THE happy period being arrived, in which we may in peace, take a review of the scenes, through which we have passed, and with calmness and impartiality exam­ine and judge of past transactions, encourages me to come forward, and to address you, on a subject of infinite im­portance to myself, and of so much to you, as to excuse me, from the making any previous-apology, on the occa­sion.—Perhaps I ought rather to make one, for my hav­ing been so long silent, under the many heavy charges, brought against me, in the public papers, in America.— Neither a want of sufficient proofs, to refute them, or any indifference, as to the opinion of my countrymen, occa­sioned my silence, but the reflection, that during the rage, and violence of war, and while party prejudices, heats and jealousies, were in their full force, it was by no means the time for a cool, and dispassionate discussion, of any subject, on which, appearances had already prejudiced the minds of the public.

I resolved to improve the first moment, of public peace, and tranquility, to appear, and to plead my cause, at your bar; during near three years of misfortunes, and exile, I have impatiently looked for it; I now flatter myself, that it is arrived, and in that confidence, venture to call your attention to my case.

It is of some importance, to you, to know, if one, who formerly had your confidence, to a great degree, actually betrayed, and deserted you, and was guilty of the frauds, peculation, and treachery, with which he has been charged, or if artful, and designing men, inimical to him, have tak­en the advantage of his weakness, or imprudence, to charge him with those enormous crimes; to excite a general clamour against him, and from his silence, to infer in the strongest manner, his guilt.—Though I may solicit your examination, of the subject, at this time, under very great dis [...]dventages, yet I am by no means thereby deterred, from [Page 4]doing it; as yet, you have heard but one side of the ques­tion, and that at a time, when your situation, made you justly apprehensive, and jealous of danger, from every quarter, and rendered you, as it were, feelingly alive in every pore; at present, when we are happily freed, from the alarms, and dangers of war, you will not refuse, to hear the other part, and thereby become capable, of judging on the whole, with certainty, and with justice, to the accusers, as well as to the accused; which is all I ask, or wish for—unwilling to take up more of your time, than is absolutely necessary, I shall not in this address, recapitu­late the many surmises, and insinuations, thrown out against me, by my enemies, in the course of their persecutions of me, but confine myself, to the direct charges against me, which are all of them, comprehended under two heads:

First, that I was guilty of fraud, and peculation, in the management, of the public monies, committed to my care; and secondly, that after my return to France, in 1781, I wrote those letters, which were intercepted, and published in New-York, from interested motives, and with the base and treacherous design, to injure my country; having en­gaged myself in the interest of her enemies.

If on an impartial examination of facts, you shall judge me guilty, of these crimes, nothing that has hitherto been said, or done against me, will be deemed unjust, or too se­vere; but if on the other hand, you shall, from the most unquestionable facts, and circumstances, find those charges, to be false, and groundless, whatever weakness, or impru­dence, you may find me justly chargeable with, you will at least, acquit me of any thing criminal, and pronounce me to be "A man more sinned against, than sining."

My conduct in the early part, of the late contest, and until my leaving America, in April 1776, to go for France, in the character of Commercial, and Political Agent, and Commissioner for the United States, is too well known, to require my referring to any part of it.—The charges against me, originate after that period; previous to it, I had no charge of public monies. I arrived in France, in June 1776, and acted as sole Commercial, and Political Agent, for the United States until the month of December following, when I received a commission, from Congress, appointing Doctor Franklin, Mr. Lee, and myself, their joint Com­missioners [Page 5]Plenipotentiary, and I continued to act, in this character, until the first of April 1778, when in obedience to the orders of Congress, I left Paris, on my return to America, and from that period, to the present hour, have not been entrusted with the monies of the public, or with any public employ whatever; it therefore follows, that if frauds, peculation, and embezzlements, were practised, and committed by me, they must have been in, and during that period, that is between April 1776, and April 1778, —and that I must have committed them, in my transac­tions at Paris, where I constantly resided; the time and place being ascertained, the justice or injustice of this charge, will at once be seen, by an examination, of my re­ceipts, and disbursements of public monies.—On the 4th of March 1778, I received a positive order, from Congress, to return immediately to America, to acquaint them, with the state of their affairs, in Europe; in the resolution of Congress transmitted and in the letter accompanying of it, to me, this appeared to be, the only motive, and object of my recall.—Though the treaties with France, had been concluded, and signed on the sixth of February preceding, yet they had still been kept secret, and by agreement with the Court of France, were not to be made public, in Eu­rope, until intelligence should be received, of their being arrived, and published, in America; But several circum­stances, concur'd at that time, to induce the Court of France, to change their plan, and publicly to announce, to the Court of London, their having entered into Trea­ties of Commerce, and Alliance, with the United States, and to dispatch, with all possible secrecy, and expedition, the fleet then at Toulon, to America, under the command of the Count D'Estaing; and the Count D'Vergennes, and Dr. Franklin, joined, in advising me, to keep my re­call, and my intention to return, secret, until the fleet should sail, in which it was proposed, that I should em­bark.

At this time, most of the contracts, for stores, arms, cloathing, &c. and for ships to transport them to Ameri­ca, were compleated; the execution of those contracts, had been principally under my direction, but though monies had been advanced, on all of them, the accompts of the contractors, had not been brought in for settlement, [Page 6]and it was impossible for me, if I literally complied with the order of Congress, and with the urgent request, of the French Minister, and of Doctor Franklin, to go out in the fleet; to do any thing previously, towards the calling in, and settling the public, or even my private accompts; any attempt that way, would have defeated the secrecy, and dispatch enjoined me—though nothing appeared in the order of Congress, or in any of their letters, which intimated, the least dissatisfaction, with my conduct, or any suspicion of the faithful management, and applica­tion, of the public monies, yet as I had from the first, the misfortune, to have in Mr. Lee, one of my Colleagues, a most jealous, and artful enemy, and sensible, that many ill offices, had been done me in America, I was extreme­ly desirous, to put off my return until all the transactions in which I had had, any concern for the public, should be settled, and closed, but finally, I submitted to the advice of Count D'Vergennes, and of Dr. Franklin, and con­tented myself, with taking from Mr. Grand, the Banker for Congress, an accompt of all the monies, received, or paid out, on accompt of Congress, up to that time, this was all that was in my power to do, and as Mr. Grand, had mentioned in his accompt, the names of the persons, to whom he had paid money, and as I carried out with me, the most honourable testimonials, from his Majesty, from his Minister, and from my colleague, and intimate friend Dr. Franklin, of my zeal, and integrity in the ser­vice of my country, I had no reason to apprehend, the be­ing censured, for not having settled, and brought out with me, all the public accompts, and their vouchers, in detail; but on my arrival in Philadelphia, I soon sound, that my enemies, had been, to a certain degree, successful, in poi­soning the minds of the public by insinuating, that I had become immensely rich, in the service of the public, and consequently that I must have been guilty of undue, and dishonest practices; and though I had been sent for ex­pressly, to inform Congress, of the state of their affairs, in Europe, and notwithstanding the honourable character, I had sustained, as their Political, and Commercial Agent in Europe, and afterwards as one of their Commissioners Plenipotentiary, I could not obtain an audience, of that body, until after six weeks attendance, and solicitation.

[Page 7] I then gave them verbally, a faithful detail, of the state of their affairs, in Europe, and laid before them, Mr. Grands accompt of the receipts, and payments of monies, to the time of my leaving Paris; and requested, that if their had been, any charge or insinuation against me, for mismanagement, or neglect, that I might be informed of it, and be permitted to be heard, in my defence.

I was not told of any, and though Congress appeared no [...] way dissatisfied, with the account, I then gave them, of the state of their affairs, in Europe, and of my own con­duct, in their service, and though the settlement of the public, as well as of my private accompts, pressed me to return as early as possible, to France, yet I could not ob­tain any resolution, of Congress, either to approve, or to disapprove, of any part of my conduct, and though I al­most daily solicited, for a second audience, I did not ob­tain one, until late in December following.

I then gave them a written narrative of my transactions, from my leaving America in their service, until my recall and return,—Congress then appeared disposed, to take the matter up, and to examine it, and to come to some determination, on the subject, a Committee was appointed to examine the state of their foreign affairs, and into the conduct of their Commissioners, and Agents, and for greater dispatch, the Committee were ordered, to meet every evening, Saturday and Sunday evenings excepted; yet that Committee never condescended to admit me to an audience, or to ask me a single question, on the sub­ject of their enquiry.—And though I had been sent for expressly, to inform Congress, of the state of their affairs in Europe, yet their Committee, studiously evaded, the giving me an opportunity of laying before them, any in­formation on the subject, or of explaining any part of my own conduct, while in their service.

During more than fourteen months attendance in Phila­delphia, I obtained but two audiences from Congress, and none from their Committee, whose proceeding, and report, if indeed they made any, were kept secret from me,—In December 1778, having waited five months in Philadel­phia, almost daily soliciting Congress to examine my transactions, while in their service, I found that a party determined, on my ruin, had sufficient interest, to prevent [Page 8]all examination, and to bear me down, by the most mor­tifying delay, and neglect; I therefore resolved to lay my case, before 'my countrymen, and fellow-citizens, but on my first address to them, Congress resolved to give me an audience, and afterward appointed a Committee, as I have before mentioned.

As I flattered myself, that Congress had resolved, to examine, into the state of foreign affairs, and of those transactions, in which I had been a principal actor, and to come to some determination, on the subject, I could not consider myself at liberty, to proceed in publishing the state of my case; in the mean time I was attacked and a­bused, in the most base and outrageous manner, in the public papers,—I made no reply to the many calumnies, and falsehoods, published by a noted s [...]ribler, his associates and patrons, but earnestly requested, of Congress, and of their Committee, to grant me a hearing, and to do me justice;—but my solicitations were ineffectual, though from December 1778, to August 1779, I wrote more than thirty letters to Congress, humbly petitioning for a public examination, and tryal, yet they never condescended, to take the least notice of my requests:—In private conver­sation with the members I was told, that the only difficul­ty lay in my accompts, not being settled; to obviate this, I returned to France, on assurances from Congress, that they had appointed, and impowered a gentleman in France, to audit, and settle all their public accompts; but on my arri­val in France, in July 1780, and application to him, I found that his power, was so limited, that be declined, acting under it.—I wrote immediately to Congress, solicit­ing for more ample powers to him, or to some other per­son, and set myself to put, not only my accompts, but those of my colleagues, and of every one, with whom I had transacted any business, on account of the public, in a state for being audited, and settled; and I passed more than twelve months, at Paris, at a heavy expence, flatter­ing myself, that as Congress had made no objection, what­ever, to any part of my conduct, in their service, except my not having settled my accompts, and as my enemies, both in Congress, and out of it, professed to believe, that I was a defaulter, they would not, after the prodigious ex­pence, of time, and money, which I had been put to, de­lay [Page 9]the appointment of an auditor, to examine my ac­compts, and to ascertain the only point in question, with regard to me; but I heard nothing on the subject, until November 1781, when I received a resolve of Congress, informing me, that by the appointment of a Consul, pro­vision was made, for the settlement of my accompts; but in a few days after, I met with Mr. Barclay the Consul, who to my extreme surprise, and disappointment, assured me that he h [...] no instructions on the subject; and a few days after, I had the mortification, of learning, that my letters of May, and June preceding, had beed intercepted, and published in New-York, and that the most unfavour­able construction, had been put on them, both in America, and in France.

This placed me in a situation, in which I believe, but few men, have ever been so unfortunate, as to fall into.

Proscribed in my own country, and in France, and ob­noxions to the government of this country, I submitted to a tedious exile, in Flanders, where I remained, until the treaty of peace, was concluded, but in the mean time, I transmitted my accompts to Congress, and solicited a set­tlement, and the payment of the ballance due to me; I also sent duplicates of them to Dr. Franklin, and to Mr. Barclay.

It is now more than eighteen months, since Congress have been in possession of my accompts, it is more than five years, since I had either the money, or any employ­ment for the public entrusted to my management.

Is it possible that any fraud or embezzlement commit­ted by me, should still remain undetected? Had I been guilty of any, would not my enemies with all the parti­culars of my accounts in their power, have pointed them out, and published them instead of charging me general­ly with being a defaulter for unaccounted millions?—In March 1778, Doctor Frankling assured Congress that he had been an eye witness of my conduct in France, while his colleague, and that I had acted the part of an able, ac­tive, and fathful minister, and to his knowledge had in various ways rendered great and important services to my county ^*. In December 1782, almost sive years after, [Page 10]when from our difference in political principles, he was no way prejudiced in my favour, and when, had I been guilty of fraud or embezzlement, it was impossible but that it must have come to his knowledge; he certified, that he had never known or suspected any cause to charge me with any want of probity in any purchase or burgain whatever, made by me for the use or account of the United States ^*.—To charge me with being a defaulter, and with having desra [...]ed my country, of large sums of money, and at the same time, to evade an examination, and settle­ment of my accompts, by which only the justice, or in­justice, of the charge, could be ascertained, is a conduct, which needs no comment, nor do I fear to rest my cause on it, and on the testimony, and certificate, of Dr. Frank­lin, [Page 11]but clear, and convincing as these proofs are, of my innocence, I have a sufficiency of others, independent of the testimony or certificate of any man, or of the conduct of any set of men, whether friendly or inimical to me.— In January 1776, I contracted with the Commercial Com­mittee, of Congress, to make a voyage to France, and to purchase for the public, goods to the amount of forty thousand pounds sterling,—they engaged to furnish me with that sum in cash, or good bills, and to allow me a five per cent. commission, on the purchase—At the same time the secret Committee, appointed me the Commer­cial, and Political Agent, for the United States in Europe, and directed me to purchase for them, 100 pieces of brass cannon, and arms, and cloathing, for 25,000 men, and ammunition in proportion, and to procure ships, in Eu­rope, to transport the whole to America; on these pur­chases, they also stipulated, to give me five per cent. com­mission, and to make me a reasonble, and adequate allow­ance, for any political services, which I might render my country in France.—When we reflect on the situation of our affairs, at that period, it must be acknowledged, that no man was ever charged, with a more important Com­mission, and when the circumstances of my being igno­rant of the language, as well as of the manners, and politics of the country, in which I was to execute it, without friend, or patron to advise, to countenance, or to introduce me, and without that best of all patrons, and supporters, a fund adequate to the purpose; when these are taken into consideration, it must also be allowed, that no Commis­sion of this nature was ever attended with more difficulties and embarrassments.

I left Philadelphia in the month of March 1776, in a brigantine bound to Bordeaux, and such was the situation of our affairs at that time, that she sailed with ballast only, for the want of any thing, to make remittances with in a cargo;—an accident at sea, obliged her to return, and I re-embarked in a sloop, bound to Bermuda, and the whole of the funds, put into my hands to enable me to make the purchases, above mentioned, amounted to 2375 l. ste [...] ­ling in bills of exchange, and an order, to receive the pro­ceeds of a cargo, in the sloop, consigned to Mr. Pucker, at Bermuda.—The secret Committee, gave me a bill of [Page 12]600 l. sterling, towards my expences, these were the only sums, with which I set out, for France; at Bermuda I received of Mr. Tucker, the amount of the sales of the cargo, consigned him, which he paid me in foreign coin, except two bills of exchange amounting to £ 187 19 7¼, on my arrival at Bordeaux, I put the whole of my bills, into the hands of Mr. Delap, to whom I had letters.

Makes up the whole, on which I could depend, to exe­cute, the immense orders, given me on account of the pub­lic; out of this I had to pay, the port charges, and other expences of the sloop, in which I arrived, and to send her b [...]ck, with a cargo.—Messrs. Livingston, Lewis, Alsop, and Morris, made remittances to Mr. Delap, partly in bills, and partly in effects of cargoes, and ordered him, af­ter making the disbursements, which they directed, on their own account, to hold the balance for my orders, to be employed by me, in executing the contract, in which they had engaged, jointly with me, for the goods, before mentioned, to the amount of forty thousand pounds ster­ling, but they never remitted any monies, directly to me, nor did I receive one shilling through any other channel, from America, on account of Congress, but from Mr. De­lap, [Page 13]excepting the sum of 13804 livres, of Monsieur Soulier, being part of a cargo, shipped by Capt. Wicks, and of a credit, given the Commissioners on him by Mr. Thomas Morris deceased.

Having on my arrival in France deposited in the hands of Mr. Delap, the whole of the effects brought out with me, and having never received any monies on account of Congress, from my engaging in their service to the pre­sent time, but from the persons above mentioned; it is easy to ascertain if I received more than the above sum on my private account, or for my immediate disbursements for the public. I know of no question that can arise on this subject, except it be on account of the overcharge made against me by Mr. Soulier, which I have explained in my account, and letters before Congress, and referred to Mr. R. Morris to justify my explanation.

Though the funds which I put into Mr. Delap's hands in June 1776, amounted to livres, 73870,14,11. and he received some remittances from Messrs. Livingston, Lew­is, Alsop, and Morris, over what he paid out on their ac­count; yet his disbursements on account of Congress, and the sums which I drew on him for on the same ac­count: So far exceeded the whole, that in December he refused my bills, and on the 31st wrote me as follows: ‘Time only permits us to inform you, that we have re­ceived a letter from A. Nesbitt, Esq of London, re­turning us protested, 1200 l. sterling; David White's bill of 20th of April, at 30 days sight on Serjeant Cham­bers and Co. 1000 l. sterling; of Margaret Livingston's of 28th May, at 30 days sight, on S. Baker, £ .570 9 sterling; of Ringhold and Hennesly, of the 8th of No­vember 1775, on Serjeant Chambers and Co. so that the last remittances made us by Messrs. Livingston, Lewis and Alsop, and by Messrs. Willing and Morris, [Page 14]has been all prohibited except two small bills making together 230 l. sterling. Messrs. Livingston, Lewis, and Alsop since remitted us for your account, 800 l. sterling in D. Shinger's bill of the 20th of August, at 30 days sight on Ford, Courtoys and Co. of Barcelona, which is likewise returned to us protested. We are sorry for all these disappointments; but in the present situation of affairs, we look on bills as no remittance, for scarce one in ten of them is paid. The bills you forwarded us for acceptance must be returned, or lie by until funds arrive, &c.’

I will not take up the time of the public, by attempting to describe the distressed situation in which I found my­self at that period,—The whole of my scanty funds ex­pended, and indebt to near ten thousand pounds sterling on account of Congress, for which I had given bills in my private name, and which were refused by the House on which I was directed to value myself, and through whom remittances were to be made to me, nor the advantages at that time taken of our embarrassments to force us into a contract with the Farmers General for a quantity of to­bacco, to be delivered to them in France at little more than the one half of its then current price.

It is well known, that the Commissioners obtained one million of livres to be advanced them by the Farmers Ge­neral on these hard terms, and about the same time two millions from the Court, to be paid quarterly in the course of the year 1777. At some future time, I shall en­ter mutually on the history of our situation at that peri­od, and of the whole of the negociation in France from my arrival in 1776 to the signing of the treaties of Paris in 1778, and to my recall. At present it is sufficient to observe, that the money then received and promised, gave me as well as my colleagues a temporary relief—that the whole of it was paid into the hands of Mr. Grand, whose account now more than five years since laid before Con­gress, will shew to whom and to whose orders he repaid it. But if I received of him, as appears from his account, the above sum of livres 69253 7 6, and of the others in the whole, with that sum, livres 148045 16 5, only somewhat less than seven thousand pounds; what must or can be said of those, who for four years since have been [Page 15]charging me in all your public papers, with being a de­faulter for unaccounted millions? They could not have been ignorant of the state of the public account so far as I was interested in them, they were on the files of Con­gress in America, and in the bands of Doctor Franklin in France, open for the inspection of every one, whose in­terest or curiosity might-excite them to an examination. But what were my disbursements during this term of more than two years on account of the public, and for my time and expences? My account before Congress shew that they amounted to a much larger sum than that which I had received, including my time and expences to Ame­rica, and during my attendance on Congress, and for my return to France, they amounted to livres 258,164 9 2, or, livres 110,118 12 9 more than I had received, leav­ing me a creditor for that sum, equal to £ .4817 18 7½ sterling. Mr. Arthur Lee in a letter to Congress of the 1st of June 1778, says, ‘ I find that the expence of living in character, cannot well be less than three thousand pounds sterling a year;’ and adds, ‘ if left to themselves, I con­ceive that most persons will e [...]ceed that sum,’ that is, livres 68571 per annum. I was as Mr. Lee expresses it, left to myself; yet from my leaving America in 1776, until my leaving Paris to return to it in 1778, I have not charged but about eighty thousand livres for all my ex­pences of every kind; the remainder of the liv. 258,164 9 2 was for disbursements on account of Congress, and for my time and subsequent expences, the particulars of which are in my account before Congress.

Mr. William Lee made one journey to Vienna on ac­count of the public, and Mr. Izard who was at Paris for the education of his children, received while there a com­mission from Congress to the Court of Tuscany, but ne­ver went out of Paris, or quitted his family on the busi­ness of the public. The former of these gentlemen re­ceived seventy-two thousand livres, and the latter sixty thousand for their private expences; yet these men are among the loudest against me for an extravagant waste of public money.

And permit me here my countrymen and fellow citi­zens, to request of you, that you will examine for your­selves, or that if your distance from Philadelphia will not [Page 16]permit you to do it, that you will demand of your Dele­ga [...]s in Congress, an account of all the monies ever re­mitted to me by Congress, and of all that ever I received on their account,—by this you will be able to form a judg­ment with sufficient precision, if I am a defaulter for mil­lions or one of the public creditors. But exclusive of the above ballance due to me, after accounting for all the mo­nies received by me, I am entitled to a commission of five per cent on goods and military stores purchased by me, agreeable to orders received from Congress to the amount of livres 4756,393 17, which makes the sum of £ .238,445 0 7, including expence of postage. These goods and military stores I purchased previous to the arrival of my colleagues, in consequence of the orders given me by the secret Committee of Congress, and on which I was promised the same commission as was then given to other agents and purchasers, which was uniformly five per cent; for the purchases made jointly with my colleagues, I have not charged any thing, being then in a different capacity, as joint Commissioner Plenipotentiary with them. Thus it appears that instead of being a defaulter, I am a credi­tor of the public's, and to a large amount; and of all the public creditors, perhaps no one has suffered so much in point of interest, certainly no one so much in point of character.

But of this, I shall take notice on a future occasion. I need not take up any more of your time at present on [...] subject of my accounts, they have long [...]nce been before Congress, and to them I appeal to justify the general state which I have given of my money transactions for the pub­lic. I have shewn, and it will appear from them, that from my arrival in France in June 1776, to the Decem­ber following, when joined by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee, I had had no money or next to none of the public's at any time in my hands; but on the contrary, was at that time in advance for my employers, and that afterwards until my return to America, I did not receive a sum any way equal to my expences and disbursements; and from that period to the present I have not had any public employ, or public money committed to my management. The se­cond charge against me, is, on account of my having in May and June 1781, wrote my opinion of our public af­fairs [Page 17]to my friends in America, and advised peace and an accommodation with Great-Britain. I confess that the letters published by Rivington in New-York, a [...] mine, do not materially differ from those which I actually wrote at that time, and which unfortunately for me were inter­cepted by the enemy, and that they contain the undis­guised sentiments of my heart at that time, on the then apparent situation of our affairs; but I never yet heard of its being deemed a crime in a free state, for its citizens to give their opinion and advice on public affairs and measures. To suppose me to have been in the interest of the Ministers of this country, and to have wrote those letters to promote their views, is as absurd as to suppose, that I amassed an immense fortune in the service of my country; yet although my well known circumstances and connections at that period, and previous to it, as well as since, demonstrate the absurdity and falshood of such a supposition; yet both the one and the other have been not only supposed, but positively asserted by certain wri­ters in America, who stick at nothing however extrava­gant.

I can hardly imagine, notwithstanding the late and pre­sent prosperous state of our affairs, that any one can have forgot the situation in which they were in 1781, when I wrote those letters, and previous to the surrender of Lord Cornwallis and his army at York. In May and in June 1781, the British forces were in the possession of the whole of our sea coast, from the Cheesapeak southward, and while they ravaged and distressed the inter [...]or country, their ships of war and cruisers intercepted almost the whole of our trade and of our supplies; we had no naval force to oppose to theirs, nor any probability at that time of our ally sending to our assistance, a naval force superior to that of the enemy. The army under General Wash­ington was too weak of itself for any offensive opera­tions, and Congress had neither money or credit sufficient to put it on a more respectable footing. General Washing­ton did no [...] scruple at that period to declare, ‘That with­out a decidedly superior fleet to that of Great-Britain in America, all opposition to the British force in Ame­rica would soon be at an end.’ All the letters from America were in the same stile; many circumstances, as the time, my own observations and the information I was th [...] [Page 18]in the way of, led me to conclude, that there was not the least probability of there being a French fleet on our coast that campaign superior to the British. Accidents and circumstances unforeseen at that time, and those extreme­ly improbable ones, joined to a neglect or breach of or­ders on the part of the British, gave the French sleet that superiority, which alone decided the fate of Lord Corn­wallis and of his army at York; had not this event hap­pened, of which when I wrote there was not the most distant probability, the war must have terminated against us in that campaign. In this I was supported by the una­nimous opinion of the best judges on the subject then in America,—was it a crime in me to write from Europe to America, in the same stile in which our Generals and leading men wrote to their friends in Europe? My let­ters have been published, their's have not; this is the sole difference, except the cruel circumstance of mine having been published by the enemy, at a time when our danger was over, and when the publication could serve no other pur­pose, but to ruin me in the opinion of my countrymen. At the time of my writing, every thing conspired to con­vince me, that France had only her own interest and that of Spain in view, in the war, and that however, it might terminate, she would be very far from consulting our in­terest, in the peace, persuaded of this, I wrote it, to be my opinion, and for this I have been deemed an enemy, and traitor to France, as well as to the United States.

But have not events in part justified this opinion of mine? You best know, by what intrigues, the French Court prevailed with Congress, to order our Commission­ers, not to sign any treaty with Great-Britain, without the knowledge, and consent of the Court of Ver­sailles, and thus to put our future peace, liberty, and safe­ry absolutely into their power—nor can you I presume be ignorant, that the Court of France, having thus bound us, began to take off the mask, and to take measures with, and to propose terms to the other powers, for excluding us, from the fisheries, and for supporting the extravagant claims of Spain to East-Louisiania, and that our Commis­sioners, alarmed at this, wisely ventured to break the or­ders, sent them from Congress, and to sign the prelimina­ry articles, without either the knowledge, or the consent, [Page 19]of the Ministers at Versailles.—Are not these well known facts, abundantly sufficient to justify me, for having in 1781, entertained suspicions, of the sincerity of France, in her professions of disinterested friendship to the United States?—By our treaty with Great-Britain, we are enti­tled to a right in her share of the Newfoundland, and No­va-Scotia fisheries, but has not France wholly excluded us, from any in hers?—Does not France, at this time, encourage, and support Spain, in her claims to the richest, and most extensive, part of the territory, allowed by Great-Britain, in the late treaty, to belong to us? These attempts are not marks of friendship, but are the most un­equivocal characteristics, of that insidious, interested poli­cy, which I pointed out in my letters, and warned my friends to be on their gaurd against.—In my letter to Mr. Morris, I gave him my opinion, with respect to the su­ture state of our commerce, under independant sovereign­ty, and the grounds, on which I was led to form it, and I shall be happy, if experience (which alone can decide in such cases) proves that my opinion, and reasoning on that subject, were erroneous and ill founded.—Apprehensive at the time, and distressed by the thought, that we must ei­ther fail in the contest, and in such case, submit to the laws of our conquerors, rendered imperious, and severe from their success, or that if successful ourselves, that in the situation, in which our country must be, on the peace, burthened with heavy taxes, on account of the public debts, contracted by the war, and still heavier, for the future support of independant sovereignty, and at the same time, exposed, to the evils arising from internal factions, and divisions, and from our jarring, and incomparible inter­ests; that our democratic governments, which we had established in Congress, and in our several States, would not be found to have sufficient energy, and coercion, to establish, and maintain such a degree, of order and of due subordination, as must ever be indispensibly necessary, in all governments, to prevent anarchy, and confusion; and that in such a situation, independant sovereignty, instead of proving a blessing, must become the heaviest [...] fortune, which could befal us;—strongly impressed by this opin­ion, I judged it to be my duty, to urge, and press my countrymen, by every argument, in my power, to im­prove [Page 20]that important crisis, and by an accommodation, and re-union with Great-Britain, on equal, safe, and honourable terms, to secure our future peace, liberty and safety, both in­ternal and external; I then thought that are-union, not sim­ply on the condition of being replaced, in the state, in which we were previous to 1763 (for which alone Con­gress in 1774, and afterwards in 1775 petitioned) but on conditions, and terms, every way peferable, to those of being governed solely by laws, of our own enacting, of be­ing taxed only by our Assemblies, and of enjoying the same commercial privileges, and protection, as other sub­jects of the British empire are, or may be entitled to; I say, that it was then my opinion, that an accommodation, and re-union on those terms, was to be preferred, to a continuation of the war, to running the risque of its un­certain issue, and to hazarding the dangerous experiment, of independant sovereignty. This opinion of mine, has been deemed a crime in me, little short of that of high treason.— But it ought to be remembered, that this was my opinion, and that I communicated it, to my friends, at a time, when our prospects, were gloomy and discouraging.— But we now enjoy independant sovereignty and peace, on the most favourable and honourable terms, and have ob­tained every thing, which we either hoped for, or demand­ed, and happy indeed should I be, were I certain, that none of the evils, which I apprehended in 1781, were ci­ther felt, or feared by my countrymen, at this time, in such case, I should be contented to be ridiculed or even pitied, for my weak, and gloomy forebodings in 1781.— But General Washington in his circular letter says, that ‘It is a question yet to be decided, whether the revolu­tion, must ultimately be considered, as a blessing, or a curse.—A blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate, will the destiny of unborn millions, be involved.’—I ask, that these expressions, of the General, after the great object of independant sove­reignty, has been obtained, and ratified, and confirmed to us, by treaties, may be compared, with the expressions, in my letters of 1781, on the same subject, and that my countrymen, will then say, if it was a criminal desertion, of the cause of my country, or if it was an unpardonable weakness, and despondency of mind, in me, at that time, [Page 21]to make a question of that which now, when success and peace have secured our independant sovereignty, is by Gen. Washington declared to be still a question undecided and doubtful, and that not only so as to the present day, but to future ages. If indeed, the small degree of order, of restraint and of subordination, which has for the last seven years prevailed [...] our country, be now thrown off, and the legislative and executive power once more return in effect, into the hands of Committees and Conventions; if in place of that subordination to law and government, of those decent, frugal, and [...]tuous manners and habits, of that ease, and even affluence in which our fellow-citizens, formerly lived, in peace, and safety, in a word, if instead of those manners, principles, and circumstances, which once marked our character, the reverse, should in future take place, and prevail, under a government too weak to prevent, or remedy the evils; there cannot then remain a question, on the subject; but suc [...]narchy, and confusion, must ensue, as to render our independance, a curse, and the present, and future age, in America, as unhappy, as any ages, to be met with, in the history of civilized na­tions, have ever been.

The great end of civil society, is to secure to men, unit­ed in it, the great blessings of peace, of liberty, and safety, both in their persons, and in their property, and in de [...]id­ing what form of government, most effectually answere this great, and beneficent purpose, experience, not theory, must direct us.

This is not a subject, for recluse Philosophers, or subtle Metaphysicians, to decide on, in their closets.—And whenever they have been refer [...]ed to, they have given the preference, to Utopian, or ideal and imaginary systems of their own, before those plain and simple on [...], which expe­rience has shewn, to be practicable and safe.—But with­out looking abroad, to profit, by the experience of other nations, our own must now, with the utmost precision and [...]rtainty determine, this great question, as yet undecided, and bring conviction home to every one,—either that our present system of government, is preferable, to that under which we and our ancestors, for more than one century and an half were free, safe and happy; or that it is not.— Our situation previous to the late revolution, must be stil [...] [Page 22] [...]sh in our memories, and our present, cannot long be disguised, or misunderstood, by us; from our senses, from wh [...] we see and feel, we must judge with certainty of it, and by comparing the present, with the past, this impor­tant question, must ultimately be decided.—If happily for us, it be in favour of the present, no man will more sincere­ly rejoice, [...]an what I shall, on the occasion; but if on a comparison, of our present, with our past situation, the revolution should, be found to be a curse, instead of a blessing, then indeed I shall be one of the most unhappy of men, and the sole consolation, which will be left me, will be, the almost only one, which I now enjoy, a consciousness of my integrity, in the service of my country, and of the purity and rectitude of my intentions, in the opinion and advice, which in 1781, I gave in my letters to my friends, in America.—Having shewn that instead of being a de­faulter, I am a creditor, of the public's, to a considerable amount, and impartially stated, the contents, and object of my letters, of 1781—I shall take my leave for the present, and submit the whole, to your candid considera­tion,—and whatever my fate may be, if to be restored to your good opinion, and confidence, and to the bosom of my friends, and country, or to remain far exiled from them, the first and most ardent wish of my soul, will ever be, that my country's happiness may be perpetual, in the full enjoyment of peace, li [...]erty and happiness.

P. S. I have avoided entering on the subject, of the numerous calumnies, which have been propagated against me, by anonymous writers, it would have been endless, and quite unnecessary, since every thing, which has either been said, or sugges [...]ed against me, may be reduced to two questions only:

First if I acted fai [...]hfully, and was an honest steward, of the public money, while in the service of my country, and secondly, if the contents of my letters, of May and June 1781, were of such a nature, as to merit the harsh censures, passed on me, in America on their account;—in France I [Page 23]can expect no other, than to be condemned, it is what every one must expect to be, who calls in question, the disinterestedness of the motives of France, in the late war, or who attempts to prevent our country, from becoming virtually dependant on that power;—As to the reports, circulated here, and which may probably reach America, of my being at the levees of the Ministers, and in frequent conference, with them, and that I have acted, an un­friendly part respecting our commerce, and the like, I can with the greatest truth, and sincerity declare, that there is not the least foundation for them, I have not so much as seen, any of the Ministers, since my arrival in this country, nor have I ever had the least connection, or correspondence with any, either of the present, or late Ministers of this country.—And as to our commerce, I gave my opinion in 1781, in my letter to Mr. Morris, as to the restrictions, which I thought it would fall under, on a peace; if any part of what I then apprehended, has been realized, I am not to blame; I most heartily wish, that no part of it may ever be so, but that experience may shew me, to have been in an error, in what I wrote on that subject.