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K***'s ANSWER TO JUNIUS.

Taken from an ENGLISH PAPER.

PHILADELPHIA. Re-printed and sold by WILLIAM GODDARD, in ARCH-STREET, between FRONT and SECOND STREETS. M.DCC.LXXI.

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AN ANSWER TO JUNIUS.

Faction may be resembled to bodies in their descent; their motion is increased in proportion to the space they fall through. No great degree of sagacity was re­quisite to foretel, that a writer, who had malevelently attacked the greatest Officers of State, would at last lay his hand upon the Throne, and shake even the Monarch, who wished he would not forfeit every title to clemency. An animated style, is far from investing a subject with a right to raise himself upon a level with his Sovereign, and to arraign his conduct in terms, that show [...] total disregard both to decency and allegiance; but supposing such an outrage could at any time exist, supposing the Sovereign should lay aside the sceptre and descend to the character of a fellow-subject, he might express himself in terms of this kind; which, though abstracted from the forms of Royalty, might still convey his ideas in expressions drawn from his real character, and breathe all the benevolence of one who is paternally affected for the welfare of his subjects.

I Am not surprized at the attack lately received from the pen of Iunius, his pen spares no characters. Impunity instead of furnishing him with suspicion, has hardened him in effrontery. But calumny and sedition is the characteristic of the age; he may have been willingly carried down the stream, because it will land on the shore of popularity.

To abuse extraordinary talents, is [...] highest ingratitude that can be committed against the donor; it favours much of the conduct of the first rebel in the creation, who was both a being of the highest order of intel­ligent creatures, and was likewise a devil. Had Iunius urged any thing wor­thy of notice, unless it be for its malignity, he would have been indulged all the freedom of a patriot, and I would have laid aside the King, to become a disciple.

A long letter which has a tendency to disturb the tranquility of my reign, is stretched out to its enormous length by trite maxims, and every artifice is employed to alienate the affections of my subjects. The charms of novelty are neglected to introduce the poison of malignity, and I am to be exposed to my people for being in the same circumstances as other Kings have been in before me — it has been frequently observed by the votaries of the people, that the voice of truth seldom reaches the ears of a King. This may too often be the case with weak and arbitrary Princes, but will my greatest enemy, will even Iunius dare to stigmatize me with being arbitrary or despotic? Has there ne­ver been a popular Minister in this kingdom? What is the general character of Burleigh and Walsingham? They certainly conveyed the dictates of truth to [Page 4] [...] of Royalty, and are sufficient to explode the [...] of the people. [...] patriotic Prince may find it as difficult to be addressed with the falshood of [...], as a despotic one with the oracles of truth. The [...] of complaint is not always the language of truth; grievances may not be real; [...] will create causes for complaint, if she cannot find them already [...] and popular discontents, when traced to their source, may rather be the [...] of a few disaffected, than the real sighs of an injured nation. The [...] of all nations abound with instances in proof of this assertion:—pity [...], that will not prevent future ages from committing similar mistakes. The people are too soon seduced to join in the cry against their superiors, and their [...] are too often captivated by those, who were unable to have convinced [...] understanding.—But I am precluded every topic which I could urge in [...] defence▪ my conduct is asserted to be wrong from principle, and the [...] I have learned from my youth, are stigmatized as pernicious. Yet still I [...] said to be naturally benevolent, but how that could be, after my habits [...] become pernicious by education, is a problem of which few will under­take the solution. — It is much in my favour that my nature was originally good, [...] it has rescued me from an inconveniency, that is a species of treason, for [...] less it had been so, I am told by one of my subjects, that they would long [...] have adopted a style of remonstrance very distant from the humility of complaint. — What this style is, let the nation judge—nay—let Iunius ex­plain. The menace is little better than the menace of sedition. If we should [...] the thunderbolt to the hand from whence it was call, it would be sound [...] have proceeded from the hand of Briarius, who was engaged in an attack [...] Jupiter. The general maxim, that the King can do no wrong, which was intended to secure Majesty against the poisonous shafts of [...] rested to inflict wounds in my government; and too often in the [...] world, those gifts which were designed by nature to support life, are [...] means of destroying it: the latter flows from perversity of [...] ▪ the former from perversity of will▪—I ascended the Throne with a [...] determined resolution, to give universal satisfaction to my subjects; I [...] myself as accountable to the King of Kings, in the discharge of my [...] ▪ and when I considered, that my will and pleasure, and happiness, de­pended on following the dictates of my conscience, I thought myself well [...] from doing [...]. The general acclamation and joy of the nation on [...] accession, made me promise myself, that my Throne would be placed in their hearts; and when I considered the thorns which twined themselves round the diadem. I [...] the people would be more ready to invite me to assume the Sceptre, than I really was to accept it — The brightest sunshine is too often intercepted by a cloud; I find too soon, that earthly glory like light in its pro­gress, [...] to [...] and intermissions. The very means I took to secure ge­neral affection, were urged against me, to deprive me of so inestimable an ac­quisition

Declared the King of several nations▪ I looked upon the natives of each kingdom as my subjects.—I thought they ought equally to participate of my affection. Impartiality demanded this, and I knew that partiality was in a Monarch, a species of injustice. The comprehensive term of being King of [...] Britain, whispered to me that all the subjects in Great-Britain, were [...] Sovereign. The Tweed did not bound my domini­ons▪ [...] that were [...] north of that river were as as much my subjects as those that were born nearer the place of my residence. My affection spread itself, like [Page 5] the light of the sun, in every corner of my dominions, and I knew of no other restraint, no other attraction to my favours, but desert. The North as well as the South Briton partook equally of the warmth of my bounty. I was King of both, and was bound to treat them both as my subjects. None but a person of a narrow mind could blame me for making my benevolence general. He that would blame me for this, must blame the sun for shining upon other nations as well as his. I know indeed that some malecontents thought me partial, be­cause all my favours were not confined to those that were born on the south of the Tweed, and they stigmatize my generosity with the invidious terms of predilection. I looked upon myself as a common Father to all my subjects wherever disseminated. Surely it is not a crime in a father, to let all his chil­dren have a part in his heart. So far was I from being biassed by any error im­bibed in my education, that I divested myself of the natural predilection which every one has to the peculiar spot in which he was born, and I looked upon myself in the same light as the ancient sage; I look­ed upon myself not as the citizen of the world; but as if born in every district of my dominion, and bound to caress them with equal portions of affection.—The alteration made in the system of government, was the effect of deliberation, it does not become me to add, of wisdom likewise; I do not think myself obliged to reveal the secrets of government to vindicate myself from the aspersions of every one who blames my conduct. A condescention of this kind, would unhinge every part of state machinery, extirpate the very idea of subordination, and erect anarchy upon the ruins of order and govern­ment. It was necessary to change what would not be controuled, and despo­tism in a Minister was esteemed no less intolerable than in a Prince; it can be no crime in a Sovereign to rule▪ it would be weakness in him to suffer him­self to be ruled by a servant. I am blamed for dis [...]rding a Minister, who was at that time very popular, but sure I cannot be blamed for that step now, for even the people have divested him of the feather with which they had dressed him, and have more than once pronounced him unworthy of popu­larity.

If my conduct may admit a vindication in these points, it is not less vindica­ble with respect to Mr▪ Wilke [...], the God of the people's idolatry. The out­rages he committed against my person, the aspersions which he cast upon my [...] relations, were long suffered with contempt, with impunity, if not with pity. As the highest [...] of law may become injustice, in the opinion of the Roman moralist; so when clemency is carried too far it becomes criminal. I never thought [...] when I put on my Crown, I ceased to be a man, or that at the time when I accepted of the Sceptre▪ I ceased to be a son. If filial duty reigned [...] in my heart, religion will pardon me the commission of that crime: If filial duty reigned still in my heart [...] the son judge, for the son only can judge the agonies which I felt at the aspersions which were cast upon her to whom I owe my birth. To defend her could be [...]o crime▪ to punish her calumniators was to obey the call of justice. But even in this point, I suffered royalty to stifle the agonies of the man, and bearing a public character, I would not suffer myself to be roused by less than a public injury. The laws shewed resentment to be founded upon justice; the delin­quent is now suffering no punishment from personal pique, but the punishment which he has called down upon his own head, by infringing those sanctions which are the bulwarks of civil life, and the only props of Government.— Even in the midst of punishment, I listened to the voice of mercy, and the [Page] [...] [Page 7] be perverted by the clamours of [...], is a maxim that describes and enables the duty of Royalty. [...] only can give birth to contempt; malevolence is the only parent of [...]. As I shall avoid both the progenitors, I [...] under no apprehensions from their offspring. Ask me not upon what part of my subjects I would rely for assistance. I [...] the assistance of all. I claim it upon the natural right of a parent, and the son may as soon draw his sword upon his parent, [...] any of my subjects may upon me. Ireland knows I have merited her esteem, though the daughter, she is not less caressed than the the mother. America may be considered in the same light. Neither of them would murmur from what they feel, but from what they have been taught. The complaints of either are not the complaints of distress, but the mere ecchoes of seditious demagogues. It is true they may make a noise, but the voice if articulate, is not suggested by a heart which hath felt a real pang. Not doubtful of finding many an unperverted subject in either of those regions; I am still less doubtful of my northern subjects. If Royal favours can secure fidelity, I may assure myself of theirs. When their conduct is altered from what it has been, they have a claim not only for for­giveness but likewise for reward. And having already tasted the sweets of allegiance, they can have no cause for not being faithful. The army is neither my last nor my best resource. The guards deserve my protection, and being nearest my person, cannot but claim my attention. The other regiments wish to be guards, and if the guards were to be substituted in their place, they would wish to be my guards again. This is an honour which only one part of the military can enjoy, and to grieve or grow [...]llen on that account, would be to realize the fable of the contest between the [...]lly and its members. The marching regiments have a strong sense of the great original duty they owe their country▪ I have no cause to doubt their fidelity. To doubt, would be to deserve. Every department of the army has had all the rewards they purchased by their merits. Their eminent services have raised them to eminent posts, nor can there ever exist the same contest here as among the Romans; the Pretorian bands and the distant legions will never be at variance, and if they should be, it would not be in the power of the distant legions, nor even of the Preto­rian bands to give away the empire of Great Britain. Which way soever I look, I see no cause for perplexity or distress. I have deserved the affections of my subjects, and I will rely upon them. Our happiness is interwoven, is incorporated. God has joined them together, let no mortal therefore dare to put them asunder.—To exert prerogative to its full extent would be to procure a divorce, to exert it in a case in which I have no immediate concern, would be to forfeit what I value more than life, it would be to forfeit the confidence of future Parliaments, and even the confidence of all my subjects in general.— It is both my interest and my duty to prevent the three estates from encroach­ing upon the province of each other. With what face can I then begin the encroachment, or depart from the constitutional line which terminates the sphere of my prerogative? The liberties taken with the present H— of C—, de­serve no countenance, as they have no foundation. General censure is no cen­sure at all▪ it is a tribute which commonly attends desert▪ and it is the indi­cation of merit likewise. All Parliaments have been blamed more or less, and [...]ill there be a possibility of meeting with one that shall please all parties, it would be in vain to struggle for it. The very possibility is a strong proof of the flourishing state of freedom▪ only in a state of slavery all subjects are of one opinion. I should be poor indeed, if the fortune which made me a King forbad [Page] me [...] save a friend. Every one of my subjects is my friend▪ and I am and will be [...] They who are convinced that the establishment of the family of Hanover was necessary to the support of their civil and religious liberties, were my friends and must still be so. I desire no other Throne but the hearts of my people; and while I secure that, I shall fear no revolution▪ [...] a conviction that the same principles which brought my ancestors [...] Crown, will always be powerful enough to keep it in my family.

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