OUR own happiness, my Coun­trymen, and the happiness of our posterity, will in a great measure depend upon our conduct in the present crisis: let that conduct therefore be such as the im­portance of the event demands; and let not prejudice, immediate self-inte­rest, or that proneness to novelty and change, too often predominent in states as well as individuals, lead us into such measures as will bring destruction up­on ourselves, and induce future ages to execrate the folly and madness of their infatuated forefathers.

The inhabitants of these colonies, (notwithstanding those acts of the Bri­tish Parliament which are complained of, as too grievous and oppressive to [Page 4] be borne, and against which our patriots raise such a terrible and tremendous cry) are the freest people upon the globe, and if we were sensible of the blessing, I might add the happiest also. Survey the different nations of the world, compare their situation with your own, and you will soon become sensible of the inestimable advantages you enjoy over them. Do not there­fore inadvertantly sacrifice them to the visionary schemes of mistaken or de­signing men. By prudence, firmness and moderation, we shall insure the continuance of these blessings to our­selves, and be enabled to transmit them pure, and unadulterated to our child­ren: but if we aim at too much, if we suffer ourselves to be led away with vain notions of grandeur and indepen­dance, we may lose the substance while we grasp at the shadow, and this our fair structure of liberty and happiness, which seems calculated to endure thro' [Page 5] a long succession of ages, will moulder into nothing, and like the baseless fa­bric of a vision, leave not a wreck be­hind. Great Britain is the basis upon which it stands. In union with her, we may rise superior to the rest of the world, and set all the kingdoms of the earth at defiance. But if by our un­grateful treatment of her, she should be induced to withdraw her protection, and give us over to our own imagina­tions, nothing but anarchy and confu­sion must ensue, the flames of civil discord would instantly blaze forth, and desolate the land, and amidst the dreadful and unnatural conflict, some internal tyrant, more fortunate than the rest would establish his dominion; or some bold invader from abroad seize upon us an easy and devoted prey, and deprive us of our liberties and boasted independence for ever.

Such are the scenes that will present themselves to our view, and such the [Page 6] calamities we must undergo when dis­joined from our mother country; and deprived of that protection which nourished, supported, and established us in this once inhospitable wilderness, and which hath at length raised us to our present happy and flourishing con­dition. Believe not therefore such men as tell you that Great Britain would enslave you; Great Britain wishes to see us free and happy; she is the land of liberty, and would gladly dispense that blessing to her children, and to all the world. But her ministers are men, and as such may err; they may ignorantly or inadvertantly adopt mea­sures that are injurious to the com­munity, and subversive of its liberties. But the people can surely never be justified in proceeding to open rebel­lion, at least, till all peaceful, legal and constitutional means of redress have proved ineffectual.

[Page 7] We complain of grievances, my countrymen; we say that our liberties are invaded; but what steps have we hitherto taken for our relief? Have we not acted in all respects more like fools, to say no worse, than like reason­able beings, warmed with the pure and steady flame of liberty? Have we not pursued such measures as must in­evitably increase the evil; and if longer adhered to, make the breach between us, and our mother country IRREPA­RABLE? while we have neglected such as common sense and common pru­dence dictated to us as the most easy and effectual. Are not our ASSEMBLIES the proper guardians of our rights and liberties? are they not constituted our Representatives for that very purpose? can there be more effectual mediators between us and Great Britain than they are? I am certain there cannot. TO THEM therefore we ought to have applied, we should then have proceed­ed [Page 8] legally and constitutionally, and might have had the fairest prospect of success. But alas! so strangely have we been infatuated. we have resumed the power into our own hands, and every man is become a judge and a ruler among us. The whole system of government is overturned, and all order and subordination lost. In this unruly and disorderly manner we are making our attack upon Great Britain; like the giants of old warring against heaven, piling Ossa upon Pelion, and Pelion upon Ossa, fully determined to force her to submission. Our conduct is too dreadful to be sported with; yet so ridiculous, that it tempts us to laugh­ter. 'Tis like the unaccountable freaks of a madman, we cannot forbear smiling at them, though our hearts bleed inwardly for the un­happy sufferer.

One measure I must confess has been adopt­ed, which seemed to promise some success, and which at first view, appeared to be dictat­ed by the spirit of wisdom, and that was the appointment of delegates to meet in general congress. Those gentlemen, it was hoped would fall upon some scheme to accommodate the dispute between Great Britain and America, and mark out a line of government, that would sufficiently ascertain, and establish the right of jurisdiction in the one, and secure the liber­ties of the other. Which plan, when well [Page 9] digested, the few reasonable and think­ing men that were among us, imagined they would have had the modesty to have submitted to the legislatures of the different provinces, for their ap­probation, and sanction. This is what they ought to have done; this is what all honest and wise men would have done. But mark the conduct of these distinguished personages, selected from among their fellow subjects, for the salvation of their country. They met; and while the attention of all Ameri­ca was fixed upon them, in eager, anx­ious expectation, a resolve, unanimous­ly entered into by them, was promul­gated to the public, adopting and ap­proving the infamous and rebellious resolves of the county of Suffolk, in the Massachusetts government.

I am bound in honour and consci­ence to do so much justice to those gentlemen of the Congress who were delegated by this province, as to say, [Page 10] that I have been assured, and I verily believe it to be the truth, that they did oppose the violent measures enter­ed into by the General Congress, and more particularly the adoption of the Suffolk resolves, which I know is ab­horrent to their thoughts, and which I am persuaded (to make use of a smuggling phrase) has been artfully run upon them.

This was effectually throwing off the mask; and their subsequent con­duct has convinced the world, that from that time forward they acted without disguise. They have address­ed the people of England, they have addressed the people of Quebec, they have addressed the people of the other Colonies; but for what purpose, un­less it be to excite tumults and sediti­ons, in all parts of the British Empire, I defy the most sagacious to discover. 'Tis true they have addressed the King also; but I am told, and I can easily [Page 11] believe it, in a dictatorial manner, and in sure and certain hopes of being dis­regarded. But amidst all these ad­dresses, the legislature of Great Britain, and the legislatures of America have been totally neglected and treated with contempt. This however is not the full measure of their iniquity; a non­importation, and, after a lapse, of some months, a non-exportation, and non­consumption agreement, must take place, in consequence of their resolves; and to be enforced by their High Mightinesses the MOB, to the utter sub­version of all Law, and the total de­struction of all LIBERTY.

The fatal and dreadful effects of this non-importation scheme, &c. upon all ranks of people; but more especi­ally upon the insulted and unhappy Farmers (who it seems must bear the heat and burden of the day) have been sufficiently delineated by an abler hand. I shall therefore say nothing [Page 12] further upon that subject, although, they cannot be too often cautioned, and admonished of the danger, and destruction that is coming fast upon them.

One thing however I will venture to do, and that, because I conceive it to be my duty, as a good subject. I will give my free and candid opinion upon what ought to be done in this alarming juncture; upon what I con­ceive to be the only measure that can prove effectual, or that can save us from political perdition: it is what ought to have been done at first, and what, thank God, 'tis not yet too late to do.

We must leave the government of this province to the constitutional ru­lers thereof; we must submit the con­duct of our affairs to our Assembly, our hopes (under heaven) must rest in them. And notwithstanding the ill­judged and unjust aspersions, thrown [Page 13] upon that honourable body, by weak and wicked men, I am convinced they will have virtue and spirit enough to vindicate the cause of their country, and to rescue from the hands of arro­gance and presumption, that authority which has been delegated to them for the most valuable and important pur­poses.

Listen, my countrymen, to the voice of reason; be no longer blind to your happiness. The Assembly are a body of men composed of your own Repre­sentatives, Persons placed in that ho­nourable and important station, by your own choice, freely and publicly made, and you have the strongest rea­son to believe, that they will faithful­ly and invariably consult your welfare and prosperity, in all their delibera­tions. They are all of them Gentle­men resident among you: you must be personally acquainted with their views, their tempers, and their gene­ral [Page 14] characters; it is almost impossible you can be mistaken: but if at any time you should chance to be so, you may correct the error by a better choice at the next election; or if upon any occasion they should mistake your true interest; or be so abandoned (which is next to impossible) as willfully to betray it; you have the same remedy, and a better cannot be devised. You will likewise have this con­solation in our present extremely dangerous condition, when ruin seems almost inevitable, that these your constitutional representatives will have due weight with the government at home; their petitions, their remonstrances you may assure yourselves will be heard, and if they proceed with prudence, and firmness, of which I cannot entertain a doubt, your griev­ances, if there are any, they will be redress­ed, and you will again be restored to that peace and good government with which till lately you have been so singularly blessed. But if you suffer the power to be wrested from their hands, by men whom you are entirely un­acquainted with, and for whose honour and honesty you can possibly have no security. If you suffer Republicans, disaffected persons, smug­glers, men of no character, and desperate fortunes, to assume the reins of government, to domi­neer over you, and to dictate to you upon all occasions; what can you expect but slavery [Page 15] and destrustion? Where can you fly for re­dress? How will you remedy the evil?

Be not deceived, my countrymen, order is in every respect more eligible than confusion. 'Tis Heaven's first law, 'tis the basis of liberty. Let us therefore restore order and good go­vernment among ourselves; for, until we do that, it is impossible to be FREE.