DIVISIONS in families, or neighbourhoods, in church, or in state, are very disagreeable at all times, as they mar the peace of men's minds, alienate their affections from one another, and involve them in jars and quarrels.—Strife and contention naturally proceed from divisions, since every one endeavours to maintain his own party, and pull down those who oppose him; and conse­quently divisions are productive of much sin, as well as misery in the world. For, as the Apostle James observes. ‘Where envying and strife is, there is con­fusion, and every evil work.’ And hence we are often exhorted in the scriptures, to union; and, in order to our loving one another, and to guard against all division and party spirit, to ‘mark them which cause divisions, and avoid them.’ Thus per­nicious is division in general.

[Page 4] But there are particular instances, in which divi­sions are more immediately destructive, as when a country is involved in a necessary war, for the defence of their just rights and liberties. Divisions in such a case, have a natural tendency to weaken their strength, to render all the measures which are planned for their defence abortive, and thus make them an easy prey to their invaders. Our blessed Saviour, long since observed, with the greatest propriety, ‘Every kingdom divided against itself, is brought to deso­lation; and every city or house divided against it­self, shall not stand.’ Many powerful nations, have brought immediate and terrible destruction upon themselves, by their divisions. And hence Deborah in this song, in which she celebrates the great victory which the Lord gave his people Israel, under Barak their general, over Jabin, the powerful king of Ca­naan, who had "mightily oppressed them," while she mentions the general union of the tribes, with the highest praise, marks the divisions of Reuben, with the greatest disapprobation. ‘Why abodest thou among the sheep folds to hear the bleatings of the flocks? For the divisions of Reuben, there were great search­ings of heart?’

As we are called this day by his Honour the Gover­nor of this Colony, to give thanks to God, and ‘Offer up sincere and hearty praises to the Lord, for the many mercies he has bestowed upon us, the past year;’ and particularly for his ‘causing so great harmony and union in America,’ I shall endeavour to prosecute the design of the proclamation, by briefly considering this union—the righteousness of it, the great importance of maintaining it, and the bad consequences of breaking it by divisions among ourselves.

1. To give you some just views of this union, I shall briefly mention a few things, shewing the great im­probability there was, that it would have taken place.

1. The plan of oppression, which the British Mi­nistry [Page 5] had concerted, was immediately aimed at the government of the Massachusetts-Bay. There is in­deed good reason to believe, that all the Colonies were in the end, to share the same fate. But the British Ministry kept this out of sight as much as possible, as they probably meant to subdue the Colonies one after another, expecting but little trouble with the rest, when they had once brought the Massachusetts, to submit. And as they suffered the other governments in general to enjoy their rights and privileges, it did not seem probable to the ministry, that they would in­termeddle, since if they did, they must expect to in­volve themselves immediately, in like difficulties; and it is natural for people to ward off calamities, as long as they can, to put far away the evil day.

It is to be remembered that the southern Colonies were vastly remote from the Massachusetts, by their situation; and different in their produce, and trade, from these northern Colonies. And sundry of them had a different form of religion established among them, more conformed to that which is established in South Britain, than what is generally professed in New England. The connection by trade was great, and the similiarity in religion, in the southern go­vernments, was much nearer to the Mother-Country, than to these northern Colonies.

Now, when we consider these things, it is certain­ly a very remarkable thing, in the course of divine providence, that all the Colonies should, as it were, make the case of suffering and oppressed BOSTON, their own; unite for the common defence of the country, and expose themselves to the frowns of the mother country; when, by aiding and assisting the British ministry, or barely not joining with the rest, the appearance was, that any particular Colony might be entitled, at present, to great privileges and emolu­ments. Some of the Colonies were so distant from others, that they had but little intercourse and ac­quaintance [Page 6] with one another; they never had any general interview, before the aera of the Stamp-act, nor any place, nor Assembly appointed, in which to meet, nor method of electing Delegates to represent them. And the King's Governors, in the several Colonies where they preside, used every precaution in their power, to obstruct, and prevent their coming to such a choice. Yet, notwithstanding, the several Colonies chose their Delegates, who assembled in Congress, at the city of Philadelphia, September 5, 1775.

It was doubtless expected, if they should thus meet in Congress, from Colonies so different in climate, trade, and religion, that they would never agree, but contend and jar, and so break to pieces among them­selves. It is rare to find such a large Assembly, all of the same mind, in the most trifling affairs, much less in such weighty and dangerous matters. It is then very remarkable, that when they were thus met, and had full liberty and leisure, to consider the whole state of affairs; they should all agree as one man: Surely the common danger appeared very great and alarming, and opposition very just; but still they had no power to enforce their resolves and determinations, so that after all, the people in the several Colonies might have refused to comply with the directions of the Con­gress; and there were sundry attempts made by the King's Governours, who, from their high stations, had much influence in their respective governments, and by the emissaries, whom they employed, to pre­vent people's acceding to the rules of the Congress. Sundry, have laboured with all their might, and that with all the arts of deceit and falsehood, to instil pre­judices into the inhabitants, against the Congress. And yet notwithstanding all these endeavours of the mi­nisterial tools, the people in general have complied with their resolves. There are but very few towns on the whole continent, and those very small and ob­scure, but have openly concurred, and appointed [Page 7] Committees of Inspection, to keep a constant look out, and to use the greatest care and diligence, to see the Resolves of the Congress carried into execution.—And thus, take the continent throughout, the union is remarkably great; greater than our enemies could ever believe would possibly take place, and greater than we ourselves had any reason to expect; and the opposite party small and inconsiderable.

For let it be considered, that those, who have es­poused the cause of their country, have all the power at present in their hands. The Offices, civil and mi­litary, are at their disposal, and the whole Militia, the arms and ammunition in the country, under their com­mand; so that such as are otherwise minded, have no power at all at present, to do any thing of consequence. Whereas the Congress having the power of the Mili­tia in their hands, have raised a strong army, and ap­pointed able experienced Generals to command, and made money to pay and support the troops. And God in his providence has so greatly succeeded their coun­sels and arms, that they have reduced those several strong fortresses of Ticonderoga, Crown-Point, Chamblee, and St. John's, ^* in one campaign, which employed the united power of Great-Britain and the Colonies, for sundry years the last war, besides preventing their army at Boston from ravaging the country.

Should it be objected, that there are sundry, in every government, who are far from approving the proceedings and determinations of the Congress, and and therefore that the union is not so great and gene­ral as has been represented; it were easy to answer, that when we consider the union of a country in any plan or measure, it is not expected, that we should go into every obscure parish and by corner, who live out of the way of the knowledge of public transactions, and who therefore "abide among their sheepfolds, to hear the bleatings of the flocks," who are wholly em­ployed [Page 8] about their private affairs; and much less; that we should enquire of every family that live in the woods, who neither know nor care any thing a­bout the country; we need only examine the senti­ments and conduct of those bodies of men, whom they choose to represent them, and in whom they have re­posed their trust and confidence, to manage the great and important concerns of government. Now these have been very unanimous in their determination, to oppose the measures of the British ministry; and hence we may fairly infer, that since the Representa­tives chosen by the people, by fair election, without any bribery or undue influence, to consult and act for them in Assemblies and Congresses, have agreed to make opposition to the measures the parliament have adopted, that the union is complete, notwithstanding that there are a few male-contents scattered up and down in the several Colonies.

But besides this full agreement of the public repre­sentative bodies, we have their opinion, as it were, in their private capacity, agreeing in the same thing. Almost every town on the continent have voluntarily and publicly acceded to this Union, by their express votes. The several Colonies agreed according to the Resolves of the Congress, to raise their quota of soldi­ers when required, to take the field for the common defence. What shall I say, the greater part of the Indian tribes have joined the common cause, notwith­standing all the artifices and industry of the enemy.—And even many of the Canadians, who, from the first settlement of the country, were trained up in hatred and enmity to us, and were our enemies, have openly joined us, and taken up arms in our cause, and have fought with the greatest bravery against the ministe­rial forces.

II. And we have great reason to think, that this is a just and righteous, as well as a general union. This subject is so large, that I cannot pretend to [Page 9] give you a full view of it, but must content myself with suggesting only a few things.

1. It does not appear with any satisfactory evidence, that there is any real need of these taxes, the incomes of Britain being more than sufficient for the support of government, and the defence of the nation, if they were properly applied. Now the subject should never be further burthened with taxes than is need­ful, because rulers are designed for the happiness of their people, and not to impoverish and oppress them. It is a most absurd notion, that subjects are made merely for the pleasure and grandeur of their rulers. But it is a great truth, that rulers ought to be ‘the ministers of God to their subjects, for their good’ and happiness. Needless taxes are not for the good, but the misery, of the subject, tending to reduce them to poverty and distress; and may there­fore be justly considered as wanton undisguised oppression, to support the pride, ambition, and ex­travagance of a few grandees. Why should the in­dustrious farmer and his family suffer by heavy taxes, which are not needful for the real expence and exi­gences of government? Why should the honest la­bourer, who earns his bread by the sweat of his brow, have the incomes of his labour taken away, for no­thing? Why should the industrious poor, be squeezed, to support the corruption and luxury of the great, who know no bounds to their pride and grandeur?—Now, we are well assured, that there is no occasion of these new impositions, unless to support placemen, and pensioners, and to increase bribery, profligacy and dissipation; that the British government used to be supported with dignity in former times, particularly in Queen Elizabeth's reign, at a far less expence. There is much more expended by the present court, than was even in the extravagant reign of Charles II. Were there any necessity for contributing to the real support and dignity of the crown, the Colonies [Page 10] would cheerfully do their part. They were never backward, but raised both men and money, when desired, beyond what we were well able; so that Great-Britain repaid us large sums to reimburse us in some measure for our liberal assistance in their distress. Thus they acknowledged themselves indebted to us, when wise and good councils prevailed—But shall we contribute to support corruption, bribery, and profli­gacy, to their and our destruction!

2. The Colonies had no new claims in view. They were well affected to the Hanover-Family. His Majesty had not a body of more loyal and dutiful subjects in all his dominions than in these Colonies. We gloried in our connection with Great-Britain, and hoped, and earnestly desired, that it might remain undisturbed for many generations yet to come. There was no man, that had any thoughts of setting up for inde­pendence. We were so far from this, that if Great-Britain had offered to detach us from her empire, and allowed us to be an independent state, we should not have accepted it without the greatest reluctance. The known enemies of the country, by their false re­presentations; and the British Ministry, who were credulous enough to believe them without any evi­dence; appear to have been the first, who thought of the independence of the Colonies. And they seem to have done every thing in their power, to provoke to it, by their groundless fears of it, and their unjustly charging us with it; their obstinate perseverence in the false accusation—contrary to the clearest evidence, and the oppressive and cruel measures they have pro­secuted under pretence of preventing it. If this event should take place, to the dismembering and weakening the British empire, it ought in truth and justice to be ascribed to the ministry.

The Colonies had no such thing in view. They only meant to defend those rights and liberties, which they peaceably enjoyed, and that according to the [Page 11] most solemn charters, from the first settlement of the country. If therefore the public faith of Great-Britain, pledged by sacred charters: If the length of time, which any thing is peaceably possest, can give a right to it, which is commonly looked upon to confer as good a title as any; then surely we have a just right of exemption from these new invented impositions.

If the British Parliament had any right to tax us, why did they never set up the claim before?—It is an unheard of thing for any state to relinquish the tribute due to them from any people, for such a great length of time.—Would they have ever pretended they had any right, had not the prodigious extrava­gance, corruption, and bribery, that have been in­troduced, forced them to seek new resources? And to give out some plausible pretence, it was invented, that we were aiming at independence, which had never once come into our heads.

For prosecution of the same plan, they have also amused the people with harangues upon the great national debt. But if Great-Britain be reduced to such poverty and distress by the enormous debt she has contracted, why does she appoint so many of­fices in the Colonies, and gentlemen to fill them, with such vast salaries, where they are not needed? Why is the treasure of the nation thus lavishly squandered away to worse than no purpose, instead of supporting government, to abuse and provoke the people to break out into riots and tumults, to the subversion of good order and government?

When the ships are paid which are employed in supporting the acts that lay these taxes, and the com­missioners receive their salaries, and all who are de­pendent on these impositions, receive their demands, how much will be left to lessen the national debt? And when, and how will the millions expended by [Page 12] Great-Britain, in prosecuting the war she has com­menced for the sake of these taxes, be recovered?

3. We meant to unite on the known and acknow­ledged principles of the British constitution, which the Parliament always observed, and to which they always conformed in former times, as appears from many examples, which might be quoted. The Par­liament has not an absolute, but a limitted supremacy, according to the known principles and usages of the nation; otherwise they might vote to themselves all the estates of the kingdom, and sell the people, that chose them, to foreign nations for slaves. Now there is not any one principle of the British constitution more fundamental and sacred, than this; that no man shall be taxed but by his own consent, by him­self, or his representatives in Parliament. And hence no money can be granted to the crown without the consent of the House of Commons. They justly keep the power of the purse, that when they labour under any grievances, they may stop the Money-Bill, until they obtain redress from the Crown. They say, they give, and grant, which necessarily refers to what is their own, and those they represent; but cannot refer to any thing, which belongs to those who don't stand in this connection. It would be an absurd piece of liberality in any man, or body of men, to give away what is not their own, which can never be re­conciled to common sense.

Now we never chose the British Parliament to re­present us, and therefore they can have no manner of right to give away our money to the crown. And from the immense distance of our situation, all repre­sentation in Parliament is utterly impracticable, and could never answer any end, but to put us to vast ex­pence, and subserve the designs of the Ministry. But we are represented by our own Assembles, and Con­gresses, and therefore to these alone it belongs to tax us. They know our circumstances, and pay their [Page 13] share in the public taxes, so that we may confide safely in them.

4. This is not merely the opinion of the Americans, but also of many the greatest and best members of the British Parliament, who have publickly asserted it, and supported their opinion by many unanswera­ble arguments; both from reason, the principles of the British constitution, and the known practice upon it. Perhaps we might be a little diffident of our own judgment, as we are so deeply interested in the cause: But when gentlemen of the first character, for their understanding, acquaintance with the fun­damental laws and usages of the land, and long expe­rience in public affairs, assert our cause to be just, and support their opinion with such powerful argu­ments, as are sufficient to convince all, but placemen and pensioners; this leaves no room at all to doubt, but we have justice and the British constitution on our side, and are contending for the true liberties, to which we are entitled as freemen, and good subjects, according to the laws of our native land. If this be not so, we must despair of understanding the princi­ples of the British constitution, and may renounce all pretensions to common sense and reason.

5. To corroborate this, let it be further observed, that we have chosen men to represent us in general Assemblies and Congresses, who before these trou­bles arose, were looked upon as wise and understand­ing in all affairs, and as honest and upright, as any in the land; and, as has been already observed, they have met and considered this grand affair at their lei­sure, when they had all necessary books at hand to consult, and all the papers before them that could throw any light upon the subject; and they, after the maturest deliberations, are unanimously of opinion, that the measures of the British parliament are uncon­stitutional, unjust, and oppressive. Now certainly we ought to pay great deference to these learned and wor­thy [Page 14] gentlemen in this matter, since they are much bet­ter qualified to enquire and judge concerning it, are equally disinterested with ourselves, are more expo­sed to the resentment of parliament, than the bulk of the people, and under incomparably greater advanta­ges than we in general can pretend, to form a right judgment in the case. And if we cannot trust to their understanding and integrity, to form a judgment, when we chose them ourselves, whom can we trust?—It would be very absurd for us to condemn them, when we have been far from having their advantages to look into the matter. For how can those form a right judgment, who never had the case fully laid before them, who have not a sufficient share of learning and reading, to form an opinion on the constitution, the proceedings of parliament, and the liberties and privileges of the Colonies?

If any should object, that there is equal reason to confide in the British parliament, it were easy to an­swer, that when they vote the money of the Colonies to themselves, they are judges in their own case, which prevents their being impartial judges in our case; be­cause self-interest perverts the understanding, and gives a wrong bias to the mind, and therefore is ne­ver allowed in any impartial court. And then, as has been observed, there are great numbers, of the first reputation for understanding, who are members of parliament, who have declared these measures to be unconstitutional, unjust, cruel and oppressive, and have warmly opposed them.

And it is well known, that there are many methods used to corrupt and bias the parliament. Where places, and pensions and bribery, are so greatly in fashion, there is no room for any confidence in the equity of their acts and decisions; whereas our Congress are free from all such methods of managing business. It cannot be pretended, even by impudence itself, that the mem­bers of our Congress have been under any undue bias, [Page 15] and therefore the greatest regard is to be paid to their Resolves, as proceeding from uncorrupted integrity.

III. That this union is of the greatest importance in this unhappy controversy will appear, if we can­didly consider the following things.

1. The British Parliament have set up the extra­vagant claim, to make laws to bind us in all cases what­soever; and to give and grant our money by taxes, at their pleasure without our consent; contrary to all reason, the known principles of the British constituti­on, and the constant practice upon them from time immemorial; which is justly looked upon as the great­est grievance, as depriving us of the most valuable part of our civil liberty, and as laying a foundation to increase and support the enormous corruption which threatens the ruin of the nation. Many are the duti­ful petitions which have been presented, to have this grievance removed, but they have been wholly disre­garded. Presuming on their own power, and on our weakness to resist, from the divisions, which they ima­gined must arise among us, they have steadily prose­cuted their plan of oppression, even at last by force and arms. Now Great-Britain is a great and powerful nation both by sea and land. What opposition could one Colony have made to this mighty kingdom, especi­ally if assisted by the rest of her Colonies? It would be very discouraging, if only one half of the Colonies should desert the common cause, join the Mother country, and turn their arms against their bre­thren, who should stand firm in opposition to parlia­mentary measures. Such Colonies would certainly be in very eminent danger of being overpowered, by their neighbouring provinces, furnished with arms from Great-Britain. The hopes of success in our opposition to these unconstitutional and oppressive measures, you see greatly depend on our union.

[Page 16] Our numbers ^* are great, and our inhabitants in general, are not enervated with luxury and debauchery, but inured to hardship. Many served in the late war, and we have experienced Generals and Commanders. Our troops have fought as bravely as any in the world. They have all the spirit and resolution of freemen, and the distance from the Mother country is so great, that they cannot without a prodigious expence, transport their troops to carry on the war. There is no reason in the world, why any nation should tyrannize over and oppress another. And the history of mankind, does not afford any instance, wherein any kingdom or empire could keep such distant provinces, inhabited by such vast numbers of men of spirit, in slavery, unless they divide among themselves. Divisions tend to re­duce and enslave us, but let us remain united and firm; this will procure deliverance and freedom, through the blessing of heaven.

2. The importance of this union and firmness, in­creases every day. For we have made opposition. The sword has been drawn, battles have been fought, and sundry fortresses have been reduced, by the forces raised by the common consent of the Colonies. Well, think now, what the consequences would probably be, if we should be overcome. Why, we should doubtless be obliged to pay all the expences, that the crown is put to in subduing us; which would take the greatest part of our estates, were we to submit, even now. But besides this, we have reason to fear, that all our lands would be declared forfeit to the crown, according to the common sentence against Rebels, as they are pleased to call us.—And thus, there is no hope at all of any thing, in our being sub­dued, but abject beggary. And since all the proba­bility of any success, depends upon our union, and firmness; it must be of the greatest importance for us [Page 17] to lay aside all divisions, and be united among our­selves. As such a vigorous opposition has been made, we have certainly reason to think, that if we were now to submit, it would be infinitely worse for us than if we had submitted at first; that we must not only be taxed at pleasure, as the Parliament proposed, but also make good, the great damages the nation have been put to in this controversy. Whereas by union, proper resolution, and good conduct, through the blessing of God, we may convince the British Mini­stry of their mistake, and dispose them to restore peace, and allow us not only to enjoy our estates, but also the rights and privileges, for which we have been contending. Their own interest will probably, at length open their eyes.

3. A very small share of attention to the state of our country, and the unmanly artifices and industry, which our adversaries have used to stir up the Indi­ans, and Canadians, to invade our frontiers, must shew us, that we have already received very important ad­vantages from this union of the Colonies, and the endeavours of the Congress to secure the natives to our interest. For had it not been for these, our frontiers had been ravaged for many a hundred miles, and thousands of the back inhabitants would, in all probabilty, have been murdered, and scalped, and the women and children burned in the flames that con­summed their houses, or inhumanly butchered by that savage and barbarous enemy. For the King's Gover­nors, and their agents, have used their utmost endea­vours to prejudice the Indians against us, and urged them to fall upon our wide extended frontiers. And if they had succeeded in these cruel attempts, what a dreadful scene, would this have opened! It is easier imagined than described. It is shocking indeed, but alas too true, that the barbarous savages of the wil­derness have been earnestly solicited to fall upon the frontiers!—Where is the boasted humanity of the [Page 18] British nation!—What will not arbitrary power at­tempt, to maintain and spread its baleful influence?—Let Charlestown, and Falmouth declare! Let the in­trigues of the agents among the savages testify! Let the base seizure of BOSTON, and the confinement of thousands of the inhabitants to misery and want, con­trary to the public faith, solemnly pledged, bear wit­ness to all generations!

4. This union will appear important in another view, viz. on supposition that we should not think it best to continue the war, but upon the whole judge it prudent to submit; yet still we would submit on the best terms we could.—Thus CANADA, in the last war, when they thought prudent to submit, yet obtained very favourable terms. For our Generals knew, that it would be attended with immense cost of treasure and blood, to make an entire conquest, even though they had gotten possession of their principal fortresses, as the inhabitants of the country would be constantly harassing them, cutting off their convoys, and beating up their quarters. They were united, and they obtained such good terms of submission, that they suffered but little by the conquest, Whereas, if they had been divided, and submitted without any terms, they would have been in very deplorable cir­cumstances. And thus, if we remain firm and united, there is no reasonable doubt, but we may in proper time have tolerable terms. For cannot we harass them more than Canada could? But if we divide and break to pieces among ourselves, we need expect no terms at all, but to be stripped of all, and made slaves to the conquerors, as has been already observed. Let such as think it would be best to submit, remem­ber, that no terms have been offered to us, since the commencement of hostilities, only resigning up our arms, and giving sufficient security for the tame sub­mission of the inhabitants, (as Mowat offered to Fal­mouth) which certainly no man in his senses would be [Page 19] willing to accept. Who would be so mean spirited, as to resign his arms, till he was conquered? Would such, as are most zealous for the crown, be willing to be given up as hostages, and to be put to death in case the Colonies refused to submit to the schemes of the Ministry? No. They would immediately shrink at the proposal. So that there is no way at present to accommodate the breach, as no terms have been of­fered. Union then must be of great importance, until they are offered, unless that people would propose to bring utter ruin on this flourishing country, and in­deed upon themselves and their posterity.

As we live in the same country, in the same go­vernments, and have a thousand connections, we should in all prudence determine to stand or fall together. We shall doubtless be considered in the same predica­ment; and the sentence, which will be issued against us in this case, will be general, against whole Colo­nies, and will not make exceptions for this, that, and the other person. For if the pretensions of parti­cular persons in such a case were to be regarded, there would be no end, every one could have some plea or other to make for themselves. But, as has been ob­served, in all such cases, the sentence against the peo­ple in any Colony, must proceed upon the public con­duct of their Assemblies, the part they took in the contest. Now, as it is well known, that our General Assembly have espoused the cause of the country, in opposition to the British Ministry, it is too late for our inhabitants to think of availing themselves by their private jangling and clamours, when the evidence of the part we have taken is so clear and undeniable. Since all the Colonies have solemnly confederated to­gether, it would be mean indeed to desert the com­mom cause, inconsistent with the public faith already pledged; and would therefore draw upon such perfi­dious wretches, the vengeance of the rest, not to mention the curse of God, for their breach of cove­nant. [Page 20] So that if only a part here, and a part there▪ should submit, it would kindle civil war among our­selves, which would be more dreadful than with Great-Britain, as by living among one another, the inha­bitants would have an opportunity, every man to kill his neighbour, and turn the country into a field of blood and desolation; whereas, by a submission upon terms, wherein all are included, these dreadful cala­mities might be prevented; and when the worst comes to the worst, we might at last obtain good conditions of peace.

IV. We are now in the last place more particu­larly to point out some of the bad consequences of breaking this general union.

I suppose, that every one will readily understand, that those break it, who don't comply with it, and carefully observe it. This may be done by words or actions, and more grossly in some instances than in others; some may break it through ignorance, others with premeditated design and obstinacy; so that there may be a very great difference among such, and very different degrees of guilt contracted. This being premised; I would observe,

1. That this non-compliance occasions, as is ob­served in my text, of the divisions of Reuben, great thoughts and searchings of heart. Such are ready to pretend to be good friends to their country: But why then do they refuse to join with their brethren?—Let their views and intentions be what they will, they expose themselves to great suspicions and reproaches, and employ some part of that attention how to pre­vent their doing mischief, which should be devoted to plan and provide for the common safety. And, as all men have their particular friends and connections, this division occasions much alienation of heart and affecti­ons among brethren, and various disturbances in the country; all which are very uncomfortable, and mar the public peace, and which might be happily pre­vented, [Page 21] by all heartily uniting with the vastly great majority of the country.

And these things are also attended with much sin and wickedness. Can persons maintain an unfriendly temper to their country, and neighbours, and seek to subject them to heavy taxes and slavery; and be inno­cent?—Can they misrepresent the country, and solicit for troops to dragoon us into submission to these un­constitutional acts of Parliament, without contracting guilt of the blackest die?—They often complain of the hard treatment they have met with. It is likely they have been hardly used in some instances; but they should make some allowance for the zeal, which is common at such times, when people are vio­lently struggling for their LIBERTIES, and THEIR ALL. They would also do well to consider, whether they are not the blameable cause, by giving just provo­cation for the treatment, of which they complain.

If any should plead conscience for their conduct, it might be queried, whether they have ever taken suf­ficient pains to inform themselves? or examined the matter with due candour?—Where is the divine law, that binds their conscience to make divisions to support oppression, and ruin their country?—The wisest and best men in the Parliament, and among ourselves, who have been chosen on purpose to consider this mat­ter, and who have had leisure, and all possible advan­tages, are unanimous for opposition. Now, such as have never had opportunity to examine fully, nor take pains to inform themselves, might, consistent with modesty and prudence, very justly scruple their own judgment. It seems to favour more of self-con­ceit, impudence, and obstinacy, than of conscience, to act contrary to the united wisdom of the whole Con­tinent.

Any unprejudiced person would rather think, from the many exhortations, we have in the scriptures, to peace and unanimity, that their conscience should [Page 22] dictate to them, to be of one mind with their brethren; and study the things that make for peace, ‘and the things whereby we may edify one another,’ and support the common cause of our country.

2. This must receive some weight from the consi­deration, that such as appear in opposition to the ge­neral union, cannot possibly be of any service or ad­vantage to the ministerial cause, since the power and arms of the country are all in a manner against them. Such as have shewed hostile intentions, or have risen in arms have been so few, and their councils so distracted, that they have been dispersed and disarmed almost as soon as they have been discovered; so that they have not been able to make the least diversion in favour of the ministerial army, or contribute any assistance. All they have done is, to disturb the public peace a little, to bring lasting reproach and disgrace upon them­selves, and perplexity, with distress of mind, upon their families; all which they might have avoid­ed, by joining with their brethren. And why should any man, without good reason, bring immedi­ate trouble on himself and family? Does not this look like a very silly piece of conduct? If they have no love nor regard for their country, why should they have none for their wives and children?

The damage they do the common cause by such conduct, is the holding it up to the public view of the nation at home, that there is a division among us. For when it is represented, that Ridgefield and Newtown, and a few more such places, are in opposition, we, who live here, know, that these towns are small, and the opposition so contemptible, as scarcely to be worth the public notice; but the nation at home, the greater part of them, don't know, but these are some great and populous cities, like Bristol and Liverpool, and thus it carries in it the nature of false intelligence, and de­ceives the parliament, and thus hardens them to prose­cute their pernicious measures, to their own dishonour [Page 23] and destruction. If the Ministry had obtained a true account of the state of the country, before they had proceeded so far, they would never have attempted these things. But the enemies of the country made it their business to misrepresent the state of the coun­try, and thus impose upon and deceive the ministry; so that they have been, in this respect, the wicked instruments of all the calamities that have come, the ruin of all the towns that have been burned, and of all the lives that have been lost in this unnatural war.—When enquiry shall be made for blood, they will doubtless be found to be deeply stained with the blood of the many innocents, that have been already slain, or that may yet be slain in the prosecution of this un­happy contest.

Should they therefore obtain the heighth of their wishes, even that the country should be subdued by the ministerial forces, this would make them but small compensation for the guilt, they have contracted; and the punishment that is hanging over them, for the great deceit they have used with the ministry, and the many misrepresentations they have made, and lies they have told, and industriously propagated and spread, to carry on their schemes, and accomplish the ruin of this land.

As to their being distinguished and rewarded by the crown, after the destruction and conquest of these co­lonies, they may consider, that it is far from being cer­tain this event will take place. For it is possible, that the unhappy breach may yet be healed. The great God governs the world. He can restrain the pride and the wrath of man, He can easily disap­point the schemes and designs of deceitful and cruel men, as he did wicked Haman's, and restore peace to his people. He has said that ‘he will speak peace un­to his people, and to his saints; but let them not re­turn again to folly. The rod of the wicked shall not rest upon the lot of the righteous; lest the righteous put forth their hands unto iniquity.’

[Page 24] But if the things of the nation's peace, should in judgment be hid from the eyes of the rulers, for the correction of their sins, and ours; and the ministry should prosecute the war with the greatest vigour; yet it is far from being certain, that they would be able to subdue us. For they must carry on the war at prodigious disadvantage, by reason of our distance from them. Whereas our troops are here upon the spot, ready to take the field upon the shortest warn­ing. Their troops will be sickly, when they arrive, from the length of their voyage, and their not being used to the climate; whereas this being our native country, our soldiers are likely to be as much favour­ed with health, as any troops in the world. And since the Americans are all freemen, and fight for their Liberty, and their all, and are known to be endowed with the greatest bravery, it is not to be doubted but they will fight with greater courage and resolu­tion, than the mercenary troops of the ministry, who contrary to their inclinations, or through gross igno­rance, fight to enforce slavery.

Let such as have their minds fearfully possessed with the power of Britain, her formidable fleet, and gallant armies, remember, that ‘the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.’ The God of armies gives the victory to whom it pleases him. And surely the righteous and merciful God, does not approve of oppression and tyranny; and therefore we have no reason to think, that he will succeed the designs of the ministry, any further than is necessary for our correction, to bring us to repen­tance for our many sins and backslidings. Now on either of these suppositions, viz. that reconciliation should yet take place, between us and the mother-country; or that Great-Britain should not be able finally to subdue this land, but we should, like the Dutch Provinces, maintain our liberties and privileges; What must become of the known enemies of the country, [Page 25] that seek to break our union, to divide and destroy us?

But if the country should be destroyed by the mi­nisterial army, which is all such enemies can wish for, what benefit would this be to them? A ruined coun­try can afford but small revenues, to the most severe publican, and merciless commissioner of customs. And though there are but few such, compared with the whole body of this people, yet these are vastly too many to be all taken notice of and rewarded. One or two hundred would be sufficient for all the posts of honour and profit, the crown would have to bestow, even then. Whereas there are more than two or three thousand, who are unfriendly to the common cause in the several governments, so that scarcely one in ten, perhaps not one in a hundred, who would ever obtain any promotion or reward; but all must pay their quota of the heavy taxes that would be impo­sed. And such offices are not entailed upon families, even those who should obtain them, as soon as they were dead, their children would be as much oppressed as any. And thus, upon the whole, such as break the union of the Colonies, though in promo­ting a little division they do much damage by deceiv­ing the Ministry, and encouraging them to prosecute their pernicious measures, can have no rational pros­pect of any advantage to themselves; but if the coun­try be ruined, must perish unnoticed in the general de­struction, they have been the unhappy instruments of bringing on the country.

For if there were a great many more offices of pro­fit and honour, in the gift of the crown, than there could be, must not the officers and troops, that were employed in conquering the country, be provided for in the first place?—Such of the Americans then, as merely wish success to the parliament, must wait till all these were rewarded; so that upon the whole, if they promise themselves any great things, from the ruin of the country, they are most likely to be disap­pointed, [Page 26] as is just and righteous, in divine providence. What pretensions can such as prove treacherous to their country, have to recommend them to any office, of honour and profit? Don't they rather forfeit all credit and trust, and justly deserve to be neglected, de­spised and abhorred by all mankind? Such then as dissent from the great majority of their country, and promote divisions and contentions, must do it thro' igno­rance, or obstinacy, or hopes of private advantage to them­selves, the most mean and sordid of all views; which hopes they may rest fully assured, will be disappointed. And thus they will find in the end, that they will reap no advantage from their conduct; only the reflection that they have endeavoured to do mischief, and ruin their country, and themselves, for the sake of mischief, and the groundless hatred they bore to their native land, will remain to console them.

How much wiser are they to divest themselves of all their groundless prejudices against their country, and heartily join with their brethern, that no head may be wanting in the hour of consultation, nor hand ab­sent in the hour of action. When such a numerous and brave people are united as one man, in the righteous cause of their much oppressed and injured country; What can be imagined too difficult for them to attempt and accomplish? What can resist their united ardour, or stop the torrent of their successes?—

3. And now since we have raised forces, and our friends, our neighbours, our brothers and children, are gone forth, and are exposing their lives in the high places of the field for our defence, and we all must contribute our share in the common expence for their support; surely it must be absurd with a wit­ness, for us, who live at our ease at home, to weaken their hands, and discourage their hearts, and spirit up the enemy against them, by our divisions and quarrels. For these divisions have this tendency, They may well reason with themselves, "why should we expose our­selves [Page 27] to hunger and cold, and all the malice and fury of the enemy, when our friends and brethren at home are joining against us?" Do persons really desire to prolong the war, that they may support it at a vast expence, that their children, and brothers, and friends and neighbours, should be overthrown by the enemy, lie unburied in the field, or to perish in a loathsome prison? Do they desire that the enemy should lay waste our country by fire and sword, ravish our wives and daughters, and butcher our children? If they do not, let them not encourage the Ministry by divisions, but maintain the general union to the utmost of their power. Otherwise, if these intestine divisions should prove the means of discouraging our armies, and of hardening and spiriting up our foes; and this land should be ruined and enslaved, posterity to all gene­rations will curse the promoters of these divisions, and the names and memory of the wretches, will be held in everlasting abhorrence, as the base betrayers of their once happy country.—If persons don't think of such dreadful consquences, it is surely high time they did.

To conclude this discourse, let us be thankful to the Lord, who, in the course of his providence, has caused such a general union and harmony to prevail throughout the Colonies. This unexpected union in the common danger and distress, for our common de­fence, is surely to be ascribed to the Lord, in whose hands are the hearts of the children of men; who has established his throne in the Heavens, and whose king­dom rules over all. And while we are thankful for this union, and for the various successes with which the Lord of hosts has crowned our arms; let us carefully avoid every thing that tends to break this happy uni­on, upon which the safety of the country evidently depends. Let us avoid as much as possible, all malice and bitterness; and while we unite as brethren, let us also love as brethren, and as much as possible, study the things that make for peace and harmony; that if [Page 28] it be possible, we may preserve peace among our­selves.

And since these troubles and calamities, are punish­ments for our sins, and backslidings, let us all be earnestly called upon, to hear the voice of God's rod, as well as of his word, "and repent and turn from all our transgressions, that so iniquiry may not prove our ru­in." This will be the best means to promote our uni­on, and to ensure success, by engaging the Lord to be on our side. This will be the best evidence of our complying with the great design of this day of public thanksgiving, since the goodness of God, with which sincere gratitude complies, leads sinners to repentance: To which may God Almighty dispose us, by the influ­ences of his spirit, through Jesus Christ, AMEN.