THE illative particle therefore, leads us back to verse 1 and 2, Judge not, that ye be not judged. For with what judgment ye judge, ye shall be judged: and with what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again. q. d. Do not judge and censure others, further than you would think it reasonable and just for you in a like case to be judged and censured. Give no worse measure to a neighbour, than you would think it fit and just to receive from him, could you exchange sides, and you be in his case and he in your's. Or the reference may be to verse 7, Ask, and it shall be given you: seek, and ye shall find, &c. Then it intimates, that, if in answer to our prayers, we would receive good things from God, we must do things fair, just, and of good report one towards another. Zech. 7. [Page 6] 9, 10, & 13. Thus speaketh the LORD of hosts, saying, Execute true judgment, and shew mercy and compassion every man to his brother. And oppress not the widow, nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor: and let none of you imagine evil against his brother in your heart. Therefore it is come to pass, that as he cried and they would not hear, so they cried and I would not hear, saith the LORD of hosts. Isa. 1. 15. And when ye spread forth your hands, I will hide mine eyes from you: yea, when ye make many prayers, I will not hear: your hands are full of blood. God heareth not sinners acting in contempt of his moral law, and especially the law of the second table, respecting our duty one to another.

BUT this golden rule, uttered by our Judge and Lawgiver, Prince and Saviour, in the sermon on the mount, is suited to all the circumstances and conditions of human life: very proper on the present important occasion; for it is fit for all occasions, and suitable for every relation; good for all com­munities and orders of men, in this evil world. The very work of righteousness, by this rule, is peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever.

THE whole of our duty, to God and man, is briefly sum­med up, Mat. 22. 37 on. Jesus said unto him, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first and great commandment. And the second is like unto it, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets. They are the substance of all that Moses and the Prophets have written, as rules of duty to God and men. Rom 13. 8, on. He that loveth another, hath fulfilled the law. For this, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not bear false witness, Thou shalt not covet, and if there be any other commandment, it is briefly comprehended in this saying, namely, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. Love worketh no ill to his neighbour: therefore love is the fulfilling of the law.

[Page 7] THE rule in the text is the same in effect as loving our neighbour as ourselves, or a branch from that sacred root: or it is that excellent law reduced to practice, and comprehends the whole law of Moses, and writings of the prophets, so far as they have taught us our duty, in our several relations one to another.

THIS divine law, for regulating our moral conduct, is very plain and easy to be understood; it is concise, and easy to be remembered. Any man that has the faculty of reason, and a will to do his duty to his fellow creatures, by the aid of self-love, may soon discern it in the glass of this rule. Self-love is first, or it could not be a rule of loving our neigh­bour. By a natural and innocent self-love, we first look within, and consider what we would in reason have done to us, in the like case, and proceed to conduct in like manner towards others.

AWAY then with all the metaphysical jargon of the schools, or of our mystical divines, that pretend in that way to teach us our duty; and attend to the wise instructor, who used great plainness of speech, and taught the way of God in truth. Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, &c.

• I. EXPLAIN and illustrate this excellent rule.
• II. THE reason to enforce it.
• III. POINT out duty in some special cases by this unerring rule.
• IV. THE application.

I. EXPLAIN and illustrate this excellent rule.

A VICIOUS self-love and hatred of others, will render us incapable of entering into the spirit of the text. It doth not mean that we should do to others, as an heart leavened with malice and wickedness, and hatred of God's law, would in that temper wish to have done to us. The wicked join hand in hand; aid a sinful companion to perpetrate, and cover sin, [Page 8] hoping for the like deceitful favours from him again. But this is a conspiracy against the whole moral law, and making it void: yea it is an impious, and daring attempt to jostle the Almighty Ruler from his throne, and repeal the sacred de­calogue, and cancel all our bonds of duty to the supreme king. An unjust judge that neither fears GOD nor regards man, may thus think with himself, If I was in the case of this poor criminal at the bar, I should wish to be discharged, howe­ver unjust it might be; I will therefore acquit him, and do as I would be done by. But the judge ought to ask himself thus, if I was in the case of this prisoner, what could I in reason ask of a judge, consistent with his office, the honor of law and rights of justice? The answer would be, so much mercy as is consistent with justice, the honor of government, and faithfulness of his office, and no more. Whatsoever in a consistency with truth, with reason and jus­tice, we would that men should do to us, so should we do to them. We must not counteract our sense of justice, the honor of law, or majesty of conscience, under a mistaken notion of this rule. Him that would borrow of thee turn not thou away, sounds as obliging us in all cases whatsoever. But let common sense bring the words to this infallible test, thus. My neighbour asks such a favour: if I grant it I shall disoblige myself, five times as much as I shall oblige him. Could I in honor and reason, ask him to injure him­self so much to oblige me so little? Surely no.

I WILL therefore deny him. Rutilius, the noble Roman, be­ing requested to do an unworthy thing for his friend, re­fused. Whereupon his friend reproached him as violating the sacred laws of friendship. He then replied in a manner be­coming his sense of honor; "I can well bear the loss of such a friend, whose friendship cannot be preserved, but upon the hard terms of breaking thro' all the laws of justice and honor." This master-piece of human nature, merely by natu­ral light, did as he would be done by.

[Page 9] ALL orders of men may soon find out their duty, if they are willing to know and do it. Thus. The husbandman may say, if I followed any trade or other business for my support, should I think it just to set such an exorbitant price for the necessaries of life; to use extortion, and make a neighbour's necessity my opportunity to exact more than is meet? The lawyer may say, was I in the place of my poor client, at the head of a needy family, could I think it just to exact such a fee, and have my case put off from court to court? The merchant may say, was I the buyer, should I think it reasonable to give such a price? The magistrate may say, was I the subject, could I think it just, to be ruled with such rigour, and have my life made bitter by cruel bondage? A master may say, if I was the poor ser­vant, should I not think such severity hard and unjust, and quite unbecoming one that has a master in heaven, with whom there is no respect of persons?

WE find Joseph, Gen. 42. 17. using a judicious, necessary, and well timed severity towards his brethren; but on the third day after their imprisonment, says, this do and live: for I fear GOD. He must forsake the fear of the almighty, or [...] his afflicted brethren, tho' under a necessary discipline. He will be as tender and benevolent towards them, as his judicious soul could wish them to be, were they in his case, and he in theirs. He had himself been in prison. The irons had entered into his soul, and his feet hurt with fetters. He had learned to pity the distressed, and strangers, by the things he had suffered, and as the law in the text, then un­written, was resplendent in his conscience. The like fear of God, and benevolence to men we find in Job 31. 13, on. If I did despise the cause of my man-servant, or of my maid ser­vant, when they contended with me: what then shall I do when God riseth up? and when he visiteth, what shall I answer him? Did not he that made me in the womb make him? and did not one fashion us in the womb? Ver. 21. If I have lift up my hand against the fatherless, when I saw my help in the [Page 10] gate: for destruction from God was a terror to me, and by reason of his highness I could not endure. In a word, that judicious tenderness, and generous benevolence, which never fail to accompany the fear of the Almighty, will guide us in the path of duty according to this rule. None of us will live to himself, but as members one of another And as ma­ny as thus walk by this rule, peace be on them, and mercy, and upon the Israel of God.

THIS path of our indispensable duty, is the sure way for the lengthening our own tranquility; and our peace and hap­piness are closely linked with our duty. This law is liberty, and this service freedom: in keeping this commandment, there is great reward. ^*

II. THE reason to enforce it: For this is the law and the prophets. If we mean to claim kindred with Moses, and the prophets, Christ and his apostles, we must attend to this gold­en rule. If we set it aside, we discard all the sacred wri­ters [Page 11] and refuse submission to that one Lawgiver, who is able to save and to destroy. If we have any reverence for the Jewish lawgiver, who was king in Jesurun: any regard to that spirit of truth that inspired all the prophets, or to our King on the holy hill of Zion, who is now in the midst of the throne in heaven, and sitteth King forever: or to the words of inspiration in the writings of the apostles of the Lamb, we must attend to this law. But if we cast this law behind our back, it will be interpreted, that we will not have Christ to reign over us. Let us not divide Christ from his own law, or separate Moses and the prophets from their own writings; as the infidel Jews built the sepulchres of the prophets, pretending a mighty reverence for their persons, while they rejected and crucified the Lord of Glory, to whom all the prophets gave witness. The doctrine and law of Christ is Christ. Eph. 4. 20. But ye have not so learned Christ, viz. as a lesson. So when Moses and the prophets are said to be read, we understand their writings. Let us then receive this law from the mouth of our gracious lawgiver, and lay up this his commandment in our hearts, or give up all the sacred laws of the holy bible. The shocking conse­quences of this latter, you may prove by arguing from the less to the greater, in the words of him that is ordained of God to be judge both of quick and dead. Mat. 5. 19. Who­soever therefore shall break one of these least commandments, and shall teach men so, he shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven.

III. POINT out duty in some special cases by this unerring rule.

1. I PRAY you, my friends and brethren, to take a tour with me over to Great-Britain, and see this divine law intro­duced at the highest court of the nation, or at a British junto, laying a plot to enslave America. But first allow me to take one thing for granted, which I am sure you cannot in honor, or with truth and justice deny me, viz. that the king and parliament, and all the ministers of state in Old-England, are as fully bound and obliged by this law, as the meanest pea­sants. He that sitteth on the circle of the earth, beholds the inhabitants thereof as grashoppers before him, and regardeth [Page 12] the rich no more than the poor, for they all are the work of his hands. Distempered minds may have respect to him that weareth the gay cloathing, and despise the man in vile apparel; but God doth not so. He sees the difference to be trivial and momentary. They will soon he down alike in the dust, and the worms shall cover them. The potentates of the earth, that in contempt of God make a prey of their fellow creatures, will find sooner or later, that God is more glorious than these mountains of prey. When they are brought down to the sides of the pit, you may see their infamy and weak­ness painted in lively colours. Isa. 14. 10. All they (in the infernal regions) shall speak and say unto thee, Art thou also become weak as we? Art thou become like unto us? Thy pomp is brought down to the grave, and the noise of thy viols: the worm is spread under thee, and the worms cover thee. ver. 16. They that see thee, shall narrowly look upon thee, and consider thee, saying, Is this the man that made the earth to tremble? that did shake kingdoms? that made the world as a wilderness, and destroyed the cities thereof? that opened not the house of his prisoners? ver. 18. All the kings of the nations ( viz. that had not been ty­rants but benefactors to their people, and like Augustus, fathers of their country) even all of them lie in glory, every one in his own house. But thou art cast out of thy grave as an abominable branch; and as the raiment of those that are slain, thrust thro' with the sword, that go down to the stones of the pit, as a carcase trodden under fe [...]t. Thou shalt not be joined with them in burial, because thou hast destroyed thy land, and slain thy people: the seed of evil doers shall never be renowned. Doeg, an armourbearer to king Saul, has hands full of blood, makes not the Lord his strength, but trusts in the abundance of his riches, and strength­eneth himself in his wickedness, by the favor of his bloody prince. But God soon plucks him away, and roots him out of his dwelling place. They that set God at defiance, and trust in oppression, and become vain in robbery, will presently feel their fatal mistake. If earthly rulers are as properly stiled gods at this day, as in old-testament times, when they repre­sented [Page 13] that king that was to come, and is truly God; yet they shall die like men, and fall [...]s other princes have done before them. God respecteth not any that are wise in heart; nor is moved with their deepest laid plots. He leadeth coun­sellors away spoiled, and maketh the judges fools.

BUT it is time to attend on the court.—Hark!—Who is it we hear speaking? Is it a Bute, a Mansfield; or by what name or title shall we distinguish him? ‘What shall we do with our American colonies? If we let them thus alone to govern themselves, and enjoy their own laws, their natural and charter rights and liber­ties, they will soon arrive to such numbers, wealth and greatness, that we shall not be able to control them. In less than a centu­ry, in the manner they have encreased, they will be more nume­rous than England, Scotland and Ireland, with all their appendages in this part of the world. Besides, our people will leave our lands untenanted, and emigrate to that land of liberty, and have lands of their own: and alas! our great proprietors of lands, especially in Scotland, and even in Ireland, must become poor, or work for their living. My advice therefore is, to assume an ab­solute despotic power over them, and assert our right to bind them in all cases whatsoever. In consequence of which openly avowed claim, we may proceed to tax ^* them by a stamp-act and duty on tea; obliging them to purchase it of us, or live without it. We may show our high authority also by changing times and laws, curtailing their privileges, altering their charters, blocking up their harbours, stopping their trade, and prohibiting by our decrees their fishing. And if, after all, they will not surrender their liberties, and submit to all the grievousness we may pre­scribe, we can outlaw them by the omnipotence of parliament; we may call them rebels, send armed forces among them, divide and conquer them, or wear them out: then seize their lands; and such as we are pleased to save alive, may be our tenants at will, [Page 14] and upon our own terms. Thus a greater revenue will arise from America, than from the conquered kingdom of Ireland. We can then make ample provision for all the friends of our govern­ment, which at present we cannot do.’ Who is this that seconds the motion? ‘The honorable gentleman that spoke last, has proposed something worthy of himself. Surely his heart is very deep. I apprehend the plan may be easily carried into execution. The Americans will not fight: or if they do, they will not be able to cope with the power of Great-Britain. And if the nation's debt be encreased, it may soon be reimbursed by confiscating estates, and other revenues arising from America. The ready rhino will engage many in America to promote our designs. King Charles the first, tho' a very good king and martyr, was impolitic in taxing the people as he did, without the votes of parliament, (for they would not abet his measures.) But we, you may ob­serve, have a good parliament, that will vote things proposed to them by the minister, that must be supposed to know better than they, what is fit for them to vote.’—But are all united in this device? No.—Who is that tall, that grave, that venerable perso­nage? Is it the noted, the victorious Earl, from whose tongue a more than Ciceronian eloquence has so often flowed in the cause of his country, and in defence of truth and justice?

The turn that things took in Great-Britain we all know very well. But whether they did right or wrong, I will not absolutely determine, but follow that of the apostle, to judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who both will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and make manifest the counsels of the heart. I shall leave the representation on each side to your sober consciences, and refer the whole matter to him that judgeth righteously. And may I not on this occasion adopt the words of Jepthah in his pungent re­monstrance against an invading Ammonitish king? Judg. 11. 27. Wherefore I have not sinned against thee, but thou dost me wrong to war against me: the Lord the judge be judge this day, between the children of Israel and the children of Ammon. And of this you may be assured, that if the Britons have dealt truly and sincerely with Americans, they will rejoice in all the advantages, they may at any time have gotten against us; but if not, then a fire will come out from some where, and burn in their consciences, or in their land; and a fire kindled in God's anger, if repentance and faith in the atoning blood of the great sacrifice prevent not, will burn to the lowest [Page 17] hell. The God of judgment and the God who is love, beholdeth mischief and spite, to requite them with his hand. The poor leav­eth it to him. We will then leave the Britons to their own master to stand or fall, while we know for certain, that they must be judg­ed as well as we, by this perfect law of love and liberty in the text. In this unerring balance must they and all their conduct towards America be weighed; and it lies upon them to consider whether they shall not be found wanting.

2. LET us then bid adieu to the land of our forefather's sepul­chres. A dark cloud is thence arising upon America. What shall we do? Shall we tamely submit to all their encraochments, or shall we resist? This is the important point to be canvassed. But before we attend the council, let one thing be granted, viz. that we all ought, with great reverence and humiliation, to submit to God, and own his hand. Who gave Jacob to the spoil, and Israel to the robbers? Is it not the Lord, against whom we have so grievously sinned? God has drawn out a sword against us, to avenge the quarrel of his covenant. And his anger is not yet turned away, but his hand is stretched out still. For the people turn not to him that smiteth them, nor do they (duly) seek the Lord of hosts. The wicked chastising the people of God, are his hand and sword. We must have our uncircumcised hearts humbled, and accept of the punishment of our iniquity, receive correction, own that God is righteous, and that we are wicked.

AFTER the wicked counsel of Balaam to draw Israel to sin, that they might be forsaken of God, and become a prey to the Moabites, it was ever the cunning craft and policy of the enemies of Israel, to fall upon them, when they forsook God, and their defence departed from them. Would the Britons have dared thus to magnify them­selves against this people of the Lord of hosts, had they not been apprised of our declensions, and abounding iniquities? The iniqui­ties of Israel often brought them low, and withheld good things from them; as we are now brought low by our iniquities. But shall we submit to men, in what appears to us a matter of wrong and injustice? Some tool of British tyranny stands up in it's de­fence, [Page 18] and presses submission. ‘We are obliged to fear and honor the king, to be subject to the higher powers, to obey magistrates, and submit to every ordinance of man, and not meddle with them that are given to change. The powers that be are ordained of God. Many of us are under an oath of allegiance: great would be the guilt of perjury if we resith. We ought to obey the king's commandment, and that in regard to the oath of God, which obliges us to non-resistance and passive obedience.’

‘FURTHER, we cannot withstand the power of Great-Britain. She has long in a good measure held the balance of Europe. We have neither counsel, nor strength, nor preparations for the war. If we refuse the decrees from our mother country, however un­righteous, nothing but ruin is before us. It is the best prudence for us to bow our shoulders to bear all the burdens that may be laid upon us, rather than to make bad worse, by rising in rebellion against the government.’

‘MOREOVER, if we were in the case of the king and his ministers, we should wish for a tame submission. Let us do as we would be done by, if we were in their case and they in our's. So that our duty to God, prudence for ourselves, and our duty one to another, as enjoined us in the golden rule, do all oblige us to non­resistance, and passive obedience.’ If you are shocked at such a gross perverting the scripture, you will do well to consider, that he that is first in his own cause seemeth just; but his neighbour cometh and searcheth him out. Let us attend to an American pa­triot, and hear what can be said in reply. ‘We owe our first and chief subjection to the supreme King: and the fear of God is first before the fear of an earthly king. Our obedience to earthly rulers is to be for the Lord's sake, and in obedience to him. They must then conduct as his vicegerents, be the ministers of God for good to the people; act in character as benefactors to mankind, shepherds of the people, to watch over, feed, protect, and rule them to their, own happiness. An earthly ruler must indeed be obeyed while he guides and governs in the integrity of his heart, and by the skilfulness of his hands. I readily agree in this, that a civil magistrate should be obeyed, as long as he an­swers [Page 19] that character, Esth. ro. 3. For Mordecai the Jew was next unto king Ahasuerus, and great among the Jews, and accepted of the multitude of his brethren, seeking the wealth of his people, and speaking peace to all his seed.’

‘BUT when a king breaks over the compact, violates his coro­nation oath, sets aside truth, justice, and mercy, those foundations of all government human and divine; no more acts in character by redressing the grievances of his people, is deaf to their petitions, withholds his protection, yea commences hostilities against them; and because they put not into his mouth what he cannot constitutionally demand, ^* he even prepares war against them: such an one doth virtually unking himself, become an usurper, and give out his mandates without authority. If a king will keep within the line of his office, and exercise only a lawful and constitutional authority, he must be obeyed: but if he and his ministers arrogantly think to change times and laws, and alter the constitution, we must not meddle with them thus given to change. We are obliged by the allegiance we owe to Christ, to discard all usurpation, and tyranny among men. My soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united. Shall he prosper, by despising the oath, by breaking the covenant? Shall the statutes of Omri be kept, and all the works of the house of Ahab, in contempt of the great King? We [Page 20] have a divine warrant to resist a tyrant and oppressor, not only in the oracles of truth, but by that light and law of nature, by which we resist a thief or robber, that cometh not but for to kill, to steal, and to destroy; demanding our purses, spoiling our goods, and threatening our lives. This law of nature was put into us by our great Creator, has been in force in all ages, and among all nations: not to resist in such a case, is the way to receive to our­selves damnation. The Holy Ghost stiles them roaring lions, ravening wolves, leopards, bears, dragons, crooked serpents, and such like venomous beasts; and who ever disputed the lawfulness of resisting such mischievous devourers?’ But are we able to defend ourselves against such a potent unnatural enemy? We will not boast of our own strength, nor vaunt ourselves against our foes. We own we have no might against this great company of savages, and foreigners, and Britons, that cometh against us, neither know we what to do, but our eyes are to the hope of our Israel; our help is only in the Lord that made heaven and earth. Our fathers trusted in him, and were delivered from the numerous natives. We cannot help ourselves, but God can help us; and it is well known that power belongeth to God, and he can save with many or few, as he pleases. And tho' we are now under his frowns, yet we hope for a reformation, and that God will return and have compassion ac­cording to the multitude of his tender mercies. But if we surrender our liberties, we give up the divine protection, and virtually say as Jehoram, This evil is of the Lord; what or why; should I wait for the Lord any longer? We know he is a God of judgment, and hat­eth wrong and injustice. Tho' for wise and holy ends, he may, for a time, look on them that deal very treacherously, and hold his tongue, while the wicked devoureth the man that is more righteous than he; and make men like the fishes, the greater devouring the less; yet he is the holy one of Israel: will sooner or later vindicate his name. And when he riseth to save all the meek of the earth, he will make the wrath of man to praise him. We hope he will, in his own time, judge our fees, and plead our cause against an un­godly nation, that delight in war, and against all that have been an [Page 21] arm of strength to the children of Lot. The justice of our cause gives us hope of help from a faithful Creator. If a parliament, at three thousand miles distance, can bind us in all cases whatsoever, our lands are at their dispose. Strange, if they be the proprietors of America, that they never put in their claim before. When the king of the children of Ammon, invaded Israel, to take spoil and a prey, he had no other pretext for his injustice but this, viz. Israel took away my land, when they came out of Egypt. Now therefore restore again those lands peaceably. The truth was, the Moabites had taken those lands before Israel's coming, and Israel took them from the Moabites, by the special gift and favor of him whose is the earth and the fulness thereof: and the people of God had quietly possessed them for 300 years.

WE have a title to our lands by possession; for more than a cen­tury and half. The great proprietor of the universe, and the God of the whole earth has given us our lands, by almost as great won­ders as those wrought for Israel, in giving them the land of Canaan. It has been the practice, and is till this day, to purchase them of the natives; and our lands have been guaranteed to us by the king of England. Is not all this enough to make out our title? Must we now be turned out of the possession, which God hath given us to inherit? Must we be servants in the land which we have so good a title to? When king Ahab received the summons from Benhadad to surrender, 1 Kings, 20. 3. Thy silver and thy gold is mine, thy wives also and thy children, even the goodliest are mine: he submitted upon this tenor— My lord O king, according to thy saying, I am thine, and all that I have. i. e. I will pay homage to thee as my liege Lord. But the cruelty and covetousness of the tyrant, like the horseleech's two daughters, crying, Give, give, being embolden­ed by so ready and tame a submission, he proceeds to add insult to a most extravagant demand; the substance of which was, that his servants should search his house, and take what they pleased, and especially what was most pleasant and goodly in the eyes of Ahab. The elders of the land were then consulted. They all agree not to hearken to such a cruel insulting demand. This thing I may not do, [Page 22] is the message back. There is a may not, or a cannot, in such cases. God then frowned upon the insulting foe. If we struggle for our liberties, and are conquered, we may be humbled and reformed, and God may at length pity his people. The wheels may turn, but if we give up our liberties, before they are by violence wrested from us, they are gone forever.

THE most popular plea for a tame surrender of our all, to be bound in all cases whatsoever, is that proposed by Sennacherib, Isa. 36. 16. A plea likely to prevail with people that are weak, unthinking and soon weary of the troubles of the war. Thus saith the king of Assyria, make an agreement with me by a present, and come out to me: and eat ye every one of his vine, and every one of his figtree, and drink ye every one of the waters of his own cistern: until I come and take you away to a land like your own land, a land of corn and wine, a land of bread and vineyards. Hezekiah had given him above two hundred thousand pounds sterling, to turn away from him, and yet in violation of the treaty, and without returning the money, he would persuade them to trust him with their all; and that they may thereby better their condition. But tyrants with all their fair pro­mises, are political hypocrites; and they that believe them are en­snared. The whole truth is not told. The whole is thus. If you will rely upon the word of one that neither fears God nor regards man, and lately proved himself so false to Hezekiah, you may qui­etly possess your estates, so long, and no longer, than the tyrant pleases. Whom he will he slays, and whom he will he keeps alive. If he sees cause to give your lands to his soldiers, he will carry you to a land (and it may be) as good as your own: but it will not be your own. You will be poor and strangers in it, and far from the holy land. Is this to better one's condition? But you may say, if I was the prime minister of state in England, I should wish for a surrender of American liberties, and we must do as we would be done by. If you was as blind and infatuated as all tyrannical mi­nisters and in their place, you would, doubtless, do as they do. So, if you was a wolf, you would wish to have the sheep tamely submit to be devoured; and if you was a devil, you would go about as a [Page 23] roaring lion seeking to devour. But this is not the sense of the rule. If you was a Briton, could you in reason, conscience and honor, desire such a tame, unmanlike, dastardly submission in America? If not, then by this rule you cannot find yourself obliged to surrender. I speak as to wise men; judge ye what I say. Weigh the premis­es, and stand up in self-defence, or yield yourselves as willing slaves, and entail bondage upon your children; who, perhaps, may rise up and call you cursed; but if you struggle and are conquered, your own consciences will not reproach you, and your children may rise up and call you blessed, on account of your faithful endeavours. And who can tell how soon the tables may be turned? The great God may appear for us, and make Britons to know that the heavens do rule: that he whose name alone is Jehovah is the most high over all the earth. Let us do our duty and leave the event with God, who will certainly shew that he rules in Jacob and to the ends of the earth, being king of nations as well as king of saints, and will plead our cause. He styles himself a God that bringeth down high looks, and saveth the afflicted people; and hath said, by strength shall no man prevail.

3. Now, sirs, I request your patience, hoping you will take a turn with me to the metropolis of that State, to which we were an­nexed in 1764, enter their cabinet, and attend to the state politici­ans. ‘If the New-Hampshire Grants on our northern borders were annexed to us, we might lay claim to their lands, and fill our purs­es, by granting patents, and get a large share of those lands into our hands. This will greatly impoverish the new settlements, and bring them low. We may set up officers over them, that will promote our designs, and establish courts so numerous and expensive, as to be too heavy for them to bear: by all which many will become our tenants. We may enlarge the quit-rents, and hold them subject to special writs from this chief seat of go­vernment, and keep them low. Now is the time. Let us not consult them. They will oppose the motion here and in Great-Britain. But let us write to the king, and represent it as for their interest to be annexed to us, and request it as a favor. [Page 24] And considering the plan formed to subjugate these Colonies, and considering who is on the throne, and about it, we shall be easily be­lieved. And if by an arbitrary act, they should be annexed to us, it will be a good step to teach the Americans submission to despotic government, and will bring us under special obligations to stand by them in all their future advances of arbitrary power. And as for the new settlers, poor people, they will not be able to withstand the royal authority, and so they may in the event be to us, what Ireland is to Britain.’ Do all thus seek their own, not every man another's wealth?

THE wicked plotteth against the just, and gnasheth upon him with his teeth: the Lord shall laugh at him, for he seeth that his day is coming. A snare did not use to be laid in the sight of any bird. The new settlers are about their necessary business, and are little aware of the pit that is made, and the snare hid for them. But doth the cabinet afford no patron for injured innocence? Have the oppressed no comforter, while on the side of their oppressors there is power? Yes, beloved. For justice shall not be wholly run down, without a witness for it's injured rights. There was a Nichodemus in the Jewish court, that could say as much for an inju­red, abused Messiah, as he ought to have said for the worst of cri­minals. Doth our law judge any man before it hear him, and know what he doth? And there was a Lot, you know, even in Sodom, that could plead the laws of friendship, and sacred rights of hospitality, on behalf of the two angels his guests. Hear one then, even in the cabinet, that fears God, and regards man; is judicious, just, and hating covetousness; that wisely knows that the exacting money for patents of those that came honestly by their lands, is but picking their pockets at the expence of justice; and that treasures gotten by deceit, or a lying tongue, are a vanity tossed to and fro of them that seek death. ‘Are you in earnest, [Page 25] gentlemen? Is it possible? Can such policy as this be harboured a moment in our cabinet? Don't we all acknowledge a God that judgeth in the earth? And shall not the measure we mete to others, be measured to us again? Will not a faithful Creator take their part, and have respect to the work of his hands? Shall we not set the cries of the widow, the fatherless, and afflicted against ourselves? Shall we that now hate them in practice, get to be rulers over them? Hatred is often covered by deceit, but love is without dissimulation. Let us follow the dictates of hu­manity and charity, and do as we would be done by. They have now already got as good a title to their lands, as the English government can give; if this must fail, other titles may be cal­led in question, and the public faith be no foundation to build our interests upon. Shall titles of lands fail, and private property be changed, by being annexed to a different government under the same king? Who ever thought of such a nonsensical de­struction of private property, by all the additions to Connecticut, or Rhode-Island, from the Massachusetts-Bay? I had rather be confined to our present limits, than to have them enlarged by such gross deceit, iniquity, and injustice.’

I SHALL leave it to you, gentlemen, to decide upon the premises; and only add, that the late governors and courtiers of New-York must, as well as we, be judged by this perfect law of liberty; and all their conduct towards these plantations, be weighed in that ba­lance; and he that knoweth to do good, and doth it not, to him it is sin.

4. Now, beloved, if you are not quite exhausted by hearing so many hard and ungrateful things, I must intreat you to retire with me, and let us hold a consultation among ourselves. Let us consi­der, take advice one of another, and speak our minds freely. The question now to be discussed is, Are we obliged by the perfect law of love and liberty, to continue under the yoke of that state, to which with so much injustice we were annexed? We must be free with, and friendly to one another, as companions in tribulation: with a mutual fellow-feeling together, and a genuine tenderness for [Page 26] our offspring; keeping all along in view the common cause of these injured and oppressed states. We all know the woe pro­nounced in the word of God, against them that decree unrighteous decrees, and write the grievousness that they have prescribed; and that all the unrighteous acts in the world are in contempt of the God of judgment; so that all the world ought to discard them, if able to do it. Such arbitrary, unjust acts, are never ratified in heaven. It is supposed that the open sons of Beliel, that will endure no yoke, perpetrating their wickedness in contempt of all law; do not so exceedingly provoke the Lord, as the ministers of justice, framing mischief by law. These latter do in effect make the Supreme Ruler to serve with their sins, and use his authority against himself. Let us call in self-love to our aid, and our justice and charity begin at home. We are chiefly from New-England; our genius and temper, and the laws we have been accustomed to are very different from those of New-York. Hence it may be rea­sonably supposed, that these counties would have been three or four times as numerous, at this day, had they never been annexed to that state. And should we continue a few years more in that con­nection, and the quitrents be exacted according to the late resolve of their convention, for the time past, as well as now to come; we must soil our lands, if we can find buyers, at least in part, in order to pay them. The encrease of our inhabitants will be retarded. But let us for a minute set all these aside, and consider our distance from the chief seat of government, some three, and some four hun­dred miles from the chief place of trade and business. How is it practicable for us to be represented, in their assemblies, in any mea­sure answerable to the exigences of these remote plantations? A tender God enjoined his people Israel, Deut. 17. 14, on, to set no other as king or ruler over them but (as it is expressed) one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee: thou mayest not set a stranger over thee, which is not thy brother. ver. 20. That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren. It is elsewhere mentioned as a curse, to have them that ha [...]e us to rule over us. We know men by their fruits. Actions are more invincible proofs than words. [Page 27] We look upon all to be strangers that have no fellow-feeling with us; and all those as our brethren, that are afflicted in all wherein these plantations are afflicted. Now, if you find yourselves obliged to think that the rulers of that state hare us, are strangers to us, stand aloof from our sore, have forged chains for us, and lift up themselves above us, not owning us as their brethren:—How, in the name of reason, can you expect they will assist us in opening a trade to the lake, in erecting those mechanical works, that are need­ful in these remote parts? It is no pleasure to me to renew your ancient griefs. But I must drop a few words. You have the feelings of humanity; judge ye what I say. Is it reasonable? is it just? is it for the public weal? that an infant county, after the expence of a court-house and goal, should have four county courts in a year, and to all these three or four times the number of jurymen be summoned, at the nod of a petty deputy-sheriff, that [...]s necessary? And if any, at two days warning, tho' without an horse and cash, do not attend, at the distance of thirty, forty, or fifty miles, and stay the whole week, or till dismissed, upon their own cost, while they have nothing, or next to nothing to do: in a few days almost the only support of their poor families, except bread, must be seized by the officer. Is this justice? Is this to maintain the honor of government? Doth not righteousness, at this rate, spring up as poisonous hemlock in the furrows of the field? Doth it consist with justice, with mercy, with humanity, or with any thing laudable and praise-worthy, even among Pagans, to govern such infant settlements (or any other) by a law, in virtue of which a poor neighbour, at a small distance, may have his cow taken from him for a note of hand for three shillings with cost? Who that has one spark of humanity, but would sooner lose a dozen such trifling debts, than to be the maker, or executor of such a law? But I could wish many past things might be buried in oblivion, provided we might, with the consent of our neighbouring state, enjoy liberty and wholesome laws for the time to come. Is it then? I appeal to reason, to conscience, Is it the mind of our gracious King, expres­sed in this perfect law of love and liberty, that we continue annexed [Page 28] to that state, against the whole grain of our nature and education, and against those principles of justice, resplendent in your consciences; and contrary to the most apparent interests of these territories? So speak ye, and so conduct in this weighty affair, as they that expect to be judged by this perfect law of liberty.

5. BE so good now, my brethren, as to take a tour with me to Phi­ladelphia, and attend a few minutes to the grand council of these American States. We consider them as defenders of truth, justice and mercy; the patrons of liberty, and advocates for the rights of mankind. We long to hear what passes among them, relative to our affairs, and shall watch to catch any thing out of their mouth in favor of our tranquility and freedom. But let me stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance, that these our political fathers will speak and act in character: they have no creating power to relieve us, but can do nothing against our liberty: yea, they may coun­tenance and encourage us that, if we may be made free, to use it rather.

IT is hoped discretion and prudence will guide us, according to the honesty of our designs in so nice a point as our union with these States.

WE read of one of good understanding in the fear of the Lord; and that God's servant shall deal prudently; and of a good under­standing, which all they have that do his commandments: and we find the fearer of God guiding his affairs with discretion. But we are as well assured, that a great oppressor is void of understanding; and that oppression, or a temper and resolution to oppress, maketh a wise man mad; so that the wisest counsellors of a Pharaoh be­come brutish in their knowledge. They that discard truth and justice, do, in point of prudence, lose their senses, as is evident by the holy bible, and history of all ages. Being hood winked by bribes, or blinded by pride, covetousness and a lust of power; they appear as much infatuated in their politics, as viciated in their mo­rals. Such may apply to the God of judgment to succeed their cruel plots, or to men in authority, to support, beyond their pow­er, their unjust claims, but know not what they ask of God or men; [Page 29] and are as much lost to the dictates of good sense, as to the rights of justice; but I hope better things of this honorable convention, and that a prudent conduct will be added to the goodness of their cause, and honesty of their intentions. How otherwise can we, in a rational way, and by the observation of all ages, account for that wisdom, that has hitherto guided the chief council of these states; commanding such universal reverence, from them; as also from the wisest men in Europe: but that they have all along set the supreme Ruler before them, and kept truth, justice and mercy ever in view? You will then judiciously consider, they can do neither more nor less, for us than as they act for all these united States. They may defend and espouse the cause of any parts or members oppressed; but they cannot oppress, or hurt us. They may do good, but cannot do evil: as the apostle saith, We can do nothing against the truth, but for the truth.

LET us then attend to what passes in that august assembly, and wait a while for the issue. Hearken! Who is this that speaks? Is it a member from that state that has caused so much grief and trouble to these counties? We shall soon know by what he faith. How embarrassed! not by the dictates of his own reason, which might lead him to espouse the cause of an oppressed people, but instructions from his constituents, may have plunged him into this visible confusion. A bad cause indeed, that cannot be defended without such perplexity! ‘The three counties that desire the countenance of this board, as a new American State, were taken from New-Hampshire, and given, or sold to us by a royal edict: our then so kind and good king was to have no small income from those lands, by the largest quitrents ever paid on the continent. Our convention, upon this turn of times, have resolved themselves to be all one a king, to receive those quitrents, which will be all lost to our state, if they should be encouraged to set up as a state by themselves. Our convention, in June 1776, was so kind to them, as to grant several companies of rangers for their defence, which calls for more grateful returns, than their revolting from our jurisdiction. Protection calls for allegiance. It will be [Page 30] much to the injury of our state to be so dismembered, and lose out dominion and tribute money. If such a rebellion against autho­rity should be winked at by this board, we may perhaps withdraw from it, at the call of our constituents, and so break the happy union of these states.’ With as many more arguments as come into his mind, and as little to the purpose.

How forcible are right words, but what doth such arguing re­prove?

BUT we long to bear what is said by some impartial disinterested member, that knows no man after the flesh, whose soul abhors tyranny in America, as well as in Britain: and being inspired with the feelings of humanity, cannot stand aloof from our sore.— ‘Those New-Hampshire Grants were never annexed to the state of New-York by their own consent, but as horses and cattle are shift­ed from one to another by the will of their despotic masters. And their taking the advantage of the change, to put the poor people to the cost of another title to their lands, was carrying the matter of private property, in this case, further than many civi­lized Pagans have done, in case of conquered nations. I should have thought, that no man that knew any difference between right and wrong, (meum and tuum) could have hit upon such a project to get money. And this convention appears to me an heavy burden, which they are no longer able to bear. And if the state of New-York have shewed kindness to those plantations, by granting money for about 200 rangers for their defence; it may serve as some just compensation for the injuries they have received. I would not expose any men or body of men further than justice and truth oblige and necessity urges; yet I must say, on this criti­cal occasion, that (as I have learned) the convention of New-York, in that affair, acted in their simplicity, and knew not any thing of the circumstances of those remote settlements.’

‘THOSE rangers were granted without the knowledge or request of the people in those parts, at the motion of one single man who attained the chief command: and if any representatives from the counties joined in the motion, it was chiefly from his representation. And tho' both officers and soldiers would freely [Page 31] turn out with the militia in those parts upon any alarm, yet when under orders as rangers they were esteemed rather a nuisance than a defence, and innocently the wasters of the public money. And must a people be obliged by a courtesy, they never requested, and which was no favour to them, to be perpetual slaves to their mere nominal benefactors? I depend upon it, the people there know better than to purchase mistaken favours at so dear a rate. But suppose the favour of those rangers as great as was ever proposed, to barter their liberties for it, is to give a most extravagant price. We all think the being bound by Great-Britain to an absolute submission in all cases whatsoever, too great a recompence for her protection. This misapplied expence shews that the divine me­thod is best, viz. that not strangers but our brethren rule over us; that know our wants and circumstances. Had Vermont then been a State independent of New-York, all the expence of those rangers had been spared. We find the Britons to be strangers to us, and making gross mistakes about us, when they meddle with our in­ternal polity. Colonies, at such a distance from their rulers, are treated with contempt. The rulers lift up themselves above their brethren. And many things are done by the rulers which ought not to be done; and many things, which the public good requires, are ignorantly or carelesly omitted. I see not therefore, but those counties have a natural right to freedom, and a fair oppor­tunity to assert it. For my part, I cannot but commiserate their case and feel for their past sufferings. I know the heart of the oppressed, for I myself have been severely scourged by that iron rod. My life has been threatned and endangered, for no other cause, but the sacrificing my interests, and risking my honor and life, in defence of my injured, oppressed country. Nothing gives me greater pleasure, than to be happily instrumental to undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke of injustice and oppression. I rejoice to find in those remote parts wisdom and manhood in asserting their rights as men; and so great a unanimity in the general cause. Let us encourage them. Their advancement will be the glory of the American [Page 32] union. We hope to be free, and that all America will be so, and the cries of the oppressed heard no more, in these western climes. Truth, justice, and mercy, can never do wrong to the state of New-York. I wish the lengthening of their tranquility; but cannot do evil that a false and mistaken good may come to them. If they withdraw from this board, because we cannot become oppressors in their favor, it is hoped they will not boast them­selves as suffering for righteousness sake. I must therefore, (I speak for one) cordially bid them welcome to a seat at our board, as the addition of another state to our happy union; not doubt­ing but other the worthy members, touched with the same feeling for their distresses, and inspired with the same patriotic zeal, for the rights of mankind, will concur in the same.’

IV. APPLICATION, by way of inference and address.

1 Infer. THE God of heaven doth wonders for an oppressed people. The wheels of Providence are full of eyes; and there is often as it were a wheel in the middle of a wheel. He first humbles and proves them, and then doth them good in their latter end. The God of grace knows his own thoughts of peace and mercy to a people, even while he suffers a spirit of unrighteousness to prevail against them. Maketh the ravens to feed Elijah, and bringeth meat to his people out of the eater, and out of the strong sweetness. Had Great-Britain continued her protection and faith and justice to these states, we should never have thought of a change at this time. Ne­ver were colonies more closely attached to the mother-country, or royal family, than these now independent states. Not one in a thousand among us, but was cordially well affected to George the third. Who but a wonder-working God, could so soon have united so nume­rous a people of different interests, in such an entire and established alienation both from Britain and the royal house? The Britons have been the instruments. The way of man is not in himself. God left them to take such measures, and persist in them, against our petitions, and against the remonstrances of the wisest men in Britain. It was of God to rend these colonies from the parent state, and wean us from it. So had we continued under [Page 33] New-Hampshire, we should likely, never have thought, at this time, of forming into a State by ourselves, whatever our oppressors intend­ed. God has made them the tools of his providence, Psal. 9. 15, 16. The heathen are sunk down into the pit that they made: in the net which they hid is their own foot taken. The LORD is known by the judgment which he executeth: the wicked is snared in the work of his own hands. Higgaion; selah. The two last words intimate that we must stop, make a solemn pause, and deeply consider such a wonderous work of God.

2. Infer. OUR past sufferings are adapted to make us tenderly affected one to another; and so lay a foundation for our future peace and union. If this law of love becomes the fundamental principle of our state, we may differ in sentiment, without the least disaffection one to another. Hence the exigences of any part, will be felt by the several members as their own. No man will live to or for himself alone, but as members one of another. So we may in the event count it all joy, that we have fallen into divers tempta­tions, as serving to prepare us for future prosperity and peace.

3. Infer. THAT all treacherous dealing, for or against the coun­try, is contrary to the light of nature, and the perfect law of liberty in the text. Treason in every shape is abhorrent to human nature, and detested among all nations, and in all ages of the world. We must act openly, honestly and faithfully in all we do for the public; and never betray so much as one private friend: be true and faith­ful in what we undertake, and never act under a cloak. I scarce ever read a worse character than that of Lord Lovet, a Scotch rebel, executed at Tower-hill 1745, " True to no king, to no religion true." i. e. Dissimulation and deceit, treachery and hypocrisy, unfaithful­ness and double dealing, were interwoven thro' the whole web of his conduct in religion and politics. We must not turn traitors, tho' to save our country, or do so great an evil that good may come. Dare to be true, to be honest and fair, and leave the event with God. This is the way to have the blessing of God, and the favor of all men of true honor. ^*

[Page 34] 4. Infer. IT is our duty and prudence to treat with justice, ten­derness, and a generous compassion, all that differ from us with respect to measures, while they profess friendship to the country, and act nothing against it. All that openly join with our oppres­sors, I leave to trust in oppression, to become vain in robbery, and take the event. We must wait to see how the ship, in which they have embarked their all, rides out the storm. We leave all that privily aided and influenced Great-Britain to these hard measures, to him that will shortly make inquisition for all the blood shed, in this un­happy and fatal war. Those that enjoy privileges and protection among us, while they secretly practice deceit and aid our enemies in oppressing us, I must leave to our enemies contempt, and their country's abhorrence; for a prey to their own consciences, and to the judgment of him that in all cases requires truth and sincerity in the inward parts.

BUT there are numbers in these states, that cannot see as we do; that are conscienciously engaged not to act against us. They fear we are hurting ourselves, and ruining the country. They cannot see that the kingdom was given to George the third only by com­pact with the people, but to David of old, under a theocracy, by a covenant of salt; and that, nevertheless, it was a just and manly thing in the ten tribes to refuse an absolute submission to Rehoboam, to be bound in all cases whatsoever, after his haughty, imprudent menaces, and telling them of a yoke more grievous, and even of whips and scorpions. They cannot wisely consider that Rehoboam's infatuation was from the God of judgment, and the revolt of the [...]en tribes by his order and counsel: and shewed a manly soul. [Page 35] For is Israel a servant? is he a home-born slave? No, he is free born. God forbad Rehoboam therefore to attempt by war to bring back the kingdom to the house of David; as it was of God, that they were dismembered from it. Their sin was the rejecting not a stupid, imprudent, infatuated Rehoboam, but the whole house of David, in contempt of the covenant of salt, for the infamous son of Nebat, and without doubt too much rashness and fury attended. These our weak brethren cannot see that all that Great-Britain could in justice and manhood have done with us, supposing us to have erred in not making such an absolute submission to them as is due only to the Supreme King, was only to withhold her protection and trade; but to cut our throats, because we will not be at such enormous expence for them, is a punishment so inadequate to the fault, (if it be a fault) as quite shocks our understanding. They cannot see that a compact grosly violated on one side, discharges the obligation on the other. What shall we do with these our weak brethren? To persecute and oppress them on account of their political weakness, will serve only to confirm them in their mis­takes, and may harden them against their country. Weak people are least able to endure a severe discipline. Till such by a fair and impartial trial are convicted of some overt act, against the common cause, we that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please ourselves. Ye, says the apostle, suffer fools gladly, seeing ye your selves are wise. q. d. Ye have the heart felt joy of being wise and judicious yourselves, this should influence you to a generous compassion towards the ignorant, and such as are out of the way. It seems to me both our duty, and for the common good, to endeavor by a friendly, courteous, and faithful spirit towards these mistaken friends, to win and attach them to us. They may be cordially won, and drawn by the cords of a man and bands of love; but all hard speeches and severe treatment, tend to alienate them forever; and may be the unhappy occasion of their own and families ruin. Pride in our own superior wisdom will blind our eyes, and betray us into a foolish and misplaced severity towards those, that do not, with what we in pride may call a due [Page 36] reverence, come into our sentiments. But an humble sense of the law of liberty, will lead us to treat them in the same humble and obliging manner, as we should think it sit to be treated by them, if they were in our case, and had all our wisdom, and we in their's, with all their weakness.

5. Infer. We must yield to this golden rule and law of liberty, before a merciful deliverance from our present troubles. Oh! when shall the hearts of the fathers be turned to their children, and the hearts of the children to their fathers, and the hearts of the disobe­dient to the wisdom of the just; that we may be a people ready and prepared for the Lord to command deliverances for our Jacob? We are now loudly called to reform, to amend our ways, and our doings which have not been good; to acquaint ourselves with God and be at peace, that thereby good may come unto us. Here we must begin, if we mean to comply with the text; and put away those crying sins that have exceedingly provoked the Lord to leave protestants to bite and devour one another. Our iniquities correct us, and our backslidings reprove us; let us know and consider that it is an evil thing and bitter, that we have forsaken the Lord, the only hope of Israel, and forgotten our resting place. The foolish people that blaspheme God, and his enemies that take his name in vain, must be reformed, and learn to fear that glorious and fearful name, the LORD our God. For because of swearing the land mourneth under the sad tokens of the divine displeasure. They that profane the day of sacred rest, and impiously neglect the solem­nities of his worship and ordinances of religion, must return to their duty, and enter into his sanctuary which he hath sanctified forever, that the fierce wrath of the Lord may be turned away from us. For because we have not observed his statutes and despised his sabbaths, God has given us statutes from Great-Britain that are not good, and judgments whereby we cannot live. Wilful impenitents and unbelievers, that tremble not at the words of the living God; fear not his wrath, and will not submit to be ruled and saved by him; spurn at his divine bowels; affront the God of grace, and incense the Saviour of the world; vex and grieve the holy Spirit: these must [Page 37] come to a pause, consider and turn to the Lord, receive the atone­ment, and make their peace with God by the blood of the cross; and all will be well. In a word, the extortioner, the monopolizer of scarce and necessary commodities, the destroyers of our present medium of trade; those that oppress one another, and grind the faces of the poor, must turn back to justice, humanity, and charity, and a love to their country. Iniquity must be put far from our tabernacles, family religion set up, and the rising generation instruct­ed. We must put away all violence from our hands, and malice from our hearts. Love the Lord, and love our neighbour as our­selves. Our pride, self-sufficiency, impenitency, unbelief, wilful contempt of God, and his holy laws, not seeing the hand of God, receiving not correction, trusting not in the Lord, and drawing not near to our God. These have kept us back from honor and victory, and brought us low, and withheld good things from us.

THE Addresses follow.

First, PERMIT me to drop a few hints to the honorable the House of Representatives now convened, to form a plan of govern­ment for this State.

Honored sirs, WHAT is purely political, I shall leave to your better skill and wisdom; and wish you the divine blessing, in all your deliberations. But I trust your candour will not take it as acting out of character, if I suggest some things which may be worthy your future consideration.

THE unanimity of the late Convention in calling upon us to fast, and cry to heaven for direction and help in our present affair, as well as the more public interests of America, intimates to us a pleas­ing ground of hope, that this will be thy land, O Immanuel! That God will be openly acknowledged in all the important business of our State. Tho' the Kingdom of the Redeemer is not of this world, and civil rulers are not to invade the rights of Jesus Christ, yet they may be nursing fathers to the church and the earth may help the woman: they may upon occasion forbid servile labour, and call upon us to fast, or offer thanksgiving to God, without invading his throne. By no means would I urge civil rulers to bind consci­ence [Page 38] in the chains of their decrees. Christ alone is Lord of the con­science: and every man must act for himself in all matters wherein conscience may be obliged, for this plain reason, viz. Every man must give account of himself to God. But it is folly and stupidity for a man to plead conscience for breaking the moral law, which is a transcript of the moral perfections of God, and written upon the hearts of all by nature. Civil rulers are God's vicegerents and deputies on earth, to maintain the honor of his rectoral righteous­ness, and so prevent divine judgments coming upon the people. I hope the legislative and executive powers of this State will so stand in awe of the sovereign Ruler, as to put restraints upon an open con­tempt of God and all religion, blaspheming and the taking h [...] tre­mendous name in vain; adultery as a sin against God and the State, as well as against the party injured; the profanation of the sabbath day, (the morality of which may be easily proved,) and in a word, all gross violations of the sacred decalogue as far as certain proof can be taken in human courts; are iniquities to be restrained by the laws and punished by the judges in all christian States. Neh. 13. 17, 18. Then I contended with the nobles of Judah, and said unto them, what evil thing is this that ye do, and profane the sabbath day? Did not your fathers thus, and did not God bring all this evil upon us, and upon this city? Yet ye bring more wrath upon Israel, by profaning the sabbath.

IN forming a plan of government for this State you will judici­ously temper and balance the powers of the several branches of the legislature, that one cannot arrogate to himself what belongs to an­other. The legislative authority of Great-Britain, by king, lords and commons, has long been the pride and boast of the nation, and envy of other nations. But former and later experience invincibly proves by the most notorious facts, which are the hardest arguments, that when the powers of those three branches by bribes or other­wise are engrossed by one, like the beams of the sun contracted by a glass in a focus, the intense heat may set the whole land in flames. The preventing so great an evil to this State, will demand your closest attention and care.

[Page 39] MONARCHY and oligarchy carry dignity, but may easily degene­rate into oppression and tyranny. Democracy seemeth the most free and eligible at first view, but is found by the experience of all ages both in church and state, [...] to lose [...] dignity, and so can­not answer the ends of government; and has often degenerated into the most bare-faced, intolerable tyranny. But by an happy union of the three, dignity and liberty are best seemed.

THE powers of the ministers of justice, jurymen and all officers are to be prudently adjusted, as well as all the rights and privileges, belonging to every individual. All the people in general thro'out this state, will insist upon their right of being tried by their peers, i. e. by their equals; and shall not the judges and chief officers of the state have the same priviledge secured to them. How would it shock the human understanding, to see a governor e. g. subjected to a mere popular trial? All men of sense and ho [...]or would shun the dignities of the state, if that must be their unhappy fate. We hope for such an establishment of good [...] and wholsome laws, tha [...] it will not be in the power of any man, or order of men, to trouble others but by common law.

PRESBYTERIAN ministers, by the very form of union between England and Scotland and by the oath of the king of that realm, [...] exempted from [...] trials in matters that concern their office, except by those of their own order, as presbytery and synod. And you may be assured, they, and all others of every denomination, will take it very hard, if, in a state wherein all others have their rights secured, they may not be as safe in their office, as under the dominion of Britain.

HAVE we suffered by septennial parliaments, and septennial as­semblies, and a nonsensical and needless expence in the administra­tion of public justice; we now hope for this sowing in tears, to reap an joy the good fruits of our past sufferings. Adversity is the school of wisdom. You will look out with great caution, where others have made shipwreck.

I WISH you prudence, unanimity, and success, and a blessing [...]o crown all your faithful endeavors for our good; and may [Page 40] your service for this state be accepted of the multitude of your bre­thren; and our children, and children's children rejoice in the happy consequences of this business, when, having served your generation according to the will of God, you shall rest in the dust.

AMEN. SO BE IT.

I CLOSE all with a few words to the people here present before God.

IT is a critical day with us. Perilous times are come. Let all unite for reformation and to promote the common cause of America, and good of this State. Whatever we might think heretofore, and however closely attached to the mother country; we must eye the hand of God in the change. God by a series of wonderous provi­dences, has made us independent States. We are now to seek their good.

THE public faith of Britain now well known to us, and how far it is prudent to trust it; their persecuting us with a rage that reach­eth unto heaven, the insults offered to our understandings, as propo­sals for reconciliation, the deeply rooted and so universal alienation of these States, from that kingdom; and our treaties abroad, which may (for ought we know) preclude all rational and moral possibili­ty of a re-union; all these considered seem to oblige us to be so prudent for ourselves, as to think and speak no more of that mat­ter; but to look upon the breach like the sea, past healing. We must, it seems, be their allies, or conquered vassals, or have no con­nections with them.

LET us put away those sins that have armed our enemies against us, and be cordially united in all our efforts for the public weal. The cruelty of our merciless foes, should make us tenderly affected one to another. You may have heard of a man, a lamb, and a lion by chance falling into the same pit, so touched with sympathy and mutual tenderness, under the common calamity, as not to hurt one another. May the law of love, and that spirit of christian morali­ty, that runs thro' the sermon on the mount, be cultivated among us: and O that all the powers of Europe, for our sakes, as well as their own, might be under the influence of that same spirit.

[Page 41] WHEN shall that glorious day appear when wars shall cease to the ends of the earth, by the supreme command of the Lord of hosts? Then Ephraim shall no more envy Judah, nor Judah vex Ephraim. We shall then very cordially unite with Britons, not indeed in civil connections, but in christian fellowship, and amity. The wolf will then dwell pleasantly with the lamb, and the leopard lie down with the kid; and people both in Europe and America try to render each other happy, as much as ever the one has struggled to make the other miserable.

ALL the oppressors, and tyrants of the earth, will then be gone down to the sides of the pit, to lie with the uncircumcised, and their iniquities upon their bones; tho' they were the terror of the migh­ty in the land of the living.

THE greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven, will then be given to the people of the saints of the Most High, and the voice of the oppressor no more be heard. Civil Rulers will then be benefactors (not malefactors) and seek the welfare of their peo­ple: and the people will love and not oppress one another. And in the peace of the civil community, and city of God, will every one have peace. Thy kingdom come, O LORD.