PART I.

POLITICAL British Colonists, exert your­selves nobly, while your Ability may pro­bably favour a maltraited Country, which calls very loudly for your speedy Assistance, and bend humbly to Fear, e'er Dispair waits upon us; a Fire is already kindled in our habitable Desarts, which, if not timely extinguished, may even rage into a general Conflagration, and finally con­sume us; for we have not only plenty of Combu­stibles, but have also great Reason to fear many ex­citing Blasts; and yet I doubt our Gentlemen of Understanding and Leisure, are generally amusing themselves with useless Speculations, indigested I­deas, fruitless Complanits, dangerous Resolutions, and unprofitable Protestations at least, which never can defend our constitutional Rights, either by convincing the Parliament of its oppressive Error, or steming its formidable Power against us.

Our open Colonies, in a State of Minority, are alarmingly threatned with unnatural Encroach­ments, from a haughty Parent Country, that should treat them affectionately, even with a tender Guar­dian Friendship; and we complain warmly of her arbitrary Treatment, but to what rational Purpose do we inveigh against it, while there are so few reasonable Efforts to avert the impending Danger ^*. [Page 12] Free Complaints, and bold Protestations, will sure­ly inflame wilful Oppressors; and should our Rights only be invaded, through a plausible Mi­stake, sound Reasoning and Evidence alone can remove it; nor may any Thing else justify spirited Declamations against our Superiors, however they may be palliated through surprising Provocations. Let us not meerly cringe, nor rashly offend, but unite Courage with Circumspection, and support free Complaints by proper Remonstrances.

My succeeding Freedom, without an argumen­tative Authority, would render me justly obnoxi­ous to censure, but I hope to justify it by sound geometrical Reasoning, before I have done, and dare therefore introductively say, without any far­ther Prelude, hath a victorious England, with our Assistance, exempted us from the Incursions of our French Neighbours, and partly intimidated our [Page 13] Indian Enemies, that she may tyrannically enslave us herself? Should that be our deplorable Lot, would not their accidental Inroads, be less griev­ous than her perpetual Chains? And how intole­rable is lordly Oppression, from a hard hearted Parent, that should be our most endearing Guar­dian and Protector! How shocking are the arbi­trary Beginnings alluded to; and should Principals which gave them Existence prove long liv'd and fruitful, what a horrid Brood of fatal Consequences must successively attend us, while we labour under the heavy and galling Yoak! Should our potent Mother greatly amass such mental Treasure, judge, my inattentive Brethren, yea, judge timely and ripely, what a fine Patrimony will descend to her American Children.

Let us even grant our late War was partly un­dertaking, and very gallantly maintained for our Interest, as well as the Advantage of Great-Britain, and that we should consequently defray a small Part of the Expence, proportioned to our straight Con­dition, if it is not fully done already, or help to support a sufficient Number of standing Forces, which in peaceable Times will be but a few; and would our Circumstances even admit of it, we never should maintain many to oppress us. Let us ever deserve Fidelity and Affection, and not be enslaved under a Pretence of being guarded. We may be driven to Distraction, then called Rebels, and treated accordingly; but Oppression only will cause a general Disloyalty, whatever invidious Cla­mours, disappointed Ambition and Avarice, may sometimes raise against just Monarchs; and when affectionate Subjects are rendered uneasy, by inju­rious Treatmen, they should not be loaded with causeless Expences, as dangerous Malecontents, through the immoral Jealousy and Perverseness of their Oppressors, who naturally suspect Aversion they consciously deserve.

[Page 14] Let us be treated fairly, and behave dutifully, for we have some Property scattered about in this extensive Wilderness, and should, doubtless, be at a reasonable Expence, according to our small For­tunes and Occasions; but let our Enemies also confess it should be a voluntary one, and that we should be uprightly permitted, as free British Sub­jects, to grant or withhold our Money discretional­ly, without having it violently extorted from us. Let us be active, voluntary, and prudent Loyalists, and not passive Vassals in arbitrary Chains.

But while we complain warmly of over-bearing Treatmen, let us wisely consider where it came from, and that it chiefly proceeded from our assum­ing Fellow Subjects; for we must know the princi­pal Authors of it, before our Remonstrances can be properly directed: The Prince only passed the Law we complain of, after the Commons of En­gland, as our pretended Representatives, had in­juriously prepared it for his Assent; and the best and greatest of Monarchs, as frail Men, may often be deceived by pernicious Schemes, which plausi­bly advance their Revenues, or any other favou­rite Purpose, and more especially young Princes, e'er mature Knowledge befriend them, which due Experience only may give. When pleasing Offers have a fair Complexion, they are too frequently embraced without a proper Examination, and mo­mentous Affairs are often but slightly viewed at very magnificent Courts; for they occur too often to occasion Surprise, or even a deep Attention, amidst all the Interruptions attending August Roy­alty, unless some very alarming Circumstances wait upon them.

We may thus clearly see how virtuous young Princes, who tenderly love their People, may soon follow plausible gratifying Designs, into very con­siderable Errors, when even most of the greatest [Page 15] Politicians in the Nation, artfully combine to de­ceive them about remote Colonies, in a very ex­tensive Empire. A Prince must surely be very tall indeed who can view his far distant Subjects clearly, when a great Number of very tall Men, and his own lofty Desires also, stand crouded before him, and strive to intercept his Sight.

In the Case before us, as the publick Debt is very heavy, the Necessity of raising Money is con­sequently apparent; and a young Prince, under such Circumstances, equally desirous of increasing the Revenue, and mitigating the Burthens and Clamours of his surrounding Subjects, might pass the Stamp-Act from equitable Motives, worthy of a good Monarch, without maturely considering the more distant Consequences of it, when he was even much excited to give it Authority by the Publick, as well as private Council of England, and had no weighty Representation against it. Let us but consider the prevailing Clamours of the Nation, the general Bent of the Parliament, the King's strong Motives to concur with it, especi­ally in Money-Bills, and what Party surrounded the Throne, when the Stamp-Tax was imposed, and then our Surprise at the royal Assent, must intirely vanish.

British Princes must needs be very unwilling to dissent to Money-Bills, or any other Favourite Projection of the Money-granting Commons; and all Kings are naturally fond of Power, and raising the Revenue; and though the Stamp-Act greatly wounded the Power of the Crown, and even ren­dered the Grants of our Sovereigns contemptable, so far as it annulled the Force of our Charters, and made us fear more arbitrary Proceedings, yet, it gave the Prince a new Power over us, which might seem more advantageous at that delusive Juncture; and no Wonder therefore, it obtained his As­sent, [Page 16] without a very scrupulous Examination, when it was even generally applauded as a most expedi­ent and equitable Imposition; but it is meerly a­stonishing wise Fellow Subjects, exceedingly tena­cious of their own Freedom, could fondly and ig­nobly throw ours away, repugnant to the constitu­tional Bias of free Britons. The King only gave Power to a Bill presented by our nominal Guardi­ans, by political Sages of Experience and Renown, that pretend to be the faithful Defenders of our sacred Magna Charta Compact, and every other constitutional Privilege; so let us blame the crimi­nal Betrayers of our Rights, and dutifully stem groundless Murmurs against the Crown, which had plausibly darkning Motives for its Assent.

The seeming Virtues of regal Tyrants, are justly detested by good Men, that see the base Motives they flow from; and of Course, the greatest Errors of virtuous Princes, should always be viewed in a favourable Light, as they never proceed from dis­honourable Intentions, but are always the Effect of plausible Appearances; and the most under­standing Monarchs, will ever be more liable to faultless Mistakes, in the great Multiplicity of pub­lick Occurrences and Contingencies, than private Men of much less Judgment can possibly be, un­less wise and faithful Counsellors prevent it; and even a sufficient Number of them, should but one Favourite convey their occasional Assistance to the royal Mind. Several wise ministerial Intelligenc­ers, must assist every prime Minister, that ade­quately serves his Master and the Community; for the wisest of Subjects is but a frail Creature, and the most august Throne, refulgent Crown, and ex­tensive Dominion upon Earth, never can make their frail Possessor infallible, but may probably render him more liable to inculpable Error than he could possibly have been in a much lower Sta­tion, [Page 17] and therefore, candid Allowances should al­ways be made on such Occasions.

But offended Carpers may contend I have treat­ed my Sovereign too freely, by presuming to pal­liate his Conduct; so, let me say, the loyal Part I have acted, however it may be taken, is more du­tiful than seditious Complaints, which inflame his Majesty's Subjects against him, or the inflamma­tive Projection occasioned them. As offensive Laws are executed in the King's Name, the Affection of his murmuring People, on such Occasions, with­out proper Means of Prevention, is much sooner alienated from him than other Branches of the Legislature, which may be principally or solely to blame; and when such Prejudices are like to pre­vail, discerning Loyalists should bring their mi­staken Causes into a moral Light, and thus direct Complaints into a proper Channel, which would otherwise rage against the Innocent, and perhaps seldom more perniciously than at present.

I may be falsely censured from various Motives by licentious Contemners of Government, and its arbitrary nominal Friends also; but the Intention of my preceding Hints about Monarchs general­ly, and our own Sovereign particularly, is to remove and prevent the Prejudice of Subjects, at a very critical Time, and not to palliate any real Fault in Princes; for of Course they should always be the best of Men, and thus be truly great indeed, but never ought to be condemned for blameless Mi­stakes, which will often be their Lot, if not occa­sionally prevented. The Bulk of Mankind are much greater Politicians about the galling Execu­tion of bad Laws than their artfully veiled Causes, and will often blame a faultless Prince for the form­er, through his Ministry or otherwise, more than a criminal Parliament for the latter, unless they obtain much better Directions, than their own fee­ble [Page 18] Judgment is able to give. These Observations will hardly be disputed by understanding Readers of Candour; and let me now turn my Views from the assenting Part of the British Legislature to that assuming Branch which prepares Money-Bills.

The morally thinking Part of us must say, we ought to be taxed, according to our Circumstances and Occasions, but not to defend extensive Con­quests we have no Advantage from, and which may perhaps injure our Trade at length, by help­ing to glut all our Markets abroad. We should doubtless be liable to expedient Impositions; but when and by whom they should be laid upon us, and what they should occasionally be, both in Na­ture and Degree, are the grand Matters in Debate; and if assuming British Commons have a Right to tax us at all, they have equally a Right to do it at Pleasure, and even in what Manner they please continually, which would reduce us to Vassalage beyond Dispute, for we could lay them under no constitutional Obligation, as we should have no Power to continue or change them, however they behaved, and could have no Advantage English Non-Electors constitutionally enjoy, as I hope to shew clearly by and by.

No absolute Monarch is more independent of his People, than British Commons are of our Favours and Frowns; and should it even be our wretched Lot to be taxed by them, what good Treatment can we expect from lofty Oppressors, after all our free and provoking Complaints, who treated our Petitions with the utmost Disdain, before we had incured their formidable Displeasure, for only be­ing repugnant to their Money-raising Will! While powerful Encroachers haughtily reject humble Prayer, they will hardly honour cutting Freedom, which cannot possibly intimidate them; and should our little Fortunes lye at the Mercy of such lord­ly [Page 19] Gentlemen, how might the British Patriots ease that Nation, even to the utmost Extent of our narrow Circumstances, by loading her American Children with arbitrary Taxations, under plausible false Pretensions of Justice, Expediency, Necessi­ty, and the great Danger of our growing Opulence and Independency? Slavery might thrive very fast through such Nourishment, and invidious Charges of Rebellion for extorted Invectives:

Oppressors always seek Pleas of Justification; for Oppression hates to appear in a true Light, and, like other ugly Vices, ever strives to hide its De­formity under specious Veils of one Kind or other; but should we be lorded over by arrogating Strang­ers to us, our Ability, and various Concernments, under the most plausible Pretensions that can be invented, yet their most colourable Arts, never can persuade impartial Men of Understanding, we are virtually represented by them, till they can shew Persons and Matters unknown, or but very imperfectly known at best, may be properly and effectually represented. They may have profound Knowledge, but are not quite omniscient; and should even the best Limner on Earth, only view me at a great Distance, and consequently but very imperfectly, he could surely pourtray me but poor­ly indeed, and yet might represent me as truly by a Picture, as English Commons can represent A­mericans in Parliament at present; and I hope timely to shew the Words, virtually and represent­ed, are not merely insignificant Sounds, and that faithful Representatives never can enslave the Peo­ple they act for.

We came here to improve a lonesome Wilder­ness, with Power to make wholesome Laws for the gradual Advancement of our Interest; and what may all our Charters, provincial Assemblies, and legislative Regulations avail us, if England should [Page 20] tax us at Pleasure! We may, it seems, enact pru­dent Laws successively, and even get Money by them as fast as we can, that she may call for it when she pleases, but must not have the Honour of granting it to our Sovereigns for necessary Uses, nor the Privilege of Retention, when she calls for it ever so inexpediently, ever so unjustly; are these constitutional Proceedings? Are they consistent with British Liberty or sound Morals? If Freedom be not much worse than an empty Name, can it even possibly attend upon us, while our Interest is torn out of our Hands repugnant to our Will; and may not powerful legislative Usurpers, under some Pretence or other, as colourably and justly deprive us of every other constitutional Privilege? If this be Freedom, let me have Bondage, for I prudently chuse the reverse.

Should even a lawless Distraction be the Conse­quence of such male Treatment, ought we to be censured for it, or they, which made us run mad? Which Party threw the Empire into Confusion, and should be stigmatized accordingly, as criminal Incendiaries! Let virtuous English Freemen look upon us with Compassion, and even blush at the late awful Mistakes, or more shocking Designs of their august and renowned Legislature; and as we may get all the Money we can by our own Laws, let us be permitted to give it prudently away by them likewise. This is not only a requisite Privilege, found­ed on true Morality, but even one inseperably in­terwoven with the Law of British Taxations; and how hardy therefore must English Senators be, that would cruelly rob us of it, when their arbitrary Dreams are exchanged for true Ideas! Should the King tax us, they would soon be alarmed, and yet he might surely force our Money from us, as con­stitutionally as the Parliament, and as justly as the Commons of England can grant it; for our own [Page 21] Delegates only may tax us as British Subjects; and such Strangers to us and our Circumstances are not blindly chosen to represent us; and if they dare outrun a constitutional Justice, they will hardly guard our Weal from natural Motives, as their private Interest has no Connection with ours. These Considerations alone may sufficiently damn their injurious Pretensions, even with a true Argu­mentative Authority; and yet we have others a­gainst their pretended virtual Representation, which, as they sap the Foundation of their Claim, may still seem more cogent and powerful.

Were but English Politicians divested of Preju­dice, they might find much better Employ than plotting against our Liberty, for great Regulations are wanting in this Part of the British Empire, both concerning the Demands of the Crown upon it, and apportioning our Grants to the various Cir­cumstances of the Colonies; for we should judge of the Expediency or Unreasonableness of the form­er, with a Parliamentary Order, and constitutional Freedom, and divide the latter regularly among us, which cannot be done in our present disunited Con­dition. I think it is very demonstrable, that all our Grants to the Crown should be general, for were Supplies ever so necessary, and we ever so able to grant them, I fear the King would not timely obtain an adequate Assistance in our present loose Situation; and should all the Requisitions of a British Ministry, by highly expedient, which is no very probable Supposition, yet the respective Quotas of many young Provinces, under various Advantages and Degrees of Improvement, could not be so exactly pointed out at Home, as here; nor should unjust Demands ever be granted, though ever so fitly proportioned to our Circumstances, yet some Colonies no doubt would comply with them, under the irregular Plan of special Applica­tions, [Page 22] and others reject the most reasonable Requi­sitions, so keep Things in perpetual Disorder a­mong us, and consequently in England also.

A great Number of unconnected Colonies, va­riously inclined from the Influence of very diffe­rent Views and Apprehensions, will hardly come under regular Taxations for a publick Good, while each may constitutionally reject any Part, or even the Whole of every Claim from the Crown; but were they politically united for the Purpose before us, all their private Views might be justly over­ruled for a publick Utility, and our Sovereigns requisite Demands be speedily honoured without either unreasonable Burthens or Exemptions. Thus a general Aid would also kindly attend on every special Emergency, and perhaps occasionally prevent insupportable Exigencies, which might o­therwise distress particular Provinces alternately, while we are liable to the barbarous Incursions of bloody Savages; and surely no strait and short-sight­ed provincial Patriotism, but the more generous Direction of a publick Spirit only, can possibly ex­cite a Marylander to write in this Strain. A pro­vincial Utility no doubt should be favoured, when it stands not in Competition with an imperial Good; but when a publick and private Interest happen to be temporary Rivals, the former should ever be wisely preferred, and even for the lasting Security and Promotion of the latter.

For these weighty and obvious Reasons, let us have an American Parliament, as well as provin­cial Assemblies, and be gently tied together, with the pleasant Chords of a Sovereign Policy, instead of the galling Chains of a threatned Slavery. Let us throw our Mites dutifully into the imperial Treasury, but let us do it on a moral Plan, as soon as possible, and as loyal English Subjects, without a groundless and immoral Compulsion. Let us do [Page 23] it by proper Delegates of our own choosing, that know when and how to tax us better than Foreign­ers, and whose Interests are closely connected with our own. Such Men will hardly load us and them­selves with unnecessary Burthens, nor lose or endan­ger the Whole for Want of granting a requisite Part; so let them first help us to get Money, and then grant it expediently for a general as well as provincial Benefit, as soon at least as a proper Scheme is wisely concerted, by our national and provincial Politicians, and firmly established by a wholesome legislative Authority; for we may in­deed be virulently but not virtually represented by soaring Strangers.

Let our general Welfare be favoured at a gene­ral Expence, occasionally levied by Virtue of our own Delegation, for we may be ingloriously op­pressed by powerful Legislators at Home: But I must now draw a virtual Representation out of Ob­scurity, where it has hitherto lurked in Ambush a­gainst us, and thus utterly annihilate their pretend­ed Right to tax us, by shewing clearly it has no real Foundation, and that we are not represented in Parliament at all. This no doubt is the main Point in Question, notwithstanding I have but slowly approached to it; and though I absolutely deny we can be constitutionally taxed at Home, yet I freely grant British Subjects may be constitu­tionally taxed by virtual Representatives, and that a great Number are virtually represented in the En­glish Senate; for the Commons of that Nation, cannot faithfully serve their Constituents as legal Delegates, without favouring Non-Electors as vir­tual Representatives, and must still promote the Interest of those which have no Vote, by serving them well that gave them a Seat in the House, because the Interest of both Parties, throughout the Kingdom, are very [...] mostly [Page 24] inseperably connected. Thus English Non-Elec­tors are and ever must be virtually represented and favoured, while Electors themselves are faithfully served; and it might even be said with great Pro­priety, that we were virtually represented in the British Legislature, if all our different Interests were similar to those of English Electors, and so closely interwoven with them, that the House of of Commons could not properly favour the latter, without duly promoting the former; but as Mat­ters are repugnantly circumstanced, it is so absurd to pretend we are virtually represented in Parlia­ment, that even a School-Boy, acquainted with such Words, should be duly corrected for perverting them so basely.

Where Voters and Non-Voters have the same Dependence and Interest, there cannot be a Legal without a virtual Representation; and had our Co­lonies a sufficient Number of faithful Delegates in the British Senate, well acquainted with all their Concerns, a Part of each provincial Society would be virtually represented by them; but I must be dreaming or delirious, if it be not even ridiculous to say we are now virtually represented at West­minster, by assuming Strangers to us and our fluc­tuating Affairs, unless a Parliamentary Significati­on of the Words Virtually, and Represented, be quite foreign to the common Acceptation of them.

British Non-Electors may be as justly taxed at Home, as our Non-Voters are here; for the nume­rous Commons of England, are not only collected from every County, and every City, but even from more inferior Boroughs also than there are very considerable Towns in the Kingdom, though some large Towns want Borough Privileges, and have therefore properly before them, all the vari­ous Kinds of Manufactories, Modes of Agricul­ture, and Branches of Trade, a national Prospe­rity [Page 25] flows from, and by effectually cleansing them Sources of their Wealth, that they may flow free­ly, they evidently advance the Interest of the whole Community, as well as that Part of it which impowered them to do so. By duly purging and promoting all the Springs of a national Welfare; they incontestably favour every one that drinks at them, as well as their Constituents, and may con­sequenly tax British Non-Electors, thus befriended, with a pure constitutional and moral Authority; for of Course Men so favoured should be expe­diently taxed, towards the Advancement and Sup­port of a publick Good which promotes and se­cures their own private Benefits.

It would even be as absurd to say such People should not be taxed by the Parliament, as it is to contend we ought to be taxed by it, and a greater Absurdity than the latter can hardly appear; for they indeed are virtually represented by English Commons, according to the true Signification of such Words, and so Men are virtually represented and taxed here as well as in Great-Britain; but we never can be represented in that Manner by Strang­ers, which neither promote, regard, nor even know our manifold Interests. Can we possibly be virtu­ally represented by such arrogating Foreigners; or should they levy our Money without a constituti­onal Authority, and even quite repugnant to their own fundamental taxing Maxim, which should e­ver teach themselves as well as others, that British Subjects only can be constitutionly taxed by pro­per Representatives? How inconsistent are such lawless Stretches with true British Liberty, the real moral Dignity of just English Law-givers, and that solid Basis of equitable Taxations they solely build their own taxing Right upon! Should the Parlia­ment thus violate one of the greatest Laws of our inestimable Constitution, and injured Colonies suf­fer [Page 26] for justly resenting it, or incensed Mobs be cha­stised for illegal Commotions? I am sorry this Kind of plain Dealing was extorted, by Proceedings highly derogatory to our imperial Senate.

The Lords of Parliament have an immense In­terest in the Nation; and yet as they hold their Seats from the Crown, while the Commons are e­lected by the People, they are excluded from point­ing out Ways and Means of raising Money. This well known Fact will hardly be disputed; and the immemorial Claim of the Money-granting Com­mons is intirely founded on this laudable Argu­ment, that as their numerous Constituents bear the principal Burthen, they should be permitted to grant or withhold their own Money occasionally, as their Delegates may deem to be most expedient, when Matters are maturely debated among them. From these weighty Considerations, the Money­granting Representatives of the People admit of no Direction from the higher Branches of the Le­gislature. They are chosen and relied on by the Freemen of England; so justly contend they ought to promote and guard their reasonable Inte­rest, and therefore claim the sole Right of forming Money Bills; but as this sound Reasoning holds good for their taxing the Inhabitants of that King­dom, it absolutely forbids their giving away our Money, who neither choose, know, nor have any Reason to trust a Majority of them; and clearly shews we should be taxed by Persons of our own choosing, whom we confide in for that great Pur­pose, among other occasional Requisites of Con­sequence.

I call Taxation a great Purpose, which indeed it surely is in many Respects, and even a Privilege of vast Importance, a free People must ever possess; for no Community can possibly be free without it; and should our Colonies be cruelly deprived of it, [Page 27] Vassalage of Course must be their Portion. While Subjects command their own Purses absolutely, a Misapplication of granted Money, and all other grievous Proceedings, may be generally prevented in a peaceable Mannner, and mostly suppressed without Violence, when they accidently offend any Community; but take that Shield away from the governed, and governing Oppression and Tyranny may thrive gradually, in every growing Season, and even rage uncontroulably at length, till they are awfully drowned in a Deluge of Blood.

While the Rights of the Crown and Subject are equally guarded and secure, agreeable to our ex­cellent Constitution, expedient Grants and Applica­tions of Money may keep good Princes and du­tiful Subjects very naturally under mutual Obliga­tions, greatly conducive to a publick Utility, and the former, as successive Parents of the Whole Community, may probably apply its Money more regularly than the latter, and be much less influ­enced by private Views than their partial Children; but when the People want Power to withhold their Interest from the Crown, they have no political Shield to screen them from the Darts of Oppressi­on, and how well soever just Monarchs may treat them, yet only a violent and bloody Hostility, or intimidating Fears of it, may stem the impious Carreer of imperious Oppressors, at the Head of a national Army.

Should our Freedom be violently rended from us, let us brook a helpless Bondage with Forti­tude and Prudence; but let us struggle bravely for its Preservation; and not madly surrender it up to King George himself, though perhaps one of the best of Monarchs, for he cannot possible intail all his legal Virtues on every Successor, nor even the least he possesses upon any one of them. Edu­cation, Admonition, and Example cannot absolute­ly [Page 28] govern free Agents; and Hanoverian Princes, by Nature, have licentious Passions in common with other frail Men, which some of them may controul very gallantly, and others gratify as inglo­riously, whatever Adulation may say to the con­trary.

These are undeniable Conclusions; so let us strive heroickly to save our inestimable Privileges, and dutifully honour a British Prerogative. Let a con­stitutional Relation between Prince and Subjects, their Respective Rights, and mutual Obligations be ever inviolably preserved; for Princes may as reasonably expect Favour from us, as we can ex­pect it from them, and never should be Slaves to our Avarice, Ambition or Caprice, while we are befriended by their Administration. Let us render to Cesar all that should be Cesar's, and be ruled by him with a noble Sovereign Fidelity. Let us grant Money expediently, according to our Cir­cumstances and Occasions, and the Crown advan­tagiously apply it.

But e'er I take my Leave of this great Topick, I must yet detect a Subterfuge relative to it; for our alarmingly overborne Colonies, according to our Enemies Pretension, are as much represented in the British Legislature, and may be as justly tax­ed by it, as English Bodies corporate without legal Delegates. Thus our lordly Antagonists argue; and this fine Time serving Pretence is intirely founded on Falshood, however plausible it may seem to weak or prejudiced Minds; for notwith­standing some English Bodies corporate, which are far from being inconsiderable, have no Power to send Delegates to Parliament, yet all the special Interests of such little common Wealths, which are but particular Sources of a national Utility, are open­ly before the Commons of that Kingdom; and though such private Communities are not repre­sented [Page 29] as incorporated Bodies, they are all directly represented by the Knights of Shires, and some of them also, by the Delegates of Cities or Boroughs they vote for, and may likewise promote the Elec­tion of other Favourites greatly, and even have some of their own Members elected, for their re­spective Counties, adjacent, or distant Boroughs. These incontestable Truths shew a wide Difference between such Bodies Corporate and our Colonies; and without such great Privileges, the former might even have a great Interest in Parliament, from an intimate Correspondence, and perhaps a more beneficial Connection with many of its Mem­bers, which far distant Americans could not procure.

Could such political Bodies not vote for either City or Borough Representatives, nor have any of their own Members elected; and could no ad­vantagious Attachments flow from their Vicinity; yet, as all their Voters may choose County Dele­gates, they are even thus as fully represented, as a great Part of the British Freeholders, instead of being in our Condition, and in every much contro­verted Election, but very few more than half the Voters themselves may be represented by Persons of their own choosing; and as a Majority of Elec­tors and Non-Electors may probably be of the same Opinion, from the great Intermixture of themselves and Affairs, even the latter, as well as the former, may frequently be represented by Men they approve.

I think these are respectably Conclusions about this important and much wrested Subject; and when Voters are even divided into the most stre­nuous Parties, they may still have their joint Inte­rest principally in View, and only differ in Opinion about the properest Advocates for it; and should Prejudice even blind each Party, or either of them, [Page 30] and cause their principal Intentions to be ever so opposite, yet, as I have clearly evinced, the Com­mons cannot serve their Constituents faithfully without favouring their warmest Opponents in a similar Manner, from the great Affinity and Con­nection of their Interests. Thus the various In­terests at Home are regularly promoted, by Men intimately acquainted with them all, and as speci­al Sources of a national Emolument; but were the same Gentlemen ever so much disposed to favour us, they could not possibly represent or befriend us effectually, for Want of proper Ideas of our chang­ing Affairs, and can therefore never tax us with a constitutional Equity, either as British Non-Elec­tors, or any Kind of incorporated Bodies at Home. Were they even unanimously our sincere Friends, which surely they are not at present, we could not be virtually represented by such Strangers; nor may any Person contend for such a Representation, or the fictitious Right founded upon it, without a very weak Head, or a very bad Heart, and a palpable Absurdity.

It must needs appear now to be very demonstra­ble at least, and I think to be already briefly de­monstrated, that we neither are virtually represent­ed in Parliament, nor can possibly be so represent­ed at present; and that we may even tax England as justly as she can tax us, but not enforce arbitra­ry Impositions with an equal Power. Could that Idol, called British Freedom, even possibly exist a­mong us, while our Interest is disposed of by Fo­reigners, without our Consent, and repugnant to our Will, or while we are restrained from manu­facturing provincial Commodities, for our own Use at least, it would hardly be worth adoring and boasting of, according to the immemorial Custom of Englishmen. Without oppressive Taxations, the Scourges of Prohibition may drive us into [Page 31] Bondage, into absolute Bondage; but I must leave the latter to other Writers, and close my present Arguments against the former by only just observ­ing farther, that we should be viewed as genuine Branches of the British Family, and that the adja­cent People of Ireland, a conquered Country, might be much better represented by English Se­nators, and more equitably taxed by them, than far distant Americans can possibly be, unless the awfully different Sounds of Irish Parliament, and American Assemblies intirely change the Nature of such Things; and yet I presume they will hardly tax that contigious Kingdom, however over-borne Colonists, already a much more numerous People, may be tyrannically forced to groan under arbitra­ry Burthens.

I have now drawn this much perverted Subject out of Darkness, and I think our most sanguine Adversaries, after reading my Observations upon it, can no more presume to say, we are virtually represented in England, and may be justly taxed by her. Their virtual Representation is now damn­ed with an argumentative Authority, much too powerful for all the Sanctions of Sophistry, which no doubt was our greatest one Thing needful from the Beginning; for all their Batteries against our Freedom, are erected upon it, and our most con­fident Denials could never refute their confident Assertions, nor shew the wide Difference between us and British Non-Electors, or English Bodies corporate, without special Representatives.

When their pretended virtual Representation, and the nominal Right leaning upon it, are utter­ly annihilated by invincible Arguments, a naked Injustice only may enslave us, which the worst of our imperial Senators will hardly avow; and yet many of them may be as deaf to Remonstrances against a Parliamentary Despotism, while they have [Page 32] any Colour of Right to favour it, as over-reaching Bargainers are to moral Reasonings, that would persuade them to annul their Kind of fair Con­tracts, and to forego Advantages they may legal­ly retain. While Innovators have an ideal Right, and colourable Intention, they always encroach as upright Men; and pungent Arguments may drive them gradually to Tyranny, under the Name of abusive Invectives, instead of exciting them to grant Redress. Warm moral Complaints against legal Pretensions, or injurious Proceedings found­ed upon them, may soon raise national Storms of a fatal Consequence. Very lofty superstructures without a good Foundation are more likely to crush than favour their Inhabitants, especially in tempestuous Seasons; and I think the present A­spect of our imperial Planets, does not portend very temporate Weather.

While Parliamentary Encroachments are neatly dressed, with the Shadows of Right, and a plausi­ble Purpose, they will ever be called just and ex­pedient Exertions of Power; and Truth very warmly uttered against them, will not only be ex­ploded as seditious Calumny, but usurping legisla­tive Bigots will even think often it is so, while they seem to have any constitutional Authority; and that Pretext must be entirely taken from them e'er free Remonstrances effectually prevail, howe­ver successful soothing Petitions may now and then prove. Had we not many imperious Grenvils to struggle with, one or a few of them could not hurt us; and such lordly Gentlemen, may kindly vouchsafe to grant humble Petitions, properly a­dapted to their supposed Excellency, but never can brook cutting Remonstrances against their most injurious Transactions, while the least Shew of Right waits upon them; so we should entirely de­prive them of such Pleas, or seem to give up our [Page 33] Rights, and cringingly implore Favour, instead of boldly demanding Justice by irritating Remon­strances and provoking moral Complaints. While such Arrogators can maintain a pretended Right, they will nobly resent abusive Truth, and be ve­ry highly incensed at moral Slander. I am well acquainted with such nobly inglorious Tempers, and have purchased my Ideas of them, at a very considerable Expence.

No doubt many English Senators have another Kind of Greatness, and gallantly suppress Excite­ments to an ignoble Loftiness of Mind; but we know not how many of them are well disposed, as most of them are utter Strangers, nor can we tell who may succeed them; so if I have not already shewn, incontestably shewn, we are not represent­ed in Parliament at all, I hope others will improve my Arguments on that Subject, or advance better on a new Foundation, if that may be done, and demonstrate it even so conspicuously, that none may presume to dispute it. I think it is rendered indisputable already; and should I greatly over va­lue my own Arguments, according to the Custom of petty Scribblers, yet surely it is capable of such a Demonstration, and our threatned Welfare loud­ly calls for it.

Should the People of France, or any absolute Monarchy, argue ever so justly and wisely in fa­vour of Freedom, I suppose their strongest moral Reasonings would hardly procure the wanted Bless­ing, but might probably draw new Evils upon them, if perseveringly and ardently advanced, much sooner than weaker and less pungent Arguments; and perhaps no absolute Monarch is fonder of his un­limited Prerogative, than many British Commons now are; and others may be hereafter of an unli­mited Money-raising Power; so of Course we must clearly shew their taxing Power is bounded, [Page 34] and that it does not extend to the Colonies, before our endangered Freedom can ever be secure, how­ever their Designs may be repressed a while. Encroachments proceed slowly, while Shame or Fear can stem them, but may gradually advance till their potent and enraged Authors, are rendered almost insusceptible of either; and there must be a very great Change of Times indeed, e're moral Reasonings drive Men from an idolized constituti­onal Right, or any darling Claim that is deemed to be one; nor will parliamentary Enthusiasts, wed­ed to idle Notions, add here less fondly to a favou­rite ideal Right, than to one the most firmly esta­blished, until they are properly undeceived by forcible Exhibitions; and e're wilfully false Preten­sions to Right are openly detected, their immoral Authors will hardly recede from them, which suf­ficiently justifies my present Conclusions, let our Grievances proceed from Mistake or Design.

Moral Arguments, indeed, should always be ho­noured by moral Agents that have Power to weigh them, but very rarely succeed when oppos­ed to an ideal or pretended Right; and arrogating Encroachers will not only call Absurdity Reason, but, through an artificial Blindness, often deem it to be so while it can be prettily cloathed with a plausibly gratifying Sophistry; so their assumed Right must be utterly effaced before our Freedom can possibly attend us in Safety, as Subjects to the Crown of Great-Britain; and the Support of one imperial Government is enough for England and her Colonies. A notional Right is a dangerous Weapon in the Hand of Oppressive Power; and arbitrary Impositions upon us, while they have such a Foundation to befriend them, must be glar­ingly injurious e're Strangers to our Circumstances, highly prejudiced in their Favour, and much pro­voked by our galling Complaints against them, [Page 35] will even think them unjust or unreasonable, so long as they are colourably applied; and should Re­dress abate our present Alarms, yet our Danger must exist perpetually, while the Parliament can support its assuming Right of taxing us. Abated Flames may soon revive through accidental Blasts when much Fuel is near them, and even rage more fiercely than ever; so let our invaded Rights be explicitly ascertained before we have done, for they should now be absolutely fixed, as parliamen­tary Infringements may shew us.

We labour already under more Grievances than the Stamp-Tax, which are far from being inconsidera­ble, and it is Time to know our Condition certain­ly; for we should not always wander in Darkness about a Matter of such vast Importance, but have proper Limits fixed between us and the British Legislature, which never can be done constitution­ally by a parliamentary Bill of Rights we had no Share in. As no Law can affect British Freemen without their Consent, it will be hard to shew how we can be constitutionally affected by any parlia­mentary Bill of Rights we never assented to, and without such arbitrary Proceedings, had we but an American Parliament, the momentous Relation be­tween England and her Colonies might naturally induce their two great Legislatures to proceed har­moniously, and to secure a parental Precedency to our Mother Country, without Oppression, lordly Treatment, Complaints or Disaffection.

Let us draw Good out of evil Intentions, get our Rights clearly ascertained, and take every Handle from our Enemies; for when national En­croachments are brought into Being, they will hardly perish for Want of Subsistence, while a pre­tended Right, and colourable Purpose may feed them, however they may be stunted a while. A parliamentary Despotism may occasionally forbear [Page 36] to act offensively, while it is even defended by the strongest Fortification and Garrison on Earth; but we must deprive it intirely of all Kinds of Subsist­ence, that has any Appearance of constitutional Provision, before it will ever surrender to our Plea­sure, how loudly soever our Heralds may summon it; and we can hardly force it otherwise to Sub­mission.

While the Parliament has Recourse to arbitrary Bills of Right, it will hardly lay down an assumed Power against us it may colourably retain; for surely French Edicts may operate against us as con­stitutionally as any arbitrary British Statute what­ever; so let Order be drawn out of Confusion, and proper Boundaries be openly fixed as soon as possi­ble between English Privileges and ours. A Bill of Right for Great-Britain may be regularly pro­posed in Parliament, as the Rights of that Nation are solely divided between the King and People of it, and as no Bill can pass without the Assent of both Parties; and had we a Negative in the British Legislature, such Laws might constitutionally ex­tend to us also, because they could have no Force without our Concurrence; but as Matters are re­pugnantly circumstanced, nothing can be more ar­bitrary than such Acts of Parliament, so far as they affect the Colonies. This Doctrine may great­ly alarm our most soaring Enemies, that dream as wildly of a parliamentary Omnipotence, as Pa­pists do of their Church's Infallibility; but it surely proceeds from a constitutional Pen, that hates Petulancy, as well as Encroachments; and should the Parliament have a Right to fix Limits between England and us, independent of our As­sent, it may as justly alter such Limits at Pleasure, and no French Monarch can be more absolute; so let the Rights of each Party be constitutionally as­certained before our important Debates subside, [Page 37] that invigorating Harmony may strengthen the Em­pire, and intestine Feuds enervate it no more. The grand Dispute is warmly commenced, and let it be prosecuted to a sovereign Purpose.

I think these Hints should be honoured by En­glish Encroachers, and American Writers against them, for they may be very useful to the latter, so far as they turn the former and their first Depen­dants inside out. I have been very explicit indeed, and we never should trifle in alarming Danger, when even a very formidable Power, we relied on for Protection, threatens us and our Posterity with perpetual Chains.

British Commons pretend to defend the Rights of the Subject, as faithful and noble constitutional Guardians; but I fear a great Number of them, after every just Palliation in their Favour threw ours very ingloriously away, when they fondly prepared the Stamp-Act for the royal Assent, and in other considerable Instances also, which I must wave at present; and we may well be as free in Remonstrances, that have argumentative Sanctions, as they have been in Attempts to enslave us. They should not force us to complain, and then condemn us for complaining, for we had rather bless them as Friends, than curse them as Ene­mies; and should they have been deceived through Inclination, Precipitancy, and false Shews of Right, we ought to render their shocking Mistake appa­rent, and the horrid Fruits of it detestable, that we may obtain Redress, and prevent the like for the Future.

For these Reasons, I think my openest Language highly expedient, and consequently very justifia­ble; but Writers, much heated by great Provoca­tions, are often prejudiced in Favour of their cen­suring Freedom, and should I ever be made con­scious of such an Error, I am willing to make pub­lick [Page 38] and adequate Reparation; for it is noble to make Satisfaction for known Injuries of any Kind, and Meanness only may excite Men to defend them, as I would fain persuade our Superiors and others to believe. But while we inveigh freely against the assuming House of Commons, for the arbitrary Proceedings of a Majority, let us vir­tuously remember some brave Men, a praise-wor­thy Minority, in that arrogating and sometimes giddy Assembly, which scorned temporizing Pur­suits, and whose laudable Efforts, though fruitless, call loudly for our grateful Acknowledgement and Esteem. When we complain the most warmly of injurious Numbers, and the invincible Force of parliamentary Yeas against us, let us treat such over-borne Worthies with a lively Respect that is evidently due to their Merit.

Let suitable Petitions humbly sue for the favourable Influence of the Crown, and spirited Remonstrances, from the Press or otherwise, ful­ly evince our threatned constitutional Rights, and clearly detect the groundless Claim of our assuming Fellow-Subjects against them, which solid Arguments only may effect. Let us proceed in this Manner till our Grievances are removed, and our constitutional Privileges firmly established, if that may be done. We may thus draw every true Briton to our Interest, leave our persevering Enemies no Colour of an Excuse, convert the fall­ing out of Friends to the Advancement of their Friendship, and perhaps timely convince our lofti­est Oppressors, we are not meer Beasts of Burthen, created for their Service, but the Fellow-Creatures, and Fellow-Subjects of such great Men.

When we want Favours from the Parliament, and when it proceeds according to the genuine Dignity of a British Legislature, let us humbly present our Petitions, and treat it with a dutiful Reverence, as our august imperial Senate, but let [Page 39] us not flatter the Vanity, nor feed the Errors of imperious Fellow-Subjects, in the most exalted Stations, that want oppressively to lord it over us; for much less injurious Proceedings than we com­plain of, would even render a German Diet utter­ly unworthy of Honour. If Men are not really and essentially great, a lofty Situation cannot possibly make them so; and sprightly Dwarfs may not only climb very high, but even solace greatly, and shine bright­ly with Pageantry, on a very soaring Eminence, when very great Men are in Trouble, and Obscu­rity at the Bottom of it; so if our Freedom must fall a Victim to potent Ambition, let it die ho­nourably, but not through our own Pertness, Pre­cipitancy, and false Ideas of Honour. Should dreadful Times even forbid us to speak Truth free­ly, let us not meanly utter Falsehood, but guard our Virtue with a sullen Integrity, that nobly dis­dains to extend a Time-serving Adulation, and never rail at Men for holding great Offices, but treat good Officers with a proper Respect.

Indeed the greatest frail Men are but fallible Creatures, and liable to plausibly mischievous Er­rors, but never can ignobly defend them when ful­ly disclosed, for moral Eminence only is real Great­ness, so if our Superiors have wandered after a colourable Deception, adapted to their Inclination, let them be now open to Conviction, as truly ho­nourable Men, and henceforth merit and obtain a respectful Submission, according to my ardent Desire; but let us not meanly sooth them, when we cannot honour them sincerely. Their Ability of Course is greater than ours, as they have great­er Opportunities of Improvement; but our Argu­ments on this Subject, are no doubt generally much superior to theirs, and as such should be ho­noured by the greatest of them, for they have not only constrained us to ponder maturely, but sound [Page 40] Reasoning does not suit their Purpose, as Truth is intirely on our Side the Question. As our Argu­ments have a solid Foundation, an opposite Sophi­stry can but have a fictitious one, and Necessity is often the Mother of important Considerations, as well as other useful Inventions; and none truly great may immorally despise her argumentative Productions, when they openly call for Redress of Grievances, however base Flattery may abuse their Contemners.

I have dealt very plainly with our potent Dis­turbers, for I cannot be properly regarded with­out being clearly understood; and Compliments are no proper Return to male Treatment, nor do Opulence and Greatness always associate as friendly Companions, but are often great Strangers and Op­ponents to each other, as every Propriator of both, as well as Possessors of the latter only, will freely confess instead of resenting; and though the Stamp­Act obtained the Royal Assent, after soaring En­glish Money-granters prepared it for that Purpose, yet some of my preceding Observations, as well as the Dignity of Monarchs, may shew why the Crown should be addressed by Petition, while we freely explode their lordly Proceeding. They have already spurned at our humble Petitions; and now let us prudently resent their Disdain, without any Kind of seditious or abusive Invectives, for no vir­tuous Loyalists can be pleased with the latter, when he coolly reflects upon them; and the former must be approved by every real Friend of British Liber­ty, when it and the Cause of it are presented to his Mind; for no true Briton, without Abhorrence, can possibly see English Subjects, even the remot­est Branches of them cruelly deprived of vital Freedom, and tyrannically buried alive in Des­potism.

PART II.

I HAVE doubtless proved in my former Essay, among other Things of Importance, that En­gland cannot tax Americans constitutionally, nor even without a manifest Violation of a national Faith, in a Matter of the utmost Consequence; and I hope now to shew her late Overbearings a­gainst us were as far distant from true Policy as good Morals, which, indeed, in process of Time, will ever be found to be inseperably united.

As correct Maps have not yet disclosed the Cer­tainly, let us take it for granted at present, that British Dominions, on the Continent of North-A­merica, are now equal to a Square of a Thousand Miles, and then maturely consider what Colonies are wanted, and what a vast Number of People may be supported, and very advantageously em­ployed, in that widely extended Empire. I think we have a reasonable Hypothesis before us; and such a prodigious Tract of Ground contains a Milli­on square Miles, or six Hundred and forty Milli­on Acres of Land, which would even be sixteen Acres for each Individual, when equally divided among forty Million Inhabitants; and it will sure­ly follow of Consequence, that a truly political British Legislature can never treat People oppres­sively, haughtily, or even coolly, which are most likely to forward the Settlement of it.

That extensive Territority we are now imper­fectly surveying, is, perhaps, more than twelve times the Area of England and Wales, and would probably contain more than a hundred Million In­habitants, if crouded with People like them Countries; so two Fifths of that vast Number, or the forty Million I have assined it to, would hardly overload it with Residents; for which [Page 42] weighty Reason, its present blooming Colonies should not be rashly scourged, but even very kind­ly treated, to induce proper Numbers to fill it up speedily. They ought to be tenderly guarded by a jealous Love, that valuable Fruits may proceed timely, and even abundantly, from their very pro­mising Blossoms, which the Storms of a jealous Tyranny would blast and prevent. Loyal Subjects can but poorly brook such injurious Tempests, from a Consciousness they are not deserved.

We have indeed Mountains, barren Deserts, Morasses and Waters, like other wide Empires on this terraqueous Globe; but our external Barrens, like such in other Places, as well as our fine Bays, Rivers and Lakes, may be internally fruitful, em­ploy a great Number of People, and not only be­stow many Necessaries, but even much Wealth al­so upon the Empire. These are natural, and therefore probable Conclusions; and as our im­provable Wilds want many new Colonies, can that important End possibly be promoted by violently breaking down our Constitutional Fences, that arbitrary Brutes of Prey may rudely spoil those al­ready planted? Do not the Laws of true Policy, and even of true common Sense itself, as well as the Laws of common Justice, and our excellent Constitution, absolutely prohibit the preposterous Measures alluded to? Can extending bad Treat­ment to good old Tenants induce other Husband­men to struggle with many Hardships in settling difficult new Tenements for such Landlords?

When British Commons rashly extort such Que­ries, they could not possibly be directed by true Policy, admit it could even exist in Opposition to a constitutional Justice; and as they have viewed our large Continent itself but very imperfectly, at so great a Distance, they can hardly properly re­present our little thriving Nurseries upon it, which [Page 43] change considerably every growing Season, nor see clearly what trimming and other Improvements they successively want; for great Mountains are more visible afar off than small artificial Mounts can be, and are even often discovered when many of their own considerable Eminences and Cavities are not distinguishable at all. While Men cannot see or overlook very great Things, they never can have clear Ideas of much smaller Matters con­nected with them; and potent Strangers may in­deed send Force enough to plunder us, under a Colour of Law or otherwise, but never can repre­sent us virtually, when they neither can clearly see us, our little changing Affairs, nor even the new World itself we live in. Before such Men virtual­ly represent us, the common Signification of such Words must be reversed.

After warmly encountering and partly subduing rude Forests, dangerous Serpents, wild Beasts, and worse Savages, we now begin to make some Fi­gure on our Part of the Globe; and I suppose it will hardly be denied, that some of our first Settle­ments lately purchased a Peace for Great-Britain, and that we chearfully assisted her afterwards in stretching out this vast Empire to its present ex­tensive Dimensions; and yet, after all our Loyal­ty and Bravery, added to the Importance of our Trade, what alarming Returns does she make us! Do we deserve that hard Treatment we meet with? May either Justice or Wisdom extent it? Can it even possibly nourish our Loyalty or Affiance? Are galling Chains our righteous Desert? May they and our extorted Complaints favour new Set­tlements, and help England to exchange our use­less Trees for useful Colonies of People? Strange Proceedings, most surely, for the most celebrated Legislature on Earth!

[Page 44] Of Course the Parliament has been lulled asleep, and the Conduct complained of proceeded from a Dream, or our ancient lawgiving Mother, which has been deemed rigidly virtuous, and exceedingly wise, wants to gratify imperious Lust very wan­tonly, impoliticly, and even very unnaturally in her advanced Years, at the great Expence or Ruin of her legitimate Offspring, and hitherto dutiful Chil­dren. Alas! our Prospects are very gloomy indeed; and yet let us not cherish Despair or Aversion, but even hope for the best, while we can prudently cherish buoying Expectations; for I would fain believe our present Grievances, how wilful soever they may sometimes appear, must needs be the Effect of our Mother's slumbering Delusions, and will straight be removed when the old Empress awaketh. A virtuous Matron may have lacivious Dreams, and detest their Excitments when she can deliberate freely; and even tender dreaming Pa­rents may receive bad Impressions against a hopeful Progeny, yet greatly abhor them when truly deli­neated by Reason. These are dutiful conjectural Palliations, and should they even be incorrigibly resented, the charitable Author cannot be to blame.

But can our imperial Mother cruelly resent them, and enforce her arbitrary Impositions by a causeless Vengeance! can she be so greatly dege­nerated, sacrifice her Honour so ignobly, prosti­tute her Power so basely, or even possibly keep our Complaints alive, after our importunate Clamours awake her, and excite her to ponder maturely! Let us not fondly imbibe such imbittering Appre­hensions, but cry aloud for Redress and suppress them, while we can safely cherish a better Opini­on; and should all our Remonstrances be loftily slighted, can she reasonably look for a persevering filial Respect, if she still declines a parental Re­gard, and strives unnaturally to oppress us! [Page 45] Should not Parents shew good Examples to their Children, as well as expect a dutiful Behaviour from them; and should not their Respect always be reciprocal? It is a wretched Precedent, most surely, when Parents first make very irregular Demands, and then threaten orderly Children for not complying with them; and, doubtless, all our Superiors, but our spiritual Fathers in God most signally, ought to shew us repugnant Examples.

Should faithful Subjects have slavish Chains made for them, by a Power that should ever pro­tect their Freedom, and then be viewed as Rebels for refusing to wear them, while they can possibly avoid it? Are we Traitors to King George, or any of his Dominions, for justly spurning at unconsti­tutional Fetters, or they which would cruelly force us to wear them, and thus make alarming Inroads into British Freedom, and even sap the very Foun­dation of our most excellent Constitution! Whe­ther should our Flames or the Conduct of our In­flamers be condemned? which Party acts traite­rously to our free State, by dangerously wounding its exquisite Establishment, and rending its Peace and Strength to Pieces? Can Justice authorize England to lord it over us, to load us at Plea­sure with arbitrary Impositions, and to punish us for an extorted Resentment? Or may any Kind of Policy acquaint her, that plucking up our consti­tutional Freedom violently by the Roots, is a like­ly Method to make new Colonies take deep Root downwards, and bear much Fruit upwards? Can such momentous Queries be justly answered in Favour of the Stamp-act, or any other Infringe­ment of our Rights; or any wise and upright Le­gislature perseveringly defend such Proceedings, however it was hurried into them, as neither Wis­dom nor Virtue may justify, and jointly explode and abhor? Such Questions may be offensive to [Page 46] some of their Extorters, but I never should he censured for them.

My freest Observations loudly call for Thanks instead of Resentment; for the Purpose I expose is pregnant with horrible Mischief, that may even prove fatal to both Parties, if not timely suppres­sed; and while England treateth us ill, after all our Dangers, Hardships and Dutifulness, her late Acquisitions can do her small Service, as unpre­judiced common Sense may plausibly fore bode; for it is unreasonable to suppose the Contrary, or that any considerable Number of People will leave their Native Countries, and come hither to culti­vate a Wilderness, under such a criminal and im­politic Discouragement. How greatly must any State be surcharged with Inhabitants, or distressed otherwise, ere many would leave it, and exchange their native Land for our Deserts, under such pre­posterously intimidating Prohibitions? Can small Inducements and great Discouragements pro­bably, or even possibly, cement this great Empire with England, or furnish it timely with proper In­habitants? Will breaking forcibly into our Vine­yards, and gathering our Fruit at Pleasure, in­duce others to plant new Ones at a great Expence or Labour, that would be equally liable to such Robberies, or attach us firmly to the Interest of such Plunderers? If these are political Proceed­ings. I have no Idea of Politicks.

The bare Word of Princes should ever be a sa­cred Ground of Reliance; and yet the monstrous Proceedings before us, if madly supported, must even soon render the very Patents of our Sove­reigns utterly contemptible, and the Great-Seal of England a despicable Signet; for the same Power that annuls or curtails any of our Charters, or any Privilege granted by it, may even as justly annul every one of them entirely, and do likewise to all [Page 47] King George and his Predecessors have granted, or that he and his Successors can grant: So of course our Monarchs Charters cannot be prudent­ly relied on, while a parliamentary Despotism is preposterously avowed. Was Justice even but an empty Name, such Policy will not quickly fill our large Vacancies with People, and speedily trans­form all the improvable Parts of our immense Fo­rest into earthly Paradises, nor bring Honour to the royal Prerogative, or Affiance to the publick Faith; for no doubt the Parliament has as much Right to revoke every Charter the Crown has granted, or can grant, as it has to annul the least Part of any one of them.

Should the Credit of the Crown's Grants be thus bartered away for an unconstitutional Power of collecting our Money, or any other parliamen­tary Encroachment? And as Monarchs are gene­nerally too fond of raising their Revenues, should young Princes be abused by their Council, and artfully seduced into such fatal Errors? should not the Honour of the Royal Prerogative, and a pub­lick Faith, be even very watchfully guarded, in­stead of being murdered by the Sword of a parlia­mentary Despotism; and should such arbitrary Pushes even not injure them at all, may not a vic­torious England have Work enough frequently from her jealous combining Neighbours, without struggling with evil Consequences, madly urged, by driving three Million of good Subjects from Loyalty to Dissafaction, which at best must be very Mischievous in alarming Exigences? If this be the Fruit of true Policy, its lauded Produc­tions are surely detestable.

Wrangling Britain, what hath bewitched thee; what deadly Infatuation hast thou lately imbibed! Expel thy horrid Delusion, and resume a constitu­tional Policy, ere a lordly Faction a Home ren­ders [Page 48] thee contemptible Abroad, and before thy lording it over us cause others to lord it proudly over thyself. Sould an arbitrary Faction pre­vail in England, or its imperious Demagogue have free Access to the Throne, may not learned De­bauchees as fitly tutor frail Youths, full of dange­rous Impulses, as obstinate Men of a perverted Understanding, greatly depraved by Ambition, may counsel young Monarchs in Favour of their Revenues, or an Increase of Power? Should the Parliament tear the Empire in Pieces, and perhaps render it a Prey to foreign Enemies, by support­ing, preposterously supporting, the detestable Schemes of such knowing Fools? Should a Bri­tish Influence be thus enervated at any Time, and more especially at a very critical and dangerous Juncture? Our national Power, through an in­vigorating Harmony, has lately been formidable in every Quarter of the World; and let it not be rendered as despicable in them, through debilita­ting Commotions stupidly fomented.

What enchanting Fiend, what malevolent Se­ducer, has lately directed our imperial Councils, transformed our Unity to Discord, our Glory to Ridicule, and made the Empire a Butt for its E­nemies Sneers and Plots! I am even but a poor unlearned Country Shop-keeper, very little thought of by my understanding Neighbours, and yet I think all my judicious and impartial Readers must be fully perswaded I could make a much better Prime Minister of England than any Grenvilian Di­sturber of the Empire, however some of them may be idolized by their prejudiced Votaries.

This seeming vain Glory will hardly translate me from a Cottage to St. James's, or any Palace near it, and induce my Sovereign to take a ration­al Peasant for his first Officer of State, but may fit­ly help to degrade a diabolical Policy, authorita­tively [Page 49] exposed by such a petty Scribler. There may be Storms enough in the watery Em­pire without employing Conjurers to raise them: And should a parliamentary Power wed oppressive Machinations, through any Kind of Enchantments whatever, and strive to enforce the Stamp-act, or any other arbitrary Imposition or Prohibition, can true British Colonists tamely bear such ungrateful Scourgings, after all their dutiful and gallant Be­haviour, while they have so many Ambuscades to befriend them? Should we prove such dastardly Creatures, would not every true Englishman, and even our soaring Enemies themselves, when Pre­judice would suffer them to think coolly, inwardly condemn and despise us? Is not male Treatment a poor Retaliation for our Loyalty and Bravery? and should we ignobly brook it without a proper Resentment, or be censured for breaking the Peace of the Empire, when lawless and ruffinous Assaults have made us cry out?

But notwithstanding this extorted Freedom, we are very sensible our Trade, Towns, and most va­luable Plantations, are quire defenceless against England, should Tyranny out-brave a constitutional Justice, and other great Powers, without her Pro­tection; but many of us, like our robust and shifting Fore-fathers, can breath and strugle a while without them. We have friendly Labyrinths to hide us, wild Food to sustain us, and natural For­tresses to defend us for some Time: And should Great-Britain madly drive us to the last Extremity, we could not only form a common Interest with nu­merous Indian Nations, now our Enemies, but even call her jealous Neighbours also to our As­sistance, and perhaps to enslave us at length, as no other Kind of European Despotism would ap­pear so intollerable as her's. We may, doubtless, [Page 50] choose our Masters, or die for and with our Free­dom, if we cannot live free.

Explode not this occasional Explicitness, for I greatly abhor Sedition; and the thinking Part of us, should not hastily rush into any Thing like it; but stem Rashness, seek Redress, and keep good Decorum as much as possible, until a domi­neering Oppression drives us into Tumults. This, no doubt, is our duty, and many of us yet can weigh Things in the Scales of Reason; but the ghastly Face of real Desperation, or even very un­grateful and exasperating Provocations, might soon deprive us of that great Advantage, and rashly drive us from one Evil to another, and, perhaps, from a less to a greater, successively; for when intestine Flames rage to a national Confla­gration, they are far more licentious and fatal than any other Kind. When former Friends become irreconcilable Enemies, their Enmity has no Limits; and when good Subjects are driven into a State of Desperate Madness, a furious and outrageous Resentment may soon cause their Op­pressors to lose Sight of their own Crimes, to throw all the Blame on the injured Party, and even to deem the bloodiest Revenge but extorted Justice.

Our Enemies already verify these Observations, by perversly inveighing against us as Rebels, for some little Hurly-burlies and warm Invectives their own evil Conduct solely occasioned; and was their Power but equal to their incensed Ambition, they would doubtless chastise us severely, as very upright Men, for only resenting their wicked At­tempts to enslave us, with some irregular inci­dental Commotions, too common at Home on much less Provocations: This is the cursed Fruit of intestine Quarrels. And should England and her Colonies be universally inflamed against each [Page 51] other, how soon might the Darts of a lawless Phrensy wound, torment, and blind our Oppres­sors, and even make them deem Cruelty but a just Retaliation, after they were rendered incapable of seeing that successive male Treatment, which made us run mad, and kept us out of our Senses! May not our own Annals beneficially teach us, that dismal intestine Storms may sometimes have but a moderate Beginning; and yet gradually fill a Nation, even a learned Nation, with such gross Darkness, that infatuated Princes at length, though above earthly Tribunals, may even be tried, condemned and executed by lawless Sub­jects, after the latter have been sacrificing one another. Let us shudder at the Prospect of such destructive Quarrels, and stigmatize the perse­vering Fomenters of them, while prudential Con­siderations can favour each Party; for we are as liable to an infatuating, imbittering, and ruinous Prejudice, as our frail Ancestors could be, if their instructive Harms, and due Consideration excite us not wisely and bravely to stem it.

The Measures I degrade are awfully prepos­terous; for the growing Envy of jealous Con­federates against England, may too soon cause her to want the utmost Fidelity and Assistance of all her Subjects, in every Quarter of our extensive Empire; and even nothing but Traiterousness, or a very gross Infatuation, can ever excite her to urge the contrary. Should foreign Troubles greatly alarm her, intestine Feuds would doubt­less subside; but should all our Remonstrances be slighted 'till then, what Affiance could either Party have in the other? Consider my native Country, Great-Britain consider maturely, and let the Co­lonies behave circumspectly, for I would by no Means favour Undutifulness, by striving vigo­rously to stem Oppression; and should our Con­duct [Page 52] ever merit Correction, let us justly feel the Rod of a Sovereign Power, and not be suffered to offend with Impunity. Let us be wisely and nobly governed according to the Laws of a con­stitutional Policy, for Anarchy is detestible and ruinous; but let not oppressive Ambition drive us to Self-Defence, Invectives, Enmity, and out­ragious Distraction, and then tyrannically knock out our Brains as out-lawed Rebels.

I think those expedient Hints should not be disdained, for they may reasonably prevent shock­ing Mischief, which even seems already to stare us grimly in the Face; and perhaps our most il­luminated Guides of the moral World but rarely give better Advice from the Pulpit, how costly soever their Lectures may be, and however brightly they may shine with a Scholastick Page­antry. Had but our learned Prelates preached as good Doctrine in their Temples frequently, and in the House of Lords occasionally, the Stamp-Act would hardly have passed into a Law; and as my plain Dealing is morally adapted to a great Emer­gency, they might and should have prevented, I think they should honour it signally, as God's most holy Vicegerents and divine Presidents, to all about them. When such great Men have rendered momentous Freedom absolutely necessary, they should of Course very humbly revere it; and I am sorry mine was rashly extorted, for surely the mutual Interest of England and her Colonies equally requires the former to merit our Alle­giance, and the latter to deserve her Protection and Favour, nor may any unprejudiced Friend of either Country think otherwise, whatever our Ene­mies and some very cholerick Americans may per­versely say or idly imagine.

The staple Commodities of Great-Britain are very suitable Merchandise for most of our Pro­vinces, [Page 53] and no doubt she is compleatly qualified at present, when her State Affairs are rightly con­ducted, for the august Seat of Government, Impar­tial Magazine, and strong occasional Bulwark of a grand maritime and trading Empire, and should of Course greatly encourage all her Colonies for her own Advantage as well as theirs. This will hardly be disputed by unprejudiced Men of Un­derstanding, for I think it may even be clearly demonstrated, by sound common Sense itself, that true British Policy can neither curtail our Freedom, nor cramp our Trade; but guard the former, and promote the latter, which should not only favour the expeditious Settlement of new Plantations, and that perhaps very greatly indeed, but im­power us to deal much more freely at Home, than our present Circumstances will by any Means admit of; and also inspire us with a noble Reso­lution of defending a British Glory and Utility, at the Expence of our Lives and Fortunes oc­casionally; which precious Fruits never can pro­ceed from arbitrary Scourgings.

But to wave a raging Jealousy and Dissaffection, and all their destructive Consequences, which are surely the most fiendish Offspring of Oppression; we yearly want more British Goods considerably than our Exports to that Nation can purchase; and were but proper Markets opened for all the rest of our vendible Commodities, we could traffick more and more with our Mother Country, and throw more and more Cash into her Coffers successively, while a true British Policy, a constitutional Justice, and a sovereign Amity subsisted between us; nor would any Thing more naturally facilitate the Settlement of new Colonies, than causing those already planted to flourish greatly. When old Tennants are very well treated, new ones will soon grow fond of such good Landlords; and our large [Page 54] Vacancies call loudly for such virtuous Policy, in­stead of the counter Treatment extended to En­glish Colonists, which, if madly supported, can hardly fail of ruining both Parties at length, and must even incontestably, while defended by the Parliament, render the firmest Grants of the Crown exceedingly precarious, if not utterly con­temptible, and thus deeply wound the Royal Pre­rogative, the Peace, Affiance and Affection of its Grantees, the Progress of new Settlements, and a Publick Faith in general.

I hope England will be ashamed, afraid, of such monstrous Proceedings, and even run swiftly from them before their direful Consequences make her shudder; and these Expectations seem well grounded, for admit she is very much de­generated, which I would not fondly believe, yet as her late Encroachments are so glaringly re­pugnant to her own Interest, as well as a consti­tutional Justice, I think they proceeded of Course from Delusion, and must vanish when it is re­moved. I think we may rationally conclude, that after the great Fatigues of a hot War, and the intoxicating Elatements of a glorious Peace, some very officious Spirits, such as victorious King­doms abound with, rocked her Helmsmen into a deep mental Slumber, in the inchanting Cradle of Ambition, and that all our Alarms proceed from meer Chimerical Visions, which must ab­solutely vanish, and our Grievances with them, as soon as them celebrated Sages are thoroughly awaked. These are buoying and charitable Hopes, and let us yet cherish them in Spite of our gloomy Appearances; for History and Experience may a­bundantly shew us, that many famous Men, in the wisest Ages, have wildly dreamed, with their Eyes open, in Favour of one darling View or other.

[Page 55] Some of my Readers, may call these ludicrous Observations, but surely they are not meer sportive Trifles, nor do I know how to account more ra­tionally for our surprising Grievances; and of Course, soothing Delusions thrive always the faster when they are planted in a very rich Soil, and eagerly cultivated by very strong Abilities. I would not write in vain, so have endeavoured to affect Men of Different Tempers, by interspersing argumentative Banters among graver Reasonings, and a Diversity of striking Similies of the same Import, which may not prove fruitless like vain Repetitions, and should not be degraded ac­cordingly.

Let us keep up our Spirits, and a good Deco­rum also, and when we remonstrate ever so freely, let us also behave circumspectly, and suppress In­surrections as much as possible, in the midst of our warmest Complaints of Encroachments. Let Force only drive us into Tumults that have any Appearance of Sedition, for we are but hurt yet, by alarming Apprehensions concerning the Stamp­Act, and surely our Grievances must instantly be removed, when proper Representations appear in in our Favour. Let us be watchful, let us be couragious, and convince our Superiors Freedom is dearer than Life; but throw neither of them rashly away. Let us keep our Arms in good Or­der, but Compulsion only make us use them.

We are doubtless too numerous, valuable and spiritful, to be utterly contemned, and to have all our Complaints proudly disdained, by a cool­ly deliberating Parliament, notwithstanding that Freak of Elation offends us. When a Scotch Prince ascended to our imperial Throne, that great Elevation made him and some of his De­scendants very light headed; but surely, the late Conquests of Great-Britan cannot long intoxicate [Page 56] her wise Legislature accordingly, however their Fumes may affect it a while. Men of generous Revolution Principles may sometimes have Jaco­bitish Dreams, but never can adhere to such arbi­trary Delusions, when their injurious Tendency plainly appears: And could England even reduce us instantly to Vassalage, every laudable Conside­ration absolutely forbids it; and it must needs be more glorious for our august Monarchs to reign mildly, over many affectionate Subjects, like Princes, and numerous Myriads of loyal inferior Freemen, than to lord it over mean and dispirited Slaves.

PART III.

I HAVE already clearly proved, according to my own Conception, that the Stamp-Act wounds the royal Prerogative deeply, and is equal­ly inconsistent with the Honour of the Crown, a national Faith and Affiance, a constitutional Ju­stice, the fundamental Law of British Taxations, and true political Wisdom, which should abun­dantly excite moral Agents to damn such brood­ing Evils, and all their horrid Offspring; but as arbitrary Tempers are exceedingly fond of mis­chievous Encroachments, I must yet strive to render them more detestable, by farther exposing their vieled Deformity, which is far from being fully disclosed at present, and will even be much secreted when I have done, so let others display it effectually at length. Such rude Pushes at our Freedom are very alarming, when seriously viewed in any Light, how sportive soever we may some­times decry them, in the midst of our fluctuating Ideas, when Hope alternately gets the better of Fear, but are most shocking when we consider where they came from, and that they actually pro­ceeded from its nominal Guardians.

[Page 57] If powerful Friends stood firmly by us, we might safely despise the base Designs of much weaker Enemies, but should be very circumspect and gallant too, when potent nominal Friends join eagerly with open Foes to enslave us; and that wicked Law which threatens to destroy our Free­dom, was the amazing Draught of its nominal Protectors; of Men that pretend nobly to defend constitutional Rights and Privileges, against both regal Usurpations and ministerial Corruptions. That British Commons thus assume the Guardian­ship of the Subject, is even incontestably notori­ous; and yet now our famous nominal Guardians, through the Plentitude of their Money-raising Power, would freely damn the constitutional Li­berty of their American Fellow Subjects, an ig­nobly intail perpetual Slavery upon us! We are thus experimentally instructed, that great Preten­sions have sometimes but small Foundations, and are not always supported by great Realities; but surely such Gentlemen must be surprisingly deceiv­ed, or British Electors might find much better Delegates, if Old-England is not even inexpressi­bly degenerated. A genuine British Patriotism, immemorially lauded by the greatest Men, can ne­ver be a partial Disposition highly inglorious.

Were such arrogating Mortals our best Advo­cates and Guardians, and should they adhere to their present Intention, how wretched indeed would our Circumstances be! we should thus be treated like the holy Author of Christianity, who was sacrificed by the nominal Friends of the Mes­siah; and who is still betrayed to a faithless Con­tempt by nominal Christians, even the greatest of them, our lofty High Priests themselves; but let us be truly thankful, for our Condition is not quite so gloomy, unless our wounded Grants from the Crown be intirely murdered at length, which [Page 58] should, no Doubt, be instantly healed, and invi­olably honoured for the future. Our Provincial Legislatures, however diminutively they may be spoken of, are not confined to trifling By-Laws, like Companies and Towns corporate, but even our Fortunes, Reputations and Lives are as much subjected to their successive Acts as those belonging to the Inhabitants of England are to the Statutes of that Nation; so we may well be suffered to tax ourselves discretionally, according to our Circum­stances and Occasions.

Under what Colour of Justice may a very di­stant Legislature, unacquainted with our Ability and Occasions, or rather the assuming Commons of England, deprive us of that great constituti­onal Privilege! Such British Patriots would be highly inflamed, indeed, if a Prince on that Throne illegally demanded our Money, and threatned to scourge us for Non-compliance be­cause that Kind of arbitrary Exactions, if not timely suppressed, might soon bury their own Freedom, as well as ours, in the yawning Grave of Despotism; but while their own Rights seem to be out of Danger, they can fondly deprive us of ours, and authorise the Servants of the Crown to plunder us boldly, under a Colour of Law. If such Proceedings are consistent with true Honour or the genuine Dignity of a British Parliament, I have hitherto been greatly mistaken; and surely such Men are not faithful Guardians of a consti­tutional Freedom, which should be equally main­tained in every Part of the Empire, but partial Sticklers for the Freedom of their own Island only.

How dishonourable are such Stretches of invert­ed Power, of Power that should nobly defend them momentous Rights it aims to destroy! and how could the Intriegues of a few restless Enemies [Page 59] make us dread such parliamentary Encroachments, ere we saw them, even in a free-thinking Age, wherein British Liberty is merely idolized! How could we surmise great Men, exceedingly tena­cious of their own Freedom, could ingloriously wrest ours from us, and thus run from the Dig­nity of a British Legislature! Should the Court ever remove to this Continent, how would Great­Britain like such male Treatment! And should our imperial Power thus change its Situation, would not Americans have as much Right then to a­buse it as their English fellow Subjects have now? In a State of Trial, Probationers must have Temp­tations to various Kinds of Evil, but should a bad Ministry direct the British Legislator, or a good Parliament controul its injurious Designs! Strong Men may extend evil Treatment to their weaker Brethren, as Experience too often evinces, but strong Virtue never can produce it, nor strong Reasoning ever defend it.

The Stamp-Tax is evidently a partial Imposition, and was it ever so equitable in its own Nature, that could not possibly justify an Arbitrary Taxa­tion; and judicious British Commons, as staunch English Patriots, would be greatly alarmed at des­potic Exactions from the Throne, that were ever so reasonable in themselves, for they would be fully perswaded, as prudent fore seeing Men, that Despotism, which began the most plausibly, if not timely repelled, might gradually advance to intolerable Oppression; and can sound Reason perswade English Money-Granters it is better for us to be arbitrarily thumped by the Scepter and Mace also than by the former alone! When such Proceedings are placed in a proper Light, how censurable and defenceless must they appear? And what is the dreaded Power of a Royal Prerogative, when compared with such a boundless Money­raising [Page 60] Authority? If we must be reduced to Slavery a while, let us not have so many hard Ma­sters to lord it over us, for doubtless one will be more than enough, and the latter may probably be much sooner intimidated from Tyranny, than a great Number of powerful combined Oppressors, perpetually inflaming each other against us. We had better endure the Rod of an Absolute Mo­narch only, however we may dread it, than Ar­bitrary Scourgings from the Crown, and every Member of the British Parliament, or but even a majority of them also. We had better form a common Interest with all the Subjects of an Ab­solute Monarchy, against the Power of a despo­tical Ruler, than have ten Million fellow Subjects to help a Prince to enslave us, and to keep us fast chained in Bondage.

These are very free Observations, and I suppose our Adversaries will call them Treason; but let impartial Readers seriously consider, whether they or we are Enemies to the State, and that our Loy­alty cannot possibly keep always alive, if it has no­thing but Poison to feed on. Small Portions of Bane may not kill it, and be timely expelled by proper antidotes; but male Treatment never can nourish our Fidelity, while Causes only produce natural Effects: And should not those be censured which strive to infect it, instead of us which call loudly for wholesome Provisions, that may and should preserve its Health and Vigour? We have indeed already been constrained to drink deadly Potions, which perhaps would have poisoned our Loyalty intirely, had not Hope and Redress, as a consider­able Counter-poison, greatly repelled their baneful Operations: And should we be driven forcibly to Enmity or even any Thing like it, when we ar­dently desire indissolvable Friendship, and then [...] as Traitors for being disaffected! Or be [Page 61] severely scourged by Potent Injustice, and then deemed Rebels for some bitter Complaints and frantick Gestures, occasioned by the Torments of our agonizing Wounds, or the torturing Appre­hensions of our distracted Minds!

Should not Britain be ashamed of her idle Clamours against us on Account of our late Irre­gularities, after she had driven us forcibly into them; and should not our Lectures excite her to ponder maturely, to behave like herself for the future, to protect the Rights of all her Subjects impartially, and to stigmatize criminal Innovators under their most blazing Pretensions of Patriotism? Have we not been very indirectly treated, and are not our Enemies pestilent Disturbers of the Em­pire? Do they not behave more like French In­cendiaries than true British Patriots? Should they approach the Throne at Pleasure, and have open Avenues for that Purpose, or a strong Faction ren­der them very powerful, and enable them to force a Passage to it through his Majesty's Guards? I am not vain enough to suppose my weightiest Con­siderations, though not very trifling, will have Power to lead some of our Foes to Retraction, for, perhaps, Arguments sent down from Heaven itself, would hardly extort Confession from ob­stinate imperious Offenders, that set up themselves as infallible Oracles; but let Old-England con­sider maturely, and timely consider, and let not a generous People be gulled any longer by friend­ship Machinations the most neatly dressed by art­ful Sophists. Let them draw Wisdom out of their late shocking Confusion, even as Light was first extracted from a rude Chaos, and let not us be elated by victorious Arguments, as Great-Britain was by her late Conquests, for we never should copy after such bad Originals, whatever temp­tations assail us. We justly explode her licentious [Page 62] Wanderings, so let us not strole at Random our­selves, but chearfully render to Caesar all his just Dues, with a loyal constitutional Submission.

In our great monarchial Common-wealth, the Rights of the Crown and People should be equally guarded; for no Prince can sufficiently befriend us without an adequate Power, nor the People be truly happy without Freedom and Security. These are well grounded Observations; and yet great Sticklers for parliamentary Privileges, frequently explode a wholesome Power in others, that they may engross a noxious one themselves; and per­haps many arbitrary British Taxers, if not Court Minions, could but poorly brook a beneficial Pre­rogative in the chief Magistrate, while they are encroaching, even very injuriously, as Senators; and doubtless the Court, if not cautiously pre­vented, would soon Monopolize all the Power of the freest Nation.

These Conclusions are justified by History and Experience, and therefore should not our august House of Lords, as a proper medium between the King and his People's Delegates, equally guard the Rights of Prince and Subject, and thus keep the publick Scales ever in good Order, that Common-wealth Affairs may be properly weighed in every Part of our extensive Empire? This not only seems to be the constitutional, important, and indispensable Duty of the powerful Nobility of England, but is even a System of Politicks wisely adopted by them great Men; and there­fore, how could the Lords of Parliament, con­sistent with their own political Maxims, the Ho­nour of the Royal Prerogative, the indubitable Rights of the Subject, and the Dignity of their exalted Station, gratify the assuming Commons a­gainst us, and thus furnish executive Power with a Sword to murder our constitutional Freedom, [Page 63] and the Force of its Masters Grants, under the Great-Seal of the Empire! The Stamp-Act is e­qually injurious to the Prince and People, though in a very different Manner, and under a Pretence of favouring the former; but let us wave the bleeding Prerogative at present, and ask how the Princes of the British Diet, with so many inspired Guides among them, came to wander so amazingly, when that detestable Law came into Existence! what led them so to grieve our Infant Colonies, and to withdraw their paternal Regard intirely from them?

It is Time surely, high Time indeed, for Bri­tish Colonists to be greatly alarmed, when a great Majority of English Commons eagerly combine to enslave us, as our pretended Representatives, and the Potent Lords of that Realm concur with their measures; for while them two Branches unite against us, the Court, no doubt, though very er­roneously, will carry their arbitrary Purpose into Execution, for various Reasons that might be as­signed; and yet at that very unpropitious Juncture, we had some tender Friends in both Houses, but their weightiest Arguments were Legislatively out­done by the much superior Force of Yeas and Contents.

Our requisite Plainess should not be resented, for the Injured have surely a Right to complain; and even very bitter Words might be justly ut­tered on such provoking Occasions, if Prudence did not forbid them. I would not affront any Peer in Britain, but would induce them all to ab­hor their arbitrary Proceedings, for they certainly are detestable; and while moral Freedom is oc­casionally extended to the Crown itself, through the Ministry or otherwise, as the avowed and much applauded Privilege of Englishmen, we should not only be allowed, without Censure, but even with constitutional Encomiums to treat our [Page 64] greatest fellow Subjects as openly, whenever their Conduct renders it necessary. I think temporal Lords greatly blameable, and their spiritual Bre­thren much more culpable; for the latter, very signally, as God's most holy Vicegerents, should ever assist his weaker Creatures, occasionally, a­gainst the injurious Designs of their stronger Bre­thren, instead of combining with such powerful Oppressors, like Jewish high Priests and lofty Rab­bins of old. Our Prelates have Precedence of temporal Lords, and should evidently deserve it, or be justly contemned; for Merit only may pro­perly entitle them to it.

The great Primate of all England himself can hardly refute this Doctrine, and I know not what his Grace may think of it; but I think he should dutifully and humbly revere it, even in the midst of his greatest pontifical Glory, and that he cannot possibly do otherwise, without greatly dis­honouring the Laws and Precedent of the Messiah, who, I suppose he now and then vouchsafes to call Master, with an orthodox Formality, on extraordi­nary Occasions. The Stamp-Act is but Part of the base Fruit of a passionate Darkness, that has long reigned proudly over Great-Britain, and which ne­ver could have done so, had but her dignified Clergy shined as bright spiritually as they have done temporally, and been as fond of a pure Christ­like Greatness as they have been of a carnal E­minence.

Formal hail Masters are easily repeated; scan­dalous Offences, without much pain, avoided; and our kind of pharisaical Works are not very grievous, but the rigorously perfecting Laws and Precedent of Christ, are no more honoured by mo­dern than antient Rabbins; and English Bishops now prefer legal Grandeur to a Gospel Renun­ciation of the World, as much as Hebrew chief [Page 65] Priests did formerly. Our wise Reformers could easily distinguish good Popish Livings from bad Popish Tenets, and their understanding Successors make the same Distinction as clearly. Pro­testant Absurdities are less ridiculous than Popish Ones; and our dignified Leaders can freely sup­port the former in Opposition to the latter, but like idolatrous Papists, they so piously rail at, are much fonder of great Popish Revenues, fine Palaces, Coaches and Retinues, than following the Messiah, apostolically, through a Soul-humbling Poverty, and a brave Self-conquering Warfare.

The greatest of Men are surely but fallible Creatures, and liable to injurious Mistakes, even as extensive as their Influence, unless due Circum­section prevent it, for not only many famous Grecians and Romans of old, but even many ce­lebrated Politicians, Philosophers, and Divines of our more inlightned Day, have wandered strangely after favourite Views into very gross Errors, and rashly wounding our Freedom is not the least of them; for I will venture to prophesy freely, with­out the illuminating Aid of a Prelate's Benedic­tion, that our roughly treated Colonies ere long, however they may be over-borne for a while, will either become some of the brightest Jewels in the Diadem of England, or present Crowns of Thorns to her Monarchs successively; and I am as con­fident the greatest Emolument of each Party ab­solutely requires the former. These are now my deep-rooted Sentiments; and should the Opinion and Arguments of a Cottager, be ever so loftily despised by Proprietors of Palaces, yet Time will surely determine, whether lordly Curtailors of our Rights, or prudent and loyal Remonstrants against them, are truly political and sound Com­mon-wealth's Men.

We are bravely defended indeed against foreign [Page 66] Usurpers, but our Allegiance and Advantage to Great-Britain, loudly demands that Protection, and yet it may surely avail us but little, should our open Colonies be plundred, by England, which has more Power to hurt us than any other State; and as a Conflagration may actually proceed from a small Coal, or even a single Spark of Fire, so may Bondage, a compleat Bondage, if not timely prevented, from much smaller initial Encroach­ments than what we resent. I appeal to Free Bri­tains of Understanding, Generosity, and In­fluence, and let them nobly guard against Preju­dice, for though great Men are liable to very in­jurious Deceptions, while they lurk artfully under plausible Favourite Pretensions; yet, as I have Occasionally observed, they cannot ignobly cleave to them when properly Unmasked; and were but our most Strenuous Adversaries over-borne Colo­nists, I fancy they would complain as warmly as any of us; for Men fond of lording it over o­thers, can but poorly brook lordly Treatment them­selves, and should not therefore ignobly extend it to their fellow Creatures, but uprightly and bravely control base Impulses to it.

A very Potent Nation may forcibly drive us into Slavery of one Kind or other, though per­haps not with the utmost Facility; but what Right hath England to demand our Allegiance, had we even no Grants at all from the Crown, without se­curing to us the Privileges of British Subjects? Are we not Legitimate Children, have we not hitherto been Dutiful, is not a constitutional Pa­trimony our just Due, and may our Parents with­out Tyranny deprive us of it, and cruelly drive us into Bondage, with the Scourges of Ambition or Avarice! Have I not shewn we are not Repre­sented in Parliament at all, and can English Sub­jects be taxed justly by any but their own Repre­sentatives? [Page 67] Should not British Subjects possess Bri­tish Rights; and is not Freedom our Right by the sacred Law of Nature, as well as the Laws of our excellent Constitution? We certainly ought to be Free; and can we possibly be so, while our Interest is disposed of by others without our Consent, and repugnant to our Will; or even under any Kind of arbitrary Impositions or Prohibitions whatever? If this be Freedom what is Vassalage! I speak in­tentionally to wise British Senators, to Men that have Power to oppress us, and perhaps to enslave us a while, but should nobly defend our inesti­mable Rights.

The unaccountable Proceedings before us may be somewhat palliated, but nothing can possibly justify them; for let us even suppose the national Debt, the Expence of the late War, the Back­wardness of some wrangling Colonies in our pre­sent loose Condition, and other Considerations of Consequence, might naturally throw the Parliament into great Agitations about us, when its Spirits were much elated by a glorious Peace; yet when all this is granted, what could possibly justify an arbi­trary Imposition, before a constitutional Demand had been made and perversely rejected! Arbitrary Stretches never can be expedient in peaceable Times, void of Emergencies, ere prudent con­stitutional Measures have been utterly contemned; and of Course the Stamp-Act was very unwar­rantably carried into Force, admit such despotical Exertions of Power were sometimes necessary in very Alarming and dangerous Exigencies. Should our Superiors have had upright Intentions, they were very prematurely and rashly executed; but if they ran hastily after false Ideas into soothing Error, of a very awful Tendency, let them grant us Redress when their deadly Mistake appears, and cautiously pursue a constitutional Justice for the [Page 68] future through all their legislative Transactions. We can freely forgive true Penitents, but not be so willingly enslaved by incorrigible Enemies.

I know a scheming Ministry, and the Crown through it, are generally blamed for offensive Laws, as if the Parliament could do no Wrong, or was quite above Censure; but whatever Respect may be intended by it, I think it but a very poor Compliment to the Lords and Commons of Eng­land, to be thus represented as mere Cyphers, or passive Figures at best, occasionally used by a few great Officers of State, and have therefore treated them with a much greater Respect, as free and vo­luntary Agents in a very important Station, that are morally accountable to the Publick for their Conduct, and even much more so, than Men pos­sessed of but few Talents, a low Trust, and a small Influence can possibly be. I cannot view or treat such great Men as meer inanimate Tools, taken up and used at Pleasure by State Artificers, for thus our famous Parliament would only be a pom­pous Shew, a fictitious Good, or a meer idolized Name, and even have less Power than impotent French Parliaments, while British Ministers had more than the Ministry of France. I very much esteem a good Ministry, and hate the Proceedings of a bad one, but cannot think the Security of our rights leans upon the former, nor that the latter can rend them forcibly from us, or compel the Parliament to do it.

A young British Monarch, indeed, in the Case before us, must have been under the darkning In­fluence of strong Desires to increase the Revenue, to concur with a Money-granting Parliament, and to gratify his importunate surrounding Subjects, that were artfully prejudiced against us by the pub­lick and private Councils of the Nation; and as the greatest young Princes, ere much Experience [Page 69] waits upon them, must often rely on the Advice of others, they may receive false Ideas from the plausible Arguments of private Counsellors; but a Majority of English Lords and Commons cannot possibly have such Palliations in their Favour, for they should have guarded our Rights against the natural Bias of the Crown; and many of them are possessed of much Experience, as well as a great natual Capacity and liberal Education.

These Truths are even quite incontestable; nor is it less indisputable, that the injurious Proceed­ings of such great Men, may be as justly exploded, as their Praise-worthy Tansactions can be gratefully lauded. This should not only be acknowledged by the greatest censured Reader, but our spiritual Lords should even confess it in a very examplary Manner, and not treat me for such occasional Freedom, as haughty Jewish Doctors treated she poor, sorrowful, unlearned, and freely reproving Author of Christianity, for boldly promulgating that sacred Truth they pretend to defend; nor yet as Papists treated inveighing Protestant Reformers; for great Professions can no more justify the coun­ter Proceedings of dignified Protestants now, than they justified the Crimes of Jewish and Popish Rabbins formerly.

As we are grieved by a parliamentary Dispotism, we should doubtless remonstrate directly against its injurious Supporters, how great soever they ap­pear, and not content ourselves with branding the Conduct of an unjust Minister; for had not Mr. Granville many powerful Confederates, and was there but one over-bearing Mortal in England, he might incessantly plot against us in vain: And why should we flatter the Vanity of such an impe­rious Enemy, by falsly attributing our Grievances to his Influence? His greatest Efforts could not have hurt us, and he might have racked his Brains [Page 70] to no Purpose, had not English Senators been pleased with his mischievous Devices, and we could hardly treat the British Legislature more affrontive­ly, or with a greater Indignity, than by petition­ing him to direct it to repeal the Stamp-Act; and yet he has certainly as much Authority over it in that Respect as he had when it came into Force against us, which may shew the great Irregularity of our common Declamations. Let our Com­plaints be directed into a proper Channel, for it is not a lordly Impotence, but the King, Lords and Commons of the Realm, that may drive our a­larmed Colonies farther into Thraldom, or restore and protect our Freedom. A bad Ministry might project our present Grievances, but could not drive us authoritatively into them; and when the Excitements of Injurious Ministers can justify par­liamentary Oppression, the Instigations of the De­vil, of other artfully wicked Impostors, or even an impulsive Depravity itself, may justify all Kinds of Offences, and permit Immorality, Anarchy and Ruin to rage inculpably throughout the great Common-wealth of Mankind.

This explicit Reasoning may be called abusive by incorrigible Delinquents, but it is surely very far from being so; and a moral Deformity should be occasionally exposed, when a natural one is compassionately covered, for that is a proper Ob­ject of Disgrace, and this of Pity; and when the former is rendered detestable, it may instantly be exchanged for Beauty, but the latter cannot be so advantageously bartered away. My Expressions are very open on this provoking Occasion, and yet I would not wilfully offend any of my Superiors, nor even the least or worst of the human Race; but as I treat indirect Proceedings and their Au­thors very freely, I expect my Observations will displease many in this passionate Age, but that is [Page 71] far from being their real Intent, and I think they should produce much nobler Effects.

I have only been expediently open according to my own Conceptions, and all my Freedom is doubtless very justifiable, however it may be taken, if it has but sufficient argumentative Sanctions, as well as Truth to support it; and as certainly blameable if it has them not, how just soever it may be in itself. Men view their pernicious Con­duct very partially whenever they do wrong through Mistake or Design, and therefore reproving Free­dom should not only have a just Foundation, but have its solid Basis rendered apparent, else a greater or lesser Degree of Resentment instead of proper Convictions, and the moral Fruit of them will probably and almost certainly repay it.

Even very generous Unbelivers of a moral Dis­position will be excited to curse rather than bless our ardent Divines, when such illuminated Wor­thies with a burning Zeal, angry Brow, glowing Cheeks, a priestly Authority, and great Anxiety for their Welfare, threaten Damnation for slighting a very Sanctimonious priestly Jargon about our holy Sacraments, Grace, Election, Faith, Works, Law, Gospel, Jews, Gentiles, Adam, Christ Man's Fall, our Impotence through it, Original Sin, imputed Righteousness, Justification, Sanc­tification, and Satisfaction through the Blood, Suf­ferings and Merits of the Messiah; for however sacred such Articles of Faith may be, yet what understanding Creature will cordially brook Threats of Ruin, or even but a stern Reproof itself, for disbelieving them, before he can see how they may be rationally assented to, and conscientiously honoured? I shall not Blasheme such Doctrines deistically, and thus offend their sanctified Guar­dians, however I may doubt their Divinity some­times, for I know they are the very Quintessence [Page 72] of Protestantisim, after all the Refinements of our boasted Reformation; but my present Purpose enjoins me to say, they are only honoured by in­spired Guides and implicit Belivers, as no other Person is able to view their Reasonableness.

According to my Ideas, trying Symbols and Figures must ever attend on a State of Divine Pro­bation, but can by no Means conceive how true Teachers can found Doctrines upon them, utterly repugnant to all the Plain Laws of God, and the Dictates of his Monitor in Probationers, and how wise moral Agents can piously assent to such Tenets or be damned for the contrary. I think also Bible Figures will be soon defined, according to the Law of a reasonable Faith; and that pure mortifying Documents will not be duly revered, while the most sacred Priestly Absurdities are ever so devout­ly mixed with them; nor can I even see the very Foundation of a modern Orthodoxy, or how the Messiah could bear the Sins of the World atoningly; but can easily conceive how that just and gallant Youth might suffer for the unjust, as a Soul con­victing Precedent, and noble Pattern of invincible Purity. I cannot see how our Creator can possibly require or accept such Satisfaction; and should I even believe both undoubtedly, I could not per­ceive any Propriety in such Doctrine, or how the Sufferings of one Man could make adequate Satis­faction for the Sins of all Mankind; and I suppose our Advocates for such a Propitiation, even the most extravagant of them, will hardly say the Di­vine Nature suffered. The Code of Probation is tryingly vailed, and letter Teachers, Antichristian Apostles, may very piously wrest its sacred Fi­gures, but never expound them according to the Law of a vital Faith.

Open scriptural Ethicks unanimously require a legal Submission, correspondent to the Law of my [Page 73] Conscience, and my Ideas of God's moral Attri­butes; so what counter Doctrine even from an An­gel may reasonably induce me to think otherwise, and to lay the Stress of Salvation upon any other Thing. Can I rationally honour such Lectures, whenever so confidently preached by the most fa­mous saintish Babblers, brim full of an Antichristian Orthodoxy; and not only much inspired with Latin and Greek, but greatly illuminated also by a pious Conceit or Enthusiasm, and a very hallowed Bigotry, or even by the Archbishop of Canterbury himself, under the most awful Pontifical Sanctions, after his Grace, as a Protestant Doctor, has enjoined me to read and honour our plain Bible Statutes? A true Answer to such Questions, may not be very favourable to the best established Religion upon Earth, or its most celebrated Guardians; and were priestly Mysteries ever so divine, yet while I deem them to be impious, I can neither sincerely honour them, nor Threats or Censure for contemning them, for no Person can sincerely honour Offensive Reproof or Threatnings but what he conceives ought to be revered.

I hope my Freedom will be approved by every impartial Reader that weighs my Reasonings; but should all my free Expressions stand naked, perhaps not only the most generous Lords and Commons I have presumed to censure, but all the rest of my wisest Readers, would even blush at them, as scur­rilous Invectives, full of Turpitude, and yet in that Condition, like a modest naked Woman, they would even be as chaste as they are now, when abundantly cloathed with good rustick Arguments, which shews the justest Reproof should be suffi­ciently dressed, and never make its Appearance without documental Garments.

We frequently hear Damnation authoritatively denounced from the Pulpit, for a persevering Con­tempt [Page 74] of mystical priestly Dogma's, which seem very feasible to implicit Believers, but even quite absurd to considerate Persons of Understanding; and a good Man may indeed reprove freely with­out adequately shewing his Reasons, upon a Sup­position the culpable Party fully knows them; but let me tell our most famous censuring Divines, as well as their Hearers, yea even those adorned with Mitres themselves, that no truly wise Man can proceed so imprudently, for let his own Ideas of any Offence be ever so just, and his Charges ever so uprightly adapted to them, yet the latter, instead of giving proper Convictions, will more or less offend the censured Person, while their Reality, or even Fitness, is concealed from his View. These Conclusions are evidently just, and should I have been guilty of such common Errors, I might keep myself in Countenance, by pointing out similar Mistakes in many famous Writers, but that would not change the Nature of my own, so Reparation of Course should be made for them, when reason­ably demanded by proper Exhibitions; but not such Reparation as perverse Carpers may call for.

I should not abuse the meanest of my fellow Crea­tures, nor cringe to the greatest unconscientiously; and as infectious Weeds grow rankest in a rich Soil, I have faithfully endeavoured to expel a very poi­sonous Delusion many British Lords and Commons have fondly imbibed; and however offensive my strong Antidote may be, yet I think it is but an adequate Remedy, judiciously and uprightly ad­ministred, and that I should not therefore ask Par­don of the greatest Peer in England, nor even of King George himself, before I can see a moral Rea­son for it. I know very little Creatures, puffed up with Pride, Flattery, Affluence, Success, or even but a false Peace itself, while the contrary waits on their much greater Reprehenders, will proudly re­sent [Page 75] just Reproof, very prudently extended, and even demand Satisfaction for it with a lofty Brow; but surely the greatest Monarchs, rather than God's inherent Monitor, should ever be displeased by moral Agents let the temporal Consequence be ever so grievous.

I may incur the Displeasure of haughty Mortals, but not of really great Men, if Truth, Decency, and clear Reasoning always accompany my Free­dom; and nominally great Men, without essential Greatness, are not only proper Objects of such al­lay'd Freedom as mine, but even of the keenest decent Satyr can reach them; for indirect Proceed­ings are much more hurtful and blameable in Prin­ces, Noblemen, Philosophers, and Divines, than they can possibly be in uncultivated Peasants, of a trifling Judgment and Influence. A common Gen­tleman, or to speak more properly, a Person that might really be one, may even deserve a severe moral Censure, for what a Dunce should be pitied; and when nominally great Men proceed indirectly, they should ever be more keenly reprehended than the Vulgar, but in a very different Manner, for as the latter have very gross Perceptions, as well as rude Passions, they must often be very roughly treated, and even filled with intimidating Terror, ere they sufficiently view an offensive Picture of their Conduct, or properly attend to the best Ad­moniton; and the former should be occasionally moved in a gentler or sharper Method, by the fair Dint of Reason alone. Plain Dealing also is abso­lutely necessary on this Occasion, for when great Men ramble fondly after Prejudice, they hate to think they are going astray, and blindly gadding after a soothing Delusion; so rarely return from such favourite Wanderings, before they and their evil Tendency are explicitly disclosed. After Men of Ability wed gratifying Error, they are very un­willing [Page 76] to be divorced from it, or to think it even capable of jilting them, as some of my understand­ing Readers, and even perhaps some of our Prelates themselves, may too shortly and evidently evince.

According to these Ideas, I have endeavoured to place the Subject in a true Light, so far as I have handled it, and to give our Superiors such open Conviction, through very explicit Arguments, as may reasonably excite them to redress our Griev­ances, and abhor such Abuses of Power for the fu­ture, but would not designedly offend one of them by my very freest Expressions, which I think only represent Matters justly, and even for so laudable a Purpose, as that of re-uniting Great-Britain and her much disturbed Colonies, in the sacred Bands of a perpetual Amity; nor will any Person decry my Ex­plicitness, that would have duly honoured a less Dis­play. By suitable Reasonings, I may argumen­tatively influence the Parliament, according to our ardent Desire, but could not possibly bully it into Compliance, should I even stupidly attempt it; and we should not wilfully exasperate it against us. The greatest moral Agents should honour Free­dom they have rendered necessary, and no truly great Man can ever resent Plain Dealing, which the great Part of his own Nature cannot explode. In­deed, as frail Probationers, your wise and rigidly chaste Virgins, which disdain to gratify licentious Passions, and nobly controul each impure Excite­ment, may have the same natural Desire, that o­thers meanly follow to the vilest Prostitution, and the greatest Men may feel irregular Emotions, in very uncommon Trials, but cannot ignobly give them an injurious Vent.

I have wandered surprisingly from the Tract of learned Writers, and have therefore had Recourse to apologising Observations, which, I think, may reasonably prevent mischievous Constructions; and [Page 77] surely the pertinent Freedom of this little signi­ficant Pamphlet should not only be freely excused, but even greatly approved, by every Reader of Judgment, and I hope no generous British Senator can possibly resent it, but deem it expedient and suitable to the Occasion.

The Subject is surely a very great one, and not beneath the serious Attention of the greatest Bri­tish Peer, nor even of Cesar himself, when placed on his august Throne, with a glorious Crown upon his Head, and all his princely Nobles about him; nor should my Observations upon it, though un­learned ones, be utterly contemned by any of them. I have endeavoured to mix Loyalty, Patriotism, and expediently free Reasonings properly together, and should not have been so explicit, had less Plainess seemed adequate to my great Purpose, and sufficient to raise necessary Convictions, in Spite of a reluctant Prejudice. Nor can I be justly obnoxi­ous to Censure, for interspersing Religious Hints with political Arguments, while our Divines have a Share in the British Legislature, for that Esta­blishment greatly countenances such a Mixture.

My Balls fly not generally at the base Designs of a Single Mr. Grenville, but of a menacing Evil of a much higher Nature, for I had much rather slay a Parliamentary Despotism, than spend my Am­munition against the Malevolence of an impotent Swaggerer. I would not hang or burn him in Ef­figy, as the potent Oppressor of our Colonies, nor take his Life as an impenitent Offender, but spare the haughty Criminal Time for Repentance, though perhaps to no Purpose.

I cannot always honour old Maxims, for some of them are but very poor Ones; and I think new Ones, awfully superior, will soon be ushered into a secure World, when it never less suspected them, and even without the great Assistance of a Bishop­prick, [Page 78] a priestly Illumination, or a scholastick Om­nisciency, and not only from a Person very un­likely to spread them, but also from a Place the the most unlikely to produce them, according to the Ideas of earthly Gods. These are my deep rooted Conceptions, and I know not how they may fare abroad, but have Reason to fear many Sages will treat them as idle sanatical Notions; for my understanding Neighbours have long contemned them, and me for adhering blindly to such Whims, as Men of too profound Judgment to mind either; and as I could not drive their powerful Contempt away, I seemed generally to be insensible of it, as a Person having Ears that could not hear, and Eyes that could not see, but secretly cherished my Sort of Vanity, according to the Custom of such con­ceited Bigots, and never thought them altogether so wise, nor myself quite so foolish as their Words and Behaviour denoted. They or I have wandered strangely, and perhaps these Lines may shew some of my Readers which Party has blindly and proud­ly roamed.

My Arguments now draw near a Conclusion, and I think every Member of our high Court of Parliament, by condescending to weigh them de­liberately, may clearly view the Irregularity of the Stamp-Tax, and the shocking Tendency of any Sort of arbitrary Proceedings, even in many important Respects, and that loyal Americans cannot be taxed at Home, under any Pretence whatever, with­out a manifest Outrage against their constitu­tional Rights. The idle Pretence of our being re­presented in Parliament, the fictitious Right foun­ded upon it, and the wretched Policy which con­tended for them, must now appear utterly con­temptible to all that will view their naked Deformity, as far as it is faithfully exhibited by this Picture; and yet it cannot even be coulourably disputed, but [Page 79] the Crown should have its reasonable Demands oc­casionally granted, as soon at least as our own De­legates can do it on a regular Plan, which no doubt is a Matter of very great Consequence, that should be maturely considered and timely effected. Were but our numerous Colonies wisely united, for that very momentous Purpose, their own American Par­liament, extracted from Provincial Assemblies, might constitutionally weigh his Majesty's Requi­sitions, when occasionally convened, and dutifully honour all his reasonable Demands, without arbi­trary Impositions, partial Exemptions, or unrea­sonable Burdens.

Thus publick Evils might nor only be regularly prevented, but a great Utility as cordially advanced throughout all the dangerous and favourable Vicis­situdes of perpetual Ages, according to the ge­nuine Dictates of a constitutional Policy; for as I have formerly shewn, every valuable Occupation in our extensive Empire, has a considerable Num­ber of Voters, and while all them various Callings are duly favoured by wise and faithful Delegates, every Member of each Vocation which cannot elect them, is virtually represented and befriended, and should consequently be taxed by them, for the En­couragement and Support of a publick Welfare, which promotes his own private Benefits, and ren­ders them secure. Upon such a wholesome Esta­blishment, good Monarchs, and faithful Represen­tatives of loyal Subjects, might not only proceed very harmoniously, but lay each other under mu­tual Obligations of a sovereign Nature, and always promote a publick Weal by the most natural Kind of moral Policy: And should British Lords and Commons yet lay Impositions upon us, and thus render the Grants of the Crown despicable, under a Pretence of advancing the royal Prerogative, I know no legislative Vestments they can now tax us [Page 80] under, as their fine parliamentary Cloak of a vir­tual Representation is even irreparably rended in Pieces. The Power of an English Legislature may soon oppress us, and perhaps drive us into Bondage at Length, but a constitutional Justice cannot au­thorise it to tax us, nor true Policy lead it to any Kind of arbitrary Proceedings, as my unlearned Pen has briefly demonstrated, and might much more illustrate by expatiating greatly; so well may learned ones render it conspicuous.

I have now closed my open Observations on this important Subject, and I hope every judicious Reader of Candour will approve them, notwith­standing my soaring Freedom and Censure; for trifling will not do on such alarming Emergencies. Our Freedom is not only much wounded already, by a potent Ambition, but is even in great Danger of being intirely murdered by it, unless adequate Efforts prevent its threatned Destruction; and I have not only provided many valuable Materials for a strong Fortress to defend it, but have also digged deep, cleared away the Rubbish, and laid its Foundation surely on a very commanding Emi­nence: So let proper Artists speedily and formi­dably finish it, even according to the best Laws of Fortification.