AT the last session of the general assembly, a committee was appointed by the house of delegates, to prepare a bill for the relief of public creditors. The intention of the movers for that bill was to establish an equitable rule of dis­count between the state and its debtors. By particular re­quest, the author of these sheets undertook to frame a bill, which went somewhat further than their first ideas on the subject; it was handed about among the members of each house, and became a considerable topic of conversation out of doors; but neither that bill nor any other was brought in by the committee, and only ineffectual attempts were made to do the business partially by resolves. The unfortunate bill was either lost or suppressed. I have recollected the heads, and now offer them to the public with some improvements, which have suggested themselves since the session, and with such alterations as have become necessary by the lapse of time.

I HAVE thus endeavoured to delineate an easy and sim­ple plan, for reducing our affairs to order and regularity, on terms the most truly advantageous to the state; for giving its creditors of every description the best satisfaction in our power, without imposing new burthens on the people, and, at the same time, for affording a reasonable relief to a variety of distressed public debtors. As the reasons, on which it is [Page 4]grounded, may not be obvious to every one, I shall enter in­to a series of explanatory remarks, and consider every objec­tion that has been or may be offered to the scheme.

By a consolidation of funds, we avoid much trouble, ex­pence and confusion. But there is a much more substantial reason. The funds appropriated to the redemption of red money are at least twelve times more than sufficient; for some certificates there are funds appointed which are by no means adequate, and for the rest there are no funds at all. Let us attend to what was done by a nation, which has not always betrayed a want of political wisdom, in a case somewhat simi­lar to this. The produces of the taxes in Great-Britain, not long ago, constituted each a distinct fund, for the payment of the sums advanced on each several tax; it was thought ex­pedient to unice and blend them together, and to superadd the faith of parliament, for the general security of the whole. Some of these several funds were more than sufficient, others were inadequate, and the aggregate fund, formed from their union, might not perhaps have been an ample security for all the sums advanced on the several taxes. This measure, how­ever, excit [...]d little clamour, and gave no shock to public cre­dit; because it was provided, that no injury should thereby be done to creditors; because the public faith had, for a long time, been inviolate; and because the people reposed a con­fidence in government.

1. But the principal objection to the proposed plan of con­solidation is, that we shall violate our faith, and excite cla­mour and discontent, by taking from the possessors of bills of credit the ample security they now have▪ I have ever been a warm advocate for public faith, and it pleases me to observe gentlemen, who have not always paid it a decent regard, at length become sensible of its value; they may rest assured, that my principles are unchanged, and I congratulate them on the happy alteration in theirs; my grand aim is to restore public credit, and regain the confidence of the people. I am convinced, he that will give himself the trouble to examine the state of our affairs, and consider, without prejudice, my plan in all its parts, will perceive, that it can have no other tendency. The objection, which appears formidable at first sight, will vanish, when we come closely to view the subject. The bills of credit have ceased to circulate; they are no longer a medium of commerce; they are merely an object of speculation; and the holders of them are actuated by views, very different from that of laying them by until the period of [Page 5]their redemption; they have obtained them, for the purpose of discharging debts to the state, or of selling them to public debtors. If they obtained them for the first purpose, they are not at all affected, if we even take away all the funds, provided we consent to receive them at par. If for the se­cond, they are not affected, provided we create the demand they had in view, and which would stamp a value on their paper, if no funds had ever been assigned for its redemption. That it has been purchased or kept up, for one or the other of these purposes, may be inferred from the superior advan­tages of such a speculation, which every body at this time of day is acquainted with, and from several other circumstances. Some time ago, there was a considerable sum of the red bills in the hands of the people; a resolve passed the legislature for receiving them at par; the holders immediately brought them to the treasury, or sold them to the purchasers of the property pledged for their redemption; and not more than £. 14,000 remain in the hands of the people. There was very little immediate use for the black, or the continental state bills; they had, notwithstanding, attained a value not far infe­rior to that of specie. Is it possible, that any circumstance re­specting the funds, two or three years after their emission, and as many before the period of calling them in by ex­change, should give them a value six times greater than they bore soon after they were issued? A person, who has the least tincture of this kind of science, will answer in the negative; he will tell you, that the general expectation of their being received by the treasurer at par, created a demand, and raised them to a greater value than the mere consideration of funds could have possibly conferred; that where bil [...]s of credit are not equal to specie, by the force of opinion, and there is no immediate demand to make them so, and, at the same time, there is no distrust of the funds, or of the public faith, their value can be fixed on no other principle, than that of calculating the present worth of a sum of money payable at a future day. Whenever they attain a va­lue considerably superior to this, it must be owing to some immediate or expected use. In the case of these bills, it has been generally expected, that the state must receive them from its debtors as specie; take away this expectation, and the proprietors of the bills will be materially affected; com­ply with it, and they will care nothing about the funds. It is ridiculous to imagine, when a man can get £. 100 specie for £. 106 paper, and when money can command from ten to 20 or 30 per cent. interest, that he will prefer the board­ing [Page 6]his paper, and run the hazard of specie's not being ready at the treasury, at the time for exchanging it. On the con­trary, there is every reason to conclude, if my propositions meet with success, that a very inconsiderable sum will be left, to redeem with gold and silver. My plan provides for bring­ing in a sufficient quantity of specie for the purpose. Howe­ver, the different periods for redeeming the bills of credit are remote; one will arrive in June 1785, another in May 1786, and the last in January 1787. We have abundant leisure to make the experiment, and the legislature may hereafter make a further provision, if, contrary to every reasonable calcula­tion, a further provision should be found requisite. I will ac­knowledge, that by placing all government socurities on the same footing, the value of bills of credit will, in the begin­ning, be inferior to what it has lately been; but by the natural operation of the plan, in a short time, every species of pa­per, as my estimates shall hereafter tend to demonstrate, will attain a value very little inferior to specie.

2. An objection has been thrown out, and will probably be urged, with all the powers of eloquence, against any fur­ther sales of confiscated property. "In pursuance of an ar­ticle in the definitive treaty, congress has earnestly recom­mended a restitution of all this property; and our national honour is deeply concerned in adopting this wise, humane, equitable recommendation." The words of it, which (by the bye) are faithfully copied from the treaty, leave some doubt respecting the meaning of the term restitution▪ If it means more than a reasonable compensation, we must alter our laws, before we can comply; because no alien is capable of holding lands in this state, until he becomes a citizen, under the act for naturalization. A real British subject is as much an alien, to all intents and purposes, as a Turk, or a Chinese. This is well known to every person acquainted with the common law of England, and the constitution of this state, that law, with respect to aliens, containing the only rule known to Maryland. By taking the oath, and making the declaration prescribed by the act for naturaliza­tion, an alien may indeed acquire a capacity of holding lands; but then he no longer must consider himself a subject to Great-Britain; because he thereby abjures all allegiance to any government, but the state of Maryland. It cannot be conceived, that Great-Britain, in taking care of the in­terests of her subjects, should make such a provision, as would, in all probability, oblige them to become citizens of [Page 7]America. She could not imagine, that America, contrary to the policy of all nations, would permit aliens to hold real property. Should we incline to adopt the recommendation, my idea is this; the remaining confiscated property must be placed on the same footing with that already sold, which can­not be restored; we must dispose of it to the best advantage, and then find out some good and substantial fund for making a compensation to every sufferer, without giving any one claimant a preference to another. I would ever protest against throwing the most valuable property of the state into this fund; we have much better uses for it. The measure of confiscation had always my hearty approbation. I considered it as founded on natural justice, upon policy, and upon ne­cessity, as every intelligent impartial person may be convinced, by perusing the long controversy between the two branches of the legislature, Nothing has yet turned up to alter the na­ture of things, and Great-Britain has referred the cause of her unfortunate subjects and adherents entirely to our gene­rosity. I can commiserate the case of individuals, reduced to deplorable circumstances, by the ambition and crime of their nation; but I cannot admire acts of generosity, unless that virtue be displayed, without making a sacrifice of much more important ones. When we shall have done bare justice to the men, whose dangers, toils and sufferings, have secured our independence; when we shall have made compensation to our own people, who have suffered by the ravages of the enemy; when we shall have made provision for complying with our engagements to our other friends; when we shall have rendered government firm, respectable and happy; it will be time to pursue the dictates of a generous, humane, merciful spirit. But, gracious Heaven! what are the men, for whose sakes we should lay burthens on our murmuring, discontented, injured citizens, and withhold justice from our benefactors? Is it for parricides, for enemies, for pretended friends, or at best men, who have viewed our struggles with a cold indifference, that we are to do all this? It is by no means impossible, that a good citizen of these states may pi­ty, forgive, admire, or love some of the persons, who fall under this description; he may associate with them; if they are indigent, he may assist them with his private fortune; but he will never wish to sacrifice for them the interests of his country, or the dear bought rights of his fellow-citizens; it is unnecessary to say more than, that all the world, at least Great-Britain, fully comprehends what is meant by, what [Page 8]will, and what ought to be, the effect of this stipulated re­commendation.

I have proposed an early sale of confiscated property for two reasons. The money to arise from it, whether the plan be adopted or not, is immediately wanted; and it is evident, that such a sale would be most productive. It would answer little purpose to demonstrate, how much the interest of the state has suffered by not selling this property, some time ago, for every kind of government paper. I am unwilling to ex­amine, at this time, to whom this bad policy is justly to be imputed; I will make the most favourable construction, that it proceeded from a defect of judgment. Had this measure taken place eighteen months ago, the interests of the army, as well as those of the state, would have been much better taken care of; and speculation, that bane to commerce, and perhaps to morals, would have been almost at an end. A blind resentment against speculators has prevented many sa­lutary measures, and produced effects directly opposite to those intended. A judicious candid speculator will, at once, ridicule the policy, shew what advantages it has given him, and how much it has injured the state, and its soldiers.

3. I come now to consider another grand objection to my bill. "It does not distinguish between depreciation certificates in the hands of the grantees, and those which have been, for a trifling consideration, transferred to speculators." It would perhaps be extremely difficult to ascertain what certificates have been transferred, and what not, a very little ingenuity having already defeated other schemes of discrimination. Whether this objection ought to have any weight depends on the soundness or futility of the arguments adduced in favour of a discrimination; since the acts, under which these certi­ficates were issued, held out no such idea. They entitle the party to receive a certain sum of money, and are either ex­pressly, or by the strongest implication, allowed to be assign­ed, although under certain idle restrictions. Had not the law provided these restrictions, an assignment would have given an equitable claim, and placed the assignee on the same footing with the soldier, to whom the certificate was granted. By observing them, an assignment has the sanction of the legislature, and we cannot, without a glaring violation of one faith, create any distinction among the proprietors of the certificates, whether assignees, or original grantees. E­very act, tending to inspire a distrust of the laws, must have pernicious consequences, as it weakens government, and [Page 9]lessons private credit. In this view, a discrimination would be impolitic; that it would be illegal, arbitrary, unconstitu­tional, and unjust, there needs little further argument to de­monstrate.

It is contended, that these assignments should be declared void by the assembly, and justice done to the army. Let it be indelibly impressed on the mind of every man, who wishes to discover the true principles of government, that the public has no right to meddle with the contracts of individuals, un­less made in violation of a subsisting law; when that is the case, it is not the province of the legislature to determine; it belongs only to the tribunals of law and equity. I believe, no instance can be shewn, where the legislature, in a well regulated free government, has exercised the power, except in matters of grand national concern, upon the fullest con­viction of fraud and delusion, and where the courts of justice were deemed incompetent. Does the case of transferred cer­tificates, in any respect, resemble the infamous South-sea scheme? Is it an affair that interests the community? Has there been any cheat or deception? Or, if there has, are our courts of justice incompetent? Whether the measures of the British parliament on the memorable occasion just mention­ed, were not too great an infringement of the principles of their constitution, is somewhat problematical. However, the constitution of Maryland in this respect is more accurately defined; the spirit of it every where, and, in some parts, the letter, is pointedly against retrospective laws; it intended to establish a firm and perpetual barrier between the legislative and judicial departments, and he that proposes to break it down, should do it to effect some very salutary purpose, which at present I cannot discover.

I have heard of some men, hardy enough to declare, that transferred certificates ought not to be redeemed at all, or only at the price they cost the purchaser. Their method of delivering the state from a great part of its debt would indeed be more cheap and compendious than mine, which is ho­nestly to pay it; the very supposition of getting rid of it otherwise should excite a general indignation. If an assem­bly should be found weak enough to frame a resolve for so base a purpose, it would in the end be rescinded; the injured parties, having the constitution, the law, and equity, on their fides, would never cease to remonstrate; indeed a pru­dent legislature would wait for no solicitation; it would make all convenient haste to call in the certificates, not on [Page 10]account of justice only, but because, so long as they exist, the state is burthened with interest, and leaves them a [...] object of speculation.

Let us for a moment suppose the legislature might discri­minate without doing wrong, and that it might, with pro­priety, undertake to determine what is justice between all parties; state, soldier, and speculator. Let us suppose it de­liberating with temper on the mode of relieving the poor pri­vate, who, for a small pittance, has renounced the hard price of his toils and suffering Shall the state make him a com­pensation from the public treasury? I believe few members would hazard a proposition, that would open ten thousand mouths against them. No man within my knowledge has dropped the most distant hint of such a measure; but many have declared, that the speculator ought to be compelled to do justice; that the fair way is to pay him, with interest, the money he advanced, and let the soldier have the residue; that is, the state shall owe him so much, and be indebted to the soldier for the balance; the contract, however fairly made, is to be annulled; the purchaser is to find himself duped by a solemn act of the legislature; he is stripped of his rights, "without a trial by jury," and without a pre-ex­isting "law of the land." These are serious considerations with me; but I have observed them to have little weight with others. Let us then enquire, how far this egregious scheme is practicable; on which of the parties will the legis­lature lay the burthen of proving the consideration of the sale? Must indifferent testimony be required? That we know to be impossible, because in nine cases out of ten, there is no witness, or writing, by which it can be ascertained. Shall we admit the oath of the purchaser? It is very probable, if he has dealt a good deal in this way, that, in two cases out of three, he has no memorandum, or recollection of the pre­cise sum, or thing, he gave; besides, we should expose him to a strong temptation to commit a perjury, which he might construe a pious fraud to secure a remnant of his rights. Shall we trust to the oath of the soldier? If he can be so lost to the sentiments of honour, as to take advantage of the law, it cannot be conceived he will entertain a proper sense of the obligation of an oath. Many certificates have passed through a variety of hands. Suppose a man has purchased at six for one, and sold to another at four, who has sold at three; how shall we contrive to ascertain all these contracts, and do what may be called justice to all the parties? The soldier or the [Page 11]purchaser may have died, or left the state; some soldiers will reject the relief, and these are the only men who are likely to become good citizens; others will accept it, and these are the men who dissipate every thing in riot, and will hereafter prove the bane of society. In short, this project of dispensing justice to the army will be found, on the strictest enquiry, to be unjust, impracticable, visionary, and absurd.

Let us now, with that candour and impartiality which is due to all men, examine what has induced so many humane well disposed persons to advocate a scheme, on which the idea of a discrimination between our creditors has been found­ed. They have conceived, that speculators availed them­selves of the necessities of the soldiers, when they obtained certificates, at a price so far inferior to the sum expressed. But what was the cause of this? and where does the blame properly lie? The circumstances, under which the certificates were issued, are well known. Congress had recommended this measure to the states, as the only expedient that remained for keeping the army on foot. But this salutary purpose would not have been effected; the clamours of the army would not have been appeased; the spirit of mutiny and de­sertion would not have subsided; if the poor naked soldier could not have exchanged his paper for something, to supply his immediate wants. What was there, in the name of com­mon sense, to stamp a proper value upon it? That patriotism alone would be a sufficient motive for monied or trading men to purchase it at par, was a mere Utopian dream; the project which is founded only on the supposition, that public spirit is to supersede the dictates of private interest, deserves not a serious examination. There were no certain funds, or period fixed for the redemption of this paper; there was no imme­diate use, and the mode of assignment was rendered difficult and precarious; it was, notwithstanding, at first exchanged at par for the bills of credit then in circulation, which were limited in their duration, and had certain funds for their support. I would ask any cool rational man, what better could have been expected? The assembly, however, consi­dered this traffic as a shameful imposition on a meritorious class of men, whom Providence had not blessed with discre­tion to manage their own concerns; it determined, contrary to its own recent positive engagement, that certificates alrea­dy transferred should not be received for certain lands, that were directed to be sold, for the express purpose of redeeming army certificates; and, by way of justifying its conduct, eve­ry [Page 12]opprobrious epithet was applied to a set of men, who had long before been the objects of an undistinguishing popular resentment. This mode of procedure produced little benefit to the soldier; his necessities still obliged him to sell; and the legislature had not deprived him of his power. If, under all these discouragements, a speculator would hazard the pur­chase, it is not to be wondered, that he afforded no better terms. In every other contract, he might avail himself of the advantages of his ready money, his superior judgment, and of other peoples wants. Very little consure has fallen on those honourable gentlemen, who, at the race of two for one, obtained red money, which was instantly to be received from them at par for their taxes. I aver, that many respectable members of the legislature purchased red money at that cruel rate from indigent persons, who had just received it as speci [...] from the state. Where is the enthusiastic lover of justice, that will propose a relief in this case? And yet if there is a difference between this case, and that of transferred certifi­cates, it is by no means in favour of the latter. In both cases, the sufferer must look to the assembly for the authors of their wrongs. But alas! their own acts have put a redress entirely out of the question; the state cannot make up their losses, and pay their assignees the full sum besides.

Of all the numerous objectors to my bill, those who talk most colourably on the subject, have argued in this manner; "It is our fixed determination to preserve public faith, and to pay our creditors of every description. It is folly to talk of doing otherwise; but, if we cannot satisfy them all at once, ought we for that reason to pay none at all? The path is plain; we will pay as far as we can, and give the prefer­ence, where it is justly due." With all proper respect for high names and superior talents, these gentlemen are mis­taken both in principle and fact I cannot perceive, how the officers or soldiers who have retained their certificates have any just claim to a distinction. (They will pardon me for the exercise of a right, for which I will ever acknowledge myself pr [...]cipally indebted to them.) They have never been injured by the act of those, who have transferred; why then are they to be placed in a better situation than if not a single certificate had been assigned? If we had a sum of money in the treasury [...]or the payment of our debts, and upon adjusting every claim, that sum should be found inadequate, every one to whom a security had been given, or his assignee, who stands in his place to all intents and purposes, should come [Page 13]in for a fair dividend, according to the nature of the public engagements. So much for the principle; but the true state of matters makes every dispute about the principle quite im­material, because the [...]ds belonging to the state are at least equal to its real debts. Should I fail in she proof of this po­sition, I would th [...] argue in this way: We are indebted to a variety of creditors, and to a very large amount; we have a variety of debtors, although to not an equal amount; some of these debtors are become creditors, by having purchased the government securities granted to others; some of these securities have been assigned to persons not indebted to the state. Shall we admit the plain, convenient, equitable rule of discount, which prevails between individuals? Or shall we harrass and ruin a debtor, by compelling him to make full payment, whilst he has a liquidated claim, which would more than balance his debt? Shall we make sale of his pro­perty and the property of his securities? Shall we commit his body to a gaol, and at the same time defer our payment to him, just as long as we please? Again. Shall we at a pro­per period, assign our debts to our creditors, and thereby gratify both debtors and creditors! Or shall we be at the risk, trouble, and expence, of collecting from the former, in or­der to satisfy some of the latter? The whole appears so plain to my understanding, that if I had not heard opposite opi­nions, most pertinaciously maintained, I should be ashamed to offer a serious argument. I should expect the same fate with a preacher, who takes his text, divides and subdivides his argument, fatigues himself and his audience, and makes a mighty pother to demonstrate what no man in his senses could possibly deny.

Supposing still that the debts due to the state, together with the money lying idle in the treasury, and the remaining confiscated property, are unequal to what she owes, why are we to reject the equitable rule of discount? (I will not ask, whether it is in our power to reject it.) Does justice between the state and a citizen differ from justice between one citizen and another? If we mean to pay our debts at all, why may we not set about it at once in a way, which will produce no inconvenience to the people? Why may we not, as far as possible, deliver our affairs from embarrassment, perplexity, risk, and confusion? What valuable end is proposed by de­lay? It would appear to be the study of some politicans, to vex and disquiet every body, that has any dealings with the public. It may answer some private contracted view; they [Page 14]may for a short season enjoy their beloved popularity; the people, who are seldom acquainted with the true situation of affairs, being told, that the general ease and advantage has been consulted, may at first hail them as guardians and sa­viours; but when they discover the deception; when they perceive, that a trifling ease cannot be obtained, without sa­crificing the rights of their fellow-citizens, and of their real saviours and benefactors; when they come to experience the evils of a weak and corrupt government; when they have the prospect of still greater before them; they must be senseless and depraved indeed, if they do not execrate the authors of their calamities; they will at length perceive, that virtue is the true basis of all free government, and that a republic, which is false to its own people, and does not watch over the happiness, and guard the rights of all, will soon lose every thing but the name, and at last degenerate into despotism, or some other worse species of tyranny.

To demonstrate how far my plan is likely to produce every end I proposed, it is time to produce my estimates, which, though not perfectly exact in every particular, were very near the truth on the 14th of February last, when I received my information from the treasurer and the auditor, and one of the commissioners, after a careful examination of their books; whatever change has since taken place, is immaterial; be­cause no part of the funds can have been diminished, with­out also diminishing the debt, or providing so much specie; and no article of the debts can be augmented, without dimi­nishing the article of unliquidated debts, which with me must remain a matter of conjecture, for which I have made a large allowance, but which, there is every reason to believe, cannot be so great as has been represented.

N. B. These are estimates of the funds and debts as they stood on the 14th of February; the change which has since taken place, as I said before, is immaterial. I have not reckoned on the bank stock, which would make a great ad­dition to our funds, about £.40,000 sterling.

[Page 17] To save myself, and the gentlemen to whom I am indebt­ed for information, a great deal of unnecessary trouble, I have made only suppositions with respect to interest, taking care, that the balance in favour of the state should not exceed the truth. That balance may stand against unforeseen losses and deductions from the funds, which I have supposed suffi­cient only to discharge the debts contained in my estimate; in less than three years my plan, if adopted, will have had its full operation, and the surplus, if any, will again be at the disposal of the state.

The certificates given by virtue of the act proposing to the citizens of this state, &c. amount to £.92,033 12 0. As we have undertaken to provide for the punctual payment of the interest of money lent to congress, and as congress is thereby released from the burthen, they will certainly permit us to deduct it from our quota of the interest of the national debt. Should they refuse so reasonable a proposition, an in­considerate politician might move for referring this last of creditors to their original securities. Great inconveniencies would result from the measure; and I do not believe con­gress would subject us to so disagreeable a necessity. That prudent body has always consulted the welfare of the men, who generously lent them money to prosecute the war, or who placed any reliance on the public faith. Besides, they would consider, that our mistake proceeded from an earnest desire of complying with their just requisitions. Should con­gress view the matter in a different light; should they tell us no deduction can be made; we can only contribute our full quota, pay the interest on these certificates, and carry to the continental treasurer the original loan-office certificates, which now belong to us, and entitle the bearer to the sum expressed, and receive just the same interest from him. Take it either way, and we are not burthened, in the end, more than if we had not officiously taken the place of congress. Every wise man would indeed prefer a fair honest discount to a vexatious circuity of payment.

I have been amused at the trouble, some gentlemen have given themselves, to swell the state debt to a sum truly formi­dable. To expose a most egregious imposition, I shall ex­plain the nature of certain debts, set down in their estimates, which I have not admitted into min [...].

It is said, "we have never fully complied with the requi­sitions of congress, and we shall be indebted about £.400,000 on that score. We owe for the pay of our line in the year [Page 18]1782 about £.200,000. Only a small part of our quota of the continental bills of credit has been called in, and as we are, agreeably to a resolve of congress, to redeem them at forty for one, we are indebted on their account about £.130,000. These several sums amount to about £ 730,000." Not one of them is honoured with a place on my estimate, or provided for in my bill.

In this place, I present my readers with a state of the na­tional debt published by congress some time in the last year.

How it should have entered the head of any man, conver­sant with public affairs, that the pay due to our line for 1782 constitutes a part of the state debt, is difficult to be conceived. We here see it comprehended in the continental debt; and certificates are now issuing to the officers and soldiers for that pay, and for all that is due besides upon a final settlement.

With respect to deficiencies in our contributions during the war, it is necessary to speak more fully, to give clear ideas on the subject. For several years, congress made large requisitions, to enable them to carry on the war. Not a sin­gle state contributed, in any one year, its full proportion. It is owing to this, that the national debt exceeds 42,000,000 dollars. Commissioners are appointed, on behalf of con­gress, to settle with each of the states. The commissioner, or whoever finally settles the account with Maryland, will charge u [...] with our full quota of the whole requisitions, and give us credit for every thing, we have fairly advanced. There will unquestionably be a great balance against us, per­haps much more than £.400,000. The case will be similar with every other state. What then is to be done, when all their accounts are finally cosed? Must they discharge each its respective balance, and contribute its quota of the national debt besides? By no means; for that would be paying twice. What then will be the end of appointing these commissioners? It will be, to ascertain the actual contributions of every state. If a state has advanced beyond its proportion of the whole which congress has received, then congress will be indebted to it for the excess. If it has advanced less than its propor­tion, it will then be indebted to congress for the deficiency. We have constantly boasted of our exertions, we have ac­quired [Page 20]great credit with our sister states, and I incline to believe, this mighty affair of deficiencies will, at last, turn out to our advantage.

The whole debt then, not comprised in my estimate, is our quota of continental bills. With respect to this, we have managed poorly indeed! We have neglected favourable op­portunities of calling it in, at little expence; and in the end, some of the states will perhaps gain an advantage. However, this part of our debt is that about which we may of all others be the least solicitous; we may wait, till congress determines what ought to be done. Should any gentleman be seriously of opinion, that this part of our debt ought to be paid as soon as any other; should he approve my plan in general, and be satisfied of the sufficiency of the funds; let him pro­pose by way of amendment, that debtors be allowed to pay continental bills, at the rate of 140 for one, which is double the value they passed at, just before they ceased to circulate; that they be exchanged for bonds; and, when every other purpose shall have been effected, that the surplus be applied to the buying them up, until the whole of our quota shall be called in.

5. Certain debtors are indulged with a further time, for obvious reasons. The red money was called out of circula­tion by methods, not prescribed in the act for its emission. It would be idle to allow them to pay any other paper, if we did not afford them a reasonable time to collect it. To let loose upon them immediately the vengeance of the law, would produce deeper scenes of distress, than were exhibited during the war. By the law now in force, the money, when col­lected, must be locked up, and until a certain period, remain useless. Both policy and justice, on this occasion, must plead for mercy. Let it not be said, that, by indulging our debtors from time to time, we only encourage a bl [...]meable remiss­ness. They have had no indulgence, that ought to have been denied. They will exert themselves when there is a prospect of success; the purchasers, who have not entered into bond, will make haste to complete their contracts, and many will be found in condition to make payment, so soon as we shall allow them to discount government securities. I have proposed another motive for their diligence; after the first of January 1785, they may have it in their power to pay only in specie.

6. It remains to say something to an objection, which has had no little weight with those, who are satisfied with confi­dent [Page 21]words, and general expressions, and cannot bear the fa­tigue of a rational enquiry. It has been asserted, that the present plan originated from malice, and that it is only cal­culated to defeat better measures, and to undo all that has been done for retrieving our affairs from disorder. I should be happy to discover those schemes, and to contemplate the prosperous train already said. The business surely could not be concealed from an inquisitive eye, from the assembly, and from all the world. In plain and sober truth, there has hi­therto been nothing like system, or plan. A succession of crude, indigested measures, springing from disgust, from pique, from whim and caprice, have plunged us further and further into difficulties, have dissipated our resources, and done irreparable injuries to individuals. To prevent further mischiefs, the bill for the relief of public creditors contain [...] the only rational, enlarged, comprehensive scheme, that has yet been proposed. If it should not perform every thing I have promised, it could not fail to perform a great deal, and the state would be no further bound, than it already is, to provide ample funds to fulfil all its engagements. No loss, no dishonour, no disadvantage, can possibly flow from the experiment; it is calculated to make the most of the present funds; it gives all creditors of the same description an equal chance; it affords a reasonable relief to-debtors; it will con­ciliate the affections of both these classes of citizens; and it will tend manifestly to diminish the expences of government.

From the manner, in which I have urged my propositions, it will be concluded, that I am deeply interested in the scheme. The searcher of all hearts can alone be acquainted with my motives, which are perfectly immaterial in the dis­cussion of a public question. I have, however, not the least title to a single bill of credit, or certificate. I am not in­debted to the state. I am not disposed to hazard my charac­ter by speculation. In short. I have no interest in the plan, which has employed so much of my attention, except that which may result from the general happiness, prosperity, and honour of my country.

I PROCEED to some considerations, respecting our quota of the national debt, the recommendations of congress, and the relation we bear to that respectable body.

If I understand their estimate of the national debt, it a­mounted on the first of January last to 42,000,375 dollars, the interest of which is 2,415,956 dollars. They have con­jured [Page 22]the states, by every consideration which can affect an honest mind, to pass such acts as will enable them punctually to pay the interest. They have ventured to recommend a mode called the 5 per cent. impost, by which the n [...]t sum of 915,956 dollars might be raised, with the greatest ease to the people; they have left it to each of the states to establish ef­fectual funds for supplying its proportion of the residue, which is 1,500,000 dollars; and they have made the com­pliance of every state necessary to give efficacy to the resolu­tions of any. The mode they have pointed out has been re­jected by some of the states, and every art is employed, by designing men, to induce others to rescind the acts, by which they have adopted it. The second part of their recommenda­tion I believe has been complied with by only two states in the union. At the last session of our assembly, I do not re­collect to have heard it even mentioned. There are three ways, by which this backwardness in our state has been justi­fied. In the first place, "It would answer no purpose for one state to do what the rest have declined." In the next place, "The back lauds claimed by individual states, of right be­long to the whole, and would alone constitute a fund suffi­cient for the punctual payment of the interest, and for dis­charging within a reasonable time the principal of the whole national debt." Again, "If that fund be inadequate, or be­longs not to congress, we are not in condition to pay either principal or interest. As we have done so much for posterity; as we have taken such care for transmitting to them the fair inheritance of freedom and independence; it is reasonable, they should share the expence." A little sober reflection will convince every rational man, how idle, unjust and disho­nourable, are all these excuses and evasions. In the first place; as it is impossible for thirteen legislatures at the same instant to do the same thing, if each waits for the rest, the requisition of congress can never be complied with; but it has redounded much to the honour of those states, which have discovered an ambition to be foremost.

The "address and recommendation to the states, by the United States in Congress assembled," from which I extracted the estimate of the national debt, was not duly circulated; there are few who have seen it. I shall therefore present another extract for the information of those, who may ho­nour these sheets with an attentive perusal.

Had our legislature passed an act for establishing a substan­tial and effectual fund for supplying its proportion of 1,500,000 dollars, such act would not have been merely nu­gatory. We should have exhibited an illustrions example, [Page 25]without any detriment to ourselves, because the burthens to be imposed are not to be felt, until all the states have acceded to the resolution of congress, by passing similar acts

With respect to the back lands, we [...]ave repeatedly asserted claims which appear to us founded on reason and justice. The congress, however, is the only tribunal to determine, and the business is in a way to be settled. If we should be dissatisfied with their decision, I know not whither we shall carry an appeal for redress. Ought we on that account to dissolve the union? Ought we to occasion a national bank­ruptcy, which would fix an indelible stain on our character, deprive the soldier of his dear-bought reward, and the h [...]pes of future subsistence, insult and injure our generous all [...]es, and expose us to all the consequences of anarchy and confu­sion? If men are disposed to do right, if they do not wish for a revolution, it can be owing to nothing but a want of reflec­tion, that they oppose congress in every thing, which is not agreeable to their own partial judgments. If no measure can be carried into effect, unless congress can contrive to recon­cile jarring interests, and to give complete satisfaction to thir­teen suspicious wrangling states, I could wish the confederacy at once dissolved, and to meet those evils, which cannot be worse in reality than they are in contemplation. I [...] the states have no confidence in a body of men delegated by themselves, coming from every part of the republic, elected on account of their integrity and superior talents, natives of America, possessed of every light to afford a large compreh [...]sive view, having no separate interests, as members of that body, taking upon them with reluctance an employment of little honour, less emolument, and short duration; if we cannot trust these men so far as to adopt their advice, there is no way to pre­serve our union, but by enlarging their authority. This they have never required. They wish to owe our compliance to our free consent, and not to their own power. Away then with all idle fears and fantastic jealousies, or let them be transferred to their proper objects. These are the men of turbulent restless spirits, who although they may be useful, in sounding the alarm, when tyranny endeavours to steal up­on us by imperceptible steps, are equally opposed to every kind of government, and sometimes acquire a transient popu­larity, by rendering it odious to the people.

Let us suppose every acre of the lands in question deter­mined to be public stock, and every state to have dutifully acquiesced; must our creditors wait till this fund be suffici­ently [Page 26]productive? That whatever expence has been incurred, in conquering, or securing these lands, shall be reimbursed, is a condition, to be granted to those states which shall relin­quish their claims. It is perhaps contrary to the immediate interest of this state, for congress to accept the concession on such terms; at least, those lands cannot for many years pro­duce a greater revenue than will enable congress to perform the condition ^*. It is sufficient for me, that congress has deemed other funds absolutely necessary, and that it can have no insidious views in procuring the imposition of burthens, of which its own members must bear a proportion. They have not even reserved to themselves the appointment of col­lectors, and their influence and importance, even for the short time they hold their seats, will not be at all increased by our adopting their recommendation.

[Page 27] The national debt does not create the only demand for money. The government of the United States cannot be carried on without it, unless we could go on for ever upon credit, without taking a single step to satisfy our creditors. I believe that substantial resource congress, for the present, is deprived of; and it will require a great deal of wisdom in congress, and in the different legislatures, to regain it. To prevent further requisitions for defraying the expence of its government, for maintaining a peace establishment, and for guarding every part of its territory, congress is obliged to depend on further loans. The back lands may hereafter constitute a fund for discharging the new debt, and for pro­viding against contingencies. A substantial fund for this latter purpose ought undoubtedly to be vested in the sovereign power of a republic, which has no authority, upon any emer­gency, to levy money by taxation, without the consent of thirteen other deliberative bodies. Congress has however engaged to apply the revenue to arise from the back lands to hasten the extinguishment of the national debt; and, since neither congress as a body, nor its members as indivi­duals, can have any motive for acting contrary to the true interests of their constituents, they will perform the engagement whenever it can be done with safety and pro­priety.

To talk of leaving to posterity the burthen of the debt con­tracted during the war, is truly ridiculous. I have no pre­cise idea of what is meant by the posterity of a state. The term, when applied to an individual, every body compre­hends. I should be glad to know what proportion of the in­dividuals composing this republic, or whether the whole, must quit this earthly stage, before the succession of posterity is to commence. To refer our creditors entirely to posterity, would be little more than a declaration, that they never shall be paid; for, if we entertain so poor a sense of our obliga­tions, they and their representatives can have little depend­ence on our posterity. Besides, posterity must, at all events, bear the burthen of the establishments we now make. They must, perhaps for a long time, pay the interest of the debt, and at last find means to extinguish the principal. Added to this, they may have troubles and burthens enough of their own. It was the wicked, ungenerous policy of anticipating the public revenue, and entailing debts upon posterity, which has wrought so many evils to Great-Britain, and laid the foundation for the dismemberment of their empire; and it is [Page 28]the business of an infant government to profit from the expe­rience of all, that have gone bef [...]re it.

Let us now ascertain our proportion of the interest of the national debt. If 141,517 dollars are our share of 1,500,000, then 227 999⅕, equal to £.85,499 13 0, is our quota of the whole. From the bottom of my heart, and in the fince­rity of my soul, I despise the man, who would hint at the inability of this state to furnish congress annually with this sum. That man, if he is not strangely mifinformed, or weak in his intellects, was never a true whig; he is dishonest to his neighbour, false to his benefactors, and ungrateful to Providence.

The 5 per cent. scheme ^†, which imposes a tax scarcely to be felt, having been adopted by this state, and there being a reasonable ground of expectation, that all our sister sta [...]es will, at last, pay the same regard to this part of the recommenda­tion, all that we have to do, is to establish for the term of 25 years, a substantial revenue, for supplying cong [...]ss with the annual sum of 141,517 dollars, equal to £.53,068 17 6. Permit me to pr [...]pose the following brief sketch of a LAND­TAX

1. That there be a valuation, according to the present ac­tual worth of all the real private property in the state; that this valuation be made by assessor, under the direction and control of commissioners, in the same manner as has been heretofore usually done under the acts for raising supplies; that this valuation be made and transmitted to the governor and the council, before the 20th of August next; that pre­viously to the said return, the assessors of each county shall [Page 29]meet at a time, and place, to be appointed by the commis­sioners, to compare and (if need be) to correct each his seve­ral valuations; that, if the governor and the council shall think the said valuations to be equal, and just, they shall ra­tify and confirm the same; or, if they shall think the said valuations to be unequal and unjust, they shall inform the commissioners of the counties wherein they shall deem the valuations to be too high, or too low, of the average price, at which land shall have been valued in each county, and the commissioners shall thereupon direct the assessors to re­consider their returns; and the valuations upon such reconsi­deration shall be final and conclusive, and shall be returned to the governor and council by the first of November next, who shall, thereupon, lay and impose for every hundred pounds, such a rate as may levy the gross sum of £.57,000 from the whole private landed property within the state; and the said valuations shall be recorded in the respective county courts, and o [...] the journals of the council.

2. That the same provision be made for doing justice be­tween tenants of particular estates, and those in remainder or reversion, as is made by the act to raise the supplies for the present year.

3. That, whenever all the states shall have passed similar laws, for establishing substantial and effectual funds, for sup­plyi [...]g their respective quotas of 1,500 000 dollars, and the s [...]me shall be notified by congress, the governor and council shall forthwith appoint a collector in each county, who shall give sufficient security for the faithful discharge of his duty.

4. That the said rate be paid by the proprietors of land to the said collectors, at two equal payments, before the first of March and first of October, in every year during the term of 25 years; that after the said days in each year, if the tax shall be unpaid, the collectors be empowered to execute the land, or goods, and to sell the same, on giving five days no­tice to the party, if he be within the county, and at his usual place of residence, or within ten days, if the party be not within the county and at his usual place of residence, upon setting up an advertisement at the door of the court-house; and the said collectors shall, within two months after the said first of March and first of October, account for with, and pay to, t [...]e treasurer of their respective shores the whole tax which may be due for their respective counties (after deduct­ing at the rate of seven per cent. for the whole risk, trouble and expence of collection) under the penalty of fifteen percent. [Page 30]interest on the sum, in which they shall be found defi­cient; and the money so paid in, shall be subject to the or­der of the congress, who shall alone be empowered to remove such collectors, upon misbehaviour; and upon the death, re­signation, or removal of such collectors, the governor and council shall appoint the persons to succeed them.

It is with extreme diffidence, I make a proposition, which may rouse t [...]e indignation of the whole powerful body of land holders; but, I believe, no man can point out a more proper and effectual mode of complying with the indispensable requisitions of congress. Imports will be sufficiently taxed by the five per cent. scheme; and we could not, at any rate, with prudence, impose further duties thereon, unless all the neighbouring states should do the same. Duties on exports would be still more detrimental to our commerce, and would, moreover, be supposed principally to affect the landed inter­est. We cannot easily contrive to establish a revenue for 25 years, to be derived from an assessment on all property, be­cause personal property is perpetually fluctuating, and it would require the enormous expence of assessors and commis­sioners for every year. All sources of revenue, except what I have mentioned, would be inadequate, and might more properly be applied, to defray the expences of our own go­vernment.

^‡ An annual contribution, to be raised by a new law every year, would never answer the views of congress; it is impos­sible [Page 31]for them, without substantial, effectual, and certain re­venues, to establish a new credit, or to afford any security to their present creditors. An annual contribution must depend on the will of every new legislature in thirteen different states, who, upon every little pique or idle jealousy, might with­hold their supplies, embarrass our affairs, and endanger the union. No man in his senses would lend money to congress, under such circumstances, or accept an assignment of its as­surances, on terms advantageous to its creditors. We have sufficiently experienced, how little regard a new legislature pays to the engagements of the last, how differently it views the same subject, and how vilely the most solemn assurances have been prostituted.

The rate, I have thus proposed to lay upon real property, would be inferior to what has been laid on all property, for several years. By the last valuation, the whole of real pro­perty amounted to £.6,303,143 17 10½; the rate of 18 shillings on £.100 would produce the gross sum of £.57,000. I conceive, however, that if real property were fairly esti­mated, it would amount to at least £.12,000,000; a rate of 9s6 on £.100 would in that case be sufficient; but whether the proposed valuation should prove higher, or lower, than the present, it would make no manner of difference to land­holders in general; for should the valuation be higher, the rate must be lower; and, should the valuation be lower, [...]e [Page 32]rate must be higher; in either case, the same sum would be paid for the same land.

I take it to be an established point, that, impose what tax you please, the party, who is immediately charged, contrives to throw the burthen upon others. It comes round to all; and, at last, every one is compelled to bear his proportion. In some cases, indeed, the party even derives an advantage. However, to conciliate the fav [...]ur of those, who cannot com­prehend these positions, I would not, for any purpose what­ever, propose a further tax upon real property.

THE most ungrateful part of my undertaking remains behind. As it was my original intention to give the citizens of this state ample information respecting the situation of their affairs, I cannot omit to say something respecting the expences of our own internal government.

By the "act to settle and pay the civil list," including members of congress, the following allowances are granted:

Add to this the salaries granted by other acts of the legislature.

[Page 33]

This sum is to maintain thirty-two persons, many of whom are expected to possess talents, which would render them eminent in any private employment; they must reside at the seat of government; and "dedicate their time, abilities, and labour, to the public." Could society subsist without government, or could government be conducted without de­legating power to individuals; or, if it were reasonable that these individuals should bestow their "time, abilities, and labour;" or, if patriotism would alone be a sufficient motive for others, equal or superior in merit, to execute the trou­blesome, expensive, and invidious offices of state; there would indeed be just cause to clamour against even the most scanty allowance, as every farthing saved would be some di­minution of the burthens of the people. But, as civilized society never did, or can exist, without government; as go­vernment cannot be carried on by all the persons composing society; as the power of administering the laws must reside in a few; as the public has no right to expect, the whole burthen should be borne by a few, without a suitable reward; as the share, which each man in the community contributes to this reward, is so exceedingly light; how are we to ac­count for the endeavours of so many leading men, to exhibit the officers of government in such odious colours to the peo­ple? It is easy to account for their success; the people have ever wanted information; they have been taught to believe, that if it were not for the accursed civil list, they would have no reason to dread the frequent visits of a collector; that al­most every farthing extracted from their pockets, the fruit of honest industry, is dealt out to a few idle men, who are ri­oting in luxury, at the capital, and, at the same time, ac­cumulating fortunes for their descendants. It is devoutly to be wished, that the people would think more for themselves, that they would learn to reason, and calculate, and that ex­perience would teach them to distrust the men, who solicit their suffrages, under the specious pretences of consulting their interest.

[Page 34] About £.11,330,000 being the valuation of all the pro­perty within the state, although far inferior to the actual worth, it will require 17 pence in the £.100 to pay the civil list and delegates in congress. An estate, then, which is va­lued at £.1000, contributes to this purpose 14s2. He must be a strange senseless being, who, for this, is disposed to consider government as a curse rather than a blessing; and he must be totally ignorant of the nature of our government who supposes, that its officers will contrive to engross the whole 15 shillings tax, to be raised by the supply bill.

I doubt not, that great merit will, by some well meaning, ill informed persons, be ascribed to the present assembly for their singular oeconomy. Any man that will inspect the acts and resolutions of each assembly, and calculate the value of paper money at the different periods when it was paid, will be convinced, that the present salaries are nearly double the average allowances, since the revolution; that this article of our expenditures created but a small part of the demands of government; and that the people have not, on this account, one year with another, been taxed more than nine-pence in the £.100, on a very low valuation of their property. Let him go further, and estimate the expence of living during the whole time, and he will perceive that an officer, so far from saving money, could not, by the most rigid oeconomy, have subsisted on double his allowance, agreeably to his sta­tion, even "in this petty republic." When he looks round, and sees the daily increase of luxury and dissipation; when he reflects, that at this period, an universal rage for wealth has seized all ranks and orders of men, that no station, ta­lent, or character, can command respect without at least a decent competence; he will hardly expect men of real worth, for a paltry allowance, to occupy the laborious, troublesome offices of government, and thereby exclude themselves from the emolument of private employments. It will be too much to look for inflexible integrity in the servants of the public. Necessity will perpetually urge them; and they must renounce either their virtue, or their places; the most worthless cha­racters will succeed them, and the public, in the end, will be loser by an ill judged parsimony. This observation must strike every one, that it would be infinitely better to employ an honest intelligent steward, at a liberal stipend, than trust to a knave or a fool, and pay him no wages at all.

The whole amount of salaries does not equal a moiety of what was paid by the people of this state to the late proprie­tary, [Page 35]and his lieutenant-governor. It does not equal the contributions of a single town to the support of a theatre. I will acknowledge the superior merit of the gentlemen, who "hold the mirror up to nature." They afford us an elegant, agreeable, rational entertainment. By their conduct in pri­vate life, and the excellent lessons they inculcate on the stage, they cannot fail to improve our taste, refine our manners, and promote industry, sobriety, oeconomy, and every other concomitant virtue. But the poor officers of government re­quire food, habitation, and raiment, as well as they. Is it possible, without spleen, to hear a man exclaiming bitterly against the civil list, because he is compelled to contribute about the 2000th part of his property to their support, whilst he cheerfully lays out 10, 20, or 30 times the sum at the theatre. The bare recital of his conduct is a sufficient satire on his understanding and principles.

It is alleged that offices are multiplied without necessity. Perhaps the public might sustain no injury by abolishing a part, and by so doing the sum total of salaries might, upon the present saving plan, be reduced to less than £.7000. But after every reform, which prudence might dictate, £.10,000 could not, by any cool, discerning, rational man, be thought too much for the maintenance of the officers, who ought to be left. This would require an estate valued the last year at £.1000, to pay annually about 17s6, instead of 14s2, which it pays at present; and any worthy proprietor of such an estate would consent to pay the difference, if he reflects, that this trifling addition to his tax would convert a sordid, illiberal, contemptible establishment, into one that is decent and respectable, and at the same time would give the best se­curity for the faithful administration of the laws.

I wish not to conceal the interest I have in this business. It is closely connected with that of the public. I have more than once, with the freedom which becomes a republican, expressed to the assembly a strong sense of the injuries I had sustained, by repeated infractions of public engagements, and a total disregard to the principles of the constitution. To the man, who will attempt to combat plain reasoning and honest claims, by ridicule and sarcasm, I will only say, that he has an unfeeling heart, and a happy front. However, let the public respect liquidated claims in which I have no concern; let it in other things consult its own honour and interest, and I will, without a murmur, submit to my loss, and give every claim of compensation to the winds.

[Page 36] There is one demand for money, to which, it would seem, every other must submit. The less opulent members of the assembly must punctually receive their pay, at the close of every session. The citizens of this state are not generally ap­prized, that the expence of holding the assembly has, every year, exceeded the allowance to civil officers; and yet not even the present increased allowance to its own [...]embers can, by any means, be deemed extravagant. To the defect of system, to the derangement of our affairs, and to the non-at­tendance of members, is to be imputed the extreme length of the sessions, and the inefficacy of measures. When we shall have settled our affairs (a work, which diligence and a real zeal for public good might soon accomplish) I cannot think tha [...] journals of accounts, which comprehend the pay of as­sembly-men, general court jurors, and witnesses, and sundry incidental charges, could annually exceed the sum of £.10,000. But let us suppose the annual expence, of go­vernment, including a provision for contingencies, with the charg [...] of co [...]ection, to amount to £.24,000; fines, for­feitures, and a [...]ght [...]ax on legal proceedings, marriage and tavern licences, with some other trifling duties, and a rea­sonable rate on personal property, would furnish that sum without the least difficulty.

It is generally agreed, that the present valuation of pro­perty by assessors is far inferior to the actual worth. Should we estimate from the extravagant sales upon long credit, the value of all the private property within the state would a­mount to at least £.30,000,000. The real value, calcu­lating from ready money prices, and sales upon short cre­dit, where the purchaser may be depended on, is at least £.20,000 000. I have shown that our quota of the interest of the national debt amounts to £.85,409 13 0. The gross sum of £91,000 might be required on this account. The annual expences of our government cannot exceed £.24,000. The county tax amounts in the whole state to about £.20,000. These several sums make the aggregate sum o [...] £.135,000 13 0; and each man's proportion is the price he is to be charged with for protection in his life, freedom, and pro­perty. This last sum bears about the same proportion to £.20,000,000, as 13s6 does to £.100. A man then who is worth £.1000, to contribute his just quota to congress, to the state, and to his county, must annually pay £.6 15 0, which is about one ninth of the legal interest of mo­ney.

[Page 37] We have heard so many vague reports about the national and state debts, so many shocking representations of every fund; we have been presented with such frightful pictures of beggary and distress, that a man will hesitate to acquiesce in the plainest demonstration of their fallacy. I beseech every well disposed man to examine strictly this whole ad [...]ress, to converse with every person that can afford authentic informa­tion, and to determine whether it is possible for me to have materially erred in my calculations and inferences. If I have, let him be pleased to point out the mistakes, and then determine, whether it would be better to submit to our bur­thens, supposing th [...] to be double, than break through every moral obligation, for ever damn our reputation, run the risk of dissolving the union, of experiencing first all the horrors of anarchy and confusion; and of at last being sub­jected to the most abject slavery. I do not pretend to infalli­bility; I do not say, my ideas must be exactly pursued; but I contend, that without more harmony between the states, without more zeal, public spirit, and attention in our rulers, without a more vigorous government, without more regard to justice, good faith, honour and gratitude, this great and stupendous revolution will answer no better purpose, than to convince mankind, they were never intended to be free. "The last and fairest experiment in favour of the rights of human nature will be turned against them, and their patrons and friends exposed to be insulted, and silenced, by the vo­taries of tyranny and usurpation."

The great objects upon which I have so largely, although imperfectly discoursed, demand the instant attention of the legislature. The constitution, framed in a hurry, amidst the tumults of war, upon speculative principles, without a proper consideration of manners, habits, and local circum­stances, although admirable upon the whole, in many parts demands an alteration. The uncertainty of the law in gene­ral, the inefficacy of the penal laws, the disproportion be­tween crimes and punishment, the delays of justice, the want of regulations in our commerce; all these are evils which de­mand an early attention, with the utmost care, circumspec­tion, and some insight into the laws and regulations of other nations. I am amazed, when I hear it said, at the opening of every session, that the assembly has little to do. I am amazed at the little value my countrymen place on the right of suffrage. Would to heaven, my feeble efforts could rouse every man to his duty. Ye guardians of the state! Ye chosen [Page 38]few, whom nature has blessed with endowments, whose minds science has enlarged, think on your trust! reflect on the situation of your country, like an ardent youth just rising into manhood, whose conduct, at that critical period, must fix his character for life, and determine whether that life shall be prosperous, or unhappy. Your task indeed is ar­duous; you will have to encounter every opposition, which resentment, envy, and all the malignant passions, can dic­tate; but true virtue is generally superior to all assaults; and, if your labours should prove ineffectual, your bosoms will possess that sweet tranquillity, which ignoble ambition or triumphant villainy can never experience.