SITUATE as we are on this Con­tinent with very extensive frontiers, bordering upon a vast wilderness, inha­bited by the native Indians, it becomes a subject worthy the most serious attention of every friend of mankind, every lover of his country, to be truly informed what is the situation and disposition of that people, so far as it may have an influence upon our duty as Christians, and our peace and safety as members of Civil So­ciety: And that we may not make a rash [Page 7]estimate of our own importance, or of the incapacity of those people for religi­ous improvement, the following observa­tions and quotations are recommended to the serious perusal of every reader, as they give a view of the opinions of some of the early settlers, of different deno­minations, in this continent.

The first settlers of Pennsylvania, who had full opportunities of being acquaint­ed with the nature and disposition of the Natives, and who made it a principal point to observe strict justice in all their transactions with them, have left us very favourable memorials of the long conti­nued kindness they experienced from these people: the great disadvantages to which their ignorance and roving temper subjected them, our forefathers thought it their duty to endeavour to draw them from, by exemplary acts of benevolence and instruction; which pious practice has since been successfully pursued, by several well disposed persons in New-Eng­land, New-Jersey, and elsewhere: seve­ral of whom have transmitted satisfactory accounts of their labours.

From these publications as well as from the remembrance of some yet living, it is evident, that the natural disposition of [Page 8]the Indians has generally been to shew kindness to the Europeans, in their early settlements; and that their mental pow­ers are equally with our own capable of improvement; that the apparent differ­ence in them, as well as in the Black Peo­ple and us, arises principally from the advantages of our education, and man­er of life.

Some writers have represented Indians as naturally ferocious, treacherous, and ungrateful, and endeavoured to establish this character of them, from some parti­cular transaction which hath happened on special occasions: but no conclusion of their original character should be drawn from instances in which they have been provoked, to a degree of fury and ven­geance, by unjust and cruel treatment from European Aggressors; of which most histories of the first settlements on this continent furnish instances, and which writers have endeavoured to co­lour and vindicate, by reprobating the character of those poor people.

It is a matter of fact, proved by most Historical Accounts of the trade carried on with the Indians at our first acquaint­ance with them, as well as in the first settlements made on this continent, that [Page 9]they generally manifested themselves to be kind, hospitable and generous to the Europeans, so long as they were treated with justice and humanity; but when the adventurers from a thirst of gain, over reached the Natives, and they faw some of their friends and relations treacherously entrapped and carried away to be sold for slaves, ^* themselves injuri­ously treated and driven from their na­tive possessions, what could be expected but that such a sordid conduct in the Eu­ropeans, would produce a change of dis­position in the Indians. The early set­tlers of New-Jersey have always confirm­ed the testimony of the Pennsylvanians, with respect to the good usage they met [Page 10]with from the Indians. The writer of the History of that Province informs us, page 440, ‘That, for almost a centu­ry, the Natives had all along maintain­ed an intercourse of great cordiality and friendship with the inhabitants.’

It is well known that the Indians' de­portment to each other is peaceable and inoffensive; esteeming sudden anger un­becoming and ignominious; they seldom differ with their neighbour, or do them any harm or injury, except when intoxi­cated by strong liquor, of which they are fond, to an enormous degree: this is the general character given of Indians, by all impartial writers.

The noted French author Charlevoix, who appears to have been deep in his in­quiries into their manners and dispositi­on, in his long travels from Quebec, thro' the lakes and down the Mississipi to Flo­rida, informs, ‘That with a mein and appearance altogether savage; and with manners and customs which fa­vour the greatest barbarity, the Indi­ans enjoy all the advantages of society. At first view, says he, one would ima­gine them without form of govern­ment, law or subordination, and sub­ject to the wildest caprice; neverthe­less, [Page 11]they rarely deviate from certain maxims and usages founded on good sense alone, which holds the place of law, and supplies in some sort, the want of legal authority. ^* Reason alone is capable of retaining them in a kind of subordination; not the less effectual, towards the end proposed, for being entirely voluntary. They manifest much stability in the engage­ments they have solemnly entered up­on; patient in affliction, as well as in their submission to what they appre­hend to be the appointment of Provi­dence; in all which they manifest a nobleness of soul, and constancy of mind, at which we rarely arrive with all our Philosophy and Religion. As they are neither slaves to ambition, nor [Page 12]interest; the two passions which have so much weakened in us those senti­ments of humanity, which the kind Author of Nature has engraven in the human heart, and kindled those of co­vetousness, which are as yet generally unknown amongst them.’

Is it not notorious that they are gene­rally kinder to us than we are to them? There is scarce an instance occurs, but that they treat every white man, who comes amongst them, with respect; which is not the case from us to them.

Their modest conduct to women who have been captured by them, is certainly worthy of commendation, much exceed­ing what would be expected, in like cases, from the lower class amongst our­selves.

It is also acknowledged by all impar­tial persons, who have been conversant with Indians, that they have generally manifested a faithfulness to the engage­ments they have entered into for the safe­ty of any person they have undertaken to protect, far exceeding that to be found amongst the generality of white people; as also in the performance of those cove­nants which they have confirmed by giv­ing belts of wampum.

[Page 13] Charlevoix farther observes, ‘That whoever insinuates himself in their esteem, will sind them sufficiently do­cile to do any thing he desires; but that this is not easily gained, as they generally give it to merit only, of which they are as good judges as most amongst us. He adds, that these good dispositions are very much eclipsed by the cruelty they sometimes exercise upon such of their enemies, whom they have devoted to death; as well as the right they almost universally claim to private revenge. They consider it as a point of honour to avenge inju­ries done to their friends, particular­ly the death of a relation; blood for blood, death for death, can only sa­tisfy the surviving friends of the inju­red party.’ Something of the same law of retaliation was usual amongst the ancient Jews and Romans.

From this principle, as well as from the high notions they have of military glory, the young Indians sometimes sud­denly pursue violent measures, contrary to the mind of their elders.

‘It is, says the same Author, a feel­ing experience of the Christian Re­ligion, which alone is able to perfect [Page 14]their good qualities, and correct that which is wrong in them; this is com­mon to them with other men; but what is peculiar to them is, that they bring fewer obstacles to this improve­ment, after, thro' the operation of grace, they have once began to believe in the great truths of the gospel.’

The good disposition of the more south­ern Indians is sensibly set forth by De las Casas, Bishop of Chapia, who spent much time and labour in endeavouring to pre­serve the Indians of New-Spain, from the grievous oppression they laboured under, in his representation to the King and Council of Spain, which, with little va­riation, may well be applied to the na­tives of most parts of the continent. He says, ‘I was one of the first who went to America, neither curiosity nor interest prompted me to undertake so long and dangerous a voyage; the saving the souls of the Heathens was my sole object. Why was I not per­mitted, even at the expense of my blood, to ransom so many thousands of souls who fell unhappy victims to avarice or lust.—It is said, that barbarous executions were necessary to punish or check the rebellion of the [Page 15]Americans; but to whom was this owing? did not those people receive the Spaniards who first came amongst them, with gentleness and humanity? did they not shew more joy, in pro­portion, in lavishing treasure upon them, than the Spaniards did greedi­ness in receiving it?—but our ava­rice was not yet satisfied—tho' they gave up to us their land and their riches, we would take from them their wives, their children, and their liber­ty.—To blacken these unhappy people, their enemies assert, that they are scarce human creatures—but it is we ought to blush for having been less men, and more barbarous than they.—They are represented as a stupid people, addicted to vice;— but have they not contracted most of their vices from the examples of Chri­stians? And as to those vices peculiar to themselves, have not the Christians quickly exceeded them therein? Ne­vertheless it must be granted, that the Indians still remain untainted with ma­ny vices, usual amongst the Europe­ans; such as ambition, blasphemy, treachery, and many like monsters, which have not yet took place with [Page 16]them; they have scarce an idea of them, so that, in effect, all the advan­tage we can claim, is to have more elevated notions of things, and our faculties more unfolded, and more cultivated than theirs.—Don't let us slatter our corruptions, nor volunta­rily blind ourselves; all nations are equally free: one nation has no right to infringe upon the freedom of ano­ther: let us do towards those people, as we would have them to have done to us, if they had landed upon our shore, with the same superiority of strength. And, indeed, why should not things be equal on both sides. How long has the right of the strong­est been allowed to be the balance of justice. What part of the Gospel gives a sanction to such a doctrine. In what part of the whole earth did the Apostles and first promulgators of the Gospel, ever claim a right over the lives, the freedom, or the substance of the Gentiles. What a strange me­thod this of propagating the Gospel, that holy law of grace, which from being slaves to satan, initiates us into the freedom of the children of God.’

[Page 17] To this pious Bishop's testimony, may be added that of Page Dup [...], in his History of Louisiana, who during a resi­dence of sixteen years, appears to have been careful in his enquiries, relating to the nature and disposition of those se­veral nations seated in a space of 1500 miles on both sides the Mississipi, with some of whom he was intimately con­versant, whom he represents as generally endowed with good sense, kindness and moderation. He tells us, ‘That upon an acquaintance with the Indians, he was convinced that it is wrong to de­nominate them Savages, as they are ca­pable of making a good use of their reason, and their sentiments are just; that they have a degree of prudence, faithfulness and generosity, exceeding that of nations who would be offended at being compared with them.’

‘No people, he says, are more ho­spitable and free than the Indians; hence they might be esteemed an hap­py people, if that happiness was not impeded by their passionate fondness for spirituous liquors, and the foolish notion they hold in common, with many professing Christians, of gaining reputation and esteem, by their prow­ess [Page 18]in war:’ both which potent evils, have from views of policy or interest, been much encouraged by their Eu­ropean neighbours."

From him, as also from some other au­thors, we learn that some of these nations appear but little inclined to war, and there are others who absolutely refuse to take any part therein, but patiently bear the hard­ships which the violence of other Indians subjects them to; of which good dis­position we have had instances amongst ourselves in the case of the Moravian In­dians.

Dupratz observes upon the whole, ‘That there needs but prudence and good sense, to persuade the Indians to what is reasonable, and to preserve their friendship without interruption. He adds, We may safely affirm that the differences we have had with them, have been more owing to us than to them. When they are treated inso­lently or oppressively, they have no less sensibility of injuries than others. If those who have occasion to live among them, will have sentiments of hu­manity, they will meet in them with men.’

[Page 19] Many more authors might be quoted, declarative of the commendable qualities which have appeared in the Indians, whilst uncorrupted by an intercourse with the Europeans, and which is still the case in the disposition of those nations situated at a distance from us. ^* This particu­larly [Page 20]appears from accounts left us by Jonathan Carver, who from the year 1766, to the year 1768, inclusive, visited several Nations west of the river Mississipi, and the upper lakes. Speaking of the general temper of the Indians situate in those parts, he tells us, ‘They are ex­tremely liberal to each other, and sup­ply the deficiencies of their friends, with any superfluity of their own [Page 21]—That governed by the plain and equitable laws of Nature, every one is remarked solely according to his de­serts; and their equality, condition, manners and privileges, with that con­stant sociable familiarity which prevails thro' every Indian Nation, animates them with a pure and truly patriotic spirit, that tends to the general good of the Society to which they belong. The Indians, he says, are not without some sense of Religion, such as proves that they worship the great Creator, with a degree of purity unknown to nations who have greater opportuni­ties of improvement.’

‘That the pleas of Indians for mak­ing war, are in general more rational and just, than such as are brought by Europeans, in vindication of their pro­ceedings. To secure the rights of hunting—to maintain the liberty of passing thro' their accustomed tracts, and to guard those lands which they consider, from a long tenure, as their own, against any infringment, are the general causes of those dissensions which so often break out between the Indian Nations. He agrees with Charlevoix, that the Indians feel in­juries [Page 22]with exquisite sensibility; whence they pursue vegeance with unremitting ardour.’

Whilst in the Indian Country, he was instrumental in preventing the Chipeways and Nadowessis Indians from prosecuting the war, which had during a course of 40 years, subsisted between them. This, the old Indians told him, they had long wished to put an end to; but that their endeavours were frustrated by the young warriors, of either nation, who could not restrain their ardour when they met. They said they should be happy, if some chief of the same pacific disposition as himself, and who possessed an equal de­gree of resolution and coolness, would settle in the country between the two na­tions; for by the interference of such a person, an accommodation, which, on their part, they sincerely desired might be brought about. From this circumstance, as well as what Duprat and others observe of the peaceable disposition of some of the Indians, we may well conclude, that susceptible as those untutored people are, to the dictates of reason, if the professors of Christianity had, by a proper use of that superior knowledge they were fa­voured with, honestly laboured, thro' [Page 23]Divine help, to acquaint them with the na­ture and precepts of the Gospel; to make them sensible of that universal brotherhood that loving, meek, forgiving spirit, which the precepts and example of our Saviour call for, it would have been a matter of the greatest joy both to them and us; but the reverse has happened, except in a few particular instances; the different denominations of Christians have rather added fresh fuel to this false fire, by in­citing the poor Natives, when it has suit­ed their political purpose, to violence amongst themselves, and to become par­ties in the wars they have waged one against another.

A disposition to misrepresent and black­en the Indians, in order to justify, or palliate the practice of unjust and cruel measures towards them, has particularly appeared in the affecting case of those Indians, denominated Moravian Indians, settled on the Muskingum, a branch of the Ohio; who have, of late, deeply suf­fered on account of what they thought the peaceable spirit of the Gospel requir­ed of them. A true representation of the state and disposition of those Indians, as well as an account of this deplorable transaction, drawn from the account giv­en [Page 24]by the survivors, appears necessary, as well to rescue those innocent sufferers from the odium which has been so un­justly cast upon them, as to prevent stran­gers, who may come amongst us, from forming such erronious ideas of the Na­tives, as may have an influence upon the welfare of both them, and the White People.

The first gathering of those Indians in­to a good degree of civil and religious order, was about 30 years ago, by means of one of them, named Papunhank. The place of their residence at that time, was at Whihaloosing, on the Susquehan­na, about 200 miles from Philadelphia. In the conversation they had with some serious people, in a visit to that city, about the year 1756, at a time when the province was distressed by the Indian war, they appeared to have a feeling sense of that inward change of heart which the Gospel requires, and declared their par­ticular disapprobation of war, and fixed resolution to take no part therein; appre­hending it to be displeasing to the Great Being, who, as one of them expressed it, ‘Did not make men to destroy men; but to love and assist each other.’ They held a conference with the Governor, [Page 25]in which they informed him, ‘That they remembered the old friendship which subsisted between their Forefa­thers and ours; that they were great lovers of peace, and had not taken any part in the war.’

They delivered three white prisoners which they had recovered from the other Indians. They desired that no strong drink should be given them, nor be sent to their town. The speaker, Papun­hank, appeared serious, as under a sense of the Divine Presence, and concluded with a solemn prayer, with which the whole audience seemed much affected.

About 13 years past, these Indians meeting with difficulty, from an en­crease of White Settlers near them, by which spirituous liquors were brought to their towns; they removed to the Muskingum, a branch of the Ohio. In their perigrination thither, they were ac­companied by some of the Moravians, who have long resided with them, and by their careful attention, both to their civil and religious concerns, never leav­ing them, even in the times of their great­est danger and difficulty, a near and steady connection between them took place.

During the late troubles, these Indians adhering to the principles they had long professed, absolutely refused to take any part in the war, notwithstanding the threats and repeated abuses they received on that account from other tribes, par­ticularly those parties which passed thro' their towns, in their way to our fron­tiers; whom they sometimes dissuaded from their hostile intentions, and pre­vailed upon to go back again; or warn­ed the inhabitants of their danger. This humane conduct being considered as obstructive to the hostile proceedings of the Tribes at war, was at length made the pretence of carrying them off. Ac­cordingly, on the 4th of August, 1781, a string of Wampum was sent by the Chief of the Wyondats, who resided at Sandusky, with a message, letting them know, He was coming with a number of warriors; but biding them be not afraid, for he was their friend. In a few days after, 220 warriors arrived, when call­ing a council of the head men of the three Moravian towns, they acquainted them they were come to take them away; ren­dering it for a reason, ‘That they, and their Indians, were a great obstruction to them in their war-path.’ They re­turned [Page 27]them this answer: ‘That it was impossible for them to remove at that time, and leave their corn behind them, lest they and their children should pe­rish with hunger in the wilderness.’ To this, the Chief of the Wyondats, at first, seemed to attend; but being insti­gated by some white men in their com­pany, they persisted in their resolution; and after killing many of the cattle and hogs, ripping up their bedding, and committing many other outrages, on the 28th of August, and September, forced them from their three towns, in all be­tween 3 and 400 persons; who, after a tedious journey in the wilderness, arrived at a branch of Sandusky creek, where the body of them were ordered to re­main. Some of their principal men were sent to Major Arent Schuyler De Pey­ster, the English Commander at fort De­troit, who commended them, as a peace­able people, and exhorted them to re­main such; but added, That many com­plaints had been made of them; that they had given intelligence to his ene­mies, &c. he had sent for them; but that his instructions had been exceeded, in the ill-treatment they had received; that however he would provide for them. [Page 28]Thus the matter rested till the spring, 1782, when these Moravian Indians fin­ding corn scarce and dear at Sandusky, desired liberty to return to their settle­ments, to fetch some of their corn, of which they had lest above 200 acres standing; which when granted, many of them went, among whom were seve­ral widows with their children, some of whom had been subjected to such ex­treme want, as to eat the carcases of the dead cattle and horses.

When the people at and about the Mo­nongahela, understood a number of Indi­ans were at the Moravian towns, they gave out, that the intention of those people was, to fall upon the back inhabitants, which ought to be prevented. Where­upon about 160 men got together, and swimming their horses over the Ohio, came suddenly upon the chief Moravian town. The first person who appeared, they shot at and wounded, when coming up to him, they found he was an half Indian, son to John Bull, one of the Moravians, by an Indian woman, to whom he is regularly married; they killed and scalped him, and proceeded to the town. The Moravian Indians, who were mostly in the fields pulling [Page 29]corn, did not run off, as many of them might, if they had been conscious of any offence; but came of their own accord, into the town, at the call of the white people, who at first, expressed friendship to them; but soon after, violently seized and bound them, when the Helpers, ^* of whom there were five of the most re­spectable, in the company, and others exhorted the younger, to submission and patience; telling them, they thought their troubles in this world, would soon be at an end, and they would be with their Saviour. They then sung and pray­ed together, till they were led out, one after the other, and inhumanly slaughter­ed; first the men, and then the women. Two boys, who made their escape, relat­ed these particulars. One of them lay in the heap of the dead, in a house, and was scalped; but recovering his senses, escaped: the other, who had hid himself under the floor, was an eye-witness of this tragic scene, and saw the blood of [Page 30]the slain running in a stream. These Indi­ans before being bound, were so little ap­prehensive of being charged with guilt, that they informed the White People, that more of their brethren were at another town to which they accompanied them; who in like manner fell a sacrifice with them, to the barbarity of the whites. The dead bodies were afterwards burned with the houses. Before their death, they were also obliged to shew in what part of the woods they had concealed their effects, when the other Indians (as before mentioned) took them away.

Those at the third town having some intelligence of what passed, made their escape. One of the Helpers, who escap­ed relates, That in a conference they had with the other Helpers, when they con­sidered what they should do in case of an attack, either from the Americans, or the Indians, who had taken part with the English, some of whom charged them of having, thro' the intelligence they gave to the Virginians, been the occasion of the slaughter of their brethren, at Goschaching; the result of their confer­ence was, ‘Not to go away, nevertheless to leave each one to act according to the feeling of his own heart. He added, [Page 31]That there was so much love amongst them, that he had never felt the like before.’ This is a summary of this dreadful transaction, as it is given by the principle leader of those that remain.

The Account, as it stands in the Penn­sylvania Gazette, of April 17th, 1782, after giving an account of the incursions of the Indians, adds, ‘That the peo­ple being greatly alarmed, and having received intelligence that the Indian towns, on the Muskingum, had not moved as they had been told—a number of men properly provided, col­lected and rendevoused on the Ohio, opposite the Mingo Bottom, with a design to surprise the above towns —160 men swam the river, and proceeded to the towns on the Mus­kingum, where the Indians had col­lected a large quantity of provisions to supply their war-parties. They ar­rived at the town in the night, undis­covered, attacked the Indians in their cabbins, and so completely surprised them, that they killed and scalped upwards of 90, but a few making their escape, about 40 of which were warriors, the rest old women and chil­dren. About 80 horses fell into their [Page 32]hands, which they loaded with the plunder, the greatest part furrs and skins; and returned to the Ohio, without the loss of one man.’

It is alledged, in vindication of this deliberate massacre, that 40 of those In­dians were warriors, preparing to attack our frontiers; but this assertion contra­dicts it self: for had it been the case, it is not likely they would have brought their wives, with the widows, and 34 children, who were slain with them, or have suffered them with themselves, to be thus murdered, without making the least resistance, or hurt to their murderers.

Soon after the death of these Indians, about 500 men, probably encouraged by this easy conquest assembled at the old Min­gos on the west side of the Ohio, and being equipped, on horseback, set on for San­dusky, where the remaining part of the Moravian Indians resided, in order to destroy that settlement, and other Indian towns in those parts; but the Wyandots, and other Indians, having some know­ledge of their approach, met them near Sandusky, when an engagement ensued, in which some of the assailants were kill­ed, and several taken prisoners, amongst whom was the Commander Col. Craw­ford, [Page 33]and his son-in-law. The Col. the Indians put to a cruel death, and killed the other, with other prisoners.

Doubtless the cruelty exercised on the Col. and the death of the prisoners taken at Sandusky, was, in a great measure, owing to the murder of the peaceable Moravian Indians, at which they express­ed much displeasure.

This grievous transaction appears in a yet more afflictive point of view, when it is considered, that tho' many threats had been thrown out against those Indi­ans, both by the English and Ameri­cans, ^* yet they took no step for their se­curity, [Page 34]trusting in the care of Heaven, and the protection of the government, under which they had lived many years with due submission. But such is the corrupting nature of war, that it gradu­ally hardens the heart, to a fearful de­gree of insensibility. Yet surely a time of rousing must come, when, if not giv­en up to obduracy, equal to their delusi­on, the blood of these innocent people will be heavy upon all concerned in the shedding of it.

We cry out against Indian cruelty; but is any thing which Indians have done, (all circumstances considered) more in­consistent with justice, reason, and hu­manity, than the murder of those Mora­vian Indians; a peaceable, innocent peo­ple, whose conduct, even when under the scalping-knife, evidenced a depend­ance on Divine Help for support, as much becoming Christians, as their sufferings in support of their religious principles, [Page 35]and their fidelity to the government had before manifested them to be our special friends.

In vindication of this barbarous trans­action, endeavours have been used, to make us believe, that the whole race of Indians are a people prone to every vice, and destitute of every virtue; and with­out a capacity for improvement. What is this but blasphemously to arraign the wisdom of our Creator, and insinuate, that the existence He has given them, is incompatible with his moral government of the world. But this must be admitted to make way for the proposal of endea­vouring the universal extirpation of In­dians from the face of the earth. Such, alas! is the manner in which too many of the pretended followers, of the meek and suffering Saviour of the world, would fulfil the prophecy concerning him, ‘ That he shall have the Heathen for his inheritance, and the uttermost Parts of the earth for his possession.’ And who himself declared, ‘ That he came not to destroy mens' lives, but to save them;’ and when fainting in his last agony, un­der mockery and derision, conceived at once a prayer, and an apology for his murderers: ‘ Father, forgive them, they [Page 36]know not what they do.’ Now so far as we know the prevailance of this spirit of love and forgiveness, over the pride and warth of our hearts, so far are we the disciples and followers of Christ; and so far only, can we truly pray for, and witness the coming of His kingdom: and on the other hand, so far as we are subject to a vindictive and unforgiving spirit, so far we are in a state of alie­nation from God, and reprobate con­cerning a true faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, which works only by love, to the purifying of the heart from every dispo­sition of a contrary nature. Was this distinction always observed in our religi­ous discriminations of mankind, we should get thro' abundance of frivolous and superficial prejudices which divide the Christian World, and be convinced, that it is not the colour of our skins, out ward circumstances or profession, but the state and temper of the mind and will, which makes us Jews or Gentiles; Christians or Heathens; Elect or Repro­bate, in the sight of God. That this change of heart is the sure effect of the coming of Christ's kingdom, was evi­denced in many of those Indians, whose case is here represented; who, by yield­ing [Page 37]to the operations of Divine Grace, were brought to an entire reformation of mind and manners. That savage feroci­ty, with all those dazzling notions of ho­nour, to be gained from the destruction of mankind, so natural to the fallen sons of Adam, have gradually melted away in these Indians, into a frame of meek­ness, humility and love, which sup­ported them in that lamb-like submission, under that remarkable succession of trials and afflictions which was permitted to at­tend them; whereby many of them are at length put beyond the reach of enmi­ty.

We are told by a late Author, who appears zealous for the extirpation of all Indians, ‘ That for a keg of whiskey, you might induce any Indian to murder his wife, children and best friend.’ That this is not a just character of Indi­ans, all, who are acquainted with that people, can testify: yet there are, doubt­less, ill-disposed people amongst them, as well as amongst us, who under the dread­ful power of strong drink, (which has an uncommon bad effect on them) may be led into the greatest enormities. Never­theless, as has been mentioned, impar­tial men, who from good views, have [Page 38]visited or resided with them, represent them in a very different light: as Char­levoix, and other French and Spanish Authors: John Elliott, Thomas Mayew; John Sergeant, in New-England; David Brainard and others in the Jerseys; and more lately the Moravians in different parts. These have spent much time and labour for the civil and religious improve­ment of the Natives, in which they all expressed satisfaction and comfort.

And it is worthy of peculiar notice, that in the wars the Indians have waged upon our frontiers, there has scarce been an instance of any of those Indians, who had made a serious profession of the Christian Religion, having been concern­ed in the barbarous eruptions against us. ^* [Page 39]These have generally put themselves un­der the protection of their several govern­ments; as former instances in New-Eng­land, and the instance of the Moravian Indians, both in the former, and late war, will undoubtedly evince.

The people of Pennsylvania, and New-Jerseys, as has been already noted, have had full opportunity to experience the good disposition and kindness of the In­dians, so long as they were treated with justice and humanity, as particularly ap­pears from the many striking instances of probity, gratitude and beneficence, on record, at a time when the disparity of their numbers was so great, that they might have easily destroyed the settlers, [Page 40]had they been so minded. But so far were they from molesting them, that they were rather as nursing fathers to them; granting them ample room for settle­ments; freely assisting them with the means of living, at easy rates; manifest­ing, thro' a long course of years, a strict care and fidelity in observing their trea­ties, and fulfilling their other engage­ments; which there is the greatest reason to conclude would still be the case, in every part of the continent, if the same equitable and kind measures were pursu­ed.

Upon the whole, it is a matter of un­doubted persuasion, with impartial peo­ple, who have been conversant with Indi­ans, that if their dipositions and natural powers are duly considered, they will be found to be equally with our own, capa­ble of improvement in knowledge and virtue, and that the apparent difference between us and them, is chiefly owing to our different ways of life, and different ideas of what is necessary and desirable, and the advantage of education, which puts it in our power to gloss over our own conduct, however evil; and to set theirs, however defensible, in the most odious point of light.

[Page 41] Much of their blamable conduct, now complained of, is certainly imputable to a long continued train of fraudulent and corrupt practices, in our intercourse with them, especially, the fatal introduction of strong drink, of which they have of­ten complained, ^* and desired it might [Page 42]not be brought amongst them, by which instead of allaying the ferment of cor­rupt nature, by a good example, and the good instruction, which our superior knowledge would enable us to give them, too many have been instrumental in work­ing them up to a state of distraction, which when it has burst forth in vengeance upon ourselves, is made a pretence for destroying them, as tho' they were whol­ly the aggressors.

That Indians may be tempted or pro­voked to the perpetration of great evils, by the intemperate love and use of strong [Page 43]liquors, is easily conceived; but whether they, who, to gratify the cravings of sor­did avarice, furnish them with the intox­icating potion, and then take advantage of their situation, to impose upon them, and tempt them to evil, are not princi­pally accountable, for the crimes they commit, and their consequences, is not a query worthy of their most awful consideration.

Had the views of the inhabitants of the colonies, been more just and wise, and their conduct towards the Natives regulated by a benevolence worthy of the Christian Name, every reasonable pur­pose of settling in their country, might have been fully accomplished, and they at the same time become, generally, as well civilized, as those few who were under the care of the Moravians, at the Muskingum.

The accounts of the wicked policy and cruelties exercised by the Spaniards upon their Indians, we read with horror, without considering how far ourselves are in a degree guilty of something of the same.

How many peaceable Indians, residing amongst us, have formerly as well as lately, been murdered, with impunity, [Page 44]to satisfy the rage of angry men, tho' under the protection of the law, with­out any attonement being made. ^*

What destruction both of Indians and others, thro' a violent insringement on what they apprehended to be their rights. What dreadful havock has the desire of gain made amongst them, by the sale of spirituous liquors, &c. &c. Surely this must be accounted for, when an inqui­sition for blood takes place. Indeed in­terest, as well as duty, should induce the people, in general, to endeavour the bringing the Indians off from those false habits and prejudices, which are as ob­structive to their own happiness, as they are dangerous to ours.

To what degree of distress, a few In­dians can reduce a country, let the An­nals of New-England testify, particular­ly by the long and distressing wars with the Eastern Tribes, ^† who upon the mak­ing [Page 45]a peace with them, were found to be so small a number, that it occasioned the celebrated Cotton Mather, to take up the following lamentation: ‘ Surely we had smitten the whole army of the Indians, that fought against us, twenty-three years ago, from one end of the land to the other; only there were left a few wounded amongst them in the east, and now they have risen up, eve­ry man, and have set the whole coun­try on fire. Certainly a more humbling matter cannot be related. Moreover, is it not a very humbling thing, that when about an hundred Indians durst begin a war upon all these populous colonies, an army of a thousand English raised, must not kill one of them all, but instead there­of, more of our soldiers perished by sick­ness and hardships, than we had ene­mies in the world. Our God has hum­bled [Page 46]us. Is it not a very humbling thing, that when the number of our ene­mies afterwards increasing, yet an hand­ful of them should, for so many sum­mers together, continue our unconquered spoilers, and put us to such vast charges, that if we would have bought them for an hundred pounds a head, we should have made a saving bargain of it. Our God has humbled us.’ ^*

What an instructive lesson may the rulers of government, and the people, gather from this pathetic lamentation; how ought it to induce us diligently to la­bour for the maintenance of Peace and Friendship with all our Indian neigh­bours.

How ought we to look up to God, the common Father of the family of man­kind, requesting he would enable us to sow the seeds of Benevolence and Mer­cy, carefully avoiding those of War and Destruction. ^†

[Page 47] It was, very probably, the want of such a care in the people of New-Eng­land, particularly in the lamentable de­struction of the Pequot Indians, tho' perpetrated many years before, which produced the grievous crop of calamity and distress here complained of; for however time and changes may veil past transactions, and remove them from sight, and the remembrance of men, yet they will remain, as present, in the view of Divine Purity; and whilst unrepented of, will, tho' covered, as with dirt and dross, remain as engraven on a rock, which when the overflowing stream pre­vails, and that time of general inquiry, comes, when secret things shall be re­vealed, will appear as a testimony against transgressors.

The Annals of New-England informs us, that the first settlers met with kind treatment from the Natives, even when they were few, and so sickly, that in the first winter, one half of their number died.

[Page 48] Hutchinson, observes, ‘ That the Natives shewed courtesy to the Eng­lish, at their first arrival; were ho­spitable, and made such as would cat their food, welcome to it, and readily instructed them in the planting and cul­tivating the Indian Corn. Some of the English who lost themselves in the woods, and must otherwise have perished with famine, they relieved and conducted home.’

It was about fifteen years after, when the settlement on the Connecticut river, was making speedy advances towards the country of the Pequots, that differences arose between those Indians and the Eng­lish; some traders were killed, whether thro' the fault of the Indians, or White People, is uncertain, as each blamed the other; the Indians, however, shewed a great desire to maintain peace between them and the English, for which purpose Neal observes, ‘ They twice sent depu­ties to Boston, with presents,’ which might with patience and forbearance, thro' the blessing of God, have been im­proved; but the English insisting on the delivery of the persons concerned, which the Indians delaying to comply with, per­haps for want of power, the English [Page 49] ‘ fell upon them, slew several, firing their wigwams, and spoiling their corn, &c.’ which enraged the Indians to such a de­gree, that, giving up their endeavours for peace, they attacked the fort on Con­necticut river; slew several persons; and carried away two maidens, who were af­terwards returned. Upon this, the dif­ferent New-England governments con­cluded to unite their forces, to destroy those Indians; which was so effectually done, that Captain Underhill, who was a principal Commander in that expediti­on, in his book intitled News from Ame­rica, page 2, tells us, ‘ Those Indians, the Pequots, were drove out of their country, and slain, by the sword, to the number of fifteen hundred souls, in the space of two months or less; so as their country is fully subdued, and fallen into the hands of the English.’

Hutchinson says, ‘ This was the first action between the English and Indians; the policy, as wellus the morality of which, he observes, may well be questioned.’ And he adds, ‘ The Indians have ever shewn great barbarity to their English captives; the English, in too many in­stances, have retaliated it. This has only enraged them the more. Besides, [Page 50]to destroy women and children, for the barbarity of their husbands, cannot be casily justified. Many of the captives were sent to Bermudas, and sold for slaves.’ ^*

This account of the destruction of the Pequot Indians, is by no means intended as a reflection on the people of New-England; sensible, that it is now long since many amongst them, have been foremost in furnishing instances of the blessing attendant on the extension of friendly measures, and a commendable care for the civil and religious welfare of the Indians; as well as they have of late years, shewn an examplary and praise­worthy concern for doing justice to the oppressed Africans: but only for this necessary purpose, that the dreadful ex­perience of former times, may be, as instructive cautions in our future trans­actions [Page 51]with our Indian neighbours, in the several settlements now likely to be made on lands belonging to them, or claimed by them. Indeed we cannot be too weighty in considering how we lay our foundation for future happiness or misery; as our Saviour's declaration will be verified often, in time, and cer­tainly in eternity: That as we sow we shall reap; and with that measure we meet, it shall be measured to us again. And altho' the children are not accounta­ble for the iniquity of their fathers; yet where the children are basking and re­joicing in the ease and plenty they enjoy thro' the sins of their fathers, as is pe­culiarly the case of those, who are pos­sessed of estates procured by hard mea­sures towards Indians, or thro' the op­pression of the Negroes; these as they rejoice in those possessions, which the SIN has produced, cannot expect otherwise than, to be partakers in the PLAGUE.

Upon the whole, if the peace and safety of the inhabitants of our wide ex­tended frontiers; the lives and welfare of so many innocent and helpless people, depends on the maintenance of a friend­ly intercourse with our Indian neigh­bours, [Page 52]what greater instances of patriot­ism, of love to God and mankind, can be shewn, than to promote, to the utmost of our power, not only the civilization of these uncultivated people, whom Pro­vidence has, as it were, cast under our care; but also their establishment, in a pious and virtuous life. On the other hand, what greater injury can be done to our country, than to diffuse, amongst the thoughtless part of the people, a disposi­tion, and promote a conduct, tending not only to deprive us of the advantage, which a friendly intercourse with them may produce; ^* but by raising their en­mity [Page 53]and wrath, expose the country to those grievous calamities, which an In­dian war often has, and will again, un­doubtedly produce.