking for truth, and not with the keen personal invective only aiming at party superiority. And to the honor of our country would it be, could we in truth pass this eulogium from the Congress of '75 to every subsequent Congress of America. Their compositions united a manliness of sentiment with an elegance of stile that seemed inspired by the pure spirit of the cause in which they were engag­ed, and will go down to posterity as illustrious monuments of American genius.

To show to you, my countrymen, the character of these our youthful politicians in the mind of the un­prejudiced in Europe; permit me to repeat the lan­guage of the first statesman and orator of Britain: "The representatives of America (said he) meet with the sentiments and temper, and speak the sense of the continent. For genuine sagacity, for singular moderation, for solid wisdom, manly spi­rit, sublime sentiments and simplicity of language, for every thing respectable and honorable, the Congress of Philadelphia shine unrivalled. They are viewed as the northern constellation of glori­ous worthies illuminating and warming the New World." These eulogiums resulted from that [Page 16] policy, spirit and union, which they exercised in the support of their grand principle, that no Ame­rican could be taxed without his consent, expres­sed by himself or representative, which right they contended, our ancestors derived both from nature and the British constitution, and transmitted, un­marred, to their posterity; and to the honor of our country be it remembered, that this principle, as their leading star, was unremittingly pursued from the gloom of unsuccessful supplication to the splendor of victory and acknowledged sovereignty.

But let us pass to a comparative view of this our glorious revolution, with the other revoluti­ons of the earth, having Liberty for their object. In one respect, my countrymen, there is a distin­guishing difference which gives lustre to the Ame­rican character. The revolution of this country proceeded from a well digested knowledge of civil rights, the result of philosophical reflection, and speculative enquiry. The other revolutions, which have preceded it, have been caused either by a series of oppressions which could no longer be endured, or have sprung from the impulse of the moment, occasioned by some unexpected and vio­lent act of despotism that tortured human nature into action—the one pourtrays the reason and reflection of man, the other the limits of his pati­ence, [Page 17] and the keenness of his sensations. The Romans, so celebrated in history for their patrio­tic virtues, were roused from slavery to freedom by the sight of the poignard reeking with the blood of the virtuous Lucretia.

The death of the chaste Virginia, by the hand of her father to save her honor from the tyrannic Decimvir, and her body exposed to the public view, impelled that people again to revolt and to annihilate the order of the Decimvirs, which had violated the rights of the Roman citizens.

And to come down to more modern times—the introduction of the inquisition into the Nether­lands by the despotic Philip,—The terrible spec­tacles daily presented by that awful institution of men perishing in the flames on account of their religion; and the ignomineous death of Egmont and Horn, two popular favorites, at length tor­tured the people into that opposition which, even­tually, issued in the emancipation of the seven united provinces. Even the hardy robust inha­bitants of the Alps, since so famous for the Hel­vetic confederacy, for a long time, bore the most degrading oppressions until the manly virtues of a TELL excited them to resistance. Nor is the important revolution in France, so justly celebrat­ed [Page 18] for the magnitude of its object, and the trans­cendant brilliancy of execution, an exception; those heroic and unconquerable republicans had borne the hard hand of despotism, till forced by its oppressive weight to avenge their wrongs.

The guardian genius of America, on the con­trary, would never permit the fangs of despotism to fasten on our hallowed soil. And may it fore­ver be our great characteristic to foresee danger at a distance, and to repel its approach on principle and rational enquiry.

Where are the liberties of the republics which have preceded us; except the Swis Cantons, I know of no republican state at this day but has returned to the dark glooms of despotism, and the name of Republic and Liberty is, with them, meer sounding brass and tinkling cimbal. The cause of this awful relapse from freedom to slavery is well worth the enquiry of every American. And the great source from whence it has proceeded, my countrymen, is the want of general instruction and information among the people. This forms an unsurmountable barrier against their investigat­ing their political rights, renders them inattentive thereto, and obliges them to intrust the sacred deposit in the hands of a few individuals, whose [Page 19] conduct they are unable to scrutinize, and subjects them to be carried away credulous victims to the artifice of every designing demagogue.

But it is time we turn to a summary consideration of the conduct of the brave defenders of our coun­try in its days of danger and distress. "And what hand withholds the lawrel so justly due to the virtues of our patriotic warriors," called from the peaceful walks of private life by their coun­try's danger—from citizens they became soldiers. What hardships, incident to that situation, for se­ven long years did they not endure? Where is the example in history of equal gallantry and per­severance in every difficulty and danger unsupplied and unpaid, owing to the impoverished state of their country. In the dark seasons of the war when the genius of liberty seemed to languish un­der the pressure of despotism, and many of her sons, in moments of despondency, sought protec­tion from the relentless foe; who saw the army discover simptoms of despair, or heard from them the language of submission?

Permit me here, my fellow citizens, to pay the tribute of praise to the patriotic soldier who con­tinued on the banks of the Deleware, with their illustrious commander, after the expiration of their [Page 20] enlistments, and with whom he was enabled to recross that river & turn the tide of the war by his victories at Trenton and at Princeton. But why do I particularize? Scarcely a town in our coun­try but where have been displayed acts which sound their panegyric—when the cause of free­dom was finally triumphant, and the minions of despotism obliged to withdraw from its shores, which they had so long stained with the blood of its citizens, these patriotic warriors gave to the world an example of the love of country ever to be admired and imitated. Unsatisfied and unre­quited for their long laborious toils and services, the moment their country ceased to call, they for­sook the insignia of War for the mantle of Peace, and returned to the bosom of that country whose rights they had so nobly defended.

And here they have pursued the various occu­pations of civil life with an industry which distin­guishes them in society; and at this day are, al­most unexceptionably, conspicuous examples of attachment to the Rights of Man and the cause of Liberty in general, in opposition to all arbitrary power—sentiments that were so strongly impres­sed in the course of their illustrious service. The [...], the respect and affection due to distinguish­ed [Page 21] merit, is the only compensation they can now receive. These will never be withheld while gratitude is an American virtue; and when time shall cease with them and us, let their monumenal inscription be "HE FOUGHT AND CON­QUERED IN HIS COUNTRY's CAUSE." It will serve both for Epitaph and Elegy, and en­dear their memory with posterity.

The brilliant exploits of the militia of our country ought never, on an occasion like this, to be passed over in silence. They have ever been considered as the grand defence of every land of freedom, and in the course of our struggle for in­dependence, they proved themselves eminently worthy of the sacred charge. The scenes of Bunker's hill, of Bennington and the Sarratoga heights, will stand to the latest time, illustrious examples of their prowes and intripidity. But to enumerate all the glorious deeds of our warring yeomanry would require time far beyond my pre­sent limits. Permit me only to add, that the mi­litia of New-Jersey acquired lawrels which will ever be conspicuous in the volums of American history.

I will not lead you on this occasion to the tombs of our illustrious warriors who fell in their coun­try's [Page 22] cause—it would touch the springs of grief in the heart of sensibility, and draw the sympathetic tear from many an eye. The renumeration of their names without the annexation of their shin­ing virtues, would be too melancholy a detail— and to give to each his characteristic glory is the pleasing task of the historian. The memory of every son and daughter of liberty will embalm them as long as time and recollection shall exist.

And now permit me to close this address, my countrymen, in reminding you that the preserva­tion of that liberty, which you have so gloriously obtained, depends on your own knowledge and the right instruction and education of your chil­dren; for you and they can only be thereby en­abled to guard the avenues to the temple of free­dom, from the first approaches of tyranny, and to detect both oppression, and anarchy, which are equal evils in all their variety of shapes—guard with anxious care your present free and glorious Constitution, and afford at all times your ready exertions to support it in its purity against either its destroyer or corrupter; for by either its des­truction or corruption you loose your all; in vain you fought—in vain you conquered.