AS you allow me the honour of your correspondence, I may not omit ac­quainting you with so remarkable an event as the withdraw of the com­missioners of the customs and most of the other officers under them from the town on board the Romney, with an intent to remote from thence to the castle.

In the evening of the 10th a sloop belong­ing to Mr. Hancock, a representative for Boston, and a wealthy merchant, of great influence over the populace, was seized by the collector and comptroller for a very notorious breach of the acts of trade, and, after seizure, taken into custo­dy by the officer of the Romney man of war, and remov'd under command of her guns. It is pretended that the removal and not the seizure [Page 4] incensed the people. It seems not very ma­terial which it was—A mob was immediately rais'd, the officers insulted, bruis'd and much hurt, and the windows of some of their houses broke; a boat belonging to the collector burnt in triumph, and many threats utter'd against the commissioners and their officers: no notice being taken of their extravagance in the time of it, nor any endeavours by any authority except the governor, the next day to discover and punish the offenders; and there being a rumour of a higher mob intended monday (the 13th) in the evening the commissioners, four of them, thought themselves altogether unsafe, being destitute of protection, and remov'd with their families to the Romney, and there remain and hold their board, and next week intend to do the same, and also open the custom-house at the castle. The go­vernor press'd the council to assist him with their advice, but they declin'd and evaded calling it a brush or small disturbance by boys and negroes, not considering how much it must be resented in England that the officers of the crown should think themselves obliged to quit the place of their residence and go on board a King's ship for safety, and all the internal authority of the pro­vince take no notice, of it—The town of Boston have had repeated meetings, and by their votes declared the commissioners and their officers a great grievance, and yesterday instructed their representatives to endeavor that enquiry should be made by the assembly whether any person by writing or in any other way had encouraged the sending troops here, there being some alarm­ing reports that troops are expected, but have [Page 5] not taken any measures to discountenance the promoters of the late proceedings; but on the contrary appointed one or more of the actors or abettors on a committee appointed to wait on the governor, and to desire him to order the man of war out of the harbour.

Ignorant as they be, yet the heads of a Boston town-meeting influences all publick measures.

It is not possible this anarchy should last al­ways. Mr. Hallowell who will be the bearer of this tells me he has the honour of being per­sonally known to you. I beg leave to refer you to him for a more full account.

IT is very necessary other information should be had in England of the present state of the commissioners of the customs than what common fame will bring to you or what you will receive from most of the letters which go from hence, people in general being prejudiced by many false reports and misrepresentations concerning them. Seven eighths of the people of the country sup­pose the board itself to be unconstitutional and cannot be undeceived and brought to believe that a board has existed in England all this cen­tury, and that the board established here has no [Page 6] new powers given to it. Our incendiaries know it but they industriously and very wickedly pub­lish the contrary. As much pains has been ta­ken in prejudice the country against the persons of the commissioners and their characters have been misrepresented and cruelly treated especi­ally since their confinement at the castle where they are not so likely to hear what is said of them and are not so able to confute it.

It is now pretended they need not to have withdrawn, that Mr. Williams had stood his ground without any injury although the mob be­set his house, &c. There never was that spirit raised against the under officers as against the commissioners, I mean four of them. They had a public affront offered them, by the town of Boston who refused to give the use of their hall for a public dinner unless it was stipulated that the commissioners should not be invited. An affront of the same nature at the motion of Mr. Hancock was offered by a company of cadets. Soon after a vessel of Mr. Hancock's being seiz­ed the officers were mobb'd and the commission­ers were informed they were threatned. I own I was in pain for them. I do not believe if the mob had seized them, there was any authority able and willing to have rescued them. After they had withdrawn the town signified to the go­vernor by a message that it was expected or desi­red they should not returp. It was then the ge­neral voice that it would not be safe for them to return. After all this the sons of liberty say they deserted or abdicated.

The other officers of the customs in general either did not leave the town or soon returned to [Page 7] it. Some of them seem to be discontented with the commissioners. Great pains have been taken to increase the discontent. Their office by these means is rendered extremely burdensome. Eve­ry thing they do is found fault with, and yet no particular illegality or even irregularity men­tioned. There is too much hauteur some of their officers say in the treatment they receive. They say they treat their officers as the commis­sioners treat their officers in England and re­quire no greater deference. After all it is not the persons but the office of the commissioners which has raised this spirit, and the distinction made between the commissioners is because it has been given out that four of them were in favor of the new establishment and the fifth was not. If Mr. Hallowell arrived safe he can in­form you many circumstances relative to this dis­tinction which I very willingly excuse myself from mentioning.

I know of no burden brought upon the fair trader by the new establishment. The illicit trader finds the risque greater than it used to be, especially in the port where the board is con­stantly held. Another circumstance which in­creases the prejudice is this; the new duties hap­pened to take place just about the time the com­missioners arrived. People have absurdly con­nected the duties and board of commissioners, and suppose we should have had no additional duties if there had been no board to have the charge of collecting them. With all the aid you can give to the officers of the crown they will have enough to do to maintain the authority of government and to carry the laws into execution. [Page 8] If they are discountenanced, neglected or fail of support from you, they must submit to every thing the present opposers of government think fit to require of them.

There is no office under greater discourage­ments than that of the commissioners. Some of my friends recommended me to the ministry. I think myself very happy that I am not one. In­deed it would have been incompatible with my post as chief justice, and I must have declined it, and I should do it although no greater salary had been affixed to the chief justices place than the small pittance allowed by the province.

From my acquaintance with the commissioners I have received a personal esteem for them, but my chief inducement to make this representa­tion to you is a regard to the public interest which I am sure will suffer if the opposition carry their point against them.

August 10. Yesterstay at a meeting of the merchants it was agreed by all present to give no more orders for goods from England, nor re­ceive any on commission untill the late acts are repealed. And it is said all except sixteen in the town have subscribed an engagement of that te­nor. I hope the subscription will he printed that I may transmit it to you.

I WAS absent upon one of our circuits when Mr. Byles arrived. Since my return I have re­ceived from him your obliging letter of 31st July. I never dared to think what the resentment of the nation would be upon Hallowell's arrival. It is not strange that measures should be imme­diately taken to reduce the colonies to their former state of government and order, but that the national funds should be affected by it is to me a little mysterious and surprizing. Princi­ples of government absurd enough spread thro' all the colonies; but I cannot think that in any colony, people of any consideration have ever been so mad as to think of a revolt. Many of the common people have been in a frenzy, and talk'd of dying in defence of their liberties, and have spoke and printed what is highly criminal, and too many of rank above the vulgar, and some in public posts have countenanced and encouraged them untill they increased so much in their num­bers and in their opinion of their importance as to submit to government no further than they thought proper. The legislative powers have been influenced by them, and the executive powers intirely lost their force. There has been continual danger of mobs and insurrections, but they would have spent all their force within ourselves, the officers of the Crown and some of the few friends who dared to stand by them possibly might have been knock'd in the head, and some such fatal event would probably have [Page 10] brought the people to their senses. For four or five weeks past the distemper has been growing, and I confess I have not been without some apprehensions for myself, but my friends have had more for me, and I have had repeated and frequent notices from them from different quar­ters, one of the last I will inclose to you. ^* In this state of things there was no security but quitting my posts, which nothing but the last extremity would justify. As chief justice for two years after our first disorders I kept the grand juries tollerably well to their duty. The last spring there had been several riots, and a most infamous libel had been published in one of the papers, which I enlarged upon, and the grand jury had determined to make presentments, but the attorney-general not attending them the first day, Otis and his creatures who were alarm­ed and frightned exerted themselves the next day and prevailed upon so many of the jury to change their voices, that there was not a sufficient number left to find a bill. They have been ever since more enraged against me than ever. At the desire of the governor I committed to writing the charge while it lay in my memory, and as I have no further use for it I will inclose it as it may give you some idea of our judicatories.

Whilst we were in this state, news came of two regiments being ordered from Halifax, and soon after two more from Ireland. The minds of people were more and more agitated, broad hints were given that the troops should never land, a barrel of tar was placed upon the bacon, in the night to be fired to bring in the country when the [Page 11] troops appeared, and all the authority of the government was not strong enough to remove it. The town of Boston met and passed a number of weak but very criminal votes; and as the go­vernor declined calling an assembly they sent circular letters to all the towns and districts to send a person each that there might be a general consultation at so extraordinary a crisis. They met and spent a week, made themselves ridicu­lous, and then dissolv'd themselves. after a mes­sage or two to the governor which he refused to receive; a petition to the King which I dare say their agent will never be allow'd to present, and a result which they have published ill-natured and impotent.

In this confusion the troops from Halifax ar­rived. I never was much afraid of the people's taking arms, but I was apprehensive of violence from the mob, it being their last chance before the troops could land. As the prospect of re­venge became more certain their courage abated in proportion. Two regiments are landed, but a new grievance is now rais'd. The troops are by act of parliament to be quartered no where else but in the barracks untill they are full. There are barracks enough at the castle to hold both regiments. It is therefore against the act to bring any of them into town. This was started by the council in their answer to the governor, which to make themselves popular, they in an unprecedented way published and have alarmed all the province; for although none but the most contracted minds could put such a construction upon the act, yet after this declaration of the council nine tenths of the people suppose it just. [Page 12] I wish the act had been better express'd, but it is absurd to suppose the parliament intended to take from the King the direction of his forces by confining them to a place where any of the co­lonies might think fit to build, barracks. It is besides ungrateful, for it is known many that this provision was brought into the bill after it had been framed without it, from meer favor to the colonies. I hear the commander in chief has provided barracks or quarters, but a doubt still remains with some of the council, whether they are to furnish the articles required, unless the men are in the province barracks, and they are to determine upon it to day.

The government has been so long in the hands of the populace that it must come out of them by degrees, at least it will be a work of time to bring the people back to just notions of the nature of government.

Mr. Pepperrell a young gentleman of good character, and grandson and principal heir to the late Sir William Pepperrell being bound to Lon­don, I shall deliver this letter to him, as it will be too bulky for postage, and desire him to wait upon you with it.

THE great esteem I have for you in every point of light, perhaps renders my fears and doubts for the safety of your person greater than they ought to be; however if that is an error, it certainly results from true friendship, naturally jealous. Last night I was informed by a gentle­man of my acquaintance, who had his informa­tion from one intimate with and knowing to the infernal purposes of the sons of liberty as they falsely stile themselves, that he verily believ'd, from the terrible threats and menaces by those catalines against you, that your life is greatly in danger. This informant I know is under obli­gations to you and is a man of veracity. He express'd himself with concern for you, and the gentleman acquainting me with this horrid cir­cumstance, assured me he was very uneasy till you had notice. I should have done myself the honor of waiting on you but am necessarily pre­vented. The duty I owed to you as a friend and to the public as a member of society, would not suffer me to rest till I had put your honor upon your guard; for tho' this may be a false alarm, nothing would have given me greater pain, if any accident had happen'd, and I had been silent. If possible I will see you to mor­row, and let you know further into this black affair.

To the hon'ble Thomas Hutchinson,

I AM just now informed that a number of the council, perhaps 8 or 10, who live in and bear this town, have met together and agreed upon a long address or petition to parliament, and that it will be sent by this ship to Mr. Bollan to be pre­sented. Mr. Danforth who is president of the council told the governor upon enquiry, that it was sent to him to sign, and he supposed the rest of the council who had met together would sign after him in order, but he hath since found that they had wrote over his name by order of council, which makes it appear to be an act of council. This may be a low piece of cunnihg in him, but be it as it may, it's proper it should be known that the whole is no more than the doings of a part of the council only, although even that is not very material, since, if they had all been present with­out the governor's summons the meeting would have been irregular and unconstitutional, and ought to be discountenanced and censured. I suppose there is no instance of the privy council's meeting and doing business without the king's presence or special direction, except in commit­tees upon such business as by his majesty's order has been reserv'd to them by an act of council, and I have known no instance here without the governor until within three or four months past.

I thought it very necessary the circumstances of this proceeding should be known, tho' if there be no necessity for it. I think it would be best it should not be known that the intelligence comes from me.

YOU have laid me under very great obliga­tions by the very clear and full account of proceedings in parliament, which I received from you by Capt. Scott. You have also done much service to the people of the province. For a day or two after the ship arrived, the enemies of government gave out that their friends in parlia­ment were increasing, and all things would be soon on the old footing; in other words that all acts imposing duties would be repealed, the com­missioners board dissolved, the customs put on the old footing, and illicit trade be carried on with little of no hazard. It was very fortunate that I had it in my power to prevent such a false re­presentation from spreading through the province. I have been very cautious of using your name, but I have been very free in publishing abroad the substance of your letter, and declaring that I had my intelligence from the best authority, and have in a great measure defeated the ill de­sign in raising and attempting to spread so ground­less a report. What marks of resentment the parliament will show, whether they will be up­on the province in general or particular persons, is extremely uncertain, but that they will be pla­ced somewhere is most certain, and I add, because I think it ought to be so, that those who have been most steady in preserving the constitution and opposing the licentiousness of such as call themselves sons of liberty will certainly meet with favor and encouragement.

[Page 16]This is most certainly a crisis. I really wish that there may not have been the least degree of severity beyond what is absolutely necessary to [...]tain, I think I may say to you the depen­dance which a colony ought to have upon the pa­rent state; but if no measures shall have been taken to secure this dependance, or nothing more than some declaratory acts or resolves, it is all over with us. The friends of government will be utterly disheartned, and the friends of anarchy will be afraid of nothing, be it ever so extravagant.

The last vessel from London had a quick pas­sage. We expect to be in suspense for the three or four next weeks and then to hear our fate. I never think of the measures necessary for the peace and good order of the colonies without pain. There must be an abridgment of what are called English liberties. I relieve myself by considering that in a remove from the state of nature to the most perfect state of government there must be a great restraint of natural liberty. I doubt whether it is possible to project a system of government in which a colony 3000 miles distant from the parent state shall enjoy all the liberty of the parent state. I am certain I have never yet seen the projection. I wish the good of the colony when I wish to see some further restraint of liberty rather than the connexion with the parent state should be broken; for I am sure such a breach must prove the ruin of the colony. Pardon me this excursion, it really pro­ceeds from the state of mind into which our per­plexed affairs often throws me.

I THANK you for your last favor of July 18th. I fancy in my last to you about two months ago I have answered the greatest part of it.

My opinion upon the combination of the mer­chants, I gave you very fully. How long they will be able to continue them if parliament should not interpose is uncertain. In most ar­ticles they may another year, and you run the risque of their substituting when they are put to their shifts something of their own in the place of what they used to have from you, and which they will never return to you for. But it is [...] possible that provision for dissolving these [...] binations and subjecting all who do not [...] them to penalties adequate to the offence [...] not be made the first week the parliament [...] Certainly all parties will unite in so extraor [...] [...] case if they never do in any other. So [...] has been said upon the repeal of the duties [...] by the last act, that it will render it very [...] to keep people's minds quiet if that [...] refused them. They deserve punishme [...] [...] will say, but laying or continuing taxes [...] cannot be thought equal, seeing many [...] punished who are not offenders, Penalties of another kind seem better adapted.

I have been tolerably treated since the go­vernor's departure, no other charge being made against me in our scandalous news-papers except my bad principles in matters of government, and this charge has had little effect, and a great many friends promise me support.

[Page 18]I must beg the favor of you to keep secret every thing I write, untill we are in a more set­tled [...], for the party here either by their agents, or by some of the emissaries in London, have sent them every report or rumor of the contents of letters wrote from hence. I hope we shall see better times both here and in Eng­land.

I AM indebted to you for the obliging manner in which you receiv'd my recommendation of my good friend Mr. Paxton, as well as for the account you are pleased to send me of the situa­tion of affairs in the mother country.

I am very sorry that the colonies give you so much employment, and it is impossible to say how long it will be before things settle into quiet among us. We have some here who have been so busy in something the late disturbances, that may now think it needful for their own se­curity to keep up the spirit. They have plumed themselves much upon the victory they have gamed, and the spport they have since met with; [...] could my thing better show what they would still be a [...] than the manner in which by their own account published in the news-papers last August [...] celebrated the 14th of that month, as the first anniversary commemoration of what they [Page 19] had done at the tree of liberty on that day the year before. Here a number of respectable gentlemen as they inform us now met, and a­mong other toasts drank general Paoli, and the spark of liberty kindled in Spain, I am now speaking of a few individuals only, the body of the people are well disposed, yet when you come to see the journal of the house of representatives the last session, I fear you will think that the same spirit has seized our public counsels. I can however fairly say thus much in behalf of the government, that the last house was packed by means of a public proscription just before the election, of the greatest part of those who had appeared in the preceding session in the support of government: their names were published in an inflammatory news-paper, and their constitu­ents made to believe they were about to sell them for slaves. Writs are now out for a new assem­bly, but I cannot answer for the choice: I hope however that the people in general are in a better temper; yet the moderate men have been so browbeaten in the house, and found themselves so insignificant there the last year, that some of them will voluntarily decline coming again. I think this looks too much like a despair of the common-wealth, and cannot be justified on pa­triotic principles.

The election of counsellors was carried the last year as might have been expected from such an house. The officers of the crown and the judges of the superior court were excluded. And I hear that it is the design of some who expect to be returned members of the house this year to make sure work at the ensuing election of coun­sellors, [Page 20] by excluding, if they can, the gentlemen of the council (who by charter remain such 'till others are chosen in their room) from any share in the choice, tho' they have always had their voice in it hitherto from the first arrival of the charter. If the house do this, they will have it in their power to model the council as they please, and throw all the powers of government into the hands of the people, unless the governor should again exert his negative as he did the last year.

You have doubtless seen some of the curious messages from the late house to the governor, and can't but have observed with how little decency they have attacked both the governor and the lieutenant governor. They have also in effect forced the council to declare themselves parties in the quarrel they had against the latter in a matter of mere indifference. In their message to the governor of the 31st of January they have explicitly charged the lieutenant governor (a gentleman to whom they are more indebted than to any one man in the government) with "ambition and lust of power", merely for pay­ing a compliment to the governor agreeable to ancient usage, by attending him to court and being present in the council chamber when he made his speech at the opening of the session, at which time they go on to say, "none but the general court and their servants are intended to be present", still holding out to the people the servants, of the crown as objects of insignificance, ranking the secretary with their door-keeper, as servants of the assembly; for the secretary with his clerks and the door-keeper are the only [Page 21] persons present with the assembly on these occasions.

The officers of the crown being thus lessen'd in the eyes of the people, takes off their weight and influence, and the balance will of course turn in favor of the people, and what makes them still more insignificant is their dependance on the people for a necessary support: If some­thing were left to the goodwill of the people, yet nature should be sure of a support. The governor's salary has for about 35 years past been pretty well understood to be a thousand pound a year sterling. When this sum was first agreed to, it was very well; but an increase of wealth since hat brought along with it an increase of luxury, so that what was sufficient to keep up a proper distinction and support the dignity of a governor then, may well be supposed to be in­sufficient for the purpose now. The lieutenant governor has no appointments as such: the cap­taincy of Castle-William which may be worth £. 120 sterling a year is looked upon indeed as an appendage to his commission, and the late lieu­tenant governor enjoyed no other appointment: he lived a retired life upon his own estate in the country, and was easy. The present lieutenant governor indeed has other appointments, but the people are quarrelling with him for it, and will not suffer him to be easy unless he will retire also.

The secretary may have something [...] than £.200 a year sterling, [...] has for the two last years been allowed £. [...] lawful money a year less than had been usual for divers years preced­ing, tho' he had convinced the house by their committee that without this deduction he would [Page 22] have had no more than £.250 sterling per annum in fees, perquisites and salary altogether, which is not the one half of his annual expence.

The crown did by charter reserve to itself the appointment of a governor, lieutenant governor and secretary on the design of this was without doubt to maintain some kind of balance between the powers of the crown and of the people; but if officers are not in some measure independent of the people (for it is difficult to serve two masters) they will sometimes have a hard struggle between duty to the crown and a regard to self, which must be a very disagreeable situation to them, as well as a weakening to the authority of government. The officers of the crown are very few, and are therefore the more easily provided for without burdening the people: and such pro­vision I look upon as necessary to the restoration and support of the King's authority.

But it may be said how can any new measures be taken without raising new disturbances? The manufacturers in England will rise again and de­feat the measures of government. This game 'tis true has been [...], and succeeded, and it has been asserted here, that it is in the power of the colonies at any time to raise a rebellion in England by refusing to send for their manu­factures. For my own part I do not believe this. The [...] in England, and I don't know [...] in London and Bristol only, might al­ways govern in this matter and quiet the manu­facturer. The merchant's view is always to his own interest. As the trade is now managed, the dealer here [...] to the merchant in England for his goods; upon these goods the English mer­chant [Page 23] puts a profit of 10 or more probably of 15 per cent when he sends them to his employer in America. The merchant is so jealous of fore­going this profit, that an American trader cannot well purchase the goods he wants of the manu­facturer; for should the merchant know that the manufacturer had supplied an American, he would take off no more of his wares. The merchants therefore having this profit in view will by one means or other secure it. They know the goods which the American market demands, and may therefore safely take them off from the manu­facturer, tho' they should have no orders for shipping them this year or perhaps the next; and I dare say, it would not be longer before the Americans would clamour for a supply of goods from England, for it is vain to think they can supply themselves. The merchant might then put in advanced price upon his goods, and possi­bly be able to make his own terms; or if it should be thought the goods would not bear an advanced price to indemnify him▪ it might be worth while for the government to agree with the merchants before hand to allow them a premium equivalent to the advance of their stock, and then the game would be over.

I have wrote with freedom in confidence of my name's not being used on the occasion▪ For though I have wrote nothing [...] what in my conscience I think an American may vpon just principles advance, and what a servant of the crown ought upon all proper occasions to suggest, yet the many prejudices I have to combat with may render it [...] it should be made, public

[Page 24]I communicated to governor Bernard what you mentioned [...] him, who desires me to present you his compliments, and let you know that he is obliged to you for the expressi­ons of your regard for his injured character.

I ask your acceptance of a journal of the last session which is put up in a box directed to the secre­tary of the board of trade.

I AM this moment favored with your very ob­liging letter by Capt. Jarvis of the 2d March, which I have but just time to acknowledge, as this is the day given out for the ship to sail. I wrote you the end of February in reply to your letter of the 28th December, that of the 12th February which you refer to in this of the 2d of March is not yet come to hand. You lay me, sir, under the greatest obligations as well for the interesting account of public affairs which you are from time to time pleased to transmit me; as for your steady attention to my [...] concerns. I shall always have the most grateful sense of Mr. Grenville's intentions of favor also, whether I ever reap any benefit from them or nor. With­out a proper support afforded to the king's officers, [Page 25] the respect due to government will of course fail; yet I cannot say whether under the present circumstances, and considering the temper the people are now in, an additional provision for me would be of real benefit to me personally or not. It has been given out that no person who receives a stipend from the government at home, shall live in the country. Government here wants some effectual support: No sooner was it known that the lieut. governor had a provision of £.200 a year made for him out of the revenue, than he was advised in the Boston Gazette to resign all pretensions to a seat in council, either with or without a voice. The temper of the people may be surely learnt from that infamous paper; it is the very thing that forms their temper; for it they are not in the temper of the writer at the time of the publication, yet it is looked upon as the ORACLE, and they soon bring their temper to it. Some of the latest of them are very expres­sive, I will not trouble you with sending them, as I imagine they somehow or other find their way to you: But I cannot but apprehend from these papers and from hints that are thrown out, that if the petition of the House to his Majesty and their letters to divers noble Lords should fail of success, some people will be mad enough to go to extremities. The commissioners of the customs have already been openly affronted, the governor's company of Cadets have come to a resolution not to wait on him (as usual) on the day of General Election the [...] instant if those gentlemen are of the company. And the Town of Boston have passed a Vote that Faneu­il-Hall (in which the governor and his company [Page 26] usually dine on that day) shall not be opened to him if the commissioners are invited to dine with him. A list of counsellors has within a few days past been printed and dispersed by way of sneer on Lord Shelburne's letter, made up of king's officers; which list, the writer says, if adopted at the next general election may take away all grounds of complaint, and may possibly prove a healing and very salutarv measure. The lieutenant governor is at the head of this list, they have done me the honor to put me next, the commissioners of the customs are all in the list except Mr. Temple, and to compleat the list, they have added some of the waiters. I never thought 'till very lately that they acted upon any settled plan, nor do I now think they have 'till of late; a few, a very few, among us have planned the present measures, and the govern­ment has been too weak to subdue their turbu­lent spirits. Our situation is not rightly known; but it is a matter worthy of the most serious at­tention.

I shall take proper care to forward your Letter to Mr. Ingersol. He had received your last.

I HAVE your very obliging favor of the 4th of October. I find myself constrained as well by this letter as by my son and daugh­ter Spooner's letters since, to render you my most sincere thanks for the very polite notice you have taken of them; and I pray my most res­pectful compliments to the good lady your mo­ther, whose friendly reception of them at Non-such has, I find engaged their warmest esteem and respect—He hath wrote us that he had a prospect of succeeding in the business he went upon; but the last letter we had was from her of the 23d of November, acquainting us that he had been very ill, but was getting better. She writes as a person overcome with a sense of the kindness they had met with, in a place where they were strangers, on this trying occasion.

You have heard of the arrival of the King's troops, the quiet reception they met with among us was not at all surprizing to me.—I am sorry there was any occasion for sending them. From the address of the Gentlemen of the Council to General Gage, it might be supposed there was none. I have seen a letter from our friend In­gersoll with this paraphrase upon it—"We hope that your Excellency observing with your own eyes now the troops are among us our peacea­ble and quiet behavior, will be convinced that that wicked G— r B—d told a [...] in saying, We were not so before they came."

[Page 28]I have given you the sense of a stranger on a single paragraph of this address, because I sus­pected my own opinion of it, 'till I found it thus confirm'd—If you have the news-papers con­taining the address, your own good sense will lead you to make some other remarks upon it, as well as to trace the influence under which it seems to have been penned. The disturbers of our peace take great advantage of such aids from people in office and power—The lieutenant governor has communicated to me your letter containing an account of the debates in parliament on the first day of the session: We soon expect their decision on American affairs, some I doubt not with fear and trembling—Yet I have very lately had occasion to know, that be the determination of parliament what it will, it is the determination of some to agree to no terms that shall remove us from our old foundation. This confirms me in an opinion that I have taken up a long time since, that if there be no way to take off the original incendi­aries, they will continue to instill their poison in­to the minds of the people through the vehicle of the BOSTON GAZETTE.

In your letter to the lieutenant governor you observe upon two defects in our constitution, the popular election of the Council, and the return of Juries by the Towns. The first of these a­rises from the Charter itself; the latter from our provincial Laws. The method of appointing our Grand Juries lies open to management. Whoe­ver pleases, nominates them at our town-meet­ings; by this means one who was suppos'd to be a principal in the Riots of the 10th of June last, was upon that Jury whose business it was to in­quire [Page 29] into them: But the provincial legislature hath made sufficient provision for the return of Petit Juries by their act of 23d Geo. 2d, which requires the several towns to take lists of all per­sons liable by law to serve, and forming them in­to two classes, put their names written on separate papers into two different boxes, one for the su­perior court and the other for the inferior: And when veniries are issued, the number therein re­quired are to be drawn out in open town-meet­ing, no person to serve oftner than once in three years—The method of appointing Grand Juries appears indeed defective; but if the other is not [...] may be imputed to the times rather than to the defect of the laws—that neither the Grand Ju­ries nor the Petit Juries have of late answered the expectations of government.

As to the appointment of the council, I am of opinion that neither the popular elections in this province, nor their appointment in what are called the royal governments by the King's man­damus, are free from exceptions, especially if the council as a legislative body is intended to answer the idea of the house of lords in the British le­gislature. There they are suppos'd to be a free and independent body, and on their being such the strength and firmness of the constitution does very much depend: whereas the election or ap­pointment of the councils in the manner before mentioned renders them altogether dependent on their constituents. The King is the fountain of honour, and as such the peers of the realm derive their honours from him; but then they hold them by a surer tenure than the provincial coun­sellors who are appointed by mandamus. On [Page 30] the other hand, our popular elections very often expose them to contempt; for nothing is more common, than for the representatives, when they find the council a little untractable at the close of the year, to remind them that May is at hand.

It may be accounted by the colonies as dan­gerous to admit of any alterations in their charters, as it is by the governors in the church to make any in the establishment; yet to make the re­semblance as near as may be to the British par­liament, some alteration is necessary.

It is not requisite that I know of, that a counsellor shou'd be a freeholder; his residence according to the charter is a sufficient qualifica­tion; for that provides only, that he be an inha­bitant of or proprietor of lands within the district for which he is chosen: whereas the peers of the realm sit in the house of lords, as I take it, in virtue of their baronies. If there should be a reform of any of the colony charters with a view to keep up the resemblance of the three estates in England, the legislative council shou'd consist of men of landed estates; but as our landed estates here are small at present, the yearly value of £. 100 sterling per annum might in some of them at least be a sufficient qualification. As our estates are partable after the decease of the pro­prietor, the honour could not be continued in families as in England: It might however be con­tinued in the appointee quam diu bene se gesserit, and proof be required of some mal-practice be­fore a suspension or removal. Bankruptcy also might be another ground for removal. A small legislative council might answer the purposes of government; but it might tend to weaken that [Page 31] levelling principle, which is cherish'd by the pre­sent popular constitution, to have an honorary order establish'd, out of which the council shou'd be appointed. There is no way now to put a man of fortune above the common level, and exempt him from being chosen by the people into the lower offices, but his being appointed a justice of the peace; this is frequently done when there is no kind of expectation of his undertak­ing the trust, and has its inconveniences. For remedy hereof it might be expedient to have an order of Patricians or Esquires instituted, to be all men of fortune or good landed estates, and appointed by the governor with the advice of council, and enroll'd in the secretary's office, who shou'd be exempted from the lower offices in government as the justices now are; and to have the legislative council ( which in the first instance might be nominated by the Crown) from time to time fill'd up, as vacancies happen out of this order of men, who, if the order consisted only of men of landed estates, might elect, as the Scottish peers do, only reserving to the King's governor a negative on such choice. The King in this case wou'd be still acknowledged as the fountain of honour, as having in the first instance the appointment of the persons enroll'd, out of whom the council are to be chosen, and finally having a negative on the choice. Or, the King might have the immediate appointment by man­damus as at present in the royal governments. As the gentlemen of the council would rank above the body from which they are taken, they might bear a title one degree above that of esquire. Besides this legislative council, a privy council [Page 32] might be establish'd, to consist of some or all of those persons who constitute the legislative coun­cil and of other persons members of the house of representatives or otherwise of note or distinction; which wou'd extend the honours of government, and afford opportunity of distinguishing men of character and reputation, the expectation of which wou'd make government more respectable.

I wou'd not trouble you with these reveries of mine, were I not assured of your readiness to forgive the communication, although you could apply it to no good purpose.

Mr. Spooner sent me a pamphlet under a blank cover, intituled, " the state of the nation". I run over it by myself before I had heard any one mention it, and tho't I cou'd evidently mark the sentiments of some of my friends. By what I have since heard and seen, it looks as if I was not mistaken. Your right honorable friend I trust will not be offended if I call him mine— I am sure you will not when I term you such— I have settled it for a long time in my own mind that without a representation in the supreme le­gislature, there cannot be that union between the head and the members as to produce a healthful constitution of the whole body. I have doubted whether this union could be perfected by the first experiment. The plan here exhibited seems to be formed in generous and moderate princi­ples, and bids the fairest of any I have yet seen to be adopted. Such a great design may as in painting require frequent touching before it be­comes a piece highly finish'd; and after all may require the miliorating hand of time to make it please universally. Thus the British constitu­tion [Page 33] consider'd as without the colonies attain'd it's glory. The book I had sent me is in such request, that I have not been able to keep it long enough by me, to consider it in all its parts. I wish to hear how it is receiv'd in the house of commons. I find by the publications both of governor Pownall and Mr. Bollan, that they each of them adopt the idea of an union and repre­sentation, and I think it must more and more prevail. The argument against it from local in­conveniency, must as it appears to me be more than balanc'd by greater inconveniencies on the other side the question, the great difficulty will be in the terms of union.—I add no more, as I fear I have already trespass'd much on your time and patience, but that I am,

I HAVE been in this city for some time past executing (with others) his Majesty's com­mission for settling the boundary between this province and that of New-Jersey. I left Boston the 11th July, since which my advices from London have come to me very imperfect: but as my friend Mr. Thompson writes me that he had drawn up my case and with your approba­tion laid it before the D. of Gra [...]n, I think it [Page 34] needful once more to mention this business to you.

There was a time when I thought the autho­rity of government might have been easily re­stored; but while it's friends and the officers of the crown are left to an abject dependance on these very people who are undermining it's au­thority; and while these are suffered not only to go unpunished, but on the contrary meet with all kind of support and encouragement, it cannot be expected that you will ever again recover that respect which the colonies had been wont to pay to the parent state. Government at home will deceive itself, if it imagines that the taking off the duty on glass, paper and painter's colors will work a reconciliation, and nothing more than this, as I can learn, is proposed in Ld. H's late cir­cular letter. It is the principle that is now dis­puted; the combination against importation ex­tends to tea, although it comes cheaper than ever, as well as to the other forementioned articles. In Virginia it is extended lately to wines; and I have heard one of the first leaders in these mea­sures in Boston say, that we should never be upon a proper footing 'till all the revenue acts from the 15th Charles 2d were repealed. Our assembly in the Massachusetts may have been more illiberal than others in their public messages and resolves; yet we have some people among us still who dare to speak in favor of government: But here I do not find so much as one, unless it be some of the King's servants▪ and yet my bu­siness here leads me to associate with the best. They universally approve of the combination against importing of goods from Great-Britain, [Page 35] unless the revenue acts are repealed, which ap­pears to me little less than assuming a negative on all acts of parliament which they do not like! They say expresly, we are bound by none made since our emigration, but such as for our own convenience we choose to submit to; such for instance as that for establishing a post-office. The Bill of Rights and the Habeas Corpus Acts, they say are only declaratory of the common law which we brought with us.

Under such circumstance as these, why should I wish to expose myself to popular resentment? Were I to receive any thing out of the revenue. I must expect to be abused for it. Nor do I find that our chief justice has received the £.200 granted him for that service; and yet the assem­bly have this year withheld his usual grant, most probably because he has such a warrant from the crown.

With regard to my negociations with Mr. Ro­gers, I did in conformity to your opinion make an apology to Mr. Secretary Pownall for men­tioning it, and there submitted it. I hear it has been since talk'd of; but unless I could be assur­ed in one shape or other of £.300 per annum, with the other office, I would not chuse to quit what I have. I have no ambition to be distin­guished, if I am only to be held up as a mark of popular envy or resentment. I was in hopes before now through the intervention of your good offices to have received some mark of favor from your good friend; but the time is not yet come to expect it through that channel! I will [Page 36] however rely on your friendship, whenever you can with propriety appear in forwarding my in­terest, or preventing any thing that may prove injurious to it.

If Mr. R. has interest enough to obtain the secretary's place, I shall upon receiving proper security think myself in honor bound to second his views, though I have none at present from him but a conditional note he formerly wrote me. If he is not like to succeed, and my son Daniel could have my place, I would be content unless affairs take a different turn to resign in his favor, whether administration should think proper to make any further provision for me or not. And yet I never thought of withdrawing myself from the service, while there appeared to me any pros­pect of my being able to promote it.

If I have wrote with freedom, I consider I am writing to a friend, and that I am perfectly safe in opening myself to you.

THE commissioners of the customs have met with every insult since their arrived at Boston, and at last have been obliged to seek pro­tection on board his Majesty's ship Romney:— Mr. Hallowell, the comptroller of the customs who will have the honor to deliver you this Let­ter, will inform you of many particulars; he is sent by the Board with their letters to Govern­ment. Unless we have immediately two or three regiments, 'tis the opinion of all the friends to government, that Boston will be in open rebellion.

I have the honor to be with the greatest respect and warmest regard,

On board his Majesty's Ship Romney, Boston Harbour, 20 th June, 68.

I Wrote you a few days ago, and did not then think of troubling you upon any private affair of mine, at least not so suddenly; but within this day or two, I have had conversation with Mr. Oliver, secretary of the province, the design of which was my succeeding to the post he holds from the crown, upon the idea, that provision would be made for governor Bernard, and the lieutenant governor would succeed to the chair, then the secretary is desirous of being lieutenant governor, and if in any way, three hundred pounds a year could be annexed to the appointment. You are sensible the appointment is in one department, and the grant of money in another; now the present lieutenant governor has an assignment of £. 200 a year upon the customs here; he has not received any thing from it as yet, and is doubtful if he shall; he has no doubt of its lapse to the crown, if he has the chair; if then by any interest that sum could be assigned to Mr. Oliver as lieutenant governor, and if he should be allowed (as has been usual for all lieutenant governors) to hold the command of the castle, that would be another £100. This would compleat the secretary's views; and he thinks his public services, the injuries he has received in that service, and the favorable sentiments entertained of him by go­vernment, may lead him to these views, and he hopes for the interest of his friends. The place of secretary is worth £.300 a year, but is a [Page 39] provincial grant at present, so that it will not allow to be quartered on: And as I had view upon the place when I was in England, and went so far as to converse with several men of interest upon it, tho' I never had an opportunity to mention it to you after I recovered my illness—I hope you will allow me your influ­ence, and by extending it at the treasury, to facilitate the assignment of the £. 200 a year, it will be serving the secretary, and it will very much oblige me.—The secretary is advanced in life, tho' much more so in health, which has been much impaired by the injuries he received, and he wishes to quit the more active scenes; he considers this as a kind of [...] cum dignitate, and from merits one may think he has a claim to it. I will mention to you the gentle­men, who are acquainted with my views and whose favourable approbation I have had. Go­vernor Pownall, Mr. John Pownall, and Dr. Franklin.—My lord Hillsborough is not unac­quainted with it—I have since I have been here, wrote Mr. Jackson upon the subject, and have by this vessel wrote Mr. Mauduir. I think my character stands fair—I have not been without application to public affairs, and have acquired some knowledge of our provincial affairs, and not­withstanding our many free conversations in Eng­land, I am considered here as on government side, for which I have been often traduced both publickly and privately, and very lately have had two or three slaps. The governor and lieutenant governor are fully acquainted with the negoci­ation, and I meet their approbation; all is upon the idea the governor is provided for, and there [Page 40] shall by any means be a vacancy of the lieut. go­vernor's place. I have gone so far, as to say to some of my friends, that rather than not succeed I would agree to pay the secretary £.100 a year out of the office to make up £.300, provided he could obtain only the assignment of £.200—but the other proposal would to be sure be most eli­gible. I scarce know any apology to make for troubling you upon the subject; the friendship you showed me in London, and the favourable expressions you made use of to the lieut. governor in my behalf encourage me, besides a sort of egotism, which inclines men to think what they wish to be real. I submit myself to the enquiries of any of my countrymen in England, but I should wish the matter may be secret 'till it is effected.

NOtwithstanding of my having written to you very often, and at much length of late, and that I am upon the point of setting out for Boston with the first weather fit for travelling, yet I cannot refrain from troubling you with a few lines about the 8th and 9th letters of the Farmer, which I now inclose you. They are oracular here and make rapid deep impressions, and who is there at this time here, if ca­pable, that may undertake to contradict or expose these agreeable seasonable epistolary Sophisms? Relief, Support and Recompence so long and so much expected, hoped and wished for, seems too tardy and slow paid—vigour and reso­lution seems to be exhausted in Great-Britain, or bestowed up­on improper and more trivial objects, than the subjection or obedience of America. Excuse these out-pourings of melan­cholly and despondency in a very dreary day, when the wea­ther alters and the sun shines abroad, perhaps I may see through a brighter or more agreeable medium, but believe me the prospect is now bad and unpromising, but however it may prove, I desire and pray you to be assured that I am,

I will also trouble you from Boston.

BY Mr. Byles I am favoured with your most obliging let­ter of the second of August last, for which together with your extraordinary civility to Mr. Byles I truly thank you: I could not really think of such a person going from hence without shewing him to you, as a Parson or Minister of his way and turn of thinking may be considered as of the comet kind here, which leads me to say somewhat abruptly if not improperly to you, that it seems to me here as if the Universi­ties of Scotland had conspired to distinguish all the firebrand incendiary preachers of this country with plumes of honorary degrees and titles, which in truth are only so many mortifica­tions to the friends of Great-Britain or lovers of letters, who cannot help being touched and chagrined at the too frequent profusion of honor and titles conferred from Scotland upon the leading preachers of sedition. I wish this affair of litera­ry prostitution from my native country may induce you to speak of it to some of that nation with whom I know you are intimate, that may think of preventing it for the future.

As to Boston, the great theatre of action, I have been silent for some time past only for want of certain intelligence, as every day generally produced new rumours without any or much foundation in truth—but since the arrival of the two regiments with Col. Dalrymple all has been quiet there. I now flatter myself that measures of vigour will be pursued and maintained here, and I impatiently wish to hear that [Page 48] your friend is in power and confidence again, but that is in­deed a point I have much expectation, desire and faith in. As you have expressed heretofore to me inclination of know­ing the proceedings of the Rhode-Island Assembly respecting compensation to the sufferers in the riot of Newport, I now trouble you with a copy of my letter of this day to the Lords of the Treasury, which mutatis mutandis, is the same with that also to the Earl of Hilsborough of the same date with a copy of the narrative and letter to Lord Shelburne.

MY LORDS,

AGain I presume upon troubling your Lordships with as short an account as may be written of what has very lately passed in the General Assembly of Rhode Island colo­ny, in reference to their granting of a compensation to the sufferers from the riot of Newport 1765, as resolved on in the British Parliament and very graciously recommended from His Majesty to the Governor and Company of that colony by his principal Secretary of State.

Tired out and greatly mortified with a long course of fre­quent fruitless and a very expensive attendance upon the Ge­neral Assembly, I had resolved above a year ago to solicit them no more: but at the intercession of my fellow sufferer Mr. Howard, Chief Justice of North-Carolina, I was again prevailed upon to go to Newport in September last, where and when the Assembly then met and I had sufficient influ­ence to engage the Speaker of the House of Deputies to move several times for reading a petition of Mr. Howard's, with an estimate of his loss solemnly sworn to and authenticated by a Notary Public▪ with every necessary prescribed form. The Speaker also urged upon the House because of my attending from another colony upon that account only, but the Depu­ties would neither consent to hear Mr. Howard's petition nor receive his estimate.

Immediately after this refusal a message was sent from the Upper House of Magistrates requesting the Lower House to enter now upon the riot of Newport by immediately impow­ering the High Sheriff to impannel a Jury of Inquisition to ascertain and repair the loss of Dr. Moffat, Mr. Howard and Mr. Johnson, but the House of Deputies could not listen nor agree to any part of this proposal from the Upper House.

About the middle of last month I wrote a most respectful letter to the Governor of Rhode Island and inclosed to his Honor the estimate of my loss in the Newport riot sworn to before and attested by a Magistrate here requesting the favor of the Governor to lay the same before the ensuing Assembly, The Governor writes on the seventh of this month ‘that at the last session of Assembly he presented my estimate and read my letter in a great committee of both Houses of As­sembly but could not prevail to have it considered then;’ and adds ‘that he will endeavour to bring it in again next February.’

Under the strongest impressions of assurance the General As­sembly of Rhode Island never will recompence the sufferers [Page 49] in the riot of Newport, may I again presume to implore your Lordships interposition and influence to obtain a recompence for the sufferers in Rhode Island from some more effectual and certain channel than that of depending any longer upon the duty or justice of the General Assembly in that colony. And my Lords may I yet rather presume in writing to your Lordships to add that by endeavouring to restore in some measure what I lost in that riot I am now sadly sensible that I have not overvalued the same in my estimate, as also that if I am not compensated by the interest, generosity and equity of your Lordships, I can never expect to be possessed of half the value I then lost as the Office of a Comptroler here I now hold, has but a very inconsiderable salary with small perqui­sites.

In my last letter which I hope you have received, as I ad­dressed it to the care of your brother, I then touched upon Sir William Johnson's being here some weeks in quest of health, and of the pleasure Mr. Stewart and I enjoyed with him; as also that Lord Charles Grenville Montague was here on passant with his Lady; and I also then intimated to you our happiness in Mr. Harrison the Collector of Boston having accepted Mr. Stewart's warm invitation to come here after the very flagrant riot at Boston, on which he had been so greatly insulted, abused and hurt, who came here with his lady, son and daughter, and staid a fortnight; when we planned and regulated all these colonies into a system which I could wish to see effected. Since which Mr. Stewart has vi­sited Mr. Harrison at Boston at the time when Mrs. Harrison with their son and daughter failed for London as a place of perfect safety and liberty. Mr. Harrison's son is capable and promising, but was cruelly used by the mob of Boston, which will I hope induce Mr. Harrison's friends or rather the friends of government to provide suitably for so young a sufferer. I could not easily within the compass of a letter to you say the pleasure I have felt in observing the strict union and friendship that subsists and is now rivetted between Mr. Har­rison and Mr. Stewart upon principles of the truest honor and virtue both of whom well understand and sincerely wish the true interest of Great-Britain and all her colonies, especially in the cardinal articles of legislation and government, as also in the subaltern or lesser points of taxation and revenue from which objects no attachments, connections or views will or ever can sway the one or the other. As I have been accus­tomed to write to you with a plainness and freedom which I flatter myself has not been disagreeable so therefore I would further say of Mr. Stewart that he [...]rried in an opulent, popular and commercial family, some of whom perhaps may be supposed to have more oblique interest than may be con­sistent with regulation or a due submission to the laws of Great-Britatn, so it is with a peculiar and very sensible satis­faction that I can assure you his spirit, address and conduct in so nice a situation deserves the greatest praise and commenda­tions, [Page 50] as it has perhaps been or may be very influential on some of the best among them, even to a better way of think­ing and acting. By the inclosed you will know that Mr. Stew­art now writes to Mr. Grenville, and mention somewhat of his application for leave of absence from the Treasury Board, which I only wish him to succeed in because I think Mr. Har­rison and him really the most capable persons here to throw light upon many transactions here which cannot be commu­nicated in letters or any written representation to satisfaction or proper advantage. If Mr. Stewart obtains leave to return home I shall be unhappy enough by his absence. Two years are now elapsed since I came here, a great part of which has been spent in anxiously wishing for the Genius of Britain to awake and vindicate her supreme jurisdiction and authority impiously questioned and denied in colonies so very lately re­deemed from hostile incursions and encroachments, but I believe the time is now come, and I rejoice in its approach. I wish you every felicity with the preferment and employment you like best, and am, Sir,

IN November last I wrote you from New London, and in­serted in that letter a copy of what I had written to the Lords of the Treasury and the Earl of Hilsborough, relative to the compensation of the sufferers in the riot of Newport 1765. I hope and very much wish that letter may have come to your hand, because in it you will see how stricly and soon I fol­low your counsel in making affidation to the estimate of my loss, which as I apprehended made not the least impression nor could make upon the General Assembly of Rhode-Island, because there was not I believe a Member in either House that did not think and believe my loss exceeded the estimate frequently laid before them to no purpose. I thank you therefore for the kind and good advice which I instantly fol­lowed, and which I think has finished this long and tedious transaction on this side of the Atlantic, which has not only been ineffectual but attended with much trouble and expence to me. How or in what light it may be now considered by Administration or Parliament I cannot at this time and dis­tance judge, far less determine. Sometimes I flatter myself that a resolve of the British Senate will not be allowed to be thus scorned and trampled upon; at other times I despond and think the object too small for attention; and as there were but three sufferers in Rhode-Island colony, two of whom to my great pleasure and triumph are now amply and very honorably provided for, I sometimes imagine that com­pensation may drop and be forgot, and indeed if it was not for the confidence which I have in you and some others in the House of Commons, I should certainly despair of any re­compence, and which upon recollection I must acknowledge as criminal in a very great degree, because of its having been [Page 51] resolved on in the Parliament of Great-Britain that such suf­ferers should be compensated: And I am not conscious that I have omitted, delayed or neglected any part of my duty in the course of negotiating it here in America.

A few days ago I came here chiefly to see and enjoy my friend Collector Harrison, that we might open bosoms to one another upon the great scene and field of affairs in this coun­try, the face of which is only altered apparently here from the arrival of the King's troops and ships, which have indeed restored a very certain security and tranquility, and pre­vented if not put a final period to their most pestilent town-meetings. There is nor can be no real alteration in the senti­ment or disposition of the prime disturbers—This is but an interval or truce procured from the dread of a Bayonet—The specifical and catholic remedy derived from and founded in an acknowledgment of the British supremacy and legislation over America manifested under the exercise of a more firm, regu­lar and consistent plan of civil government, must come from the decrets of the British Parliament, otherwise the country, and particularly New-England, will soon and forever be in perpetual anarchy and disobedience. The anxiety and dis­tress of the few here that are well affected to government be­fore the arrival of the troops and ships was very great, and in my opinion will be greater if vigorous, salutary and proper measures are not adopted in Parliament.

All here seem anxious and impatient to know the com­plexion and temper of the British Parliament, and what is ve­ry unaccountable if not incredible, the sons of liberty here so called are elevated with hope and assurance that their claims and pretensions will be received and recognized as they affect to phrase it, but if I err not, this presumption of hope may have arisen or been cherished in a great measure by some visits of an officer of high military rank from New-York to some of the most popular and violent ringleaders here, and I wish that I could say to you that the most mischievous here had not been countenanced also by a person of another and very different station.

I and that in consequence of and under an apprehension of unsettled, unsafe times here, Mr. Harrison has thought it best that Mrs. Harrison, his son and daughter, should go to Lon­don, as a place of true liberty and safety, and as I hope they will be arrived before this reaches you, and as I formerly mentioned to you Mr. Harrison's son as a young sufferer very roughly handled upon the 10th of June, so if you incline to see and discourse him for intelligence or any other motive, Mr. Hallowell of this town can easily bring him to you.

If any thing remarkable occurs here during my stay I shall not fail to write to you again.