SONGS, NAVAL AND MILITARY.
NEW-YORK: PRINTED BY JAMES RIVINGTON. M,DCC,LXXIX.
PREFACE.
THE following collection of songs, idle and trifling as they may seem at first view, will, it is hoped, have a further use than mere amusement.
The songs are principally Naval and Military, join'd to a few others that have a tendency to excite that love of our King, of our country, and of Liberty, which, in the breasts of Englishmen, are one and the same thing; and which, of all the passions, affords the noblest stock, upon which to graft the Military Virtues. It were to be wished that there was greater choice; however, the man whose bosom is open to the glow of patriotism and of glory, will hear few of them without some worthy feelings.—What is wanting in sentiment and poetry, may be often supplied by the energy and masculine tones of the music; and when both combine, the soul is raised to a grateful pitch of gallant enthusiasm, the emotions of which make lasting impressions, and give the soldier a taste for those hardships and dangers, which he would otherways undergo with reluctance, as mere points of duty.
The British troops have for some years, had to do with an enemy that has never as yet beheld with steady countenance, the glare of a rank of bayonets; and the navy, skulking pirates alone to contend with, full of trick, but without bottom.—Men who, altho' of English descent, are [Page ii] thus debased by engaging in pursuits repugnant to all sense of honour, justice and humanity. —There is now the prospect of a tougher task for both. The established armies and navies of the great European powers, (composed of soldiers and seamen, train'd to firm service, and full of officers possessed of a high point of honour and military ardour,) present a very different field for their ambition, and call for a full exertion of all their ancient virtue.—A field, in which superior valour and discipline will not only command that respect which is ever their own, but insure complete success; in which, the decision will depend more upon the arms than the legs, and in which the most strenuous grasp will always reap a full harvest of glory. There the firm soldier will not be balked of his object by the illusive shifts of a shrinking enemy, nor obliged to imitate practices despised, and indeed heretofore unknown to the British troops, in order to gain, at best, a negative triumph; but will have fair occasions, amidst the serious but liberal contentions of civilized war, to display all the virtues of his profession, and contrast the awful qualities that sway the fate of battle, with that humanity which alone can gild his laurels with true splendor, and stamp a sacred seal upon his merit.
To those who have any knowledge of the human heart, a knowledge of all others the most essential to an officer, and who are aware of the powers of music and poetry over the mind of man, it is unnecessary to say much in favour of this attempt.—With others of lighter minds, it may possibly incur ridicule and excite to laughter, but until such gentlemen are pleased, by giving the [Page iii] reasons of their merriment, to show whether their censure is more owing to the accuteness of their wit or the depth of their judgment, it is in vain to contend with them. In the mean time they will have an opportunity of amusing them selves occasionally, with a song that they might not so readily procure a copy of, and so far they will allow there is no harm done.
To readers of taste and sentiment, it is needless to observe, that many of those odes breathe a pure spirit of liberty, warlike ardor, and patriotism, adorned with much of the fire, imagination, and melody of genuine poetry: Some of a more tender nature, throw a mild and pleasing lustre upon the military professions and the duties attending them; while others of a coarser cast, are peculiarly calculated to engage the people and strengthen their attachment to their King, country, and its constitution, by combining the interests of their enjoyments and appetites, as well as their rights, with the duties of good citizens: Of those, many may appear not to deserve a place, but the popular taste has stamped a value upon them which ought not to be disputed— Even the British Grenadiers, unworthy as the words are of the subject, will reach the heart of every English soldier.
An officer of service, if possessed of a poetical genius, might certainly, in compositions of this kind, inculcate the most essential points of military duty and honour, by adapting the words and music to the various operations of war.
In a light infantry song, for instance, the 1st verse to represent that corps turning out upon an alarm, and forming in front of its wigwams— the music irregular, bouncing, elevated. The [Page iv] 2d verse, advancing upon the enemy into cover, the music sprightly, animated, but regular.—In short, a good quick-step tune. The 3d verse, firing, gaining ground, and operating to the flanks —the music broken, confus'd, elevated. The 4th verse, a bloody pursuit—the music rapid, crowded, harsh. The 5th verse, the action decided and resistance at an end, the soldiers yielding to the impulse of pity and humanity, sparing and protecting the vanquish'd—the music in melting tones of tender sympathy, unbending the high wound spirits to the softer, but equally manly feelings of generous compassion.
In a Song for the heavy foot, the line to be represented as moving on to battle, steady, firm, and slow.—The music solemn, regular, décidé. Then engaged in close action and charging.— The music lofty, strenuous. Lastly, the enemy routed, the line leaving the pursuit to the light troops, and employed in regaining its order, preparatory to a second attack.—The music more calm and regular, with some swells of triumph.
The Highland March is singularly suited to such a subject. The first part—the line in march. The second part or chorus—engaged, and the few last notes resuming its order.
A Song for the Cavalry might represent that body as availing itself of its advantages.—If against horse, the squadrons advancing with velocity to the charge, avoiding all use of fire arms, and trusting entirely to the momentum of their horses and the points of their swords, rallying instantly to their standards, after the disorder necessarily arising from the shock, and carrying every thing before them by the joint [Page v] effect of their cohesion and impetuosity.—If against infantry, the squadrons taking shelter from the effect of their fire, by plunging among them, and, once in, remaining there to keep them down—If in pursuit, the horse abandoning themselves at all hazards without hesitation upon the enemy, to retard their flight.
Many other general points of duty, and of interest might be interwoven among the imagery in these Songs, as equally suitable to all of them; such as silence—obedience—to stand by the colours—to adhere to their officers and to their comrades—to keep up their fire, and rely chiefly on their bayonets or swords—the little loss that troops ever suffer in action, compared to the slaughter in flight—the triumph and advantages of victory, with the misery attending captivity, &c. &c.
The above hints may be of use to those gentlemen, who, although not bred to the profession of arms, may be disposed to assist this design by their poetical exertions. To Soldiers it is not meant to prescribe rules—their ideas will naturally keep the proper bounds, and their genius unconstrained make bolder efforts.
The Corps of Artillery well deserve to have a Song apart, but it must come from themselves.
With regard to the Navy, it would require the knowledge of a thorough bred Seaman, joined to great powers of imagination, and a warm predilection in favour of his country and profession, to enable a man to compose any thing worthy of the subject.
At present when the warlike spirit of the nation is thoroughly roused, this Book may be looked into by others as well as military men, and [Page vi] therefore the occasion is proper for taking notice of an unworthy and narrow prejudice, which in England not only prevails among the lower people, where alone it is excusable, but is also received by an order of men, who both from their rank in the community and general education, ought to entertain more liberal and just opinions.
Many of the country gentlemen indulge in an ungenerous jealousy and dislike of the British Army that does little honour either to their knowledge of the constitution or of the history of their country. Those who truly understand the nature of the government of England, its situation and commercial interests, perceive the unavoidable necessity of standing forces, not only to support the power of the nation by protecting its foreign establishments, and to command the forbearance and respect of its neighbours, by enabling it to act offencively against those who may adventure to injure or insult it, but also to secure us from the sudden enterprizes of the immense armies kept ever on foot by the enemies of England and of liberty, within twelve hours sail of our coast. Brave as the people of Britain are, time is necessary to form and train them to arms, and it requires a guarded and cautious hand to introduce gradually the subordination necessary to qualify the militia to act in any degree in concert for the general purposes of service, and to cherish at the same time that high and independant spirit which renders Englishmen when undisciplined the worst, and when disciplined the very best soldiers of the world.—For this purpose too the instructions of the officers of the army and the example of [Page vii] the troops are both essentially necessary; and granting it practicable by this means to put the militia in a few months in a condition to cope with men who had passed their lives in arms and had been long inured to war, it would still require a proportion of thorough bred officers to assist in conducting and fighting it, as well as a train of regular artillery and a good cavalry, which, with many other necessary aids, can only be derived from a permanent military establishment. In fact, the militia and the army are equally necessary to the power and security of the British Empire, and most justly has the former been termed the shield, the latter the sword of England: But he who asserts that a militia is alone sufficient or equal to all the occasions of war, must either be uncapable of counting, or prompted by some bad design.
A brave militia, conducted by officers who knew the extent of its powers, and exacted no more from it than was to be expected from its discipline and experience, might certainly in a country so singularly strong as England is from its inclosures, render every hedge a bloody entrenchment to an invading enemy, with the cooperation of a certain proportion of veteran foot to steel the edge of the points of attack, so as to enable the nation to adopt an offensive mode of defence, (the only one worthy of the spirit of Britons or of success,) and take the lead in every service which required that coolness and precision of manoeuvre in the face of an enemy, that alone can enable troops to attack and re-attack with confidence and effect, and which is scarce to be attained without long practice and the habit of danger.
[Page viii]Perhaps there has only been two periods since the restoration in which the militia of England could be deemed in any degree equal to the internal defence of the country—in the war of 56, after two years of great exertion and diligence, and at present, when a twelvemonth has been heartily employed by the united consent of all men to prepare it—at both times they have been formed under the instruction, and stimulated by the example of very gallant and highly disciplined standing armies.
It has been a custom to cite the brilliant military successes of the Edwards and the Henries as proofs of the inutility of standing forces; but before this plea is urged, it may not be improper to recollect that France and Spain were in those ages severally divided within themselves, as well as unconnected with each other; and their kings, with very little authority, scarce any revenue, and no army at all; whereas at present these monarchs have entire command of the properties and persons of their subjects, an immense revenue, 500,000 regular troops at their nod, and are closely united, with the same objects in view.
With regard to the Navy, no doubt without its support we could neither be powerful abroad, nor safe at home, and were fighting at sea alone in question, it is equal to every thing; but it cannot sail against the wind, it cannot be every where at the same time, nor can it follow an invading enemy on shore.
Without the advantage of a superior marine, as well as of a willing constitutional militia, an army of 200,000 men, with a number of strong fortresses, would scarce be sufficient to secure [Page ix] Great-Britain against the House of Bourbon. As it is, 30 or 40,000 made soldiers, under officers who know how to employ them with oeconomy, and draw from the militia the aids it may be capable of, will, whilst our navy is in condition to dispute the dominion of the sea, prove a full match for any force that an enemy may in an unguarded moment, or in consequence of a favouring wind, or of a successful sea action find means to land. But the man who from his enthusiasm for liberty, should desire to see this very small comparative proportion of standing forces further reduced, must have discovered with the rebel Congress, that the French king is the best protector of our rights and constitution, and therefore wish to give him an opportunity of reforming the errors of our government, by introducing amongst us 60 or 80,000 of those legislators, usually employed by his predecessors to establish peace, liberty and happiness among their neighbours.
Gentlemen of this cast must indeed be little read in history not to have in mind, that to the virtue of a standing army we owe a restoration and a revolution without bloodshed, waste or confusion; and the reduction of two rebellions, subversive of all liberty and property, at times when the nation seemed resigned to its fate, or overwhelmed with despondency—and also that to the virtue of the army it has been often owing that the promoters of sedition have been prevented from endangering real liberty by destroying all order and government.
All circumstances weighed, it cannot but appear to those who are superior to prejudice, and capable of taking a comprehensive and liberal view, that, in the present state of the world, a [Page x] standing army is essential to the security of the British empire against foreign attacks—consequently to the existence of the rights and property of the inhabitants; and that it is of equal importance to the great objects of liberty, that this army should not be mercenary, but have an interest in the constitution of its country. Certain restraints are no doubt necessary to command the obedience and subordination of the military to the civil power, and to crush in the bud all attempts that might be made by unprincipled men to turn against the people those arms which it is only honourable to bear in their defence.
But those who endeavour to undervalue the military character, or to make unnecessary encroachments upon its professional rights, or by inferior usage and invidious distinctions try to estrange the troops from all attachment to their country and interest in the constitution, can only stand acquitted of treason against the freedom of their fellow-subjects, at the expence of their intellects.
Whilst the army is held in that estimation which its actions heretofore well claim, and which is the best security for its behaviour in future, it will continue to be full of officers, who from their education, property and rank in the kingdom, must have an interest in the well-being of the nation, superior to all views of military command or emolument; seconded by soldiers, whose natural attachment to their country will be confirmed by the share they are allowed in its credit and happiness.
But should the profession of arms ever be held in disrespect, and those that follow it unnecessarily deprived of the common rights of citizens, or exposed [Page xi] to insult and oppression, then indeed the army may become mercenary, as no man of honour or property will remain in it, and those who do, will naturally favour every change, having nothing to lose and every thing to gain.
As the writer of these lines may possibly be guessed at, and those who are disposed to judge with severity, may among many other faults, censure the expressions as too strong or hazarded, and the language as not sufficiently chaste or indeed correct, he begs leave to be allowed in extenuation of his offences to observe, that licences which might be extremely improper in a Sermon, may perhaps admit of excuse in a preamble to a Book of Songs. In other respects, if he should succeed in drawing the attention of officers to an object that appears to him useful, he is little solicitous about the appearance he himself may make upon this occasion, and with much indifference gives up his literary character to the wrath of whatever enraged critic may choose to exercise his gall upon it; recommending it to the gentlemen of that family, when they shall find their bile overheated by so doing, to quit the Preface and apply to the Songs, which will probably excite some unusual feelings of candor and good humour, that, however ill they may suit the temper of a Critic's mind, will certainly contribute to the health of his body.