A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE PLAGUE.

AMONGST the many calamities with which the Almighty is pleased to visit the children of men, in order to reduce them to a just sense of their own weakness and entire dependence upon him, there is scarce any that are more productive of true penitent humilia­tion, and of a sight of what is really good and truly evil, than those contagious distempers, which an offended God sometimes suffers to rage amongst the people. In the year 1665 the city of London was sorely visited by the plague: An account of the progress and effects of that visitation was kept by a citizen who remained there during the whole time of the sickness, and appears to have been candid and judici­ous in his remarks thereon. I trust my read­ers may, in a short description of that memo­rable judgment, meet with such lessons of best wisdom, which nothing can so effectually pro­duce, as a close and serious converse with death and the grave. The introduction of this con­tagion in London was by some goods imported from Holland, which had been brought thither from the Levant. It first broke out in the [Page 3] house where those goods were opened, from whence it spread to other houses. In the first house that was infected there died four persons: A neighbour who went to visit them returning home, gave the distemper to her family, and died with all her houshold. The parish officers who were employed about the sick persons be­ing also infected, the physicians perceived the danger, and, upon narrow inspection, assured, that it was indeed the plague with all its terri­fying particulars, and that it threatened a ge­neral infection. The people began now to be alarmed all over the town; the usual number of burials within the bills of mortality for a week were generally about 240 to 300, but from the 17th to the 24th Jan. the printed bill was 474. However this went off again, and the frost continuing very severe till near the end of February, the bills decreased again, and people began to look upon the danger as good as over; but in May the bills greatly increased, and the weather becoming hot, the infection spread again, in a dreadful manner.

I lived, says the author, without Aldgate, and as the distemper had not reached to that side of the city, our neighbourhood continued easy; but at the other end of the town the consternation was very great, and the nobility and gentry thronged out of the town with their families in an unusual manner; nothing was to be seen but waggons, carts and coaches with goods and people, and horse-men attending them, hurrying away; then empty waggons [Page 4] and carts appeared, who were apparently re­turning to fetch more people, besides innumer­able numbers of people on horseback, fitted out for travelling. This was a very melan­choly prospect; indeed there was nothing else of moment to be seen; it filled my mind with very serious thoughts of the misery that was coming upon the city, and the unhappy con­dition of those that would be left in it. By the end of July the contagion had spread and in­creased to a great degree: Sorrow and sadness sat upon every face; and though some parts were not yet overwhelmed, all looked deeply concerned. London might well be said to be all in tears, the mourners did not go about the streets, for nobody made a formal dress of mourning for their nearest relations, but the voice of mourning was indeed heard in the streets; the shrieks of women and children at the windows and doors of their houses where their dearest relations were dying, were so fre­quent to be heard as we passed the streets, that it was enough to pierce the stoutest heart in the world. Tears and lamentations were seen almost in every house, especialiy in the first part of the visitation; for towards the latter end people did not so much concern themselves for the loss of their friends, expecting that themselves would be summoned the next hour.

It was a time of very unhappy breaches a­mongst us; in matters of religion, divisions and separate opinions prevailed; the Church of England was lately restored, and the Pres­byterians [Page 5] and other professions had set up their meetings for worship, apart, in which they were frequently disturbed, the government endeavouring to suppress their meetings. But this dreadful visitation reconciled the different parties, and took away all manner of prejudice and scruple from the people. But after the sick­ness was over, that spirit of charity subsided, and things returned to their own channel again. Here we may observe, that a nearer view of death would soon reconcile men of good prin­ciples to one another, and that it is chiefly owing to our easy situations in life, and our putting these things far from us, that our breaches are somented, and that there is so much prejudice and want of christian charity and union amongst us. A close view and converse with death, or with diseases that threaten death, would scum off the gall of our temper, remove our animo­sities, and bring us to see with different eyes. On the other side of the grave we shall all be brethren again.

The inns of court were now all shut up, there was but few lawyers to be seen in the city, indeed there was no need of them, for quarrels and divisions about interest had ceased; every body was at peace.

It was also worthy of observation, as well as fruitful of instruction, to observe with what alacrity the people of all persuasions embraced the opportunities they had of attending upon the publick worship, and other appointed times of devotion, as humiliations, fastings and pub­lick [Page 6] confessions of sins, to implore the mercy of God, and avert the judgment which hung over their heads. The churches were so throng­ed, that there was often no coming near, no, not to the very door of the largest churches. There was also daily prayers appointed morn­ing and evening, at which the people attended with uncommon devotion.

All plays and interludes which had lately began to increase amongst us, were forbid to act; the gaming-tables, publick dancing-rooms and musick-houses, which multiplied and be­gan to debauch the manners of the people, were shut up and suppressed, finding indeed no trade; for the minds of the people were generally humbled and agitated with other things, death was before their eyes, and every body began to think of their graves.

The infection still gradually increased till the middle of August, when there died a thousand a day, by account of the weekly bills, though they never gave a full account by many thou­sands; many of the parish officers were taken sick themselves and died when their account was to be given in. The parish of Stepney alone had within the year, one hundred and six­teen sextons, grave-diggers and carriers of the dead, &c. Indeed the work was not of a na­ture to allow them leisure to take an exact tale of the dead bodies, which were all thrown to­gether in the dark in a pit, to which no man could come near without the utmost peril.

I had, says the author, the care of my bro­ther's [Page 7] house, which obliged me sometimes to go abroad. In these walks I had dismal scenes before my eyes, as, particularly, of persons falling dead in the streets, terrible shrieks of women, who in their agonies would throw open their chamber-windows, and cry out in a dismal surprising manner; it is impossible to describe the variety of postures in which the passions of the poor people would express themselves. Passing through Token-House yard, of a sudden a casement violently opened just over my head, and a woman gave three frightful screeches, and then cry'd: Oh! Death, Death, Death, which struck me with horror and a chilness in my very blood. There was nobody to be seen in the whole street, neither did any window open, for people had no curi­osity now in any case. I went on to pass into Bell-Alley, where there was a greater cry than that; I could hear women and children run screaming about the rooms like distracted, when a garret-window opened, and somebody from a window on the other side asked, What is the matter? Upon which it was answered, Oh Lord! my old master has hanged himself. The other asked again, Is he quite dead? And the first answered, Ay, ay quite dead and cold. This person was a Deputy-Alderman and very rich. But this is but one instance; it is scarce credi­ble what dreadful cases happened in particular families every day. People in the rage of the distemper or in the torment of the swelling, which was indeed intolerable, becoming raving [Page 8] and distracted, oftentimes laid violent hands upon themselves, throwing themselves out of windows, or breaking out of the houses, would dance naked about the streets, not knowing one extasy from another; others, if not pre­vented, would run directly down to the river, and plunge into the water. Some dying of mere grief as a passion, and some of fright and surprize, without having received the infection. It often pierced my very soul, to hear the groans and cries of those who were thus tor­mented; but this of the swellings was account­ed the most promising particular in the whole infection; for if these swellings could be brought to break and run, the patient generally reco­vered. Whereas those who were struck with death at the beginning of the distemper, and had spots come upon them, often went about indifferent easy, till a little before they died, and some till the moment they dropt down; such would be taken suddenly very sick, and would run to some convenient place, or to their own houses if possible, and there sit down, grow faint and die.

Death did not now hover over every one's head only, but looked into their houses and chambers, and even stared in their very faces; and though there was some stupidity and dul­ness of mind, yet there was a great deal of just alarm sounded in the inmost soul: Many con­sciences were awakened; many hard hearts melted into tears; many a penitent confession was made of crimes long concealed. People [Page 9] might be heard even in the streets as we passed along calling upon God for mercy, through Jesus Christ, and saying: I have been a thief; I have been an adulterer; I have been a mur­derer, and the like; and none durst stop to make inquiry into such things, or to admini­ster comfort to the poor creature, who in the anguish both of soul and body thus cried out. Many were the warnings that were then given by dying penitents to others, not to put off and delay their repentance to a day of distress, that such a time of calamity as this was no time for repentance. I wish, says the author, I could repeat the very sound of those groans and ex­clamations that I heard from some poor dying creatures, when in the height of their agonies and distress, and that I could make him that reads this, hear as I imagine, I now hear them, for the sound seems still to ring in my ears. In the beginning of September the number of burials increasing, the church-wardens of Ald­gate parish ordered a large pit to be dug, to hold all the dead which might die in a month, it was about forty feet long and sixteen broad; some blamed the church-wardens for suffering such a frightful gulf to be dug; nevertheless in two weeks they had thrown more than eleven hundred bodies into it, when they were obliged to fill it up, as the bodies were come within six feet of the surface. My curiosity drove me to go and see this pit, when there had been near four hundred people buried in it. I got admittance into the church-yard, by [Page 10] means of the sexton, who was a sensible, reli­gious man. He would have persuaded me not to go, saying, That it was indeed their duty to venture, and in it they might hope to be preserved; but that, as I had no apparent call, he thought, my curiosity could not justify my running that hazard. I told him, I had been pressed in my mind to go, and that perhaps it might be an instructing sight. Nay, says the good man, if you will venture upon that score, in the name of God go in; it will be a sermon to you, it may be the best you ever heard in your life. His discourses had shock'd my reso­lution, and I stood wavering for a good while; but just then I heard the bell-man, and the cart, loaded with dead bodies, appearing, I went in. There was nobody, as I could perceive, at first with the cart but the buriers, and the man that led the cart; but when they came to the pit, they saw a man muffled in a cloak who appeared in great agony; the buriers immediately gather­ed about him, supposing he was one of those poor delirious or desperate creatures, that would sometimes run to the pit, wrapt in blan­kets, and throw themselves in, and as they said, bury themselves. When the buriers came to him, they soon found he was neither desperate nor distempered in mind, but one oppressed with a dreadful weight of grief, having his wife and several children all in the cart, that was just come in with him, and he followed in agony and excess of sorrow. He calmly de­sired the buriers to let him alone, said he would only see the bodies thrown in, and go away; [Page 11] so they left importuning him. But no sooner was the cart turned round, and the bodies shot into the pit promiscuously, which was a surprise to him, for he at least expected, they would have been decently laid in, though indeed he was afterwards convinced that was impracti­cable, I say, no sooner did he see the sight, but he cryed out aloud, unable to contain himself, and fell down in a swoon; the buriers ran to him, and took him up, and when he was come to himself, led him to a place where he was taken care of. He looked into the pit again, as he went away, but the buriers had covered the bodies so immediately with throwing earth, that nothing could be seen. The cart had in it sixteen or seventeen bodies. Some were wrapt up in linen sheets, some in rugs, some little other than naked, or so loose, that what covering they had fell from them, in the shooting out of the cart, and they fell quite naked among the rest; but the matter was not much to them, or the indecency much to any one else, seeing they were to be huddled to­gether into the common grave of mankind; for here was no difference made, but poor and rich went together; there was no other way of burials, neither was it possible there should.

John Hayward, under-sexton, that is, grave digger and bearer of the dead, never had the distemper at all, but lived about twenty years after it. His wife was employed to nurse the infected people; yet she herself never was in­fected. The only preservative he used against [Page 12] the infection, was holding garlick and rue in his mouth, and smoaking tobacco; this I had from his own mouth. His wife's remedy was washing her head in vinegar, and sprinkling her head-clothes so with vinegar, as to keep them always moist; and if the smell of any of those she waited on was more than ordinary offensive, she snuffed vinegar up into her nose, sprinkled her head-clothes and held a hanker­chief wetted with vinegar to her mouth.

And here I must not omit mentioning the disposition of the people of that day, with re­spect to their charity to the poor, which indeed was very large both in a publick and a private way. Some pious ladies were so zealous in this good work, and so confident in the protection of providence, in the discharge of this great duty, that they went about themselves distri­buting alms, and visiting the poor families that were infected, in their very houses, appointing nurses and apothecaries to supply them with what they wanted; thus giving their blessings to the poor in substantial relief, as well as hearty prayers for them. I will not undertake to say, that none of these charitable people were suffered to die of the plague, but this I may say, that I never knew any of them miscarried, which I mention for the encouragement of others in case of like distress; and doubtless, if they, that give to the poor, lend to the Lord, and he will repay it, those that hazard their lives to give to the poor, and to comfort and assist them in such a misery as this, may hope to be pro­tected therein.

[Page 13]From the middle of August to the middle of September the infection still increased and spread itself, with an irresistible fury; it was reckoned, that during that time there died no less than sixteen hundred a day, one day with another. It was then that the confusion and terror was inexpressible; the courage of the people appoint­ed to carry away the dead, began to fail them; the vigilance of the magistrates was now put to the utmost trial. At last the violence of the dis­temper came to such a height that the people sat still looking at one another, and seemed quite abandoned to despair. In a word, people began to give themselves up to fear, that there was no­thing to be expected but a universal desolation. This despair made people bold and venturous, they were no more shy of one another, as ex­pecting there was now no avoiding the distem­per, but that all must go, this brought them to crowd into the churches, they inquired no more what condition the people who sat near them were in, but looking upon themselves also as so many dead corps, they came to the churches without the least caution, and crowded together, as if their lives were of no consequence, compa­red to the work which they were come about: Indeed, their zeal in coming, and the earnestness and affectionate attention they shewed to what they heard, made it manifest what value peo­ple would put upon the worship of God, if they thought, every day they attended at the church, would be their last. It was in the height of this despair, that it pleased God to [Page 14] stay his hand, and to slacken the fury of the contagion, in a manner as surprising as that of its beginning, and which demonstrated it to be his own particular hand above the agen­cy of means; nothing but omnipotent power could have done it; the contagion, despised all medicine; death raged in every corner, and had it gone on as it did then, a few weeks more would have cleared the town of all its inhabi­tants. In that very moment when thirty thou­sand were dead in three weeks, nay, when it was reported three thousand died in one night, and an hundred thousand more were taken sick, when we might well say, Vain was the help of man, it pleased God to cause the fury of it to abate, and by his immediate hand to disarm the enemy. It was wonderful! The physicians were surprised, wherever they visited, to find their patients better, and in a few days every body was recovering: Nor was this by any medicine found out, or any new method of cure discovered, but it was evidently from the secret invisible hand of him that had at first sent this disease, as a judgment upon us. Let the philosophers search for reasons in nature to account for it, and labour as much as they will to lessen the debt they owe to their maker; those physicians who had the least share of re­ligion in them, were obliged to acknowledge, that it was all supernatural. The streets were now full of poor recovering creatures, who appeared very sensible and thankful to God for their unexpected deliverance: Yet I must own, [Page 15] that as for the generality of the people, it might too justly be said of them, as was said of the children of Israel, after they had been de­livered from the host of Pharaoh, that they sung his praise, but they soon forgot his works.

The author, who was preserved unhurt with his whole family, during the time of the sick­ness, gives in his memoirs a particular account of the many reasonings and fears which affect­ed his mind, before he could come to a fixed conclusion, whether to stay, and take his lot in the station in which God had placed him, or by leaving the city, run the hazard of un­settling himself, and lose his effects which lay scattered among the merchants. At the earnest solicitations of his brother he had concluded to go; but being always crossed in this design by several accidents, it came one morning, as he expresses it, very warmly in his mind, whether these repeated disappointments were not intimations to him, that it was the will of heaven he should not go, which was succeed­ed by a further thought, that if this suggestion was from God, he was able effectually to pre­serve him in the midst of all deaths and dangers that would surround him, and that if he at­tempted to secure himself, by fleeing from his habitation, and acted contrary to these intima­ons, which he believed to be divine, it was a kind of flying from God, who could cause his justice to overtake him, when and where he thought fit.

[Page 16]But what finally sixed him in a resolution to stay, and cast himself entirely upon the pro­tection and good pleasure of the Almighty, was, that at a time, when his thoughts were more than commonly serious upon this weighty subject, turning over the bible which lay be­fore him, he cried out, Well, I know not what to do, Lord direct me! at that juncture happening to stop and casting his eye on the second verse of the 91st Psalm, he read to the 10th, as follows, viz. I will say of the Lord, he is my refuge and my fortress, my God, in him will I trust. Surely he shall deliver thee from the snare of the fowler, and from the noisome pestilence. He shall cover thee with his feathers, and under his wings shalt thou trust: His truth shall be thy shield and buckler. Thou shalt not be afraid for the terror by night, nor for the arrows that flieth by day, nor for the pestilence that walketh in darkness, nor for the destruction that wasteth at noon-day. A thou­sand shall fall at thy side, and ten thousand at thy right hand; but it shall not come nigh thee. Only with thine eyes shalt thou behold and see the reward of the wicked. Because thou hast made the Lord which is thy refuge, even the most high thy habita­tion: There shall no evil befall thee, neither shall any plague come nigh thy dwelling, &c.

THE MIGHTY DESTROYER DISPLAYED, &c.

OBSERVING some years ago the dreadful havock made by the ex­cessive use of distilled spirituous liquors in this part of the world, I was induced to insert in one of the almanacks an ex­tract of what had been written on that subject by Dr. Hales, fellow of the Royal Society, containing his own remarks, with the sentiments of several persons of note in the physical way; whose knowledge of the nature of distilled liquors, as well as of their effects on the human frame, best qualified them to give a right judgment thereon. And as the excessive and indeed mistaken use of these liquors continues, and rather increases, on this Continent, 'tis thought a republication of those senti­ments, [Page 4] with some additions, may, thro' divine blessing, be beneficial to many; particularly to some well-minded people, who are under mistaken prejudices on this most interesting subject. "My principal and indeed only motive," says this bene­volent author, ‘is to endeavour to rouse the caution and indignation of man­kind, against those mighty destroy­ers and debasers of the human species, fermented distilled spirituous liquors; those worse than infernal spirits, which bewitch and infatuate the nations with their sor­ceries.’—An evil so amazingly great, that did not woeful experience too fully prove it, it seems incredible, that any whom it concerns could possibly be so neg­ligent, as not to use their utmost endea­vours to suppress this destructive man­bane.

That eminent physician Dr. Hoffman expresly cautions against the use of distil­led spirituous liquors. "Because," says he, ‘they are, above all things, most un­wholesome, being caustic burning spi­rits; which, by inflaming the solids, and thickening the fluids, cause obstructi­ons, which bring on many fatal dis­eases, such as hectick fevers, jaundices, dropsies, &c. whereby multitudes are yearly and daily destroyed.’ He also [Page 5] observes, ‘that they rot the entrails, such as the liver, stomach and bowels; as it is evident, not only by opening the bodies of those who are killed by drink­ing them, but also by what is observed in Germany of the effect which the caustic, fiery, remaining wash of the di­stillers, has on the guts of hogs; which are thereby so tendered, that they can­not make puddings with them.’—He farther observes, ‘That the flesh of such hogs will not keep, even when salted, so well as the flesh of other hogs.’ Dr. Cheyne, in his essay of health and long life, says, ‘All people, who have any re­gard to their health and lives, ought to tremble at the first cravings for such poisonous liquors. The maladies begot by them, bring forth necessity upon ne­cessity of drams and gills; till, at last, a kind dropsy, nervous convulsion, flux, if not a fever, or phrenzy, sets the poor soul free. It has often raised in me the most melancholly reflections, to see the virtuous and sensible, bound in such chains and fetters, as nothing less than omnipotent grace or the unrelenting grave could release them from.’

Doctor Short, in his history of mineral waters, page 225. says, ‘The oftner I reflect on the mischief done by distilled [Page 6] spirits, the more I am confirmed, that the human race had been happier had drams never been known: and I can­not help cordially joining with Doctor Allen, in his Synopsis Medici, A. 1633. That the plentiful devouring of those spirits has killed as many thousands of men, as there are stars in the sky. Nay, ten times ten thousands have died by these, more than all the rest of the poisons what­ever.’

Doctor Lind, in his treatise on the scur­vy, says, ‘He observed most destructive distempers to be much increased, even to mortality, by distilled spirituous li­quors; which sailors are too apt gree­dily to swallow down.’ And Doctor Hales observes, from the remarks made to him by an eminent surgeon, ‘That the stomachs of great dram-drinkers were contracted into half the common natural size, and hard; somewhat like leather, that had been held to the fire. The consequence of which was, loss of appetite, and a wasting consumption.’

It is pretended, that drams comfort, warm, and defend from the severity of weather, to which men are sometimes ex­posed; without which, they say, they should perish with cold; which is proba­bly, in a great measure, true of those [Page 7] who are habituated to drink them; the blood of such being thereby so much im­poverished, that it is well known many of the drinkers of drams are cold and lifeless in the midst of summer, without frequent repetitions: this is what some of them have owned. But on the other hand, how much more able are sober per­sons to endure cold and hardships? their vital heat not being extinguished by in­temperance, does, by its kindly genial warmth, more effectually secure them from the inclemency of the weather, than the false flash of a dram. Besides, it is well known, that men did not perish in the coldest countries for want of drams formerly, when they were not to be had. Of the undoubted truth of this, Captain Ellis gives a full proof in the account of his voyage to Hudson's Bay, page 199. Where he observes, ‘That the natives on the very cold coast, of that Bay, to whom the French are kinder than to sell distilled spirituous liquors, are tall, hardy, robust and active; whereas those of them that are supplied with drams from the English, are a meagre, dwarf­ish, indolent people, hardly equal to the severity of the country, and subject to many disorders.’

[Page 8]And as to the pernicious effects of spi­rituous liquors in very hot climates, (as on the coast of Guinea) it is observed, that the French and Portuguese, who do not indulge in distilled spirits, are healthy compared with the English; who, drink­ing freely of spirits, &c. die fast. Thus, also, it is observed of the women in the West-Indies, that being sober, they live long; but it is often otherwise with the men, who are more generally intempe­rate.

The unhappy dram-drinkers are so ab­solutely bound in slavery to these infernal spirits, that they seem to have lost the power of delivering themselves from this worst of bondage. How much then is it the bounden duty of those, who have it in their power, to with-hold this destruc­tive man-bane, either as parents, masters, or rulers to the people committed to their trust.

Since then the evil is become so noto­riously epidemical as to debilitate and de­stroy multitudes, in most parts of the world; it behoves all, who have any bow­els of pity for their fellow-creatures, more especially the governors of the nations, as guardians and tender fathers, to guard the people committed to their charge from this mighty destroyer. Can there be any [Page 9] consideration, of sufficient weight, to the contrary. Is it sound policy to encourage vice in the people, because a present re­venue arises from their debaucheries? Where will the revenue be, when the people, who should pay them, are de­stroyed? Are not a hardy, industrious healthy people, always found to be the most able to contribute amply to the sup­port of government? And will not tem­perance, in the end, be found a more ef­fectual means to increase the real wealth and strength of a nation, than to make drunkenness the cheapest of vices? But if the consideration of the inhumanity of being instrumental to the destruction of multitudes, and in a manner, in some parts of the world, of whole nations, is not of weight enough to influence; yet, sure, the awful consideration, that it must needs be highly displeasing to our merci­ful Creator, to have his favourite creature man thus debased, disgraced, and destroy­ed both in body and soul, ought to have its due weight. Can it in reason be ex­pected, that he will always remain an un­concerned spectator of such astonishing proceedings? And will he not in mercy visit the nations for these things, to pre­vent the still much greater ruin of future generations, in conformity to his usual [Page 10] method of proceeding, when irregulari­ties are arrived to great excesses? This disease has now attained to so enormous a pitch, that it is much to be feared no­thing less than God's severe fatherly cor­rection, will effectually cure it in many of the nations; who seem as supine and unconcerned about it, as if only so many thousands of locusts were destroyed there­by: for if in fifty or sixty years this de­structive pest has spread thus far and wide, how vastly greater will the havock a­mongst mankind be in an hundred years more, if some check be not put to its career?

If it had been said, an hundred years ago, to any of the rulers of the nations, that they should patiently, and even un­concernedly, see such multitudes of their subjects destroyed both body and soul, and that only for siltny lucre; would they not, with indignation, have said as Hazael did to Elisha, 2 Kings viii. 13. ‘ But what is thy servant a dog, that he should do this great thing?’ The plain truth is, that it is with the nations as it fre­quently happens to private persons, that when they grow gradually from bad to worse, they, at the same time, become more and more hardened, so as to be even reconciled to practices for which they had [Page 11] at first the utmost detestation and abhor­rence; for familiarity takes away our at­tention, and robs things of their power to strike strongly upon us.

Though thousands and tens of thou­sands perish every year by distilled spi­rituous liquors, yet few appear to lay it effectually to heart. I must here except the heads of the poor wild Indians, of the Six Nations situate back of New-York, and other parts of North-America, who being sensible of the great destruction made a­mongst them by distilled spirituous li­quors, have long since, and do still conti­nue, earnestly to desire, that no such spirit should be sold to their people. At a treaty held at Carlisle in this province, with the deputies of the Six Nations, the Dela­wares and other western Indians, in the year 1753, Scarrooyady, one of the chiefs of the Six Nations, speaking on behalf of all the Indians present, expressed himself to the following effect, viz. ‘The rum ruins us: we beg you would prevent its coming in such quantities, by regu­lating the traders. We never under­stood the trade was for whiskey ^*. We desire it may be forbidden, and none [Page 12] sold in the Indian country; but that if the Indians will have any, they may go amongst the inhabitants, and deal with them for it. When these whiskey tra­ders come, they bring thirty or forty cags, puts them down before us, and make us drink, and get all the skins that should go to pay the debts we have contracted, for goods bought of the fair trader; and by these means, we not only ruin ourselves, but them too. These wicked whiskey sellers, when they have once got the Indians in liquor, make them sell their very clothes from their backs. In short, if this practice be continued, we must be inevitably ruined. We most earnestly, therefore, beseech you to remedy it.’ The Indian speaker gave, as is usual with them in matters of moment, a treble string of wampum, in confirmation of this re­quest. The destructive effect of distilled spirits, have also extended their baneful influence amongst the people of Africa. It is, in a great measure, through the in­troduction of those infernal spirits, that the poor negroes have been as it were bewitched, and prevailed upon to capti­vate their unhappy country people, in or­der to bring them to the European mar­ket: hence devastation, bloodshed and mi­sery [Page 13] have spread in their land; many thou­sands, and hundreds of thousands, have been doomed to a miserable thraldom; and many, very many, brought to a cru­el and untimely end: innumerable in­stances might be mentioned, to confirm this melancholy truth; of which I shall mention two, viz. Andrew Brue, the noted French factor, who resided sixteen years in Guinea, tells us, ‘That, in ge­neral, brandy is the best commodity amongst the negroes, as they love it to excess: that it is easy, from hence, to estimate the vast profit made by the company, when its store-house is well provided with this liquor.’ And Fran­cis Moor, the English factor, in his ac­count of Africa, says, ‘That it was to the king of Barsailly's insatiable thirst for brandy, that his subjects freedom and families were in so precarious a si­tuation,’ &c. &c.

It is no uncommon thing for habitual rum-drinkers, when a fit of sickness comes on, which they conclude will be their last, to desire to have plenty of rum by them; by which means, they continue intoxi­cated till death: to so astonishing and de­plorable a sottish condition have they re­duced themselves! This is a case so cala­mitous to mankind, that to have a tho­rough [Page 14] sense of it, and yet not to remon­strate, nor earnestly caution against it, is certainly as criminal as it is unfriendly not to warn a blind person of a danger­ous precipice or pit; yet, alas! how un­concerned are the greatest part of man­kind at this most enormous ruin of mul­titudes! In trials for life, what diligence is used to find the occasion of the loss of one subject! What care will not a faith­ful physician bestow for the preservation of one life! How did the wise Romans honour him, who saved the life of one Roman citizen! But in the present case, it is not one, nor one hundred, nor one thousand, but probably no less than a million that perish, yearly, by this worst of plagues. How then dare the gover­nors of nations be unconcerned or silent in a cause in which humanity, virtue, and the real welfare of mankind, both civil and religious, are so deeply concerned? A cause, which tends not only to the weakening the faculties, enervating the bodies of men, but also in debasing the species, and shortening the lives of mul­titudes.

But the most afflictive and dreadful ef­fect of the common use of distilled spiritu­ous liquors, are, that it not only height­ens the passions of men and depraves their [Page 15] morals; but what is infinitely worse, and ought to be an awakening consideration, they become prophane and abandoned, and to the last degree regardless of their duty to God and man; the feelings of the mind are gradually benumb'd, and an in­sensibility to the healing influence of reli­gion ensues.

The Almighty who has so curiously wrought our wonderful frame out of the dust, knowing how prone we are to dis­order it by irregularities, hath of his ten­der fatherly care of us, not only implant­ed in us a strong desire of life and self-pre­servation, but has also strictly warned us to avoid all destructive irregularities and vices, and to practise those virtues which are so well adapted to our nature, that they have a direct tendency to give health to the soul, as well as marrow to the bones, Prov. cxi. 8. Yet how is this delicate, this curiously wrought frame, abused and disordered by repeated irre­gularities of many kinds, but never be­fore to the enormous degree that it has of late years arrived at by the excessive abuse of these fermented, distilled spiritu­ous liquors, which, by their mischievous effects, seem to claim Satan himself for their author. The benevolent author first men­tioned from whose collection great part of [Page 16] the foregoing is collected, observes, ‘That if any of his readers should think the subject is overpressed, such are desired to consider that the calamitous urgency of the case absolutely requireth the most pathetical expostulation, to rouse the attention and indignation of mankind, against this greatest of all plagues that ever befel unhappy man, which is both our sin and our most severe punish­ment.’

Dr. Cheyne farther observes, ‘That if only the profligate, the scoundrel, the abandoned run into these excesses, it were as vain to endeavour to reclaim them, as it were to stop a tempest, or calm a storm: But that now the vice is become epidemical, since it has got not only among mechanics and trades­men, but among persons of the bright­est genius, the finest taste, and the most accomplished parts. And oh! that I could (adds the doctor) give my con­science the lye in not mentioning them, even among the first and least fallen part of the creation itself, and those of them too, of the most elegant parts and the strictest virtue, even of those who are in other respects blameless. Since the case is so, it will not be amiss to shew, to the evidence of a demon­stration, [Page 17] the folly as well as fruitless­ness of such a course. A fit of the colick, or of the vapours; a family misfortune; the death of a child, or of a friend, with the assistance of the nurse or the next neighbour, often gives rise and becomes the weighty causes of so fatal an effect. A little lowness requires drops, which pass readily down under the notion of physic: Drops beget drams, and drams beget more drams, till they come to be without weight and without measure—did this bewitching poison ac­tually cure or relieve them from time to time, something might be said to ex­tenuate the folly and the frenzy of such a course, but on the contrary, it height­ens and enrages all their symptoms and sufferings ever afterwards, excepting the few moments immediately after taking it down; and every dram be­gets the necessity of two more to cure the ill effects of the first, and one mi­nute's indulgence they purchase with many hours of greater pain and mise­ry, besides making the malady more incurable. Low spiritedness itself is no disease; besides there are remedies that will relieve it so long as there is any oil remaining in the lamp.—Exercise, abstinence and proper evacuations, with [Page 18] time and patience, will continually make it tolerable; very often they will perfectly cure. The running into drams is giving up the whole at once, for neither laudanum nor arsenick will kill more certainly, altho' more quickly.’

The mistaken use and grievous abuse of rum and other distilled spirits, perhaps in no case appear more palpably than at the time of harvest, a business which, under the Mosaic Dispensation, was par­ticularly enjoined to be carried on with humiliation and thanksgiving, and ought by all means, to be observed as such under the gospel; but through the abuse of spi­rituous liquors, is made an occasion of a greater abuse of the creature and dishonour of the Creator; this arises, in many, from a mistaken persuasion that hard labour, particularly that of the harvest field, can­not be carried on without a quantity of rum or other distilled spirits; and in sup­port of this opinion, we are frequently told of the many people who have died in the field through extream heat and fa­tigue, and it is supposed that many more would die, if a plentiful use of spirituous liquors was not allowed. But this I am persuaded is a great mistake, it being much more likely that the free use of rum occa­sioned the death of those people; the [Page 19] quantity they had swallowed down, send­ing a greater flow of spirits into the head than the strength of the body could sup­port. Indeed the repeated large quantities of rum commonly drank during the whole time of harvest, keeps up the blood in a continual serment and fever, in which state people cannot have a proper restora­tive sleep; their constitutions are thereby enervated, their lives shortened, and an unfitness for religious impressions general­ly prevails.

These most solemn and weighty consi­derations, have induced some well-mind­ed people to endeavour to lead, by their example [...] their friends and neighbours into a contrary practice; and under these attempts, experience has made it manifest, that very little or no strong liquor is ne­cessary at those times; indeed they have been convinced that the harvest and other laborious work, can be very well manag­ed without making use of any spirituous liquors at all. If such labour was carried on with steadiness and proper moderation, there would certainly be no need of a re­cruit of strength being sought for by that means; more frequent intervals of rest, with a little food, oftener allowed the reapers, and small drinks; such as molas­ses and water made agreeable with a little [Page 20] cyder, small beer, or even milk and wa­ter, would fully enable them to perform their work to their employer's satisfaction and their own advantage; and the over­plus wages they would receive, instead of the spirituous liquors usually given, might be sufficient to purchase bread for their families.

This sober and moderate manner of pro­ceeding was certainly the general practice in this province, for a considerable num­ber of years after its first settlement, when but small quantities of strong liquors, and often none at all could be procured ^*, The people in those early times maintained their health, and were enabled to perform their labour to satisfaction. But this did not long continue, the great call for our pro­visions [Page 21] visions brought us into connections with those countries from whence rum was pro­cured; and the desire of gain has since in a progressive encrease, induced our traders to bring us plenty of distilled spirits, and together with them diseases and death in return for our flour, and other useful pro­duce. So early as the year 1728, ^* we find the introduction and consumption, of rum had made an amazing progress, and began to rouse the attention of some of the considerate, may I not say, of the lovers of their country in that day. And from the too apparent general use, there is [Page 22] no room to suppose but that it has gone on in an increased proportion to our numbers; tho' not now so easily ascertained, from the additional numbers of ports, and va­rious means of procuring it: Nor ought we to omit, in such accounts, the large quantities of whisky and other liquors dis­tilled amongst ourselves from grain, fruit, and molasses, which cannot well be calcu­lated.

I have heard of several thoughtful peo­ple who, from a persuasion that the com­mon method of giving spirituous liquors to labourers was exceeding hurtful, have made it a condition with those they have employed, not to use any spirituous liquors in their fields; these have had their work performed to good satisfaction, and with­out any damage ensuing to their labour­ers. Nay, where they have remained any considerable time with such employers, they have generally acknowledged them­selves sensible of the benefit arising from having thus totally refrained the use of those liquors. A particular instance of this kind occurred last summer, in the case of Joshua Evans, of Haddonfield; this considerate person being convinced that the use of rum and other spirituous liquors, was extreamly hurtful to the la­bouring people; more especially during [Page 23] the time of harvest, apprehended it to be his duty, to become an example in oppo­sition to this pernicious custom; and he concluded to run all risques of loss and da­mage, which might happen to himself by the delay of bringing in his harvest, ra­ther than comply with a custom which he apprehended to be so destructive of his fellow men.

He therefore offered six-pence per day more than other farmers, to such labour­ers as were willing to assist in bringing in his harvest, on condition that no spiritu­ous liquors should be used in his fields. Notwithstanding the singularity of such a proposal, a sufficient number of labour­ers offered themselves, to whom he re­marked, That the hurrying manner in which the people drove on their labour in the harvest field, caused an unnatural fer­ment and heat in their bodies, and of course an excessive thirst ensued, which often occasioned their drinking water, or small liquors, in such immoderate degree as to become hurtful and very dangerous, that this was generally assigned as a rea­son for the use of spirituous liquors: That, in order to avoid these extremes, he proposed to lead them himself in the harvest work, desiring they would go no faster than he did; they acted according­ly, [Page 24] and his corn was cut down and brought in as well, if not better, than ever it had been before; and tho' the people drank little but water or milk and water, chusing it rather than cyder and water, or small beer, which they were not used to; they went thro' their business with satisfaction to him and themselves. This person has pursued the same course with labourers he has hired for other work; who, tho' ac­customed to spirituous liquors, after having served him several days, have frankly ac­knowledged they had done very well with­out them, finding themselves in a better state both of body and mind, than when they began to work for him.

This is a plain instance in contradiction to the common prejudice, that labouring people cannot with safety perform their work without using those liquors. Seve­ral more examples might be instanced of some considerate people who have made it a rule not to make any use of spirituous liquors, either amongst their workmen in the prosecution of their trades, or on their plantations. To these experience has shewn, that their people could not only do as well without it, but found themselves much better in health, and well satisfied in mind.

Several physicians of eminence have de­clared themselves in favour of this senti­ment; [Page 25] amongst others, the celebrated doctor Buchan, in his Domestic Medicine, or Family Physician, a work so well e­steemed as to have been, within these two years, twice reprinted in this city. At page 71, of the English edition, he says, ‘Many imagine that hard labour could not be supported without drinking strong liquors. This, tho' a common, is a very erroneous notion. Men who never tasted strong liquors are not only able to endure more fatigue, but also live much longer than those who use them daily ^*. But suppose strong liquors did enable a man to do more work, they must nevertheless waste the pow­ers of life, and of course occasion pre­mature old age. They keep up a con­stant fever, which wastes the spirits, heats and inflames the blood, and pre­disposes the body to numberless diseas­es.’

At page the same, the author tells us, ‘That all intoxicating liquors may be considered as poisons. However dis­guised, [Page 26] that is their real character, and sooner or later they will have their ef­fect.’ It is a prevailing opinion in sa­vour of drinking spirituous liquors at har­vest, and other hard labour, that it gives relief by throwing out the sweat. Now, moderate quantities of any small liquor, even water itself, if not drank too cold, and particularly if sweetned with molasses, and a little sour'd with some proper acid, would certainly answer the purpose, with­out the bad effects which attend the use of spirits.

It is well known that a pint of good mo­lasses will, in distillation, afford rather more than a pint of good proof rum; therefore must contain as much, if not more real strength than the same quantity of rum, without any of its noxious qualities; be­ing then in the state the Almighty first formed it, the fiery property so clothed and united with the earthy and balsamick parts, as to cause it to be quite friendly to our nature, and not liable to intoxicate; as the spirit alone will, when separated by distillation from the other parts.

Small beer or water mixed with some of our home-made wines; or, as before said, water mixed with a due quantity of molasses, made agreeably acid, to such as chuse it, by mixing it with a due propor­tion [Page 27] of cyder, or some other acid liquor, or even good vinegar ^*; milk and water, or even water itself, if used with caution, will answer all the purposes of common drink for labouring people.

Amongst the several prejudices in fa­vour of the mistaken use of spirituous li­quors, there is none gives it a greater sanction or support, than the prevailing opinion, even with persons of reputation, that what they term a moderate quantity of rum mixed with water, is the best and safest liquor that can be drank; hence confirming it, that spirit in one form [Page 28] or other is necessary. To such who have not been accustomed, and think they can­not habituate themselves to drink water, there may appear to be some kind of plea in this argument, especially to travellers, who often meet with beer, cyder, or other fermented liquors that are dead, [...], sour, or not properly fermented, which tend to generate air in the bowels, pro­ducing colicks, &c. But I believe if those persons suffered the weight of the subject, and the consequence of the encourage­ment they thereby give to the use of these destructive spirits, to take proper place with them, it might suggest the proprie­ty, if not necessity, of introducing a more salutary practice to themselves and fami­lies. That pure fluid (water) which the benevolent father of the family of man­kind points out for general use, is so ana­logous to the human frame, that except in a very few cases, people might with safety gradually use themselves to it: And as to such well disposed people who still retain a favourable opinion for the use of spirit mixed with water, ought they not, even from love to mankind, to endeavour to refrain from, and example others a­gainst it, (on account of the prodigious havock made by the use of spirits) agree­able to the example set us by the Apostle [Page 29] Paul, Cor. viii. 13. If meat make my bro­ther to offend, I will eat no flesh while the world standeth, lest I make my brother to of­fend; how much more then ought they to refrain from that which may tend to establish mankind in a practice so general­ly destructive; more especially when they consider the danger themselves are in, of encreasing the quantity of spirit with their water; as it has been observed, that the use of this mixture is particularly apt, al­most imperceptibly, to gain upon those who use it; so that many otherwise good and judicious people, have, unwarily to themselves and others, fallen with the common herd, a sacrifice to this mighty devourer. And where water is met with, as is sometimes the case, which is scarce fit to drink; its vain to think to remove the noxious qualities by mixing it with spirit; for tho' bad water may be made more palatable by mixing spirit with it, yet all the bad qualities of the water will remain, to which will only be superadd­ed the bad qualities of the spirit. There are many ways proposed by which water may be helped without any such additions, as by filtration, thro' porous stones, or thro' an earthen vessel, in the bottom of which there is a quantity of sand, which retains the noxious mixture. Hard water [Page 30] may be made soft by boiling, or by being exposed to the sun and air. Some propose mixing water, which is impure, with loam; this being well stirred and left to settle, the noxious parts will subside with the loam, and the water may be drawn off clear and fit for use.

Dr. Cheyne in his treatise before men­tioned, observes, That without all perad­venture, water is the primitive original beverage; as it is the only simple fluid fit­ted for diluting, moistening and cooling— the ends of drink, appointed by nature, and happy had it been for the race of man­kind, if other mixed and artificial liquors had never been invented. ‘It has been an agreeable appearance to me, says this au­thor, to observe with what freshness and vigour those who, tho' eating freely of flesh meat, yet drank nothing but this e­lement, have lived in health, indolence, and chearfulness to a great age. Water alone is sufficient and effectual for all the purposes of human want in drink. Strong liquors were never designed for common use. They were formerly kept in England, as other medicines are, in apothercaries shops.’ Speaking of the effects of wine (a liquor in general much less hurtful than distilled spirits) which he says to have been so much in use at the time he wrote, [Page 31] that the better sort of people scarcely di­luted their food with any other liquor, he remarks, ‘That as natural causes will al­ways produce their proper effects, their blood was inflamed into gout, stone, and rheumatism, raging fevers, pleuri­sies, &c. Water is the only dissolvent or menstruum, and the most certain di­luter of all bodies proper for food.’

Doctor Short, in his discourse of the inward use of water, speaks much in its commendation. He says, we can draw a very convincing argument of the excel­lency of water, from the longevity and healthfulness of those who at first had no better liquor, and the health and strength of body and serenity of mind of those who at this day have no other common liquor to drink. Of this the common people amongst the Highlands of Scotland, are a sufficient instance, amongst whom it is no rarity to find persons of eighty, ninety, yea an hundred years of age, as healthy, strong, and nimble, as wine or ale bibbers are at thirty-six or forty ^*. The excellency of [Page 32] water, the doctor says, may be argued from the great success people, otherwise despi­cable, have attained over other nations, while they remained content with the pro­duct of nature for drink. Of this the Persian, Grecian, and Roman monarchies are instances. This was also the case of our ancestors, the Saxons, Danes, and Normans, whilst their manners remained simple, and their food and drink such as nature had provided, they encreased to such a degree, that their country not be­ing able to contain them, they were oblig­ed to send out swarms of people to seek for settlements in the more southern parts of the world; these gradually settled them­selves in the different parts of the Roman empire: But since those Northern King­doms have forsaken the wholsome customs of their forefathers, and habituated them­selves to the use of strong liquors, they are so enfeebled, and their numbers have so much decreased, that many parts of [Page 33] their own country now remain unculti­vated. The rulers easy under the pecuni­ary advantages which arise, themselves en­slaved to the practice of drinking to excess, look without concern on this enormous ruin of multitudes of their fellow men. Thus it is in Russia, where a vast revenue is raised from distilled spirituous liquors, and a multitude of people proportionably large, are destroyed thereby. Again says the doctor, ‘There is a ridiculous maxim used by drinkers, that water makes but thin blood, not fit for business—I say it is water only that can endue its drinkers with the strongest bodies and most robust constitutions, where exercise or labour is joined with it, since it best assists the sto­mach and lungs to reduce the aliments into the smallest particles, that they may better pass the strainers of the body, which separates the nutritious parts of the blood to be applyed to the sides of the vessels, and exercise invigorates the fibres and muscles; whereas the rapid motion of the blood excited by drinking spirituous li­quors, can not fail of being prejudicial to the body, it will cause the watery parts to dissipate and the remaining grow thick and tough, and the event be obstructions, inflammations, imposthumations, &c.— and tho' strong liquors afford a greater [Page 34] flow of spirit for a short time, yet this is always followed with as much low­ness of spirit; so that to gain a necessary stock of spirits, the person is obliged to repeat the same force, till he learns a custom of drinking drams. In this we are confirmed, if we consider the great strength and hardiness of poor rusticks in many parts of the world, whose provi­sions is mostly vegetable food, and their drink water.’ The doctor adds, ‘That it often happens that persons of tender, weakly, crazy constitutions, by refrain­ing strong liquors and accustoming them­selves to drink water, make shift to spin out many years.’

Doctor Cadogan, in his treatise on the gout, lately printed in this city, tells us, ‘That water is the only liquor nature knows of, or has provided for all ani­mals, and whatsoever nature gives we must depend upon it, is best and safest for us; accordingly we see that when we have committed any excess or mistake of any kind, and suffer for it, 'tis water that relieves. Hence the chief good of bath, spa, and many other me­dicinal waters, especially to hard drink­ers. It is that element that dilutes and carries off crudities and indigestions, &c. the mineral virtues they contain may [Page 35] make them tolerable to the stomach in their passage, but do, as I believe, little more in the body, it is the water that cures. Wine was given us as a cordial.’

Cheyne says he has known men of weak and tender constitutions, who could nei­ther eat nor digest upon drinking wine, who, by drinking at meals common water heated, have recovered their appetites and digestion, &c. have thriven and grown plump. Speaking of malt liquors, he gives it as his sentiment, that a weak stomach can as readily, and with less pain, digest pork and pease soup, as Yorkshire or Not­tingham ale: he adds, That they are of so glutinous a nature as to make excellent bird lime, and when simmered sometime over a gentle fire, make the most sticking, and the best plaster for old strains that can be contrived. Even the small beer that is commonly drank at London, if it be not well boiled, very clear, and of a due age, must be hurtful to persons of weak nerves and slow digestion.

Doctor Buchan tells us, The great quantity of viscid malt liquor drank by the common people of England, cannot fail to render the blood sizy and unfit for circulation, from whence proceed obstruc­tions and inflammations of the lungs. Those who drink ardent spirits or strong [Page 36] wine, do not run less hazard; these li­quors heat and inflame the blood, and tear the tender vessels of the lungs in pieces.

Doctor Short, page 33, after describing the many distempers produced by drink­ing of malt and other fermented liquors, adds, That seeing constitutions differ, it is not to be expected that spirituous li­quors should produce all the same symp­toms in one and the same person, yet that all drinkers have several of them; and if they come not to that height, its because they afterwards use great exercise or hard labour, with sometimes thin diluting li­quors, which prevent their immediate hurting ^*.

[Page 37]Its customary, and often necessary in the summer season, particularly in after­noons, for people who are spent by labour or application, to have recourse to some kind of refreshment. This is generally of two kinds, very different in their nature and effect, viz. The one is a mixture of spirituous liquors, as punch, grog, &c. or fermented liquors, as cyder, beer, &c. The other is mild and diluting, such as tea, or coffee, &c. The use of spirituous or fermented liquors, for the reasons already given, are hurtful and dangerous; more especially, as the sorrowful experience of many within knowledge, has taught that there is very great danger of even sober [Page 38] people who use them, with what is termed moderation, becoming habituated and gradually encreasing their strength and quantity, till it proves the ruin of them­selves and families.

This caution can scarcely be too often repeated, as it has been so frequently the melancholy situation of persons, otherwise valuable members of society. But the use of mild diluting drinks, such as cof­fee, or the several sorts of teas, either of our own produce or those brought from the Indies, may be truly termed innocent and friendly to our natures, and very proper to promote a good perspiration and recruit our spirits when dissipated thro' application or labour. And as the use of these innocent dilutors have not escaped censure, more especially from persons who are attached to the use of spirituous or fermented liquors; it may be agreeable to the reader, to hear the sentiments of doctor Cheyne on the subject. And here it may be well to remark that these ob­servations were addressed to the people of England, where the heat not being so great as in these parts, those restorative dilutent drinks are not so frequently ne­cessary. A dish or two of coffee, the doctor says, with a little milk to soften it, in raw or damp weather, or on a wa­terish [Page 39] and flegmatick stomach, is not on­ly innocent but a present relief.—Tea ^*, particularly Green, when light and soften­ed with a little milk, if neither too strong nor too hot, he looks upon as a very pro­per dilutent, very suitable to cleanse the alimentary passages, and wash of the scorbutick and urinous salts: He also re­commends tea made of sliced orange or lemon, as one of the best promoters of digestion after a full meal, or when peo­ple are dry between meals. As to per­sons of weak and tender nerves, who find that upon using of these drinks with free­dom, or in too great quantity, they fall into lowness and trembling; such ought to use them with moderation and caution.

Again we know, says he, that warm wa­ter will most of any thing, promote and assist digestion in persons of weak stomachs and tender nerves; by this alone I have seen several such persons recover to a mi­racle, when cold mineral waters, bitters, cordials, and drams have done rather harm than good.—Tea is but an infusion in water of an innocent plant: Innocent, he says, because we find by its taste, it has [Page 40] neither poisonous, deleterious, nor acri­monious qualities; and we are certain from its use, in the countries it come from ^†, (which are larger than Europe) that they receive no damage from it; but on the contrary, that it promotes both digestion and perspiration. The arguments for its relaxing the coats of the stomach and bow­els by its heat, are of no force; for unless it be drank much hotter than the blood, it can do no hurt that way.—However, I would advise those who drink tea plenti­fully, not to drink it much hotter than blood warm, whereby they will receive all its benefits, and be secure against all the harm it can possibly do.

Doctor Engelbertus Kaempfer, physician of the Dutch embassy to the emperor of Japan, in his account of that country, giving a particular account of the growth, preparation, and use of tea; says, It is so common in Japan, that travellers drink scarce any thing else upon the road.—The fresh gathered leaves are dried or roasted [Page 41] over the fire in an iron pan, and when hot, rolled with the palm of the hand on a matt, till they become curled. They have public roasting houses built for this very purpose, and contrived so that every body may bring their leaves to be roasted. The doctor makes no distinction between green and bohea; the only difference from his account, arises from the different time of gathering. The first, gathered whilst the leaves are tender, has the best flavour and is most valuable; the second is less so: the last, gathered when the leaves are full grown is the cheapest. He gives it as his sentiments, from his observations of the effect of tea, that when properly pre­pared and of a due age, it gently refresh­es the animal spirits, and wonderfully chears and comforts the mind; it opens obstructions, cleanses the blood, and more particularly removes that tartarous matter which is the efficient cause of gravelly and gouty distempers. This he says it does so effectually, that he never met with any who was troubled either with the gout or stone, amongst the tea-drinkers of Ja­pan. He adds that he is wholly of opi­nion that the use of teas would be attend­ed with the same success in the like cases, even in Europe, were it not for an here­ditary disposition, for either of these dis­tempers derived to some persons from their [Page 42] ancestors; and which is frequently che­rished and fomented by a too plentiful use of wine, beer, strong liquors and flesh meats. It appears the use of tea meets with opposition in the East countries, as well as amongst ourselves, from those per­sons whose practice contradicts the use of these kinds of innocent diluting drinks: for the doctor remarks, That in Japan the use of tea is very much cried down by those persons who are lovers of sakki beer, which is there brewed from rice.

All the good qualities ascribed by the above mentioned physicians, to foreign tea, may be as truly applied to teas made of our own country produce, such as sage, balm, burnet, sassafrass, &c. &c. these I am persuaded would answer all, if not more and better purposes than the foreign teas. But I spare to say much on this head at present, lest by discouraging the use of any mild diluting drink, (especially one in such general use, and which simply considered as a diluent, must be acknow­ledged a good substitute,) any strength should be given to the use of spirituous or fermented liquors in its stead.

We may also make a very good refresh­ing drink of the nature of coffee; from roasted wheat, barley, rye, or chesnuts, full as agreeable, wholesome, and nourish­ing, if not much more so than coffee it­self.

[Page 43]Upon the whole it may be asked, What can be done towards preventing or put­ting a check to the prodigious havock made by the present use of spirituous li­quors? To this I shall reply with the re­spectable author first mentioned. Let such lawmakers, governors, and rulers, who retain any love and pity for their fellow men; let these be earnestly requested seri­ously, and solemnly to consider, whether it is not their indispensable duty to use their utmost endeavours, that a stop may be put to this dreadful calamity; let not the apprehension of loss or any present incon­veniency, deter any from doing their duty in this respect, because there cannot any inconveniencies possibly arise from the re­dress of this grievance, which deserves to be named with those evils which will be the undoubted consequence of its conti­nuance. The reasons that have hitherto prevailed to the countenancing of this most destructive practice, ought surely to be re­jected with scorn and indignation, when the welfare of such vast numbers are so deeply concerned. What multitudes of lives would thereby be saved, and what innumerable outrages, as theft, murder, &c. prevented: To rectify which, were an apparently vain and fruitless attempt, while drunkenness is made the cheapest of all vices. A vice which can no otherwise be [Page 44] effectually prevented from raging with its present excessive enormity, and spreading devastation all around, but by laying such high taxes upon distilled spirituous liquors, as well those made amongst us, as those imported from abroad, as will make the drinking it sufficiently expensive to put it out of the reach of so great a number of insatiable drinkers, to use it; at least in its present degree of strength.— ‘Alas, says he, how astonishing a calamity is this, depraving the morals and shorten­ing and destroying the lives of such multitudes, probably no less than a mil­lion yearly all over the world—were but one fourth of this number yearly destroyed by raging pestilence, with what earnest supplications would man­kind deprecate so terrifying and sore an affliction.’ How severe a judgment is it, when God leaves men to be their own scourgers? with how unrelenting and un­merciful a heart do they execute the most severe punishment upon themselves!—Particulars who view this matter in its full importance, will query, What can an individual or private man do in the case? To these it may be observed, That as po­pular amendments consist wholly of the actions of individuals, every one who is sincere in his desires, that a remedy may be applied to this mighty evil, must, to [Page 45] the utmost of his power, discourage the encrease of spirituous liquors either by im­portation, distillation, or otherwise, and not deceive themselves, or rather suffer the God of this world to deceive them by means of the specious pretences common­ly advanced; such as, That other people will be active in augmenting the quantity if they do not; or, That however people may abuse themselves thro' excess, yet what is deemed a moderate quantity, may lawfully be used; but it may easily be shewn, that these and other arguments commonly advanced, are vain, tho' plau­sible pretences; that the true motive is the desire of gain: That every new importer and distiller, (and oh that the vender also may bring his situation to the true ba­lance) becomes a party to the evil; gives fresh strength to the practice, by holding out an additional quantity, and of course making it in some degree cheaper, at least easier for their fellow men to come at, to the destruction of their brethren, children of the same father, and who as christians they profess to love as themselves.

And as for such who, tho' convinced of the impropriety of the practice, yet for fear of not having their labour performed, or for other reasons, cannot prevail upon themselves to refrain giving it to their ser­vants and labourers, let these at least so [Page 46] weaken and qualify it, as to prevent its immediate destructive effects.

A very eminent physician has given the following direction for the benefit of those who have not wisdom enough left at once to abandon the odious and pernicious practice of drinking distilled spirituous li­quors, viz. By degrees to mix water with the spirit; to lessen the quantity every day, and keep to the same quantity of water, till in about the course of a week, nothing of the dram kind be used along with the water. By this means the person will suf­fer no inconveniency, but reap great be­nefit upon leaving off drams or spirits, as has been tried by many. If any gnawing be left in the stomach upon quite leaving it off, a little warm broth, weak tea, or any thing of that kind, will be of service. The appetite always increases in a few days after leaving off drams, unless by the too long continuance of them, the tone of the stomach is destroyed. And when the sto­mach is thus affected, a cup of carduus, camomile tea, wormwood or centaury every morning fasting and every evening, will be found a good remedy.

[Page 47]Some GENERAL MAXIMS, mostly drawn from the foregoing, which as they cannot be too obvi­ously held up in the view of the young and inconsi­derate, its hoped the observant reader will excuse the repetition.

THE great rule of diet is to study simplicity: Nature delights in the most plain and simple food; and every animal, except man, follows her dictates.

Nothing conduces more to health and long life, than abstinence and plain food, with due labour.

Water alone is sufficient and effectual for all the purposes of human want in drink: It is the univer­sal dissolvent nature has provided, and the most cer­tain diluter of all bodies proper for food; quickens the appetite and strengthens digestion most. Doctor Cheyne and doctor Cadogan.

Strong and spirituous liquors were never designed for common use: They were formerly kept in Eng­land, as other medicines are, in apothecaries shops: If freely indulged, they become a certain tho' slow poison. Cheyne.

All intoxicating liquors may be considered as poi­sons; however disguised, that is their real charac­ter, and sooner or later they will have their effect. Doctor Buchan.

Every act of intoxication puts nature to the expence of a fever, in order to discharge the poisonous draught; when this is repeated almost every day, it is easy to foresee the consequence.

Fevers occasioned by drinking, do not always go off in a day, they frequently end in an inflammation of the breast, liver, or brain, and produce fatal effects.

There is no danger in leaving off drinking strong liquors at once, the plea for continuing them being false and groundless. Cheyne.

Strong liquors do not prevent the mischiefs of a [Page 48] surfeit, nor carry it off so sefely as water, tho' they seem to give present relief. Cheyne.

Many imagine that hard labour could not be sup­ported without drinking strong liquors. This tho' a common, is a very erroneous opinion: Men who ne­ver tasted strong liquors, are not only able to endure more fatigue, but also live much longer than those who use them daily. Buchan.

Every thing that has past the fire, so that it has had due time to divide and penetrate its parts, as in distillation, as far as it possibly can, retains a caustic corrosive and burning quality ever afterwards.

In the continued distillation of spirits, the action of fire is so strong as to reduce them to liquid fire at last; which will of themselves evaporate in visible flames and fumes, Cheyne.

The great quantity of viscid malt liquor drank by the common people of England, cannot fail to ren­der the blood sizy and unfit for circulation, from whence proceed obstructions and inflammations of the lungs, &c. Buchan.

Malt liquors (excepting clear small beer of due age) are extreamly hurtful to tender and studious persons. Cheyne.

There are few great ale drinkers who are not phthisical, nor is that to be wondered at, considering the glutinous and almost indigestible nature of strong ale. Buchan.

Those who drink ardent spirits or strong wines do not run less hazard; these liquors heat and inflame the blood, and tear the tender vessels of the lungs in pieces. Buchan.

Doctor Cadogan in his late treatise on the gout, says, He cannot allow him to be strictly temperate, who drinks any wine or strong liquors at all, unless it be medicinally.

THOUGHTS UPON SLAVERY.

I. BY slavery I mean domestic slavery, or that of a servant to a master. A late ingenious writer well observes, "The variety of forms in which slavery appears, makes it almost impossible to convey a just notion of it, by way of de­finition. There are however certain pro­perties which have accompanied slavery in most places, whereby it is easily distin­guished from that mild domestic service which obtains in our own country ^*."

2. Slavery imports an obligation of per­petual service, an obligation which only [Page 4] the consent of the master can dissolve. Neither in some countries can the master himself dissolve it, without the consent of judges appointed by law. It generally gives the master an arbitrary power of any correction not affecting life or limb.— Sometimes even these are exposed to his will: or protected only by a sine, or some slight punishment, too insiconderable to restrain a master of an harsh temper. It creates an incapacity of acquiring any thing, except for the master's benefit. It allows the master to alienate the slave, in the same manner as his cows and horses. Lastly, it descends in its full extent from parent to child, even to the latest gene­ration.

3. The beginning of this may be dated from the remotest period, of which we have an account in history. It commenced in the barbarous state of society, and in process of time spread into all nations. It prevailed particularly among the Jews, the Greeks, the Romans, and the antient Germans: And was transmitted by them to the various kingdoms and states, which arose out of the ruins of the Roman em­pire. But after christianity prevailed, it gradually fell into decline in almost all parts of Europe. This great change began in Spain, about the end of the eighth cen­tury: [Page 5] And was become general in most other kingdoms of Europe, before the mid­dle of the fourteenth.

4. From this time slavery was nearly extinct, till the commencement of the six­teenth century, when the discovery of America, and of the western and eastern coasts of Africa, gave occasion to the revi­val of it. It took its rise from the Portu­guese, who to supply the Spaniards with men, to cultivate their new possessions in America, procured negroes from Africa, whom they sold for slaves to the American Spaniards. This began in the year 1508, when they imported the first negroes into Hispaniola. In 1540 Charles the fifth, then king of Spain, determined to put an end to negro-slavery: Giving positive orders, That all the negro slaves in the Spanish dominions should be set free. And this was accordingly done by Lagasca, whom he sent and impowered to free them all, on condition of continuing to labour for their masters. But soon after Lagasca re­turned to Spain, slavery returned and flou­rished as before. Afterwards other na­tions, as they acquired possessions in America, followed the examples of the Spaniards; and slavery has now taken deep root in most of our American colonies.

[Page 6]II. Such is the nature of slavery: Such the beginning of negro-slavery in America. But some may desire to know, what kind of country it is, from which the negroes are brought? What sort of men, of what temper and behaviour are they in their own country? And in what manner they are generally procured, carried to, and treated in America?

1. And first, What kind of country is that from whence they are brought? Is it so remarkably horrid, dreary and barren, that it is a kindness to deliver them out of it? I believe many have apprehended so: But it is an entire mistake, if we may give credit to those who have lived many years therein, and could have no motive to misrepresent it.

2. That part of Africa whence the ne­groes are brought, commonly known by the name of Guinea, extends along the coast, in the whole, between three and four thousand miles. From the river Se­negal, (seventeen degrees north of the line) to Cape Sierra Leona, it contains seven hundred miles. Thence it runs eastward about fifteen hundred miles, including the Grain-Coast, the Ivory-Coast, the Gold-Coast, and the Slave-Coast, with the large king­dom of Benin. From thence it runs south­ward, about twelve hundred miles, and [Page 7] contains the kingdoms of Congo and An­gola.

3. Concerning the first, the Senegal-Coast, Mons. Brue, who lived there sixteen years, after describing its fruitfulness near the sea, says, "The farther you go from the sea, the more fruitful and well-im­proved is the country, abounding in pulse, Indian corn, and various fruits. Here are vast meadows, which feed large herds of great and small cattle. And the villages which lie thick, shew the country is well peopled." And again: "I was surprized, to see the land so well cultivated; scarce a spot lay un-improved: The low lands divided by small canals, were all sowed with rice: The higher grounds were plant­ed with Indian corn, and peas of different sorts. Their beef is excellent; poultry plenty and very cheap, as are all the ne­cessaries of life."

4. As to the Grain and Ivory Coast, we learn from eye witnesses, that the soil is in general fertile, producing abundance of rice and roots. Indigo and cotton thrive without cultivation.—Fish is in great plenty; the flocks and herds are numerous, and the trees loaded with fruit.

5. The Gold-Coast and Slave-Coast, all who have seen it agree, is exceeding fruit­ful and pleasant, producing vast quantities [Page 8] of rice and other grain, plenty of fruit and roots, palm-wine, and oil, and fish in great abundance, with much tame and wild cattle. The very same account is given us of the soil and produce of the kingdoms of Benin, Congo and Angola.— From all which it appears, That Guinea in general, far from being an horrid, dreary, barren country, is one of the most fruitful, as well as the most pleasant countries in the known world. It is said indeed to be unhealthy. And so it is to strangers, but perfectly healthy to the native inhabi­tants.

6. Such is the country from which the negroes are brought. We come next to enquire, What sort of men they are, of what temper and behaviour, not in our plantations, but in their native country. And here likewise the surest way is to take our account from eye and ear witnesses. Now those who have lived in the Senegal country observe, it is inhabited by three nations, the Jalofs, Fulis, and Mandingos. The king of the Jalofs has under him se­veral ministers, who assist in the exercise of justice. The chief justice goes in cir­cuit through all his dominions, to hear complaints and determine controversies. And the viceroy goes with him, to inspect the behaviour of the Alkadi, or Governor [Page 9] of each village. The Fulis are a numerous people; the soil of their country represent­ed as rich, affording large harvests, and the people laborious and good farmers: Of some of these Fuli blacks who dwelt on the river Gambia, William Moor the English factor gives a very favourable account.— He says, they are governed by their chief men, who rule with much moderation. Few of them will drink any thing stronger than water, being strict Mahometans. The government is easy, because the people are of a good and quiet disposition; and so well instructed in what is right, that a man who wrongs another is the abomina­tion of all.—They desire no more land than they use, which they cultivate with great care and industry: If any of them are known to be made slaves by the white men they all join to redeem them. They not only support all that are old, or blind, or lame among themselves; but have frequently supplied the necessities of the Mandingos, when they were distrest by famine.

7. The Mandingos, says Mons. Brue, are rigid Mahometans, drinking neither wine nor brandy. They are industrious and laborious, keeping their ground well cul­tivated, and breeding a good stock of cat­tle. Every town has a governor, and he [Page 10] appoints the labour of the people. The men work the ground designed for corn; the women and girls, the rice-ground.— He afterwards divides the [...] rice among them: And decides all quarrels if any arise. All the Mahometan negroes constantly go to public prayers thrice a day: there being a priest in every village, who regularly calls them together: Some authors say, it is surprizing to see the atten­tion and reverence which they observe during their worship.—These three nati­ons practise several trades; they have smiths, sadlers, potters and weavers. And they are very ingenious at their several occupations.—Their smiths not only make all the instruments of iron, which they have occasion to use, but likewise work many things neatly in gold and silver. It is chiefly the women and chil­dren who weave fine cotton cloth, which they dye blue and black.

8. It was of these parts of Guinea, that Mons. Adanson, correspondent of the royal academy of sciences at Paris from 1749 to 1753, gives the following account, both as to the country and people. "Which way soever I turned my eyes, I beheld a per­fect image of pure nature: An agreeable solitude, bounded on every side by a charming landscape; the rural situation [Page 11] of cottages, in the midst of trees; the ease and quietness of the negroes, reclined un­der the shade of the spreading foliage, with the simplicity of their dress and man­ners: The whole revived in my mind the idea of our first parents, and I seemed to contemplate the world in its primitive state. They are generally-speaking, very good-natured, sociable and obliging. I was not a little pleased with my very first reception, and it fully convinced me, that there ought to be a considerable abate­ment made, in the accounts we have of the savage character of the Africans." He adds, "It is amazing that an illiterate people should reason so pertinently con­cerning the heavenly bodies. There is no doubt, but that with proper instru­ments, they would become excellent astro­nomers."

9. The inhabitants of the Grain and Ivory-Coast are represented by those that deal with them, as sensible, courteous, and the fairest traders on the coasts of Guinea. They rarely drink to excess: If any do, they are severely punished by the king's order. They are seldom troubled with war: If a difference happen between two nations, they commony end the dis­pute amicably.

The inhabitants of the Gold and Slave-Coast likewise, when they are not artfully [Page 12] incensed against each other, live in great union and friendship, being generally well-tempered, civil, tractable, and ready to help any that need it. In particular, the natives of the kingdom of Whidah are civil, kind, and obliging to strangers.—And they are the most gentleman-like of all the negroes, abounding in good man­ners towards each other. The inferiors pay great respect to their superiors:— So wives to their husbands, children to their parents. And they are remarkably industrious: All are constantly employ'd; the men in agriculture, the women in spinning and weaving cotton.

10. The Gold and Slave Coasts are divid­ed into several districts, some governed by kings, others by the principal men, who take care each of their own town or vil­lage, and prevent or appease tumults.— They punish murder and adultery se­verely; very frequently with death.—Theft and robbery are punished by a fine proportionable to the goods that were taken. —All the natives of this coast, though heathens, believe there is one GOD, the author of them and all things. They appear likewise to have a confused appre­hension of a future state. And accord­ingly every town and village has a place of public worship.— It is remarkable that [Page 13] they have no beggars among them: Such is the care of the chief men, in every city and village, to provide some easy labour, even for the old and weak. Some are employ'd in blowing the smiths bellows; others in pressing palm-oil; others in grinding of colours. If they are too weak even for this, they sell provisions in the market.

11. The accounts we have of the na­tives of the kingdom of Benin is, that they are a reasonable and good-natured people, sincere and inoffensive, and do no injustice either to one another or to strangers.— They are civil and courteous: If you make them a present, they endeavour to repay it double. And if they are trusted, till the ship returns next year, they are sure honestly to pay the whole debt.—Theft is punished among them, altho' not with the same severity as murder. If a man and woman of any quality, are taken in adultery, they are certain to be put to death, and their bodies thrown on a dunghill, and left a prey to wild beasts. They are punctually just and honest in their dealings; and are also very charitable: The king and the great lords taking care to employ all that are capable of any work. And those that are utterly helpless they keep for GOD's sake; so that here also are [Page 14] no beggars. The inhabitants of Congo and Angola are generally a quiet people. They discover a good understanding, and be­have in a friendly manner to strangers, being of a mild temper and an affable car­riage.—Upon the whole therefore the negroes who inhabit the coast of Africa, from the river Senegal to the southern bounds of Angola, are so far from being the stupid, senseless, brutish, lazy barba­rians, the fierce, cruel, perfidious savages they have been described, that on the contrary, they are represented by them who had no motive to flatter them, as re­markably sensible, considering the few advantages they have for improving their understanding:—As very industrious, perhaps more so than any other natives of so warm a climate.—As fair, just and honest in their dealings, unless where whitemen have taught them to be otherwise:—And as far more mild, friendly and kind to strangers, than any of our forefathers were. Our forefathers! Where shall we find at this day, among the fair-faced natives of Europe, a nation generally practising the justice, mercy, and truth, which are related of these poor black Africans? Suppose the preced­ing accounts are true, (which I see no rea­son on pretence to doubt of) and we may [Page 15] leave England and France, to seek genuine honesty in Benin, Congo, or Angola.

III. We have now seen, what kind of country it is, from which the negroes are brought: And what sort of men (even whitemen being the judges) they were in their own country. Enquire we, Thirdly, In what manner are they generally pro­cured, carried to, and treated in America.

1. First. In what manner are they pro­cured? Part of them by fraud. Captains of ships from time to time, have invited negroes to come on board, and then car­ried them away. But far more have been procured by force. The christians land­ing upon their coasts, seized as many as they found, men, women and children, and transported them to America. It was about 1551, that the English began trading to Guinea: At first, for gold and elephants teeth, but soon after, for men. In 1566, Sir John Hawkins sailed with two ships to Cape Verd, where he sent eighty men on shore to catch negroes. But the natives flying, they fell farther down, and there set the men on shore, "to burn their towns and take the inhabitants." But they met with such resistance, that they had seven men killed, and took but ten negroes. So they went still farther down, [Page 16] till having taken enough, they proceeded to the West-Indies, and sold them ^*.

[Page 17]2. It was some time before the Europeans found a more compendious way of pro­curing African slaves, by prevailing upon them to make war upon each other, and to sell their prisoners,—Till then they seldom had any wars: But were in ge­neral quiet and peaceable. But the white men first taught them drunkenness and avarice, and then hired them to sell one another. Nay, by this means, even their kings are induced to sell their own sub­jects. [Page 18] So Mr. Moore (factor of the African company in 1730) informs us, "When the king of Barsalli wants goods or brandy, he sends to the English governor at James' sort, who immediately sends a sloop.—Against the time it arrives, he plunders some of his neighbours towns, selling the people for the goods he wants. At other times he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his own subjects." So Mons. Brue says, "I wrote to the king (not the same) "if he had a suffi­cient number of slaves I would treat with him. He seized three hundred of his own people, and sent word, he was ready to deliver them for the goods." He adds, "Some of the natives are always ready" (when well paid) "to surprize and carry off their own countrymen. They come at night without noise, and if they find any lone cottage, surround it and carry off all the people."— Barbot, (another French factor) says, "Many of the slaves sold by the negroes are prisoners of war, or taken in the incursions they make into their enemy's territories.—Others are stolen. Abundance of little blacks of both sexes, are stolen away by their neighbours, when found abroad on the road, or in the woods, or else in the corn-fields, at the time of year when their parents keep [Page 19] them there all day to scare away the de­vouring birds." That their own parents sell them, is utterly false:

3. To set the manner wherein Negroes are procured in a yet stronger light, it will suffice to give an extract of two voy­ages to Guinea on this account. The first is taken verbatim from the original manuscript of the Surgeon's Journal.

"SESTRO, Dec. 29, 1724. No trade to day, though many traders came on board. They informed us, that the peo­ple are gone to war within land, and will bring prisoners enough in two or three days; in hopes of which we stay.

"The 30th. No trade yet: but our traders came on board to-day, and inform­ed us the people had burnt four towns: So that to-morrow we expect slaves off.

"The 31st. Fair weather: but no trading yet. We see each night towns burning. But we hear, many of the Sestro men are killed by the inland Ne­groes: So that we fear this war will be unsuccessful.

"The 2d. of January. Last night we saw a prodigious fire break out about eleven o'clock, and this morning see the town of Sestro burnt down to the ground." (It contained some hundred houses.) "So that we find their enemies are too hard [Page 20] for them at present, and consequently our trade spoiled here. Therefore about seven o'clock we weighed anchor, to proceed lower down."

4. The second extract taken from the journal of a Surgeon, who went from New-York on the same trade, is as follows. "The Commander of the vessel sent to acquaint the king, that he wanted a car­go of slaves. The king, promised to fur­nish him, and in order to it, set out, designing to surprize some town, and make all the people prisoners. Some time after, the king sent him word, he had not yet met with the desired success▪ Having attempted to break up two towns, but having been twice repulsed: But that he still hoped to procure the number of slaves. In this design he persisted, till he met his enemies in the field. A battle was fought, which lasted three days. And the engagement was so bloody, that four thousand five hundred men were slain upon the spot." Such is the man­ner wherein the Negroes are procured! Thus the christians preach the gospel to the heathens!

5. Thus they are procured. But in what numbers and in what manner are they carried to America?—Mr. Ander­son in his History of trade and commerce, [Page 21] observes, " England supplies her Ameri­can colonies with Negro-slaves, amount­ing in number to about an hundred thou­sand every year." That is, so many are taken on board our ships; but at least ten thousand of them die in the voyage: About a fourth part more die at the dif­ferent Islands, in what is call the Season­ing. So that at an average, in the pas­sage and seasoning together, thirty thou­sand die: That is, properly are mur­dered. O earth, O Sea, cover not thou their blood!

6. When they are brought down to the shore in order to be sold, our surge­ons thoroughly examine them, and that quite naked, women and men, without any distinction: Those that are approved are set on one side. In the mean time a burning iron, with the arms or name of the Company, lies in the fire, with which they are marked on the breast. Before they are put into the ships, their masters strip them of all they have on their backs: So that they come on bord stark naked, women as well as men. It is common for several hundreds of them to be put on board one vessel; where they are stow­ed together in as little room, as it is pos­sible for them to be crowded. It is easy to suppose what a condition they must [Page 22] soon be in, between heat, thirst, and stench of various kinds. So that it is no wonder, so many should die in the pas­sage; but rather, that any survive it. ^*

[Page 23]7. When the vessels arrive at their destined port, the Negroes are again exposed naked, to the eyes of all that flock together, and the examination of their purchasers: Then they are sepa­rated to the plantations of their several masters, to see each other no more. Here you may see mothers hanging over their daughters, bedewing their naked breasts with tears, and daughters clinging to their parents, till the whipper soon oblig­es them to part. And what can be more wretched than the condition they then enter upon? Banished from their coun­try, from their friends and relations for ever, from every comfort of life, they are reduced to a state scarce any way preferable to that of beasts of burthen. In general a few roots, not of the nicest kind, usually yams or potatoes, are their [Page 24] food, and two rags, that neither screen them from the heat of the day, nor the cold of the night their covering. Their sleep is very short, their labour continu­al, and frequently above their strength; so that death sets many of them at liberty, before they have lived out half their days. The time they work in the West Indies, is from day break to noon, and from two o'clock till dark: During which time they are attended by overseers, who, if they think them dilatory, or think any thing not so well done as it should be, whip them most unmercifully, so that you may see their bodies long after whealed and scarred usually from the shoulders to the waist. And before they are suffered to go to their quarters, they have commonly something to do, as collecting herbage for the horses, or gathering fewel for the boilers. So that it is often past twelve, before they can get home. Hence if their food was not prepared, they are sometimes called to labour again, before they can satisfy their hunger. And no excuse will avail. If they are not in the field immediately, they must expect to feel the lash. Did the Creator intend, that the noblest creatures in the visible world, should live such a life as this!

[Page 25]"Are these thy glorious works, Pa­rent of Good?"

8. As to the punishments inflicted on them, says Sir Hans Sloan, "they fre­quently geld them, or chop off half a foot: After they are whipped till they are raw all over, some put pepper and salt upon them: Some drop melted wax upon their skin. Others cut off their ears, and constrain them to broil and eat them. "For Rebellion," (that is, assert­ing their native Liberty, which they have as much right to as to the air they breathe) "they fasten them down to the ground with crooked sticks on every limb, and then applying fire by degrees, to the feet and hands, they burn them gradually upward to the head." ^*

[Page 26]9 But will not the laws made in the Plantations, prevent or redress all cruelty and Oppression? We will take but a [Page 27] few of those Laws for a specimen, and then let any man judge.

In order to rivet the chain of slavery, the law of Virginia ordains, "That no [Page 28] slave shall be set free, upon any pretence whatever, except for some meritorious services, to be adjudged and allowed by the governor and coucil: And that where [Page 29] any slave shall be set free by his owner, otherwise than is herein directed, the church-wardens of the parish wherein such negro shall reside for the space of [Page 30] one month are hereby authorized and required, to take up and sell the said negro, by public outcry."

Will not these Law-givers take effec­tual care, to prevent cruelty and oppres­sion?

[Page 31]The law of Jamaica ordains, "Every slave that shall run away, and continue absent from his master twelve months, shall be deemed rebellious:" And by ano­ther [Page 32] law, fifty pounds are allowed [...] those who kill or bring in alive a rebelli­ous slave." So their law treats these poor men with as little ceremony and consi­deration, as if they were merely brute beasts! But the innocent blood which is shed in consequence of such a detestable law, must call for vengeance on the mur­derous abettors and actors of such delibe­rate wickedness.

11. But the law of Barbadoes exceeds even this. "If any negro under punish­ment, by his master, or his order, for running away, or any other crime or misdemeanor, shall suffer in life or mem­ber, no person whatever shall be liable to any fine therefore. But if any man of WAN­TONNESS, or only of BLOODY-MINDED­NESS or CRUEL INTENTION, wilfully kill a negro of his own" (Now observe the severe punishment!) "He shall pay into the public treasury fifteen pounds ster­ling! And not be liable to any other punishment or forfeiture for the same!"

[Page 33]Nearly allied to this is that law of Vir­ginia: "After proclamation is issued a­gainst slaves that run away, it is lawful for any person whatsoever to KILL AND DESTROY such slaves, by SUCH WAYS AND MEANS AS HE SHALL THINK FIT.

We have seen already some of the ways and means which have been thought fit on such occasions. And many more might be mentioned. One gentleman, when I was abroad thought fit to roast his slave alive! But if the most natural act of "running away" from intolerable ty­ranny, deserves such relentness severity, what punishment have these law-makers to expect hereafter, on account of their own enormous offences?

IV. 1. This is the plain, un-aggravat­ed matter of fact. Such is the manner wherein our African slaves are procured: Such the manner wherein they are remov­ed from their native land, and wherein they are treaed in our Plantations. I would now enquire, whether these things can be defended, on the principles of even hea­then honesty? Whether they can be recon­ciled (setting the Bible out of the question) with any degree of either justice or mercy.

2. The grand plea is, "They are au­thorized by law." But can law, human law, change the nature of things? Can [Page 34] it turn darkness into light, or evil into good? By no means. Notwithstanding ten thousand laws, right is right, and wrong is wrong still. There must still remain an essential difference between justice and injustice, cruelty and mercy. So that still I ask, Who can reconcile this treatment of the negroes, first and last, with either mercy or justice.

Where is the justice of inflicting the severest evils, on those that have done us no wrong? Of depriving those that ne­ver injured us in word or deed, of every comfort of life? Of tearing them from their native country, and depriving them of liberty itself? To which an Angolan, has the same natural right as an English­man, and on which he sets as high a value? Yea where is the justice of taking away the lives of innocent, inoffensive men? Murdering thousands of them in their own land, by the hands of their own countrymen: Many thousands, year after year, on shipboard, and then cast­ing them like dung into the sea! And tens of thousands in that cruel slavery, to which they are so unjustly reduced?

3. But waving, for the present, all other considerations, I strike at the root of this complicated villainy. I absolute­ly deny all slave-holding to be consistent [Page 35] with any degreee of even natural justice.

I cannot place this in a clearer light, than that great ornament of his profes­sion, judge Blackstone has already done. Part of his words are as follows:

"The three origins of the right of slavery assigned by Justinian, are all built upon false foundations. 1. Slavery is said to arise from captivity in war. The conqueror having a right to the life of his captive, if he spares that, has then a right to deal with him as he pleases. But this is untrue, if taken generally, That by the law of nations, a man has a right to kill his enemy. He has only a right to kill him in particular cases in cases of absolute necessity for self-defence. And it is plain, this absolute necessity did not subsist, since he did not kill him, but made him prisoner. War itself is justi­fiable only on principles of self-preserva­tion. Therefore it gives us no right o­ver prisoners, but to hinder their hurt­ing us by confining them. Much less can it give a right to torture, or kill, or even to enslave an enemy when the war is over. Since therefore the right of mak­ing our prisoners slaves, depends on a supposed right of slaughter, that found­dation failing, the consequence which is drawn from it must fail likewise."

[Page 36]"It is said, Secondly, slavery may be­gin, by one man's selling himself to ano­ther. And it is true, a man may sell him­self to work for another: But he cannot sell himself to be a slave, as above defined. Every sale implies an equivalent given to the seller, in lieu of what he transfers to the buyer. But what equivalent can be given for life or liberty? His property likewise, with the very price which he seems to receive, devolves ipso facto to his master, the instant he becomes his slave: In this case therefore the buyer gives nothing, and the seller receives nothing. Of what validity then can a sale be, which destroys the very principles upon which all sales are founded?"

"We are told, Thirdly, that men may be born slaves, by being the children of slaves. But this being built on the two former rights, must fall together with them. If neither captivity, nor contract can by the plain law of nature and reason, reduce the parent to a state of slavery, much less can they reduce the offspring." It clearly follows, that all slavery is as ir­reconcileable to justice as to mercy.

4. That slave-holding is utterly incon­sistent with mercy, is almost too plain to need a proof. Indeed it is said, "That these negroes being prisoners of war, our [Page 37] captains and factors buy them merely to save them from being put to death. And is not this mercy?" I answer, 1. Did Sir John Hawkins, and many others, seize upon men, women and children, who were at peace in their own fields or houses, merely to save them from death? 2. Was it to save them from death, that they knock'd out the brains of those they could not bring away? 3. Who occasioned and fomented those wars, wherein these poor creatures were taken prisoners? Who excited them by money, by drink, by every possible means, to fall upon one another? Was it not themselves? They know in their own conscience it was, if they have any conscience left. But 4. To bring the matter to a short issue. Can they say before GOD, That they ever took a single voyage, or bought a single negro from this motive? They cannot. They well know, to get money, not to save lives, was the whole and sole spring of their motions.

5. But if this manner of procuring and treating negroes is not consistent either with mercy or justice, yet there is a plea for it which every man of business will acknowledge to be quite sufficient. Fifty years ago, one meeting an eminent states­man in the lobby of the house of com­mons, [Page 38] said, "You have been long talking about justice and equity. Pray which is this bill? Equity or justice?" He answer­ed, very short, and plain, "D—n justice: It is necessity." Here also the slave-holder fixes his foot: Here he rests the strength of his cause. "If it is not quite right, yet it must be so: There is an absolute necessity for it. It is necessary we should procure slaves: And when we have procured them, it is necessary to use them with se­verity, considering their stupidity, stub­bornness and wickedness."

I answer, You stumble at the threshold: I deny that villany is ever necessary. It is impossible that it should ever be neces­sary, for any reasonable creature to violate all the laws of justice, mercy, and truth. No circumstances can make it necessary for a man to burst in sunder all the ties of humanity. It can never be necessary for a rational being to sink himself below a brute. A man can be under no necessity, of degrading himself into a wolf. The absurdity of the supposition is so glaring, that one would wonder any one can help seeing it.

6. This in general. But to be more particular, I ask, 1. What is necessary? And, secondly, To what end? It may be be answered, "The whole method now [Page 39] used by the original purchasers of negroes, is necessary to the furnishing our colonies yearly with an hundred thousand slaves." I grant, this is necessary to that end. But how is that end necessary? How will you prove it necessary, that one hundred, that one of those slaves should be procured? "Why, it is necessary to my gaining an hundred thousand pounds." Perhaps so: But how is this necessary? It is very pos­sible you might be both a better and an happier man, if you had not a quarter of it. I deny that your gaining one thousand is necessary, either to your present or eternal happiness. "But however you must allow, these slaves are necessary for the cultivation of our islands; inasmuch as white men are not able to labour in hot climates ^†." I answer, 1. It were bet­ter [Page 40] that all those islands should remain uncultivated for ever, yea, it were more desirable that they were all together sunk in the depth of the sea, than that they should be cultivated at so high a price, as the violation of justice, mercy, and truth. But, Secondly, the supposition on which [Page 41] you ground your argument is false. For white men, even Englishmen, are well able to labour in hot climates: provided they are temperate both in meat and drink, and that they inure themselves to it by degrees. I speak no more than I know by experience. It appears from the ther­mometer, [Page 42] that the summer heat in Georgia, is frequently equal to that in Barbadoes, yea to that under the line. And yet I and my family, (eight in number) did em­ploy all our spare time there, in felling of trees and clearing of ground, as hard labour as any negro need be employed in. The German family likewise, forty in number, [Page 43] were employed in all manner of labour. And this was so far from impairing our health, that we all continued perfectly well, while the idle ones all round about us, were swept away as with a pestilence. It is not true therefore that white men are not able to labour, even in hot climates, full as well as black. But if they were not, it would be better that none should [Page 44] labour there, that the work should be left undone, than that myriads of innocent men should be murdered, and myriads more dragged into the basest slavery.

7. "But the furnishing us with slaves is necessary, for the trade, and wealth, and glory of our nation:" Here are se­veral mistakes. For 1. Wealth is not ne­cessary to the glory of any nation; but wisdom, virtue, justice, mercy, generosity, public spirit, love of our country. These are necessary to the real glory of a nation; but abundance of wealth is not. Men of understanding allow, that the glory of England was full as high, in Queen Eliza­beth's time as it is now: Although our riches and trade were then as much smaller, as our virtue was greater ^‡. But, [Page 45] Secondly, It is not clear, that we should have either less money or trade, (only less of that detestable trade of man-stealing) if there was not a negro in all our islands, or in all English America. It is demonstra­ble, white men, inured to it by degrees can work as well as them: And they would do it, were negroes out of the way, and proper encouragement given them. How­ever, Thirdly, I come back to the same point; better no trade, than trade pro­cured by villany. It is far better to have [Page 46] no wealth, than to gain wealth, at the ex­pence of virtue. Better is honest poverty, than all the riches bought by the tears, and sweat, and blood of our fellow-crea­tures.

8. "However this be, it is necessary when we have slaves, to use them with severity." What, to whip them for every petty offence, till they are all in gore blood? To take that opportunity, of rub­bing pepper and salt into their raw flesh? To drop burning sealing wax upon their skin? To castrate them? To cut off half their foot with an axe? To hang them on gibbets, that they may die by inches, with heat, and hunger, and thirst? To pin them down to the ground, and then burn them by degrees, from the feet, to the head? To roast them alive? When did a Turk or a Heathen find it necessary to use a fellow-creature thus?

I pray, to what end is this usage neces­sary? "Why, to prevent their running away: And to keep them constantly to their labour, that they may not idle away their time. So miserably stupid is this race of men, yea, so stubborn, and so wicked." Allowing them to be as stupid as you say, to whom is that stupidity owing? Without question it lies altoge­ther at the door of their inhuman masters: [Page 47] Who give them no means, no opportu­nity of improving their understanding: And indeed leave them no motive, either from hope or fear, to attempt any such thing. They were no way remarkable for stupidity, while they remained in their own country: The inhabitants of Africa where they have equal motives and equal means of improvement, are not inferior to the inhabitants of Europe: To some of them they are greatly superior. Impar­tially survey in their own country, the natives of Benin and the natives of Lap­land. Compare, (setting prejudice aside) the Samoeids and the Angolans. And on which side does the advantage lie, in point of understanding? Certainly the African is in no respect inferior to the European.— Their stupidity therefore in our planta­tions is not natural; otherwise than it is the natural effect of their condition.— Consequently it is not their fault, but your's: You must answer for it, before GOD and man.

9. "But their stupidity is not the only reason of our treating them with severity. For it is hard to say, which is the greatest, This, or their stubbornness and wicked­ness."—It may be so:—But do not these, as well as the other, lie at your door? Are not stubbornness, cunning, pilfering, and [Page 48] divers others vices, the natural, necessary fruits of slavery? Is not this an observati­on which has been made, in every age and nation.—And what means have you used to remove this stubbornness? Have you tried what mildness and gentleness would do? I knew one that did: That had prudence and patience to make the ex­periment: Mr. Hugh Bryan, who then lived on the borders of South-Carolina.— And what was the effect? Why, that all his negroes (And he had no small number of them) loved and reverenced him as a father, and chearfully obeyed him out of love. Yea, they were more afraid of a frown from him, than of many blows from an overseer. And what pains have you taken, what method have you used, to reclaim them from their wickedness? Have you carefully taught them, "That there is a GOD, a wise, powerful, merciful Being, the Creator and Governor of Heaven and Earth? That he has appoint­ed a day wherein he will judge the world, will take an account of all our thoughts, words and actions? That in that day he will reward every child of man according to his works: That "then the righteous shall inherit the kingdom prepared for them from the foundation of the world: And the wicked shall be cast into ever­lasting [Page 49] fire, prepared for the devil and his angels." If you have not done this, if you have taken no pains or thought about the matter, can you wonder at their wickedness? What wonder, if they should cut your throat? And if they did, whom could you thank for it but yourself? You first acted the villain in making them slaves, (whether you stole them or bought them.) You kept them stupid and wick­ed, by cutting them off from all appor­tunities of improving either in know­ledge or virtue: And now you assign their want of wisdom and goodness as the rea­son for using them worse than brute beasts!

V. 1. It remains only, to make a little application of the preceding observations. —But to whom should that application be made? That may bear a question. Should we address ourselves to the public at large? What effect can this have? It may inflame the world against the guilty, but is not likely to remove that guilt. Should we appeal to the English nation in general? This also is striking wide: And is never likely to procure any redress, for the sore evil we complain of.—As little would it in all probability avail, to apply to the par­liament. So many things, which seem of greater importance lie before them that [Page 50] they are not likely to attend to this. I therefore add a few words to those who are more immediately concerned, whether captains, merchants or planters.

2. And, first, to the captains employed in this trade. Most of you know, the country of Guinea: Several parts of it at least, between the river Senegal and the kingdom of Angola. Perhaps now, by your means, part of it is become a dreary uncultivated wilderness, the inhabitants being all murdered or carried away, so that there are none left to till the ground. But you well know, how populous, how fruitful, how pleasant it was a few years ago. You know the people were not stupid, not wanting in sense, considering the few means of improvement they en­joyed. Neither did you find them savage, fierce, cruel, treacherous, or unkind to strangers. On the contrary, they were in most parts a sensible and ingenious people. They were kind and friendly, courteous and obliging, and remarkably fair and just in their dealings. Such are the men whom you hire their own coun­trymen, to tear away from this lovely country; part by stealth, part by force, part made captives in those wars, which you raise or foment on purpose. You have seen them torn away, children from [Page 51] their parents, parents from their children: Husbands from their wives, wives from their beloved husbands, brethren and sisters from each other. You have drag­ged them who had never done you any wrong, perhaps in chains, from their na­tive shore. You have forced them into your ships like an herd of swine, them who had souls immortal as your own: (Only some of them have leaped into the sea, and resolutely stayed under water, till they could suffer no more from you.) You have stowed them together as close as ever they could lie, without any regard either to decency or convenience. —And when many of them had been poisoned by foul air, or had sunk under various hardships, you have seen their remains delivered to the deep, till the sea should give up his dead. You have carried the survivors into the vilest slavery, never to end but with life: Such slavery as is not found among the Turks at Algiers, no, nor among the heathens in America.

3. May I speak plainly to you? I must. Love constrains me: Love to you, as well as to those you are concerned with.

Is there a GOD? You know there is. Is He a just GOD? Then there must be a state of retribution: A state wherein the just GOD will reward every man according to [Page 52] his works. Then what reward will he render to you? O think betimes! Before you drop into eternity! Think now, He shall have judgment without mercy, that shewed no mercy.

Are you a man? Then you should have an human heart. But have you indeed? What is your heart made of? Is there no such principle as compassion there? Do you never feel another's pain? Have you no sympathy? No sense of human woe? No pity for the miserable? When you saw the flowing eyes, the heaving breasts, or the bleeding sides and tortured limbs of your fellow-creatures, was you a stone, or a brute? Did you look upon them with the eyes of a tiger? When you squeezed the agonizing creatures down in the ship, or when you threw their poor mangled remains into the sea, had you no relent­ing? Did not one tear drop from your eye, one sigh escape from your breast? Do you feel no relenting now? If you do not, you must go on, till the measure of your iniquities is full. Then will the great GOD deal with you, as you have dealt with them, and require all their blood at your hands. And at that day it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gemorrah than for you! But if your heart does relent, though in a small degree, know it is a call from [Page 53] the GOD of love. And to day, if you hear his voice, harden not your heart.— To day resolve, GOD being your helper, to escape for your life.—Regard not money! All that a man hath will he give for his life? Whatever you lose, lose not your soul: nothing can countervail that loss. Immediately quit the horrid trade: At all events, be an honest man.

4. This equally concerns every mer­chant, who is engaged in the slave-trade. It is you that induce the African villain, to sell his countrymen; and in order there­to, to steal, rob, murder men, women and children without number: By enabling the English villain to pay him for so doing; whom you over pay for his execrable labour. It is your money, that is the spring of all, that impowers him to go on: So that whatever he or the African does in this matter, is all your act and deed. And is your conscience quite reconciled to this? Does it never reproach you at all? Has gold entirely blinded your eyes, and stu­pified your heart? Can you see, can you feel no harm therein? Is it doing as you would be done to? Make the case your own. "Master, (said a slave at Liverpool to the merchant that owned him) "what if some of my countrymen were to come here, and take away my mistress, and mas­ter [Page 54] Tommy, and master Billy, and carry them into our country, and make them slaves, how would you like it?." His an­swer was worthy of a man: "I will never buy a slave more while I live." O let his resolution be yours! Have no more any part in this detestable business. In­stantly leave it to those unfeeling wretches, "Who laugh at human nature and com­passion!" Be you a man! Not a wolf, a devourer of the human species! Be mer­ciful, that you may obtain mercy!

5. And this equally concerns every gentleman that has an estate in our Ameri­can plantations: Yea all slave-holders of whatever rank and degree; seeing men-buyers are exactly on a level with men-stealers. Indeed you say, "I pay honestly for my goods: and I am not concerned to know how they are come by." Nay, but you are: You are deeply concerned, to know they are honestly come by. Other­wise you are partaker with a thief, and are not a jot honester than him. But you know, they are not honestly come by: You know they are procured by means, nothing near so innocent as picking of pockets, house-breaking, or robbery upon the highway. You know they are pro­cured by a deliberate series of more com­plicated villany, of fraud, robbery and [Page 55] murder) than was ever practised either by Mahometans or Pagans: in particular by murders, of all kinds; by the blood of the innocent poured upon the ground like water. Now it is your money that pays the merchant, and thro' him the captain, and the African butchers. You therefore are guilty, yea, principally guilty, of all these frauds, robberies and murders. You are the spring that puts all the rest in mo­tion: they would not stir a step without you:—Therefore the blood of all these wretches, who die before their time, whe­ther in their country, or elsewhere lies upon your head. The blood of thy brother, (for, whether thou wilt believe it or no, such he is in the sight of him that made him) crieth against thee from the earth, from the ship, and from the waters. O, what­ever it costs, put a stop to its cry before it be too late. Instantly, at any price, were it the half of your goods, deliver thyself from blood-guiltiness! Thy hands, thy bed, thy furniture, thy house, thy lands are at present stained with blood. Surely it is enough; accumulate no more guilt: spill no more the blood of the innocent! Do not hire another to shed blood: Do not pay him for doing it! Whether you are a christian or no, shew yourself a man; be not more savage than a lion or a bear!

[Page 56]6. Perhaps you will say, "I do not buy any negroes: I only use those left me by my father."—So far is well: but is it enough to satisfy your own conscience? Had your father, have you, has any man living, a right to use another as a slave? It cannot be, even setting revelation aside. It cannot be, that either war, or contract, can give any man such a property in ano­ther as he has in his sheep and oxen. Much less is it possible, that any child of man, should ever be born a slave. Liberty is the right of every human creature, as soon as he breathes the vital air. And no human law can deprive him of that right, which he derives from the law of nature.

If therefore you have any regard to justice, (to say nothing of mercy, nor of the revealed law of GOD) render unto all their due. Give liberty to whom liberty is due, that is to every child of man, to every partaker of human nature. Let none serve you but by his own act and deed, by his own voluntary choice.— Away with all whips, all chains, all com­pulsion! Be gentle towards all men. And see that you invariably do unto every one, as you would he should do unto you.

7. O thou GOD of love, thou who art loving to every man, and whose mercy is over all thy works: Thou who art the [Page 57] father of the spirits of all flesh, and who art rich in mercy unto all: Thou who hast mingled of one blood, all the nations upon earth: Have compassion upon these out­casts of men, who are trodden down as dung upon the earth! Arise and help these that have no helper, whose blood is spilt upon the ground like water! Are not these also the work of thine own hands, the purchase of thy Son's blood? Stir them up to cry unto thee in the land of their captivity; and let their complaint come up before thee; let it enter into thy ears! Make even those that lead them away cap­tive to pity them, and turn their capti­vity as the rivers in the south. O burst thou all their chains in sunder; more especially the chains of their sins: Thou, Saviour of all, make them free, that they may be free indeed!

The first is taken from the late writings of Edward Bancroft, an English physician, who resided some years in that part of America, called Dutch Guiana, which in­cludes the several settlements of Surinam, Barbices, Demarara, &c. The insensibility with which this author relates and vin­dicates the cruelties and indignities ex­ercised, by the Dutch, on the miserable Africans, shew that the advantage accruing to him from the labour of the slaves, as well as his connection with their oppres­sors, had its usual and natural effects, in obscuring his understanding, and hardning his heart against the dictates of reason and humanity.

[Page 59]The French author appears to have been in a very different situation; he was an officer belonging to the troops quartered in the island Mauritus, now called The Isle of France, who not reaping any advantage from the labour of the slaves, nor having any dependence on the planters, his mind remained so unprejudiced, that the dic­tates of reason and tender feelings of hu­manity, had free liberty to exert them­selves.

Doctor Bancroft, whilst he is giving his readers a genuine relation of the prodi­gious oppression and cruelty exercised on the negroes, advances such arguments in defence of the practice of slavery, as are, indeed, a dishonour to reason, and shock­ing to humanity. He tells us, ‘That the labour of the country is almost wholly performed by negroes—that they are kept at a submissive and hum­ble distance, by severity of discipline,’ which he is so hardned as to say, ‘not only contributes to the safety of the white inhabitants, but even the happi­ness of the slaves, because, adds he, the impossibility of attaining is ever found to destroy the desire of enjoyment, and rigid treatment, by annihilating every hope of liberty, renders the slaves con­tent with the enjoyment of slavery.’— [Page 60] He acknowledges, ‘That the negroes are indeed spurred to industry by the whip of correction, which is ever at their heels, and not sparingly exercised; but, that there is no medium: either the minds of the slaves must be de­pressed by abject slavery, or the lives of the masters are in imminent danger: For this reason (he says) they have been oppressed by many humiliating penalties and distinctions. The evi­dence of slaves relating to white persons are of no validity. An attempt to strike a white inhabitant is punished with death. Their masters or overseers have not only the power of inflicting cor­poral punishment, but are in some measure allowed to exercise a right over their lives, since the putting a negro to death is attended only with a pecu­niary punishment. In which situation, he confesses, they are subject to many complicated species of misery, exposed to the tyrann [...] of the imperious, and lust of the libidinous; and to an in­cessant toil which will have no period but with their lives.’ Thus this au­thor thro' the whole of his reasoning, ma­nifestly shews the depraving effect which the sight and practice of those hard and cruel measures which are attendant on [Page 61] slavery, has upon the heart and reason of men, otherwise of good judgment.— Hence he adds, ‘That tho' this treat­ment has the appearance of cruelty, and cannot be reconciled to the principles of justice and equity, yet many things which are repugnant to humanity, may be excused on account of their necessity and for self-preservation.’—Speaking of the provision made for the negroes in food and cloathing, he says, ‘The ex­pence of maintaining them in this climate is very trifling—they are assigned a piece of ground, from this the slave is supplied with a sufficient stock for his sustenance; on which however he is not allowed to labour but only on sundays; receiving from his master a weekly allowance of dried fish to the amount of a pound and an half; which is all that his master con­tributes towards his food. The females receive the same treatment, and the drink of both is nothing but water: yet from this water and vegetables, with a morsel of dried fish, these people derive sufficient nutriment to sustain the hardest labour in the most enervat­ing climate. The cloathing of the ne­groes (who work in the fields) is scarce sufficient to answer the demands of’ [...] [Page 72] indignation against the murderer, or commiseration for the unhappy victim; they seemed quite hardned to such scenes. He heard but one person take any man­ner of notice of the matter.

Another instance fell under the imme­diate notice of a person of credit, when in the island of Jamaica, now residing in this city. Hearing a grievous cry, he went to the place from whence it came, where he saw a young negro wo­man of about eighteen years of age, swung by her hands, with heavy weights at her feet, and a man lashing her naked body with a hard whip; making pauses from time to time, and flinging pickle or salt and water on the wounds, the whip had made. The sight was so hor­rible, that he turned from it and came home. Sometime after, looking out, he saw this same young woman carried dead on a board: She had been cruelly whip­ped to death; neither did he observe that this pitious spectacle drew the concern or hardly attention of the peo­ple.

A third instance happened in Charles-Town, in the presence of a person now residing there. A vessel had taken in a number of slaves, on the coast of Guinea, amongst these was a man, who probably [Page 73] from the dignity of his situation in his own country, or from some other cause, did not shew such submission as the ship's people expected and require of slaves. They attempted to tie him with ropes, but that not answering their purpose, they confined him in irons, and other­wise so tormented him during their pas­sage from Guinea, in order to bring down his spirit, that when they arrived at Charles-Town, he was in so weak a con­dition as to be scarce able to walk to the place of sale, but as he was urged on with the whip. When the slaves re­turned in the evening, this man remain­ing unsold, was forced along with the rest towards the vessel, he walked on for a while, till he came to the market-place, where he fell; but the whip being exercised upon him, he rose, and going on a little farther dropt down dead. The relater, a person of credit, saw the transaction, and exclaimed against the barbarity; but no notice was taken, ei­ther judicially or otherwise; he was dragged along and flung into the sea, to be devoured by the sharks.

The last instance I shall mention, hap­pened in Carolina, on board a vessel with slaves from Guinea, related by a per­son lately in this city from thence. It [Page 74] seems the poor negroes had let in a per­suasion, from a fire appearing on the shore, that the white people proposed to put them to death; this made them unwilling to leave the ship: However they were all made to comply except one man, who had taken so strong hold of some part of the ship, that the sailors were not able to loose him. This raised the anger of the captain to so great a degree, that he struck the poor fellow so hard a blow, with something like an handspike, as broke both his arms, whereby the captain looking upon the fellow as disabled and unfit for sale, gave him another blow on the head, which caused his brains to fly about the vessel.

"We know, says a late respectable author, that the negroes (employed in our plantations) are purchased from their princes in Guinea, who pretend to have a right to dispose of them, and that they are like other commodities, transported by the merchants, who have bought them into America, in or­der to be exposed to sale. If this trade admits of a moral or a rational justifi­cation, every crime, even the most atro­cious, may be justified. Government [Page 75] was instituted for the good of mankind; kings, princes, governors, are not pro­prietors of those who are subject to their authority; they have not a right to make them miserable. On the contrary, their authority is vested in them, that they may, by the just exercise of it, pro­mote the happiness of their people. Of course they have not a right to dispose of their liberty, and to sell them for slaves. Besides, no man has a right to acquire or to purchase them: Men and their liberty are not either sileable or purchaseable.—No one, therefore, has any but himself to blame, in case he shall find himself deprived of a man, whom he thought he had, by buying for a price, made his own; for he dealt in a trade which was illicit, and was prohi­bited by the most obvious dictates of humanity. For these reasons, every one of those unfortunate men, who are pre­tended to be slaves, has a right to be de­clared to be free, for he never lost his liberty; he could not lose it; his prince had no power to dispose of him. Of course the sale was ipso jure void. This right he carries about with him, and is entitled every where to get declared. As soon, therefore, as he comes into a country in which the judges are not for­getful [Page 76] of their own humanity, it is their duty to remember that he is a man, and to declare him to be free. I know it has been said, that questions concerning the state of persons ought to be determined by the law of the country to which they belong; and that, therefore, one who would be declared to be a slave in Ame­rica, ought, in case he should happen to be imported into Britain, to be adjudged according to the law of America to be a slave; a doctrine, than which nothing can be more barbarous. Ought the judges of any country, out of respect to the law of another, to shew no respect to their kind and to humanity. Out of respect to a law, which is in no sort ob­ligatory upon them, ought they to dis­regard the law of nature, which is obli­gatory on all men at all times, and in all places: Are any laws so binding as the eternal laws of justice? It is doubt­ful, whether a judge ought to pay great­er regard to them, than to those arbitra­ry and inhuman usages which prevail in a distant land? Aye, but our colonies would be ruined, if slavery was abolish­ed. Be it so; would it not from thence follow, that the bulk of mankind ought to be abused, that our pockets may be filled with money, or our mouths with [Page 77] delicacies? The purses of highwaymen would be empty in case robberies were totally abolished; but have men a right to acquire money by going out to the high­way? Have men a right to acquire it by rendering their fellow creatures misera­ble? Is it lawful to abuse mankind, that the avarice, the vanity, or the passion of a few may be gratified? No! There is such a thing as justice, to which the most sacred regard is due. It ought to be in­violably observed. Have not these un­happy men a better right to their liber­ty and to their happiness, than our Ame­rican merchants have to the profits which they make by torturing their kind? Let therefore our colonies be ruined, but let us not render so many men miserables. Would not any of us, who should—be snatched by pirates from his native land, think himself cruelly abused, and at all times intiled to be free. Have not these unfortunate Africans, who meet with the same cruel fate, the same right? Are not they men as well as we, and have they not the same sensibility?"

"But it is false, that either we, or our colonies would be ruined by the aboli­tion of slavery. It might oecasion a stag­nation of business for a short time. Every great alteration produces that effect: Be­cause [Page 78] mankind cannot on a sudden, find ways of disposing of themselves and of their affairs: But it would produce many happy effects. It is the slavery which is permitted in America that has hindered it from becoming so populous, as it would otherwise have done. Let the negroes free, and in a few generations, this vast and fertile continent, would be crowded with inhabitants; learning, arts, and every thing would flourish amongst them: Instead of being inhabited by wild beasts, and by savages, it would be peopled by philosophers, and by men." Prins. law of Scott.

"He who detains another by force in slavery, is always bound to prove his title. The slave sold or carried into a distant country, must not be obliged to prove a negative, that he never forfeited his liberty. The violent possessor must in all cases shew his title, especially where the old proprietor is well known. In this case, each man is the original proprietor of his own liberty. The proof of his losing it must be incumbent on those who de­prive him of it by force." Syst. mor. phil.

"Long and serious reflections upon the nature and consequences of slavery have [Page 79] convinced me, that it is a violation both of justice and religion; that it is danger­ous to the safety of the community in which it prevails; that is it destructive to the growth of arts and sciences; and lastly, that it produces a numerous and very fatal train of vices, both in the slave, and in his master.—Freedom is unquestionably the birth right of all man­kind; Africans as well as Europeans: to keep the former in a state of slavery, is a constant violation of that right, and therefore also of justice.—The British merchants obtains the negroes form A­frica, by violence, artifice, and treachery, with a few trinkets to prompt those un­fortunate people, to enslave one another, by force or stratagem. Purchase them, indeed they may, under the authority of an act of the British parliament. An act entailing upon the Africans (with whom we were not at war, and over whom a British parliament could not of right assume even a shadow of authority) the dreadful curse of perpetual slavery, upon them and their children forever. There cannot be in nature, there is not in all history, an instance in which every right of men is more flagrantly violated." Lee's Add.