AS the possession and preservation of every blessing that is dear to you call for it: May I be permitted to observe that the happiness of life, especially to men free born, consisteth in the full enjoyment of their natural, civil and religious RIGHTS. These are the nerves of health, the bul­warks of strength, and pillars of peace: Upon this foundation ALONE, the happiness and prosperity of the people stands. So dear is this blessing, that all life, power and sacred argument, unite in ONE to con­firm it. Skin for skin, and all that a man hath will he give for his Life; for the very LIFE of LIFE is LIBERTY. What is life, without these enjoy­ments, [Page 6] but a living death?—Nature breathes freedom through all the beauties of creation, from the meanest insect that moves, to the fowl of the air, and the fish of the sea. Freedom is that very breath of life that GOD breathed into man when he became a living soul: Therefore every man has the same natural and inherent right to every blessing of freedom and LIBERTY, as he has to his own, existence, and whoever deprives him of the enjoyment of his NATURAL RIGHT, is, in scriptural language, a mur­derer. ^* For the inviolable preservation of the RIGHTS of the people, is so happy in the English constitution, that no law can be made, but by the united power of the King, Lords, and Commons. The whole legislative authority is only a power of guardian-ship or high trust committed to them by the PEOPLE for the secure preservation and administrati­on of their RIGHTS. And this deligated power is subject to be revoked whenever the trust reposed in them is violated, as they are no more than the peo­ple's Servants, in the high trust of power, to main­tain the rights of their Charter; and whenever this end is not answered by them, the people have a right to turn them out of their stewardship, and dis­pose of it to those whom they shall think fit guardi­ans of their RIGHTS; for the law of nature is self preservation, which will never be relinguish'd by a people of any soul or spirit.

As the whole authority and power of the King, Lords, and Commons, as a legislative body, is origi­nally, and authoritatively, the power and rights of the people, sub [...]isting in them only by the people's plea­sure [Page 7] and power, which right, and power will always remain in the people if government was dissolved; and this makes it lawful in them to resist whatever opposes their inherent RIGHTS, authority, and power.

THE power of the King is so settled by the authori­ty of the people, that he is then, and only then se­cure, great, and happy while he maintains the laws and rights of the subjects. The King can neither make, or suffer to be made, by any authority what­ever, any breach upon the rights of the people, but at the same time HE makes the same breach upon his own rights, and thereby destroys the dignity and security of his CROWN: So that it remains a settled point, that the happiness of the King, and the prospe­rity of the people intirely depends upon this, namely, the King's preserving inviolable firm (according to his coronation oath) the laws, rights and previledges of the subjects; for if the King breaks this binding engagement, he thereby looses his original right to REIGN; nay, every plea of right, and power of authority, by which he holds his CROWN, or ascend­ed, the British THRONE. For the right of the King to reign upon the throne of Great-Britain, lies in his being (by the happy revolution principles) settled by the choice of the people as their elect King, or guardian of their rights.

BUT when these walls (which are the walls of salvation to the people) are broken down, either [...] Kingly, or Parliamentary power, then the King right to reign, and the obligations of the people to the King, or ministry, may justly cease. For when the [Page 8] rights of the people are violated, their affections not only become alienated, but their oath of allegiance to the K—himself becomes void.

THEN you will say, why are all these complaints of a free election being controul'd?—A representa­tive denied?—Murderers protected?—Juries with­held?—Magna Charta destroyed?—Remonstrances unheard?—The laws and rights of the people vio­lated? For, if the supreme power of authority lies in the rights of the people, and these rights are held by the threefold cord of the King, Lords, and Com­mons, who then can break them?

THIS question brings the matter to a point; and will shew the original cause of all the com­plaints, both of the Britons, and Americans. And the answer is, there is an overuling arbitrary power, ^* which absolutely controuls the King, Lords, and Commons:—This is the usurped power that is the spring, and cause of all the distressess and complaints of the people in England, or in America; it is a kind of a fourth power, that the constitution knows nothing of, or has not provided against. It is true, the people have suffered, or admitted the King, to choose his privy counsel, ministers and favourites, but they never intended they should rule over them, in any respect, much less in the violation of their rights. This ministerial throne, or arbitrary power, is what the people wish to see destroyed; because they ex­tend their usurped authority infinitely too far, either for the safety of the King, or the good of the people: [Page 9] So that it is plain to the people, that nothing but a change of men, and measures, will save the nation from ruin: For the British Crown always totters when the rights of the people shake.

THIS ministerial power, are a union of gentlemen, both of Lords and Commons, who, it is to be feared, that few of them fear GOD, or regard Man. These are (unhappy for the people) favoured to be around the King, as his council, favourites and flatterers; and they not acting as the guardians of the British Crown, and the rights of the people, but acting in the affairs of the nation by their dispotic will, making it the rule of authority and power: The peo­ple are justly alarmed at their actions, since they must intend thereby such a change in government, that must effectually destroy their rights, if not produce an en­tire revolution of the whole State. For their power and interest is so great, that they can, and do pro­cure whatever laws they please; having, (by power, interest, and the application of the people's money, to placemen, and pensioners,) the whole legislative authority at their command. So that it is plain, (not to say a word of a particular reigning arbitrary Stuarthal power among them) that the rights of the people are ruined, and destroyed by ministerial tyran­nical authority; and thereby, in a great measure, the people have lost the grand intent of their royal char­ter, and are become a kind of slaves to the ministers of State, the people having forgot the feeling sensation of their original right that it is still remaining in them; yet, no doubt but their soul and sentiment, their life and spirit, as Britons, will again rouse, and recover the possession of them; since now to remonstrate to the [Page 10] King (though they are oppressed) is deemed rebel­lion!—To reason, is to revolt!—To complain, is to be factious!—To suffer patiently the loss of re­presentation, is accounted loyalty!—Nay, those who submit and luffer the destruction of almost every right that is sacred, solemn and binding upon the King; or securing to their liberties, as a people. These are called, (but falsly so called) friends to Government.

BUT will the spirits of Britons bear this? No! not long. Oh England, how near is thy ruin? whose prerogative it was to give laws to Kings, and power [...] Nations.

WAS this all, Gentlemen, I would, with sympathy of soul, be solemnly silent in tears, for the breaches, inrodes, and growing ruins of England: But as it is too notorious before GOD, and Man, that this is nearly thy case, Oh America, that the British ministerial power, by an unjust sovereignty, they claim over you, have already destroyed your rights!—Thrown down your liberties!—Despised your charter!—Depriv­ed you of your spirit of trade, nay, of your lives!!! But what is worse, they are now aiming at the final overthrow of all your RIGHTS as a people; did I say aiming? Have they not already destroyed the an­cient rights of your forefathers, which was the life and glory of America? Namely, the power of mak­ing your own laws, and right of disposing your own money? This natural right, the British ministry have violently attacked, and done their utmost to destroy.

HAVE they not already engaged your GOVERNOR, and now aim to render you JUDGES independent up­on [Page 11] you? And if the ministry shall think it necessary for their base purpose, may we not expect the COUNCIL, and all executive courts will be made independent also? Allow them this, and the golden key of the rights of America, is then in the hands of the real enemies of every blessing, and liberty that you possess, as a body politic. Your laws, (not to say your lives) are then no more your own, as Juries naturally follow Judges. Allow them an influence here, and you are not only born to bring your grey hairs, with sorrow, to the grave,—but your children, (if you tamely submit) instead of calling you blessed, will be ready to say with the prophet Jeremiah, ‘Cursed be the day wherein I was born; let not the day wherein my mother bear me be blessed: Cursed be the man that brought tidings to my father, saying, that a man child is born making him very glad; where­fore came I forth out of the womb to see labour, and sorrow; that my days should be consumed with shame.’

THEREFORE, with all the tremendiousness of dan­ger, with all the solemnities of fear, with all the pathos of affection let me intreat you as men of re­fined, and ready understanding, to see that your rights, your lives, your lands, are all in danger; your rights, as you are taxed without your consent; your lives, as witness the bloody massacre in your streets; witness the exile, ^* but military force in your castle, to rule over you and your children with the bloody authority of WAR.—Your lands, as no doubt a land tax is preparing, or soon will be pre­pared for you.—And will the respectable Ame­ricans, [Page 12] land-holders, and farmers tamely submit to this? Let your own laws, your rights, your children's rights, and birthrights, inspire you with life, soul, and senti­ment to let the King of England the British Parlia­ment, or ministry know, nay, your own governor, and judges know your power, and importance as a people; that you will not lose your rights; that you will not be oppressed or imposed upon by Lord BUTE's dispotic dictation in the Cabinet, or by any of the spirit or blood of the Stuart's family, which flows through the veins of the British ministry, that you will sooner lose your lives than your liberties. Ask them in the name of the Most High, what right, either by the law of GOD, of nature, or of nations, they have to rule over you? Speak to them as bre­thren, as peers, and as men of equal authority with themselves: And ask,

WHAT right have they to tax you without your leave?—Or what right have they to destroy your freedom as a people? Know this, the King of England has no right to do it, it is beyond his authority, as King; nay, his attempt to do it de­stroys at once his right to reign over you.—The house of Commons have no right to do it; they are not your representatives, nor members of this com­munity: And where they have no right (nor can they have any) of representation, they can have none of taxation.—The house of Lords cannot do it; for they are Peers of England, and not of America. This, Lord CHATHAM, and Lord CAMDEN, have boldly, as true friends to the freedom of English­men, declared, "that the British Parliament has no [Page 13] right to tax America; and that the ministry are rebels to GOD, and the laws and rights of nature, in their attempting to do it, and therefore ought to be treat­ed as such by every man of sentiment, or spirit of liberty": For who would nor oppose, with his whole soul, such consummate tyranny, injustice, and robbery as this?—Tyranny to the last degree, to assume a power of distressing, taxing, and com­manding his Majesty's American subjects: A pow­er which his Majesty cannot give; nor can the British Parliament itself in justice assume it. And yet these men, contrary to law, and reason, will dare to do it in the face of their King, as to his safety, in the face of their country, as to their happiness, and in the face of your rights, as Americans, at the expence of your liberties to enrich themselves.

AND will the Americans bear this? Have you not your own laws? Your own representatives? Your own judges? And your own council? Why then should they command you? Is it not enough for the Americans to feed and support England with their trade? (And are willing so to do until the English streets are paved with American gold) but must they give away their rights, their forefather's rights, and their children's rights to a set of Ministerial Vul­tures?—Heaven forbid it.

FOR be it known that the Americans, according to the spirit of their original compact with the King, are a perfect legislative within themselves, and have no connection, as to government, but only with the King of England, as their King, to sign and ratify [Page 14] such laws, and immunities as the Americans may consent unto by their own representatives. This is the pillar of thy strength, the dignity of thy secu­rity, the walls of thy safety, On AMERICA! Loose this power, and you are no longer free men, nor happy subjects, but American SLAVES. And why should these people, who were never in bondage to any man, be in a state of slavery to any power upon the earth? when you cannot but know, that your oath of allegiance, and obedience, to the King, is only due to him, and to be continued by you; as he acts upon his coronation oath to maintain, inviolable firm, your rights, laws and liberties, as the fulfilment of that sovereign Kingly power, you have reposed in him, as the royal trustee of your rights; for if your rights are infringed, yet the power of rights, laws, and liberties, still revolves in you as a people; then surely no man, but he who is contented, (like that animal called an ASS, to be born a fool, and die a slave) will be silent, if every thing valuable in life is taken from him by that PERSON, who stands engaged, in a sacred oath, to defend him. What should we say of a father who either oppressed his children, or his children's children, for his own emolument? What should we call him? Or rather, what should we not call him? For does not nature teach us that he should rather in­dulge his children, than stretch his authority?

WILL not such arbitary proceedings tend im­mediately to alienate the affections of his Majesty's American sons, and give them cause to look upon him as an enemy to their happiness, and as one (by [Page 15] whomsoever perswaded) making war against the peace, prosperity, and comunity of the people? And therefore if the life of liberty, and the security of their rights call for it, no doubt (if the spirit of their fore­fathers remain in them) but they will think that they have as just a right, before GOD and man, to oppose King, Ministry, Lords, and Commons of England, when they violate their rights, as Ameri­cans, as they have to oppose any foreign enemy: and that this is no more, according to the law of nature, to be deemed rebellion, than it would be to oppose the King of France, supposing him now pre­sent invading the land.

YOUR right is founded in nature, and your exam­ples of liberty are sealed by the blood of your fore­fathers; and therefore, as they did, and prospered, so do you.—Love your King, but revere your rights, and liberties, above your Sove­reign—It is said the name of the King is sacred: I hope it is meant a political sacredness, not a divine; if so, who made his name sacred? Why the people, in investing him with a trust of power, above another man, to preserve their laws, and rights inviolable: Therefore all sacredness of the King ceases, together with obedience, and allegi­ance, when the trust, which the people reposed in him, is violated—But GOD forbid that I should be thought to mention this, my dear Ameri­cans, to alienate your affections from your King, or draw off the least love, duty, or reverence to him; No! but only to shew how the dignity of the King, the security of his Crown, the sacredness of his Per­son, the authority of your laws, RIGHTS and LIBER­TIES are all essentially from the power of the people.

[Page 16] AND since you see that your own power is your security which you place in your Representatives, as the guardians of your AUTHORITY and RIGHTS, in your House of Commons, as the bulwarks of your strength, and the walls of your defence from any in­novation.—That your rights, as a people; your blessings, as subjects; and your children's rights, as their inheritance, might be inviolable secured by the GARRISON of your own strength, from all invading arbitrary power; and transmitted down, as the flower of life, and the beauty of blessings, to all rising generations. Let me ask,

WILL the Americans lose these RIGHTS? The rights their fore-fathers lived and died, fought and bled, to obtain for them? Will you not struggle for them, with all the life, spirit and soul of Americans?—Or will you tamely submit, by a spirit of cool indifferency, to loose them ALL, and admit the key of all your previledges in the hands of an arbitrary enemy?

IF the light of the morning is sweet; if the blessings of the day is desirable; if the happiness of the object we love, is the soul of our thoughts, and the ardent wish of the mind:—But what is the light of the morning?—The blessings of the day? The ardent wish for happiness, if we have not the liberty of enjoyment?—Let me therefore address you with all feeling sensation, with all the ear­nestness and affection of ONE, who esteems your happiness, as one of the highest blessings of his exist­ence, if there be any thing dear to you in life; dear to [Page 17] your children, or children children in the present state; or in the view of ages yet unborn; may I now be so happy as to touch those sacred wheels, and make every heart burn, and every bosom glow, with fiery zeal, and spirit, for your LIBERTY? If the lives, if the death, if the blood of your fore­fathers, who waded through seas of sorrow, floods of tears, faced dangers, and fought and died for you with a becoming zeal, and fortitude, can inspire you:

NAY, if there be any of the noble spirit, life and sentiment of your progenitors, remaining in you as the hereditary inheritance of your forefathers, shew yourselves worthy of such fathers, such friends, such patrons of LIBERTY: Nor suffer the fair TREE, with all her beautiful branches, bending with every blessing of peace and prosperity to you and your children, to be rooted up by a power which has no more right to alter your laws, destroy your liberties, or tax your properties, than they have to cut your throats.

Have I need now to say,

ROUSE! STAND! And take the ALARM! You are now in eminent danger of losing (after many other losses) the life, soul, and capitol of all your right and liberties: Namely, the power of not only making, placing, or paying, your own GOVERNOR, but now of paying your JUDGES, who are, or should be, the guardians of your laws, and the pillars of your political life. The plan is laid, the founda­tion is fixed, to make them dependant for place and payment, upon the arbitrary will, and power of the British ministry; upon that power that has for years been seeking the destruction of your RIGHTS. If you [Page 18] suffer this, then farewel the olive branch that has so sweetly spread; and the peaceful Dove that has hovered so long over you; for then you and your children are Slaves at once. Then taxation on taxation will follow, until your lands become seizable by your TASKMASTERS, under pretence of LAW.

BUT was this destructive arbitrary power exerted by the King, Lords, or Commons of England, as a legislative body, it might persuade some FOOLS to die SLAVES. But when it plainly appears to be the base power of the ministry, dictated by L—D B—E, who, it is to be feared, loves not the King of Great-Britain; notwithstanding he is so greatly in his favour. However this may be, we are sure that he loves not the rights of the people; but that he has been aiming for years, both in the House of LORDS and COMMONS, and more especially in the ministe­rial CABINET, to destroy the ancient rights of the Subjects. Has he not already so far turned the heart of the King against his own subjects, that he will not hear them, though they petition with thears at his feet? Has he not likewise turned the hearts of the best of subjects in too great a measure against their King?

Is it any breach of charity to think that L—D B—E intends hereby the overthrow both of King and State; to bring on a revolution, and to place another whom he more rearly allied to upon the Throne, (for GOD knows his last errand abroad); but however this may be at present a secret, yet if he does not aim at the dethroning the King, yet such proceedings will end in the destruction of the liberties of the [Page 19] people; and the one will certainly bring on the other. He thinks they have too much liberty, and therefore has long aimed to infringe their liberty, persuading the King, that he has a divine right to be dispotic; and that the people ought to submit to his will and pleasure as his subjects ^*.

HENCE we see the same unfeeling spirit in the K—, against the cries and tears of his people, as there was in Rehoboam and in Charles the first, which brought upon him swift destruction, the fate he deserved—the fate I wish says one, that every imitator of tyrannical pow­er may feel. For, (says a late writer to the King) ‘the experiment has already been made by one tyrant, and the event proved fatal to his family; it is my sincerest wish, (says he) that every IMI­TATOR may share his fate.’ And sure I am, it is loyalty to revere the laws and rights of the people, above the power of any Sovereign. How much more then is it the right, and previledge of a people, to despise the despotic power of any man, or men in union, who attempts by interest, power and bribe­ry, to destroy the ancient rights of America, by mak­ing the King arbitrary, or the ministry despotic, and commanding their will, by a bloody military force? the truth thereof remains sealed by a bloody MASSACRE in your own streets.—Remember the voice is loud­er than that which reached to heaven! For it is not bearly the voice of your brothers blood, which crieth to you from the ground, but it is the united voice of the blood of your brethren which speaks. Resist! Stand alarm'd! Your lives, and liberties, [Page 20] are all at stake. And can an American not stand neuter, when every blessing that is dear and valuable calls him to exert his zeal? Though you cannot prevent the unconstitutional design of the arbitrary power of the British ministry; yet you have an un­doubted right to resist and prevent their reigning over you; or ruining you in the Violation of your laws and rights.

WHAT, my dear Americans, will nothing but an immediate LAND-TAX alarm you? Will you wait until they do to you as they do in England, tax the light of heaven upon you ^*? The trees of the field? And every cup, and glass of mercy, that heaven bestows upon you? Do you see no danger? Notwithstanding your harbours are blockaded against you? Your castle secured from you? Courts of admiralty stretched upon you? Your lives de­stroy'd? Revenues imposed upon you? Military power oppressing you? Your charter violated? YOUR GOVERNOR, ^† and your JUDGES independent of you? the strength and sinews of your constitu­tion decaying? And the very life and soul of your liberties daily departing?—Can the soul of an American see this and not feel?—And not bleed? See this and be silent!!!!—

FOR is there not an act already made that de­prives the Americans of their very existence in America? Surely that frame, (or being, if he may [Page 21] be so called) must be worse than CAIN, when ban­ished from GOD.— Who does not feel?—Who does not hear (to express the sentiment of Doctor WARREN) the voice of their forefathers blood cry from the ground—"Ye SONS of America, scorn to be SLAVES."

HARK! The voice, the eccho cries,— ‘quit yourselves like men, be strong:—Remember the tyranny we fled from;—the fears we had;—the tears we shed; [...] trials we endured;—the LIBERTY [...]. Here is LIB­ERTY the fair flo [...] [...]or all our hope, and life of all our b [...]s: Take her—clasp her in your arms—keep her in your bosom—pre­serve her—and bring her with you, or see our face no more.’

FOR remember, my dear associates in life, and friends of liberty, that as the natural body is on­ly in health, and vigour, when every organ is des­posed to act its part: So the body politic can only be in health, and prosper, when every mem­ber unites regularly, and ardently, to preserve the previledges of the whole.—Surely then you cannot but have a high relish for your national felicity, and a due concern to maintain it against all encroachments.

ONE would naturally think, that every inha­bitant of America, sensible of his own felicity, would, with a warm, and chearful heart, prevent every power that may oppose it. For if you can content yourselves to think with any degree [Page 22] of coldness upon the subject, and that you are, by the arbitrary power of the British ministry, bound like Abner, the son of Ner, to a passive obedience, and non-resistance, when they, who should be the guardians of your liberties, are vio­lating your laws, and disposing of your properties to agrandize themselves; then know this, that like Abner, you may expect to die: And died Abner as a fool dieth. This will soon convince you that the interest of your right is of more, if in­infinitely more importance to you, than the right that any particular man can claim, supposing him to be descended from a thousand Kings.

HAD the King of England conquered this country, and put your forefathers in the possession of it by military expence, and force, there might be some plea of right to tax you. ^* But when it is plain that your forefathers conquered it, without their aid, in the face of danger, distress and deaths. Therefore every right of King, minister, or parliament, to rule over you without your con­sent, must, in justice, cease forever. And shall a people, whom your forefathers (for their tyranny, left behind them, when they came to the American wilds, in the face of savage frowns, to seek peace, liberty and love) rise up to tax your properties, and destroy your rights; and take away your in­heritance, as a people?—Heaven forbid i [...]!—For what is this but robbery?—And what is more amazing—must that people be suffered to destroy [Page 23] the liberties of a growing Empire, when it is well known that their dignity, life, and existence, as a commercial people, depends so much upon your re­mittance and treasure to them. For their life of trade, if not their existence, as a nation, is bound up in your life, and prosperity. And yet shall Ameri­cans suffer a death-stroke to her indubitable rights? Stand alarmed, Oh ye Americans! And hold the sceptre of your rights in the hands of your own authority; your spirit; your military know­ledge; your arms.—Your generalship is not un­known. Honour your mother country; break no connection with her; nor take no priviledge from her; nor let her take any from you.

IF she is in debt, and thereby in distress, and wants money to buy bread for her children, give her freely; but let her not STEAL the rights of your donation. Let her American children be hap­py in the bossom of their mother; but let her not forget her bowels, as a parent; nor think to be happy in piercing the bosom, and bowels of her own children.

LOVE, reverence, and obey your King. But let it be in the full enjoyment of your rights; and in the full possession of your charter liberties. Stand therefore for the defence of the people, ye Bostoni­an sons of liberty, who are the original political key, and capitol, of the whole Continent: Only know your own power, and importance, and exert it. And let the world see (if there be any need for it) that you dare to let your Governor, your Judges, and [Page 24] your Council know that you ask no favour of them; you ask your own; you demand your rights. And if they dare to deprive the people of them, or oppress them, in the enjoyment of their liberty, by consenting to any laws, of British arbitrary power, that infringes your rights: The consequence can­not but be fatal to themselves.

SHEW your zeal like men;—and your lives like a free, and virtuous people;—your senti­ments grave and solid, like senators;—your hearts like brethren;—your hands like friends; your swords like warriors (if it must be, but heaven forbid it should;) yet rather than LIBERTY should bleed to death, and follow you to judgment, quit yourselves like men of valour—be strong—unite hand, and heart:—The cause is good—you seek your own rights, the legacy of your forefathers. With life and spirit set up your stan­dard! Engrave the motto!—May it be thus:

LIBERTY, LIFE, or DEATH.

YET if you can, after all the alarms from the press, and pulpit, of these dark designs against America, and in the day-light of your danger, suffer the oppression of arbitrary power; a power, that has no right to speak to you of law, without your consent, much less to command you to obey: If you suffer this unjust, unconsti­tutional ministerial power, to violate your laws, [Page 25] Oh Americans, never complain if you should live to [...]et cruel Mary's, bloody Bonners, or that accursed creature Judge Jeff [...]y's days revive; but suppose that mercy should prevent such a bloody scene in America: Yet when the laws and rights of a peo­ple are destroy'd, I do not see what it is they may not fear. But be this as it may—you may surely fear this, namely, your estates being seiz'd, your goods c [...]nfi [...]ca [...]d, your persons imprison'd, your properties forc'd from you; the power of Bishops established, [...]tual courts erected, convocations and sta [...]-cha [...] [...] set [...]d; when the full autho­rity of [...] power is accomblished. Your Governor has already though most respectably ad­dressed,) given you no small proof by whom he is dictated, and by what authority he is determined to rule over you, how little he values you! I had al­most said, how much he despises you! Though perhaps he may little think that when he departs from supporting your rights as a people, you are under no duty or obedience to him as G—r though the King has (which by the way was not over and above honest in the Crown to take) a right to choose your Governor; it only impowers the Go­vernor to rule by your own laws; and that you are under no obligation to obey him, if he either propo­ses, encourages, or acquiesces in any infringements of your laws and rights; for have you not a right, to be justly incensed against that Governor that does not support the rights of the people; for while he act [...] in violation to the laws of the people, they are in justice under no obligation by law to him; for it is right in the people to revere their laws above [Page 26] their Governor, or King.—Nor can I see why a Governor who destroys the rights of the peo­ple, and departs from the trust reposed in him, may not be justly try'd for treason against the state and community, as well as any other subject who violates the laws. Was not King Charles try'd and con­dem'd for breaking through the sacred rights of the people, and some persons are free enough to wish that every King and Governor that acts with the same principles, may share the same fate; for is it not better that one Man should die, than the whole nation should perish?—Therefore if there be any vein, any nerve, any soul, life or spirit of liberty in the sons of America, shew your love for it—guard your freedom—prevent your chains—stand up for your rights: For as your late memorable orator declares "none but those who set a just value upon the blessings of liberty, are worthy to enjoy HER". And he very nobly adds ‘your forefathers were her zealous votaries—when the blasted frowns of ty­ranny drove her from public view; they clasp'd her in their arms, they cherished her in their generous bosoms; they brought her safe o'er the rough ocean, and fix'd her feat in this then dreary wilderness; they nursed her infant age with the most tender care; for her sake they bo [...]e the se­verest hardships; for her support they underwent the most rugged toils; in her defence they bold­ly encountered the most alarming dangers, nei­ther the ravenous beasts, nor the more furious savages of the wilderness, could damp their ar­dour.—Whilst with one hand they broke the stub­born glebe, with the other they grasp'd their [Page 27] weapons, ever ready to protect her from danger—God prospered their valour! they enjoyed her while they liv'd, and dying bequeathed the dear inheritance to your care. And as they left you this glorious legacy, they have undoubtedly trans­mitted to you some portion of their noble spirit to inspire you with virtue to merit her, and cou­rage to preserve her.’ You surely cannot with such examples as these before your eyes, suffer your liberties to be taken from you by a lawless force, which must certainly be the case, if you should suf­fer your Judges to become independant upon you.

IN short it is more for America to lose her liberties, than all the world besides; inasmuch as she never was in bondage to any, and as her liberties were dea­rer bought, and harder obtained, than the liberties of any nation upon earth, and ought therefore in proportion, to be esteemed the more precious. For if you suffer your Judges to become independant, [...] mourn in briny tears the loss, the fatal loss of life, your natural rights and LIBERTY!

THEN in vain will be the voice and cry of your forefather's blood! Nay, in vain they met the frowns of TYRANTS, cross'd the boisterous ocean, and fought with barbarous savages—sought a new world—prepared it with the labours of life, and sealed it with their death, as the happy residence of LIBERTY.—In vain they fought—in vain they bled—in vain they died—in vain they settled America, if their offspring want valour to repel [Page 28] the assaults of their invaders—If your JUDGES, for their fidelity, and by their constant [...] your courts of judicature, [...] larger salaries, like men of generous sentiments, of merit, and fidelity, reward them according to their labours. For is it not reasonable that the Judges o [...] your Su­perior Court should be as [...] independent upon the crown of Great Britain, the King, or his Ministry, as the Judges o [...] England are; that the sceptre of justice might be [...] with an [...] hand and heart between the King and the people? Surely then it must be an [...] [...]novation upon the rights of the people, to make then Judges henceforth to depend on the Crown, and the will of the Ministry for their salaries. What is this but taking the key of the laws and rights of Ame­ricans into their hands? There [...] take a vigilant care of your rights, and transmit them safe to pos­postrity, remember you can call nothing really your own, while it is [...] at the [...] dispose of another.

SLAVERY always follows sleep and in­differency, as destruction follows division. Let there be no distinction known, but all free men. Modes of religion are not the point, it is civil rights, and liberties that is the dea [...] inheritance in question. And should any dispute, upon the beauties, and paradise of religion, hinder these paradaisical blessing from the people; therefore as men, as freemen firmly bound together by the sa [...]e rights—alarmed by the same [...]angers—united in the same general happiness—promoting the [Page 29] same blessing of liberty, should not your hearts be as the heart of one man, firmly fix'd with ardour, love and affection, upon the grand object, with a vehement regard to preserve your rights, and liberties, like the mountains of Zion, which can never be moved.

GIVE me leave to close my address, with those noble lines of that ever memorable patron of the rights of America, ^* whose sentiments of liberty deserve to be engraved with the point of a diamond, and wrote with letters of gold upon the heart of every American; especially where he says, ‘what­ever kind of minister he is that attempts to in­novate a single iota in the previledges of these colonies, him. I hope, you will undauntedly op­pose; and that you will never suffer yourselves to be cheated, or frightened, into any unwor­thy compliance, or submission.—On such emergencies you may surely, without presump­tion, believe that Almighty GOD, himself, will look down upon your righteous contest with approbation—You will be a "band of b [...]thers," commented by the dearest ties, and strengthned with the inconceivable supplies of force and con­stancy, by that sympathetic ardour, which ani­mates good men, confederated in a good cause. Your honour and welfare will be, as they now are, most intimately concerned. And besides, you are designed, by divine providence, in the [...] order of things, the protectors of unborn AGES, whose fa [...]e depends on your virtue, [Page 30] whether they shall rise, the generous and in­disputable heirs of the noblest patrimonies, or the darstardly, and hereditary drudges of im­pious task-masters; you must determine.’

He adds seemingly by way of Postscript— ‘Is there not the strongest probability, that if the universal senses of these colonies is immediately expressed by instructions to their agents on the subject, and by petitioning to the crown and parliament for redress, these measures will have the same success now, that they had in the time of the Stamp-Act?’

As this essay upon liberty was intended to con­firm the proceedings of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Boston, wherein the origin, source and life of the civil rights, and liber­ties of the Americans, are set forth with such engagements of mildness, force of sentiment and the beauties of eloquence, that commands in every noble mind, the birthright passion of liberty, right, and property.

IN the second page, the writer observes, that the natural rights of colonists are these, ‘a right to life, liberty, and property, and a right to defend and support them.’ In page fifth they observe, that the natural liberty of Man is to be free from any superior power on earth, and not to be under the will and legislative authority of Man; but to have the law of nature for his rule. In page the eighth, that this indefeazable, natural right of the people, [Page 32] was obtained by the Britons sword in hand of King John, called the British Magna Charta; and per­adventure it must be one day sword in hand again rescued and preserved from total destruction and oblivion [...] in page ninth, that all persons born in the British american colonies are declared to be intitled to the same natural, essential, inherent rights and liberties, as those subjects born in Great-Bri­tain, and that the legislative has no right to absolute arbitrary power over the lives and fortunes of the people. And in page tenth, justly observes, ‘ that there should be one rule of justice so rich and poor; for the favourite at court, and the countryman at the plough.’

THE supreme power cannot justly take from any Man, any part of his property without his con­sent, in person or by his representative. And in page eleven, they say, "what liberty can there be, where property is taken away without consent." And in page fifteen, that such a power is altogether unconstitutional, and entirely destructive to their security, which we have a right to enjoy, and to the last degree not only dangerous to our property, but to our lives And in page sixteen observes, ‘thus our houses and even our bed-chambers are exp [...] [...] [...]ran [...]ack'd, our boxes, chests, and tru [...] [...] open, ravaged and plundered▪ by per [...] whom no prudent man would venture to employ as a menial servant, and yet these men as officers may under the colour of law, and the cloak of a general warrant, break through the sacred rights of the domici [...], ransack men's houses, [Page 33] destroy their securities, carry off their property, and with little danger to themselves, continue the most horrid murder.’

IN page nineteen, after observing, that the inde­pendency of the Governor upon the general assem­bly for his support, and his dependance on the crown of Britain, to have his salary out of the Ame­rican revenue paid him with augmentation, that thereby the ancient connection between him and this people is weakened, and confidence in the Go­vernor lessoned, the equilibrium destroyed, and the constitution essentially altered: But he adds, "we look upon it as highly probable, from the best in­telligence we are able to obtain, that not only our Governor and lieutenant Governor, but the Judges of the superior court of Judicature, as also the King's attorney and solicitor general, are to receive their support from this grievous tribute; this will if ac­complished complete our slavery".

THUS you see, that the despotic arbitrary power of the British Ministry are determined (if your own spirit and power does not prevent them) to make a prey of every blessing that Heaven has bestowed upon you.

I shall add no more, but the dying advice of an ancient warrior, near two thousand years ago to his sons, as my best advice to you.—"My sons (says he) my life in drawing to an end; but I am now to charge you, upon my blessing before I leave you, that you stand firm to the cause that [Page 34] your father, and your forefathers have asserted be­fore you, without staggering or shrinking. Re­member what I have told you, and do as I have advised you, do your utmost to support the laws and rights of your country, and to restore the or­der of a nation that wants but little of being swallowed up in confusion; have nothing to do with those, that either for fear or interest have betray'd it. Shew yourselves to be worthy of such a father, and descended from such, forefathers, and in con­tempt of all force and extremity, carry your lives in your hands, and deliver them up with comfort, if occasion should require it, in defence of the rights of your country; considering with yourselves, that this is the way to preserve you in God's favor, and shall not that which Heaven and Earth has bestowed upon you be dear to you?—For, in con­sideration of so unshaken a virtue, he will in time restore you to the liberty of your forefathers life.

OUR bodies it is true are mortal, but great and generous actions will make us immortal in memory, and that is the glory I would have you aspire to▪ namely, the glory of making the history of your life famous to after ages, by your illustrious actions. Be sure in the first place to agree among yourselves, and in what case soever any one of you hath an advantage over the rest, give way to every man of merit in the business of his province and talent. For example, those who make a right judgment of things, I advise you to make your counsel—as the best qualified for vindicating your friends, supporting your laws, and crushing [Page 35] your enemies; with one heart, zeal and love, mind your rights, mind your business, mind your blessings, and depend upon it, all men of honour and piety will join with you."

I add, and the name of the GOD of Jacob de­fend you.

MAY I be permitted, with reverence, love, loyalty and affection, to remind your Majesty, of the sayings of that truly noble pious prelate of the church of England, bishop Burnet, by whose kind interposition, (singu­larly so, in the hand of providence) ^* your Majesty fits upon the British Throne. The sayings of this pious prelate (which [...] worthy to be en­graved upon the b [...]east of every Prince, and Potentate upon the earth,—namely, ‘ that there is not any one thing more certain and more evi­dent than that Princes are made for the people, and not the people for them; and perhaps there is no nation under heaven that is more intirely possessed with this notion of Princes, than the English nation is at this age; so that they will soon be uneasy to a Prince who does not [Page 2] govern himself by this maxim, and in time grow very unkind to him.’—He likewise adds, ‘ The Prince will be ever safe with his people, when they feel they are safe in him.’

THIS has been the safety of princes—the security of thrones—and the glory of Kings in all ages. It is recorded, to the immortal honour of Constantine the great, who was an Emperor, a King, a Briton born, that he made the happi­ness of his subject; his peculiar ca [...]e; that his laws breathed tenderness to the unfortunate—were repl [...]e with the spirit of liberty, and therefore he was justly stiled by the ancient citizens of London, the deliverer of the city—the founder of peace, and the restorer of the public wealth. Believeing this to be the essential designs, and the natural dictates of your Majesty's heart, in every branch of the regal sceptre of power and authority:

PERMIT me, Royal Sir, to remind you of a free, a brave, a bold, affectionate and loyal people in America, who in one of their consulta­tion upon their rights and blessings of liberty, thus express their loyalty and affection to your Majesty: ‘Our worthy Anncestors, in a rigorous reign, rather than contend to blood with their brethren, left their native country and every thing dear in life, cross'd the wide Atlantic, and seated themselves in this howling wilderness, that they might here quietly enjoy liberty, civil and religious, they have en­countered almost every species of danger and di­fficulties, and frequently watered the ground on [Page 3] which we tread with their blood; they were faithful servants to the King of Kings, and ever loval subjects to their earthly sovereign. They also had the promise of a King, for himself and Successors, that they and theirs should enjoy all the liberties and immunities of natural-born sub­jects within the Realm of England. Encouraged by such a promise, which they looked upon as sacred, they were ever ready, to the utmost of their ability, yea, and often beyond it, to assist the crown; never thinking their lives dear, when they could serve their King and country, even with the loss of them. Such was the con­duct of our pious fathers, who now sleep in the dust, who died with the pleasing hope that we their children should live free. (Let none then, as they will answer it another day, disturb the ashes of those Heroes, by selling for a mess of pottage, or for a less consideration, their Birthright)’

‘AND as our fathers could, so can we plead our loyalty; we ever have been, we now are ready, to spill our dearest blood in defence of our King, religion, and constitutional laws; but we cannot but look upon it as a hard trial, yea greater than we can bear, if we cannot be said to give full proof of our loyalty, otherwise than by sacrificing those rights and liberties, which we prize beyond life itself. Such a sacrifice no Potentate on earth has a right to require, and such a sacrifice, voluntarily made, would be lit­tle inferior to the sin of self-murder.’

[Page 4] THESE are, most gracious sovereign, the people's, with their brethren, through every united town in the Province, who have been misrepre­sented to your Majesty as factious and rebellious, though they may justly vie with any English sub­jects for loyalty, love and affection to their King. The true state of the case is, they are aggreived and distressed in the most render part, even to the apple of their eye; they are denied their natural rights as a people; their rights as British subjects; their charter rights which was their agreement and compact with the King of England.

IN this case royal Sir, where can an affectionate, but afflicted people go, but to the bosom of their af­fectionate Sovereign? where can children who are in danger of being disinherited of their birth-right blessings flee to, but to the breast of their royal Fa­ther, their friend, their guardian, I had almost said their brother, upon whole royal favor it much depends, whether your Majesty's American subjects are to be freemen or slaves—whether their children, and their unborn posterity, are to rise the sons of bondage, or sons of that liberty, which the law of GOD and the law of nature has made them free.

THEY only ask their charter rights, and wish to enjoy the full possession of them as english subjects, and justly think that your Majesty is bound by promise, by compact, and by oath to secure these rights, liberties and priviledges to them inviolably firm and free from the least innovation; in the same manner that King David stood engaged by cove­nant [Page 5] to the people, a Sam. 1. 3. "Then came all the tribes of Israel to Hebron, and spake, saying, behold we are thy bone, and thy flesh; so all the elders came to the King to Hebron; and King David made a league with them in Hebron before Jehovah, and they anointed David King over Israel". Yet when Re [...]oboam, David's grandson, would not [...]edress the people from their grievances, but for­sook his fathers counsel, and answered the people [...], they soon let him know, that as he had (by his had council) broke his league and coronation oath with them, that their league and covenant allegience to him was dissolved, though he was bone of their bone, yet their right to be redress'd, and to enjoy their liberties, was much nearer to them than their King, 1 Kings 12. 7. And they spake unto him, saying, If thou wilt be a SERVANT unto this people this day, and wilt serve THEM, and answer THEM, and speak good words unto THEM, then will they be the servants for ever, ver. 6. But be forsook the counsel of the old men which they had given him, and consulted with the young men that were grown up with him, which stood before him, ver. 16. So when they saw that the King hearkened not unto them, the people answered the King saying, what portion have we in David, neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse, see to thine own house David.

ROYAL Sir, It is plain from divine record, that the [...]ribes of Israel loved their King, that they were loyal and dutiful subjects, but they were a sensible people, and knew what was nearer to them and their posterity than any King, power, or potentate [Page 6] upon earth. And their address to their King was affectionate and loyal, and is the most beautiful, the most concise delineation of the place of a King, and the power of the people, that ever was wrote, or known, may I add, most gracious Sovereign, the Americans are equally as sensible, and have the same feeling sensation (from the law of GOD and nature) for their rights and liberties, as the tribes of Israel had—and will, without doubt, sooner loose their King, than loose their rights: Their speech and supplication to their King and Sovereign is the same as Israel's was. 1 Kings vii. 12. And they spake unto him saying, If thou wilt be a SERVANT unto this people, and will serve them, and answer them, and speak GOOD words unto them, then they will be thy servants forever." What can a King desire more? what can a people do more? If [...] transgress, through freedom, most gra­cious Sovereign, or in any part of this essay upon li­berty, pardon me, as it is a pure blaze and flame of zeal for the honour and happiness of your Ma­jesty's person, and the liberty of the Americans, that tempts me—that commands me to be guilty, (if it be so deem'd)

THE AMERICANS, I know, will not be slaves, nor be under the arbitrary power of any King or parliament upon earth, the union of the Towns in the Province of the Massachusetts go­vernment, shew that they strongly declare their heart and life engaged for their rights and liberties. That deputies and congresses of the united provinces will soon follow, without doubt, unless the royal tenderness and power of their Sovereign interpose. It is surely worthy your Majesty's considerati­on, [Page 7] equally the same as it was of the Roman Senate, when an ambassador of a distressed people came to seek redress▪ The consul demanded of the ambassador what kind of peace and redress he de­sired; and the ambassador answered, ‘The same they deserve who think themselves worthy of Liberty; and if the terms you give be good, the peace will be observed by us faithfully and perpetually; if bad, it will soon be broken.’ And though some were offended with the spirit of the answer; yet the best part of the senate ap­proved it as worthy of a man and a freeman; and confessing that no man or nation would continue under an uneasy condition longer than they were compelled by force, and said, ‘they only were fit to be made Romans, who thought nothing valuable but liberty.’ Upon which they were all made citizens of Rome, and obtained whatsover they had desired.

THIS surely is, as one well observes, most gracious sovereign, the only rational foundation for long life and lasting prosperity to the nation, and a source of most important blessing to mankind. But if the parliament of Great Britain, uninstructed by the experience of past ages, regardless of the dic­tates of true policy, under the influence of con­tracted views, and dea [...] to the voice of reason, and the remonstrances of the injured Americans, continue to pursue their destructive plans to tax the colonies without their consent, and stretch the prerogatives of the crown; the fatal period, which we all deprecate, cannot be very far distant, when the political union [Page 8] between Great-Britain and these colonies will be dissolved,—and she forever lose the blessings she might have received from her affectionate children; and, being weakened by such a loss, she may fall a prey to some of the worst tyrants of the earth: But if she will NOW listen [...]o the voice of reason, and take wisdom for her guide, allow the colonies, and every part of the kingdom, that freedom which the spirit of the constitution gives every member of the great political body will conspire to promote the good of the whole.—This will invigorate and brace up all the nerves of the state, while every joint and member is held to its proper place by the indissoble bond of interest.—In this way, the British nation may be­come the most glorious that ever existed since time began, and continue increasing in glory and triumph­ing in the arms of freedom until time shall end.

THAT your Majesty may enjoy every happy blessing, and the Americans their inestimable priviled­ges, the foregoing essay upon the rights and liberties of the people, is with all due reverence laid before your Majesty, by your MAJESTY'S humble Servant, and devoted loyal Subject,

I AM a man, whose abilities are small, and whose talents are few; but naturally wish that every creature that has life and being, may enjoy that felicity of LIBERTY which the GOD of nature has given, and which it has a natural and living right unto. LIBERTY is the beauty of heaven—the joy of angels—and the happiness of mankind;—the noble wish of the immortal mind—and the hap­py kingdom of the soul of man.—

WITH humble hope of seeing the kingdom of liberty re-established through this province, and, like the light of the morning, spread itself through the American empire.

I HAVE read your excellency's speeches to the Council, and the house of Representatives, [Page 2] with coolness, calmness and candor; and can assure your excellency that no one has, or can have, a greater regard for government, or a more true loyalty and affection for his King, but if there should be any free, bold, or indis­creet expression in the following essay, let not your excellency impute it to any other cause than a pure passion for the preservation of the inheritance of the blessing which GOD, and na­ture, Kings, and potentates has bestowed upon us, which are the natural rights, and liberties, both of body and mind.

BUT it is too notorious to be denied: Nay, it is as plain as the sun at noon day that the Ame­ricans are deprived of both. But I know it is a dangerous thing for a man to [...]are to be honest, for GOD, or truth, for the liberty of the mind, and the rights of mankind. I dare be honest without reserve, in the face of every frown.

YOUR Excellency observes, ‘that you know of no line that can be drawn between the supreme authority of parliament, and the total indepen­dence of the colonies.’ Sir, you are quite right here, for it is impossible there should be any line drawn between, for if the one is supreme, the other must be dependant. Your argument here, is clear, and convincing, and was this the point in dispute the matter would soon be settled; but it is far from it. The point is, how came the parliament of Bri­tain to have, or rather assume a supreme authority over the parliament of America? Has not the GOD [Page 3] of nature, the laws of self-preservation; nay the charter of England, given the same right, authori­ty and power to the American parliament, and Ame­rican subjects; as to the English parliament and English subjects, to all intents and purposes what­soever? if so, then there is not, neither can there be, according to right and equity, any more superiori­ty or power (unless it be the unhappy military power) of one parliament more than another: Has the parliament of Great-Britain a right, by virtue of being the representatives of the people, and from that right a power to make laws, and to call upon the King to sign, confirm, and ratify those laws? Has not the parliament of America, by virtue of being the representatives of the people, the same right and power to make laws, and lay these laws before the King, for him to sign and confirm—or to disapprove the same, as the British parliament has? if so then your Excellency may be convinced, their is no supreme authority in the British parliament over the American parliament, and that one par­liament has from the law of GOD and nature, and from the charter itself (unless it can be proved, that the privileges of magna charta are a mere deceit,) as good a right, and as great authority as the other—if they have, why does the British parliament deny it them? If they have not, why is it not proved? Indeed it is impossible for that which destroys the right, power and authority of the American par­liament, could at the same time destroy the right and power of the British parliament, as they are both established upon the same foundation, and therefore it is absur'd, in the eyes of all sensible [Page 4] men, for one British parliament to assume a supreme authority over another.

IT was a good remark, worthy the consideration of every man who loves his God, his King, or his country, that a late author makes. ‘The people of both countries are united in the King, who is the head of the empire, the only coment of poli­tical bodies, to preserve union between the mem­bers of the empire, and between them and their political head.’ So then it is plain, that head and member, king and people are but one body, and are to be considered as such; if so, then one part of these members have as just a right, power and authority as the other, for all unites in one. And this the British parliament were sensible of, even in the charter granted to this Province, they therefore desired their american brethren so many years back, not to make any law repugnant to the laws of En­gland. Why was this included, if they had not a power to make their own laws? and if they had not a power to make their own laws, as much as the Bri­tish parliament, wherein do they enjoy the freedom of Englishmen—or▪ why does the compact or the charter express it, if they are not to enjoy it? but if they have a right, the same as Englishmen have, then the King of England is under the same obliga­tion to the parliament of America, or of the pro­vinces, as he is to the British parliament, and as one well observes, ‘when the King wants the assistance of his american subjects, he must apply to their house of commons for grants,—in the same way he does now to his parliament in Bri­tain— [Page 5] the colonies finding themselves treated as freemen by their King, and fellow subjects in Bri­tain, and their rights established upon a firm foundation; they will be animated to contribute the utmost in their power to promote the honor of the crown, and the support of the kingdom. And as the colonies increase in wealth and num­ber, so will their assistance to their parent state increase, until Britain flows with the riches of America—and by this union and harmony be­tween the two countries, founded on freedom and common interest, the British empire may continue firmly united, and flourish to the latest ages.’—I only add,—this is the only way to turn the wilderness state of England into the garden of Eden.

YOUR Excellency's observation that for a succession of years, the general assembly, and our predecessors submitted to the authority of the English parliament; and engaged to make no ‘laws, or acknowledged they had no power, (as you express it) to make any law repugnant to the laws of England.’ Was not this, SIR, a mutual compact between England and America, (though then in an infant state) to settle and fix the bounds of each power and authority? Though America was by this charter, or agreement, to make no laws repug­nant to the laws of England.—Was not England bound (and did not our predecessors understand it so) by the same honour, to make no laws repugnant to the laws, and rights of [Page 6] America? Strange to me if they did not [...] And if they did, their submission to it was na­tural and dutiful, while they looked upon the two powers as mutual in each others political interest, uniting in one sole authority.

WHAT do the Americans, even the most fervent sons of liberty, ask more than this? who are the aggressors? has the Americans made any law repugnant to the laws of England? if it has let England complain, and see if they will find the bosoms of the Americans calous—but if England has made laws repugnant to the laws and rights of Americans, and enforced them by military arms, and the power of death—shall not the Americans complain? have they not a right, by the laws of GOD and nature, and nations, to remonstrate and set forth their grievances, and to use all the strength and power; the God of Heaven has given them to remove the yoke which neither they nor their fore­fathers were able to bear.

THEREFORE, Sir, With submissive reverence I humbly think that the argument brought to prove, that because our predecessors submitted to acts, or the power of parliament for so long a time, that we ought to submit likewise fails,—finally fails—for who has made the repugnant laws? Who is the cause of all this contention? Let England make no laws repugnant to the laws and rights of America, and all things will be mutually happy.

YOUR Excellency's other arguments taken from Feudal right &c. &c. is very tedious and [Page 7] prolix, and I humbly conceive far from being con­clusive: For the present dispute is not, whether the King of England has a Feudal right to the lands of America—but whether the Americans have a right to make their own laws, dispose of their own property, pay their own Governor and Judges, en­joy their own immunities as granted by charter to them, "as free and natural subjects, to all intents, constructions, and purposes, without the controul of any supreme authority, of any government over them." If their right is good, they only ask their own inheritance. But supposing it should appear clear by those who are more adept in law phrases, that the King has a Feudal right to the lands of America; I think the argument taken therefrom would revert much in favour of the American subjects, but what right a few people who fled from En­glish tyranny, who resided in Holland, and came as strangers to the wiles of America, to seek peace and liberty, amidst the tribes of cruel savages, can give any parliament on earth authority or power to rule over them, I cannot see; they appear to me from the foundation of settling America, to have a double right to be perfectly free, not only a right by the law of GOD, but a far greater right, than Englishmen have to their liberties, inasmuch as the Americans obtained them at a dearer rate; they fought, they bled, they died purely for Liberty, and shall not their children be free?

THE love of liberty runs parrallel in the human breast with the love of life, and he that will dare to take away the one, is not fit to be trusted with the [Page 8] other—your Excellency cannot but remember, and must allow the Americans fearless in every thought, that tremendous night, when the earth, air, and skies were stain'd with innocent blood. ^* A night that will finally be remembered, and annually bleed afresh to the last generations, as a testimony against un­just arbitrary power.

IT is no wonder then to see the Gentlemen of Boston so zealous for liberty, who saw the guiltless victims of arbitrary authority expire before their eyes—no wonder their fire of liberty was kindled, to stand their ground, to maintain the spot their forefathers had bought, to command unarm'd their Governor to banish the bloody band of soldiers.

NO wonder such men as these unite as a band of brethren to stand up for, and take every prudent measure to maintain those liberties free from all infringments, that they have a natural and indubi­table right unto, and their happiness is interested therein.

GENERALLY the unhappiness of Kings, Governors, and ministers originally arises from a tyrannical thought, that the people are made for them, and not they for the people; let mini­sters consider themselves not the churches lords, but the churches servants, and only direct the peo­ple by the laws of GOD and they would be happy. Let but the King consider himself, as the people's servant in high trust, as their political head, repre­senting their majestic power, they having invested him with the key of their authority to rule, but let him [Page 9] reign in their hearts by their own laws, and he would be happy as their King. Let but our Go­vernor consider himself not the servant of any despo­tic power, but the people's, as the sovereignty of choice makes no alteration in his trust. That his throne is the hearts of the people—his power is their laws—and that their laws and rights are his defence; therefore says a female orator, "My heart is towards the Governors in Israel, who offer themselves willingly among the people, viz. to take the charge of them and their rights in the face of every danger—to secure inviolable firm all their privileges and immunities—to restore every right and priviledge when they are deprived of them—To provide against all future danger of the loss of them—to be tender over the people as their father—to convey the inheritance of liberty to them, as his political children—to love them, not only as their friend but as their brother, their flesh, and bone of their bone; then no doubt, but all contentions would cease, and your Excel­lency would be very happy.

AS your zeal, spirit, and love for the indu­bitable rights and liberties of your consti­tuents, has pleasingly exceeded their ex­pectation, and you have given full proof, that you carried their Cause, and case upon your hearts to the House, and have pleaded their cause, and laid their grievances before the King's repre­sentative, with reverence and submission, and yet at the same time with that SPIRIT, for the support of the natural and charter rights and liberties of the people, that becomes the stewards of their rights, and the guardians of their liberties; this will enoble and immortalize your names in the annals yet unknown.

BUT Gentlemen, there is a liberty of a more NOBLER NATURE, that you have forgot, which is liberty of Conscience: What, and shall conscience (under oppression) bleed, faint, expire and die, [Page 2] and have no kind hand to relieve her, no guar­dian to support her! Be astonished O Heaven at this! O tell it not in Gath! Where are the mourn­ers of America? Why go they not forth in their lamentations? How are the mighty fallen! How is the gold become dim, and the most fine gold changed! Zion (says the prophet) spreadeth forth her hands, and there is none to comfort her; what, none among the sons of liberty? Have they all forsook her and fled—and will ye also go away?

GENTLEMEN, Have you not pleaded like men—like stewards, like gods, ^* for the natural rights and liberties of the people, and maintained the majesty of the people's power; shewing that no King, nor parliament, nor power upon earth, has any right to tax them, or appoint, or take away their property without their consent. And yet will you dare to make, or enforce any law, to take away by force and power, the properties of your bre­thren; not only contrary to their consent, but contrary to their own consciences, because they will not worship the golden image, which you have set up? is not this rapine, robbery and tyranny, by the force of arbitrary power? Does not your consciences blush, when you plead for liberty, and bleed when you behold your brethren's property forced from them by violence, if not they must be as calouse as Cain's was who slew his brother Abel: What do you think the King of England, the House of Lord's, and the British House of Com­mons will say, when this matter comes to be laid before them? Will they not say, ‘Here is a peo­ple [Page 3] who assume to tell us, that we have no right to tax them, or appoint any of their properties to any use without their consent (which God Almighty knows we have not) yet they assume to tax their brethren, and take away by force and authority their persons and properties, to support a religion contrary to the people's con­sciences. The GOD of Heaven has made us rulers over the bodies and civil rights of men, but what god we wonder has made them rulers over the souls of men, that the people must attend upon, or support by taxation, even that form of religion which they have chose for them, and which they believe is not true; was ever such tyranny since the days of NERO.’

GENTLEMEN, I hope none of you will be offended at this freedom of speech, while the cre­ation groans, being burdened with the weight of this oppression. I do not mean to offend a worm, but feelingly to convince the good people of Ame­rica, that a true and real son of liberty is an heart of oak, firm and consistent with himself, and has the same feeling regard to plead for, and preserve free, inviolably free, the sacred liberties of the con­science of mankind, as well as to plead for and preserve their civil liberties and properties. Here I am moved by that grandeur of soul, that only wishes to have the happiness of millions in view, and thereby am conscience bound—bound by the law of nature—by the law of GOD, and by all the blessings of liberty not to be silent, however little I may say. For what heart can bear, what ears [Page 4] can hear, or eyes see, persons, nay brethren, drag'd to prison, their property seiz'd, their lands sold, ^* their persons abused, their fences destroyed, their interest kept from them, and be silent; especially when they repeatedly sought redress by the general court but were deny'd; they asked peace of the sons of liberty, and they gave them a sword, and told them that they had a right to make such laws as took their property, and to keep them under it, as long as they thought fit.

DOES not such proceedings as these call for ven­geance, as much as Abel's blood, when it cried from the ground?

GENTLMEN, I do not mean to make your consciences bleed, but I mean to make them feel for your distressed brethren. The Apostle says, no man ever hated his own flesh. But any one would think Paul did not mean the general court, when he takes a view of the distresses, and oppressions by law and tyranny, that your brethren have suffe­red at South-Hadley, at Montague, at Shursbury, at Colrain, at Chesterfield, at Ashfield, ^† only for tak­ing liberty to worship GOD, according to his word, and because they will not give their property to support that worship, which they know has not GOD for [...]s author, nor his word for their rule—This is enough, to make the hills to tremble, and the earth to quake: But why do I mention this? Are you not Gentlemen now pleading with your Gover­nor, [Page 5] with the King of England, and with the British parliament for your rights and liberties—and your own brethren are pleading with you for liberty of conscience; was ever such a contrast upon the earth before? Do you think that God or man will hear you, while you are oppressing your brethren?

IT is painful to me Gentlemen, but the warm affection that I have for liberty of conscience, which is the sole, the life and paradise of every blessing on earth, constrains me to tell you, that I have very lately received, signed, witnessed and authenti­cated under the constable's own hands, the account of twenty five different persons in Mendon—in Ho [...]iston, and in Chelmsford, who are now distressed in their persons, property and estates, and they say they expect to be greatly distressed, nay, three of them were dragg'd and forced from their habitati­ons and families in Chelmsford, to Concord Goal, the 26th of January 1773. viz, Gershom Proctor, Henry Proctor, and Nathan Crosby, by John Rob­bins constable, because they could not in conscience pay for the support of a ministry, contrary to their conscience, nor worship the golden image which you have set up—you call Nebuchadnezer a tyrant, but we hope Gentlemen, you will never call him so again, lest he should rise from the dead, and look you up in the face,—David said concerning his brother Jonathan, "I am distressed for thee my bor­ther". What say you Gentlemen of this matter? Is your answer expressed in Gen. 42. 21. And they said one to another, we are verily guilty concerning our brother, in that we saw the anguish of his soul, when [Page 6] he besought us, and we would not bear, therefore is this distress come upon us—here I allude not only to the repeated denials of redress, which these dis­tressed people have met with from the general court, but the answer you gave a brother, when you saw the anguish of his soul in distress in College Hall in Cambridge.

BUT however Gentlemen, these distressed persons shall not (while I have a being or talent) never want a friend to plead their CAUSE, before GOD and Man, whether it be before the Governor, Council, or the general Court, or before the King and coun­cil at home, if the case require it; though many of the same denomination for whom I plead, have acted very ungrateful to me ^* But were they africans or Indian's thus distressed in conscience, and wron­ged of their properties, I would equally plead for them.

YOU say you have a power to make such laws, that shall tax their land, distress their persons, and take away by force their properties, for the support of what you call the stated ministry. Now this pow­er [Page 7] must be either from Heaven, or from Men; if from Heaven prove it, if from men, shew me the tyrant who gave it you? And what right he had to give it you? And whether he did not give your distressed brethren (whether seperates or others,) as much right to make laws for you, to bind you to pay for their st [...]n [...]ing ministry, as you to bind them to pay for yours. These are plain questions, no doubt Gentlemen but you can solve them.

IT was a noble answer, which the late Mr. DA­VIS returned to the general Court a man of great understanding, and a friend to liberty of conscience, who would not like some others be melted away with soft persuasion, and flee like a shadow, but told the general Court what favours the Baptists would have, that they had a right by the law of GOD, and by the law of nature, I add, and by the Charter, a just claim to be exempted from all oppression or taxation to support any man or mini­ster, or form of religious worship, they did not believe A certain Gentleman then said to him, "Sir, what, have we no power to tax them?" Mr. Davis answered him with that spirit the cause requi­red, and said, Sir, I deny your power, and so will every man of wisdom, and common humanity;" however I boldly declare in the face of every frown, and care not if every tyrant on earth heard me; that you have no more right by the word of GOD, and by the law of nature to tax the Baptists, or any of the seperate congregations in the Province to sup­port a religious worship, contrary to the dictates of their own conscience, than you have to tax the An­gels [Page 8] in Heaven, or, to make a law for one man to cut another man's throat—You tell your Go­vernor that the parliament of England have no right to tax the Americans, purely for this reason, because they are not the representatives of America; and will you dare to tax the Baptists for a religion they deny? Are you Gentlemen their re­presentatives before GOD, to answer for their souls and consciences, any more than the representatives of England are the representatives of America. However, if you continue to tax the Baptists, then be forever silent, and never tell the British parliament, that they have not a right to tax you. Thou therefore that teacheth another, teacheth thou not thyself, lays St. Paul—Strange, a man shall have right to choose his own friend, his own lawyer his own physician, and shall he not have a right to pay his own minister, but m [...]st have his pro­perty dragg'd away by a pack of petty officers by way of robbery, for a burnt offering, and to sup­port a man contrary to his conscience? this is shuddering to nature that he must be shut up in pri­son, and nothing but paying the rate or death can set him free—O shocking! Never say Gentlemen, while you do these things, that you have not your liberties in the province of the Massachusetts, is not this liberty with a vengeance? Surely you have forgot what great Mr. Lock says of this matter, his sentiments are fine, and his reasoning is strong, ‘To allow says he mankind as individuals the free choice of their religion, and yet take by force their estates from them, to support a religion or worship which they do not choose, is such oppressi­on [Page 9] that would make a moral heathen blush.’ I reverence your right power and authority in civil government, and with every tie and duty of subjecti­on will always honour it, nor have the Baptists ever deny'd paying their just rates; but your power to make laws to bind my conscience, or take away my property by warrants, to support your way of wor­ship to the unknown God, which you have set up, is unsupportable before GOD and man It is true, the votes of the town have in page 28 hinted, to the offence of many judicious minds, that the general Court have a power to make laws spiritual, as well as temporal, but this I humbly believe was a mistake inadvertently overlooked by the Gentlemen; for if the general Court has a power to make laws spiritual and take away my property by force for the support of these laws, then I declare freely, all that they have said and pleaded for is finally at an end. For surely the British parliament and power have as good a right to act unjustly and arbitrary as any other, for if it be just in the general Court to take away my sacred and spiritual rights and liberties of conscience and my property with it, then it is surely right an I just in the British parliament so take away by power and force, my civil rights and property without my consent; this reasoning Gentlemen I think is plain: However, I am honest if I am mistaken.

How in the world Gentlemen could it ever enter into your heads, or into the hearts of your forefa­thers, (but they are a sleep, I will not awake them) to think that you had a power to make laws spiritu­al? Has GOD Almighty been deficient in this matter? does he want your help? is not his golden [Page 10] rule and the law of equity plain. Mat. 7. 12. There­fore in all things, whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets. And is not the law and rule of his church, which is his kingdom, so plain, that he that runs may read it, Ezek. 43. 10, 11, 12. I shall on­ly say as Solomon did, "add thou not to his word lest he reprove thee"—However, I am of Benjamin Hoadley's mind, (who was afterwards Bishop of Winchester) when he was his Majesty's chaplain, he told the King of England in his Sermon upon these words▪ "My kingdom is not of this world", that it was not in the power right or authority of any, Pope, Prince or Potentate—of any King, lords or com­mons, of any Bishop, archbishops, Deacons, or Pre­bends, of any vicar, clergy or curates of any synods, convocations or presbyteries, to make any laws for the church of Christ, that the church of GOD, has no dependence upon the state, nor any human pow­er or authority, but only on the power of GOD and his word, that it was a distinct kingdom from the world, and had nothing to do with any worldly pow­er—though the King was called in a law sense the head of the church of England, yet he had nothing to do, either by law or power with the church of Christ—that Christ as the King of glory, was head over all things to his church; that his laws—his sub­jects—his immunities—his ordinances were spiritual, such as no King nor lords, nor bishops could give, and therefore they had nothing to do by way of law power, or authority in the church of Christ. For this the Bishop of London being present got Mr. Hoadly indited for treason against church and state, [Page 11] but his Majesty for his faithfulness, and to make him as silent as Bishops generally are presented him to the See of Winchester, and prohibited the convo­cation of Bishops sitting during his reign.

IT is generally urged that there was a necessity for your making, and inforcing a Law, that the In­habitants of every new Township shall settle, main­tain and support, by a ministerial rate, or Taxation, an orthodox minister. An orthodox minister that they hold their lands by it.—The etemology of the word orthodox, I do not just remember, as it is made now a days so vague; but, if I remember right, it is one sound in the faith—one that continues in the apostle's doctrine, in praying, preaching, baptizing, and administring the ordinances of the Lord's-supper. And has the General Court made this law? Yes! Then I would say to you, Gentlemen, in the language of scripture, who of you have kept this law?—Not one of you! nor one of your fore­fathers before you, for this hundred and fifty years! Not one orthodox minister, (though many others, whom I much esteem) have you settled throughout the whole continent of America; I defy all man­kind to prove the time when—the place where—or the person who.

YOU must know there is a vast difference between good men, and great men, so called, and Paul's otho­dox preachers, who continue stedfastly in the apostle's doctrine; I say in the apostle's doctrine, and in fellow­ship, &c. &c. For can you perswade me, Gentle­men, that to hear of a GOD as a being of wrath, [Page 12] anger, and vengeance, whom I can neither love, trust, praise nor adore? Was Paul's GOD, or the christi­an's GOD, in Paul's days—do you think that this was the GOD of love mentioned, 1 John iii. 16. They tell us indeed that GOD was love to Adam, before he fell, but when he fell he hated him and all mankind in him. But that Jesus Christ interceeded for them, and turn'd the wrath of the al­mighty into love, upon conditions of their repenting and being good, that Jesus Christ died to purchase these conditions; nay, the holy spirit, and Heaven for them, if they will, but by prayer, and tears, live up to the terms of the Gospel, (as they call it.) Then they call you to make a covenant, to own a covenant of their own making, to feal and re­new your covenant; and if they speak of Christ, and him crucified—of grace and righteousness, yet you must obtain it all by the works of the law, not­withstanding what Paul says to the contrary. Some own a half way covenant,—some a whole covenant, and that baptism is the seal of the covenant. What is all this, Gentlemen, but Priest cheating—or a solemn lie before GOD and the people—religious deceit—a devout way to the devil? But they are pretty shrines, and the people must have them, they cannot live without them, they pay their tax for them. Nor would they be ever contented to pay their ministerial rates, if they had not these pretty silver shrines for it, I will only mention one instance, which lately happened—Mr. B—of D—r had a few days ago three little golden calves to make to please the people, he made two, and the people danced about them; another person held up a little [Page 13] image to the priest for him to make him a golden calf of it, and called to him to do it, but the priest being out of humour, would not make the poor man a golden calf, and the poor man was obliged to make the golden calf himself—but the people say, it was not made right, as the priest did not do it, there­fore they would not dance before it, but the town is in an uproar with the priest for not doing it. Now had not the priest better have done it than [...] displeased the people? had he had half the wit [...] had, he would have done it, Aaron knew it was wrong to make golden calves, and call them gods, but the people would have them, and there was six hundred thousand people to be pleased, and what could poor Aaron do? or what could he say? see Exod. 32. 22, 23, 24. These are, Gentlemen, in general (some excepted, whom I much esteem for their love to Christ and the truth) the orthodox preachers whom you have made a law to settle; and would it not be unsufferable ignorance and vanity for any one to think that their doctrine is any more a-kin to the apostle's doctrine than the bible is to the al [...]ran. Thus you see what work men make when they attempt to make laws spiritual for the church of GOD, and tax the people to support it. But I pity the Priests from my heart.—It is true the people in general are blind—and yet the Priests is obliged, almost by law, if they would be called good and quiet men, to keep them blind and yet to please them.—What can they do?—To open their eyes is exceeding dangerous. To turn them from darkness to darkness may please, but to turn them from darkness to light, by preaching that God is love, and has revealed a perfection of Salvation complete only in Jesus, in his person, power, righteousness, death and resurrection; this [Page 14] will ruin the people's pharisaical hope—destroy their Dagon—take down their Babel-building— take away their gods, and what have they more? They give the Priest their gold, but he must not take away their cob-web garment, lest the shame of their naked­ness appear; for if he does, may GOD Almighty be on his side, for they will turn him out, if possible. He stands no chance among but few men, [...]d fewer ministers. They will soon say of him as they did of Paul, ‘he is a mover of sedition—a troubler in Israel. This fellow, to be sure, say they, perswadeth men to worship GOD, contrary to the law.—This Paul has persuaded and turned away much people.’ Now who would do this? I think none but those who are as mad as Paul was.

I ONLY attempted this in a very humble manner, in giving a concise description of the people, who were first called christians at Antioch, saying no other things than those which Moses and the prophets did say, should come from Paul's days, to the present time, though some whose eyes are open have said they would for a season, as soon be without bread, as without the book—yet others are offended and say, the man is mad, why hear ye him: but the more thoughtful say, as the Athenians did to Paul "May we know this new doctrine whereof thou speaketh it? for thou bringest certain strange things to our ears; we would know what these things means? the Athenians were full of devotion, like the Ameri­cans, but in all things too superstitious, and like the Israelite, who helped Aaron to make the golden calf, they ignorantly worshipped an unknown god. Paul declared this unknown god to the people, but they only mocked him for it; therefore you see Gentlemen, it is dangerous to open the people's eyes, for while [Page 15] the general Court supports the power and tyranny of the Priests, the sons of America will never be free; that there is no quiet with them then, and that man must be a fool if he intends to be popular and please the people, if he preaches as Paul did.

REMEMBER your forefathers fled from the op­pression of imposed ministers, this was the grand ori­ginal cause of the settling the extensive provinces of America—and yet cruel as [...] [...]re to their very name, as well as to your brethren you exercise the same oppression upon the children that their forefathers fled from, see the case at Medfield of your own de­nomination, whose reasons have confounded and silenced the whole town, yet they have taxed them. But what is worse, and how you will answer for it before GOD, I must leave to you, which is, you oblige the settled minister to eat the bread of violence, and therefore I cannot see how you deserve a cup of cold water, for all you have done; nor how a mini­ster dares to eat or ask a blessing upon such bread, I know not—a minister of Christ, and tell another mi­nister, as one [...] Ashfield, and in Chesterfield, if he would not pay the rates, the constable should strain upon him, for he would have his money—and if he did not like it, he must go out of the town! is not this a true picture of the sons of Belial, who knew not the Lord? 1 Sam. 2. 16. Nay but thou shalt give it me now—if not I will take it by force, and like Pharaoh who when he could not stop Israel said, Let your flocks and your herds be stayed. Gentlemen, let these things sink deep into your hearts—remem­ber how your forefathers logg'd and chain'd the poor Baptists at the prison door in Charlstown, and why will you garnish their sepulchers likewise? I have only one thing more to observe, and I hope Gentlemen you will observe it—It is the question [Page 16] which [...] Lord put [...], when they required [...] to [...] a [...] Lord to Peter do they [...] tax, [...] the children, or of strangers? and Peter said of [...] is Lord—then says Christ [...] are free. Now Gentlemen, this is the case between the Baptist and the congregationalist,—For if we may safely venture to believe the scriptures of truth, the congregationalist, are the strangers, and the Baptists the children, and consequently if our Lord was right, they are free, for they must be near akin to the Indians in their knowledge of the scriptures, who do not know that there were no churches, nor christians in Paul and Peter's days, but those who were Baptists; and I will defy [...] man upon the earth to prove the contrary, then above all people upon the face of the earth, they ought to have their LIBERTY, from any religious taxation, having such an ancient original, and charter right to it from the word of GOD—For he, whose name is truth said, "then are the children free"—and yet the strangers who come into the land, think they have a right to tax them—and have the assurance to tell them so in open court.

Now if the [...] attempted to tax the strangers, one could not so much [...] strangers to tax them again—But when the children are willing to let the strangers go free, what plea but that of cruelty, power, and barbarity can they have to tax the children. But the true [...] lies here, they have an enemity against the truth, and are afraid of the spread of it— If we let these men alone, they will take away own place and nation—Do not be angry Gentlemen. God has intended they should, and therefore why will you raise Gamaliel from the dead, to say to you, Acts 5. 38. refrain from these men, and let them alone, for if this counsel, or this work be of men, it will come to [...], but if it be of GOD ye cannot over­throw i [...], le [...]t haply ye be found ever to fight against GOD. There­fore [...] charge you Gentlemen before GOD and the Lord Jesus Christ, and the elect angels, and all the world, that ye do to others, as ye would they should do to you, upon this hangs all the law and the prophets; this do, and the GOD of peace be with you.