THE great object, for which I had the honor to hold an appointment in the service of my country, being ac­complished, I am now preparing to resign it into the hands of Congress, and return to that do­mestic retirement, which, it is [Page 4] well known, I left with the great­est reluctance; a retirement for which I have never ceased to sigh through a long and painful absence, in which (remote from the noise and trouble of the world) I meditate to pass the remainder of life, in a state of undisturbed repose; but, before I carry this resolution into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make this my last official communica­tion, to congratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven has been pleased to produce in our favour, to offer my senti­ments [Page 5] respecting some important subjects, which appear to me to be intimately connected with the tranquility of the United States, to take my leave of your Excel­lency as a public character, and to give my final blessing to that country, in whose service I have spent the prime of my life; for whose sake I have consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and whose happiness, be­ing extremely dear to me, will always constitute no inconsidera­ble part of my own.

Impressed with the liveliest sen­sibility [Page 6] on this pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of di­lating the more copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. When we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favourable manner in which it has terminated; we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing; this is a theme that will afford infinite de­light to every benevolent and li­beral mind, wether the event in contemplation be considered as a source of present enjoyment, [Page 7] or the Parent of future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point of light.

The citizens of America, placed in the most enviable condition, as the sole Lords and Proprie­tors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the ne­cessaries and conveniencies of life, are now, by the late satis­factory [Page 8] pacification, acknow­ledged to be possessed of abso­lute freedom and independency; they are from this period to be considered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designed by Providence for the display of human greatness and felicity: Here they are not only sur­rounded with every thing that can contribute to the comple­tion of private and domestic en­joyment; but Heaven has crown­ed all its other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for political [Page 9] happiness, than any other nation has ever been favoured with. Nothing can illustrate these ob­servations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy con­juncture of times and circum­stances, under which our Re­public assumed its rank among the nations.—The foundation of our Empire was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance and su­perstition, but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were bet­ter understood and more clearly defined, than at any former pe­riod: Researches of the human [Page 10] mind after social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the treasures of knowledge ac­quired by the labours of philoso­phers, sages and legislators, thro' a long succession of years, are laid open for use, and their collected wisdom may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of government. The free culti­vation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the pro­gressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of senti­ment, and, above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, [Page 11] have had a meliorating influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of society. At this au­spicious period the United States came into existence as a nation, and if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own.

Such is our situation, and such are our prospects; but notwith­standing the Cup of Blessing is thus reached out to us, notwith­standing happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the oc­casion, and make it our own, yet [Page 12] it appears to me, there is an op­tion still left to the United States of America, whether they will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation; this is the time of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the moment to establish or ruin their national character for ever; this is the fa­vourable moment to give such a tone to the fedral Government, as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or, this [Page 13] may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the Confederation, and ex­posing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing import­ance, and to serve their own in­terested purposes. For, accord­ing to the system of policy the States shall adopt at this mo­ment, they will stand or fall; and, by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the Revolution must ultimately [Page 14] be considered as a blessing or a curse;—a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of un­born millions be involved.

With this conviction of the im­portance of the present crisis, si­lence in me would be a crime; I will therefore speak to your Ex­cellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise. I am aware, however, those who differ from me in political senti­ments may, perhaps, remark, I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they may [Page 15] possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I know is alone the result of the purest intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives; the part I have hither­to acted in life, the determinati­on I have formed of not taking any share in public business here­after; the ardent desire I feel, and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils of war, the be­nefits of a wise and liberal Go­vernment, will, I flatter myself, sooner or later, convince my coun­trymen, [Page 16] that I could, have no si­nister views in delivering with so little reserve the opinions contain­ed in this address.

There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the well-being, I may even ven­ture to say, to the existence of the United States as an indepen­dent power.

1st. An indissoluble union of the States under one fedral head.

2dly. A sacred regard to public justice.

3dly. The adoption of a pro­per peace establishment. And,

[Page 17]4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition among the people of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mu­tual concessions which are requi­site to the general prosperity, and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community.

These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our inde­pendency and national charac­ter must be supported.—Liberty is the basis—and whoever would [Page 18] dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest pu­nishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country.

On the three first articles I will make a few observations; leaving the last to the good sense and se­rious consideration of those im­mediately concerned.

Under the first head, although it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter in­to a particular disquisition of the [Page 19] principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and re­quisite for the States to dele­gate a larger proportion of pow­er to Congress, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to assert, without reserve, and to insist up­on the following positions.— That unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prero­gatives they are undoubtedly in­vested with by the Constitution, every thing must very rapidly [Page 02] tend to anarchy and confusion. That it is indispensible to the happiness of the individual States, that there should be lodged, some­where, a supreme power to regu­late and govern the general con­cerns of the confederated Repub­lic, without which the union can­not be of long duration.

That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every State with the late proposals and demands of Con­gress, or the most fatal conse­quences will ensue—That what­ever measures have a tendency [Page 21] to dissolve the union, or contri­bute to violate or lessen the sove­reign authority, ought to be con­sidered as hostile to the Liberty and Independency of America, and the authors of them treated accordingly—And lastly, that un­less we can be enabled by the con­currence of the States to partici­pate of the fruits of the Revolu­tion, and enjoy the essential be­nefits of civil society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted [Page 22] by the Articles of Confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose; that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensa­tion, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that with­out an entire conformity to the spirit of the Union, we cannot ex­ist as an independent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest import­ance. [Page 23] It is only in our united cha­racter, as an empire, that our ende­pendence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign nations. The Treaties of the Eu­ropean Powers, with the United States of America, will have no validity on a dissolution of the U­nion. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature, or we may find by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and neces­sary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of ty­ranny; and that arbitrary power is [Page 24] most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.

As to the second article, which respects the performance of pub­lic justice, Congress have in their late address to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas so ful­ly, and have enforced the obliga­tions the states are under to ren­der complete justice to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the ho­nour and independency of Ame­rica, can hesitate a single mo­ment [Page 25] respecting the propriety of complying with the just and ho­nourable measures proposed; if their arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence, especially when we recollect that the system referred to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the Continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised; and that, if it shall not be carried into immediate ex­ecution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequen­ces, [Page 26] will take place before any different plan can possibly be proposed or adopted; so pressing are the present circumstances, and such is the alternative now offered to the States.

The ability of the country to discharge the debts, which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted. And inclina­nation, I flatter myself, will not be wanting; the path of our du­ty is plain before us; honesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true poli­cy. Let us then, as a nation, be [Page 27] just; let us fulfil the public con­tracts which Congress had un­doubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we sup­pose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. In the mean time let an attention to the chearful performance of their proper business, as individuals, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citi­zens of America; then will they strengthen the hands of govern­ment, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap [Page 28] the fruit of his labours; every one will enjoy his own acquisi­tions, without molestation, and without danger.

In this state of absolute free­dom and perfect security, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interests of society, and ensure the protection of govern­ment? Who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the war, That we should be completely satis­fied, if at the expence of one half, we could defend the remainder [Page 29] of our possessions? Where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain in debt for the defence of his own person and property to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to repay the debt of honour and of gratitude? In what part of the Continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up, and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the soldier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? And were it possible that such a [Page 30] flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of such measures the aggravated vengeance of Heaven? If, after all, a spirit of disunion, or a tem­per of obstinacy and perverseness should manifest itself in any of the States; if such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the union; if there should be a refusal to comply with re­quisitions for funds to discharge [Page 31] the annual interest of the public debts, and if that refusal should revive all those jealousies and produce all those evils which are now happily removed; Congress, who have in all their transactions shewn a great degree of magnani­mity and justice, will stand justifi­ed in the sight of God and man! And that State alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggre­gate wisdom of the Continent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious councils, will be re­sponsible for all the consequences.

For my own part, conscious of [Page 32] having acted, while a servant of the public, in the manner I con­ceived suited to promote the real interests of my country; having, in consequence of my fixed be­lief, in some measure, pledged myself to the army, that their country would finally do them complete and ample justice, and not wishing to conceal any in­stance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, I have thought proper to transmit to your Excellency the inclosed col­lection of papers, relative to the half-pay and commutation grant­ed [Page 33] by Congress, to the officers of the army; from these commu­nications, my decided sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclusive rea­sons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of Congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and contain, in my opi­nion, sufficient information to remove the prejudice and errors which may have been entertain­ed by any, I think it unnecessary [Page 34] to say any thing more, than just to observe, that the resolutions of Congress, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon the United States, as the most solemn acts of con­federation or legislation.

As to the idea, which I am in­formed, has, in some instances, prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded for ever: That provision should be viewed, as it really was, a rea­sonable compensation offered by [Page 35] Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for services then to be per­formed: It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the service. It was a part of their hire; I may be allowed to say, it was the price of their blood, and of your independency; it is there­fore more than a common debt; it is a debt of honour; it can ne­ver be considered as a pension, or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged.

With regard to the distinction between officers and soldiers, it [Page 36] is sufficient that the uniform ex­perience of every nation of the world, combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards in proportion to the aids the public draws from them, are un­questionably due to all its ser­vants. In some lines, the sol­diers have perhaps generally had as ample compensation for their services, by the large bounties which have been paid them, as their officers will receive in the proposed commutation; in o­thers, if, besides the donation [Page 37] of land, the payment of arrear­ages of cloathing and wages (in which articles all the component parts of the army must be put upon the same footing) we take into the estimate the bounties many of the soldiers have re­ceived, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their situation (every circumstance being duly considered) will not be deemed less eligible than that of the offi­cers. Should a further reward, however, be judged equitable, I will venture to assert, no man [Page 38] will enjoy greater satisfaction than myself, if an exemption from taxes for a limited time (which has been petitioned for in some instances) or any other adequate immunity or compen­sation be granted to the brave defenders of their country's cause. But neither the adop­tion or rejection of this propo­sition, will, in any manner, af­fect, much less militate against, the act of Congress, by which they have offered five years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for life, which had been before [Page 39] promised to the officers of the army.

Before I conclude the subject of public justice, I cannot omit to mention obligations this country is under to that meritorious class of veterans, the non-commission­ed officers and privates, who have been discharged for inability, in consequence of the resolution of Congress, of the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual pension for life: their peculiar sufferings, their singular merits, and claims to that provision, need only to be known, to interest the feelings of huma­nity [Page 40] in their behalf: nothing but a punctual payment of their an­nual allowance, can rescue them from the most complicated mise­ry; and nothing could be a more melancholy and distressing sight, than to behold those who have shed their blood, or lost their limbs in the service of their country, without a shelter, without a friend, and without the means of obtaining any of the comforts or necessaries of life, compelled to beg their daily bread from door to door. Suffer me to recommend those of this description, belonging to [Page 41] your State, to the warmest pa­tronage of our Excellency and your Legislature.

It is necessary to say but a few words on the third topic which was proposed, and which regards particularly the defence of the Re­public. As there can be little doubt but Congress will recom­mend a proper peace establish­ment for the United States, in which a due attention will be paid to the importance of placing the militia of the Union. upon a regu­lar and respectable footing; if this should be the case, I should beg [Page 42] leave to urge the great advantage of it in the strongest terms.

The militia of this country must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effec­tual resort in case of hostility; It is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the Continent, should be absolutely uniform; and that the same spe­cies of arms, accoutrements, and military apparatus, should be in­troduced in every part of the United States. No one, who has [Page 43] not learned it from experience, can conceive the difficulty, ex­pence, and confusion, which re­sult from a contrary system, or the vague arrangements which have hitherto prevalied.

If, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than usual has been taken in the course of this address, the importance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects in discussion, must be my apology. It is, however, nei­ther my wish nor expectation, that the preceding observations should claim any regard, except [Page 44] so far as they shall appear to be dictated by a good intention, con­sonant to the immutable rules of justice; calculated to produce a liberal system of policy, and foun­ded on whatever experience may have been acquired by a long and close attention to public business. Here I might speak with more confidence, from my actual ob­servation; and if it would not swell this letter (already too pro­lix) beyond the bounds I had prescribed myself, I could de­monstrate to every mind, open to conviction, that in less time, [Page 45] and with much less expence than has been incurred, the war might have been brought to the same happy conclusion, if the resources of the Continent could have been properly called forth; that the distresses and disappointments which have very often occurred, have, in too many instances, re­sulted more from a want of ener­gy in the Continental Govern­ment, than a deficiency of means in the particular States: That the inefficacy of measures, arising from the want of an adequate authority in the supreme power, [Page 46] from a partial compliance with the requisitions of Congress, in some of the States, and from a failure of punctuality in others, while they tended to damn the zeal of those who were more wil­ling to exert themselves, served also to accumulate the expences of the war, and to frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discouragement occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embarrassments, in which our affairs were by this means in­volved, would have long ago produced the dissolution of any [Page 47] army, less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, than that which I have the honour to com­mand. But while I mention those things, which are notorious facts, as the defects of our federal con­stitution, particularly in the pro­secution of a war, I beg it may be understood, that as I have ever taken a pleasure in gratefully ac­knowledging the assistance and support I have derived from every class of citizens; so shall I always be happy to do justice to the unparalleled exertions of the [Page 48] individual States, on many in­teresting occasions.

I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make known, before I surrendered up my pub­lic trust to those who committed it to me. The task is now ac­complished; I now bid adieu to your Excellency, as the Chief Ma­gistrate of your State; at the same time, I bid a last farewell to the cares of office, and all the em­ployments of public life.

It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your Excel­lency will communicate these sen­timents [Page 49] to your Legislature, at their next meeting; and that they may be considered as the legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the divine bene­diction upon it.

I now make it my earnest pray­er, that God would have you, and the State over which you preside, in his holy protection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spi­rit of subordination and obedi­ence [Page 50] to Government; to enter­tain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow-citizens of the United States at large, and particularly for their brethren who have served in the field; and finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to dis­pose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of the mind, which were the characteristics of the Di­vine Author of our blessed reli­gion; without an humble imita­tion of whose example, in these [Page 51] things, we can never hope to be a happy nation.

I have the honour to be, with much esteem and respect,