IN order to fix the Reader's Mind the more intent upon the present Discourse, I shall First consider who deserves that Appella­tion (Caesar.)

Secondly, What are the Things that belong to Caesar. And

Thirdly, Shall make it appear an Act of in­disputable Justice, to render those Things un­to Caesar.

First, Men have found it necessary, in most Ages of the World, to appoint one Head or Ruler over them, according to the settled Bounds of Nations; this being done by the Consent of the Whole, it lays them under an actual Acknowledgment to his Sovereignty, under which, Methods have been formed, not only to establish him in that Dignity, but to protect his sacred Person to all Intents and Pur­poses. Under which Sanction, the Superior and Inferior are inseparably bound to each other, the one to command, the other to obey, except in religious Matters, we are to render unto God the Things that are God's.

[Page 6]Men of that Class have been established un­der divers Appellations, according to the Cir­cumstance of Affairs, or the Judgments of People, in their different Nations.

Caesar was a Roman Emperor, unto whom Israel at that Time was tributary. The Word Caesar, justly applied at that Time, signified Chief Ruler, or King, and hath a just Repre­sentation to our present Sovereign GEORGE, King of Great-Britain, &c.

Secondly, I shall consider what are the Things that belong to Caesar: In the first Place I shall shew, that when a King ascends the Throne, he, by Consent, is bound in the most solemn Manner, by Oath, to defend the Rights and Pri­vileges belonging to the Crown, both civil and religious; and not only at Home, but it ex­tends unto the furthermost Parts of his Terri­tories. And the whole lieth under an equal Claim to his Protection.

The Parliament, who act in Conjunction with the King, represent the Nation, and are chose by those that have a Right to chuse them; they are chose by the Majority, which may, in that Case, be deemed the Whole.

They are also bound, by solemn Oath, to be faithful Subjects, to discharge their Trust as by Law appointed, or as Necessity may require; therefore what they do, his Majesty agreeing therewith, may justly be termed an Act of the whole Nation, and layeth an absolute Con­straint on every Subject to act consistent with himself, agreeable to the most solemn Ties he is under; this formeth a good Government; [Page 7] and it is impossible for any Government, either civil or religious, to be supported without a ge­neral Contribution of Money to defray the Ex­pence that will necessarily accrue in the Admi­nistration thereof.

Under which Consideration, the King and Parliament have made Laws, which are bind­ing to the whole Realm; Laws that are not grievous, but easy to be borne; Laws that lay an equitable Taxation on the Whole, and o­bligeth every One to bear his proportionable Share.

It is an actual Agreement between a King and his Subjects; they are bound in the most solemn Manner that Mankind are capable of, to render unto Caesar the Things that are Caesar's, whenever they are lawfully called thereunto.

It is an undeniable Debt, contracted at our Birth, and but just and honest in us to hold ourselves in Readiness to discharge it as the Payments become due, which will be to render Custom to whom Custom is due, Tribute to whom Tribute is due. I shall conclude the second Part with saying, that he who is thus found in the Discharge of his real Duty, not only ren­ders unto Caesar the Things that are Caesar's, but unto God the Things that are God's, viz. a good Conscience.

Thirdly, I conclude by this time we shall agree, that our present Sovereign is the Person to whom Tribute is due, and that we his pre­sent Subjects are the Persons, under the most so­lemn Ties, obliged to pay it, and can by no Means (under a Cloak of Justice) skreen our­selves [Page 8] from rendering unto Caesar the Things that are Caesar's.

However, in order to put the Thing in an obvious Light, I shall begin, as I think, at the Foundation, and consider the present Situation of Affairs in Great-Britain, respecting his pre­sent Majesty King GEORGE, who rules these Nations, under the indisputable Title of Heir to the Crown of Great-Britain; and who, in the most solemn Manner, by Oath, hath bound himself, both to God and Man, to protect the Protestant Religion, and to defend the King­dom from the Encroachments of perfidious Enemies.

This being the real Situation of our present King, I am necessarily led to enquire, how or in what Manner he may be rendered capable of discharging that so weighty an Affair, with­out the hearty Assistance of his Subjects; and at this critical Juncture, when a potent Enemy threatens an Invasion, and gladly would de­throne the best of Kings, and involve the Na­tion in a general Massacre. But to return, As the King is bound by Oath, he conscientiously believes, with Thousands more, that it is his absolute Duty (both in the Sight of God and Man) to defend himself by Force of Arms; and as the Situation of Things appear at this Time, it seems as tho' it were morally impos­sible to succeed in other Terms, for by Ac­counts from Home it appeareth, that our Su­periors in Great-Britain have (since they dis­covered the ill Disposition of the French, their restless Enemies) raised large Sums of Money [Page 9] for the King's Use, which Monies being ap­propriated to Military Purposes, the several Sums being raised by Tax, Men of every Class pay it with Chearfulness; they render unto Caesar the Things that are Caesar's, well knowing it to be their Duty to obey God, and honour their King; this very Money, which is raised by Tax, is now, and hath been for twelve Months past, applied in building Ships of War, in raising Forces both for Sea and Land, in purchasing Artillery, Ammunition, &c. on purpose for Defence, the Consequence of which will be shedding of Blood, unless the Enemy keep their Distance.

And altho' this be the very Case, I find not one Scrutineer among them; the King com­mands, the Subjects obey; under which Oe­conomy there is a pleasant Harmony. In which Situation I shall leave them unto the Protection of Him who never fails to reward those who conscientiously obey his Commands, which are, Render unto Caesar the Things that are Caesar's, and unto God the Things that are God's.

I shall now take a View of my native Land, where I expect to find Things of a dif­ferent Character, that may occasion me to make particular Remarks thereon, which, if accord­ing to the Nature of the Case, I hope to be excused; my Design is genuine; it is with a View to prevail upon all Men to pay Custom to whom Custom is due, Tribute to whom Tri­bute is due. In the first Place, I shall undeniably make it appear, that our Governor and As­sembly [Page 10] in this Province, represent the King and Parliament of Great-Britain, because they are fixed Ministers here, with the same Powers of Legislature to manage the King's Affairs in this distant Colony; their Authority is firmly esta­blished by Act of Parliament; and if what they do appears to be subordinate to the Laws of England, it is as firm and binding to us, and ought with as equal Justice to be obeyed, as though the King himself commanded.

And altho' the Laws here are not verbatim with the Laws of England in every Case, yet that respecting the Legislative Power, is con­firmed by Act of Parliament; under which Act, there is a Method prescribed for us to chuse a lawful Number of Men, which repre­sent the Whole; and they being of our own chusing, what they do respecting the Legisla­tion, is our own Act; for, in the first Step, we come under the Sanction of Law, because all are prohibited, and have no Vote, who are not possessed of an Estate to the Value of Fifty Pounds, this being a particular Paragraph of Law which every Voter appealeth to for Safe­ty, under which he acknowledgeth that he par­ticularly and directly engageth himself, under Sanction of Oath, to be a faithful Subject to his King, because we are a Body Corporate, and every Person, thus situated, a real Member of that Body, and will inevitably remain as such, unless he refuse to pay Tribute unto Cae­sar. I also consider, that our Governor and Assembly are bound, by solemn Oath or Af­firmation, to be faithful Subjects to their King [Page 11] and are placed as Guardians to the Province; for which Reason, I hope we may allow that it is their particular Business to make all neces­sary Inspection into the State of the Province, by which Means they may probably be capable of guarding against impending Danger.

I query, Whether this be not their real Du­ty? And if so, I query, How they may be able to effect it, without our Assistance? And in what Manner do we assist, unless it be in paying Tax? And how inconsistent do those appear with themselves, in refusing to pay Tax; do they consider what a Train of Contradictions they are heaping on their own Heads? In the first Place, they have entered into a Contract with their King, and in that have laid an Obli­gation upon themselves to be faithful Subjects, and at the same time refuse to pay him his just Dues; this is no other (in the Body Corporate) but that they are doing a Thing, and at the same time are not doing that Thing.—They are willing to pay the King his Dues, but at the same time are not willing to pay the King his Dues. These are plain Contradictions, and as plain Truths.

Are any so weak as to imagine this Province can remain under a good Constitution, and no Taxes levied? I think not, by Men of com­mon Sense: Well, if that be the Case, I shall ask one Question, which is, Under what Ap­pellation could the present Act have been set forth in, more agreeable to the several Deno­minations of People in this Province, under which Appellation divers Taxes have been le­vied, [Page 12] and the Money paid (I believe) without one Prick of Conscience, until this critical Juncture; in which (perhaps) there never was more Need of Money to be raised, nor was there ever more Need of shewing Loyalty to a King, or of maintaining Amity among our­selves; when we are threatened by a potent Enemy Abroad; while we have suffered so many irreparable Damages from a barbarous and savage Enemy at Home?

I shall now recite an infallible Text of Scrip­ture, in order to encourage the well-disposed Part, the Substance of which, I think, may well serve for a Touchstone, by Virtue of which every Scrutineer may try his uncommon Conscience; Matt. xvii. 24. And when they were come to Capernaum, they that received Tri­bute Money, came to Peter and said, Doth your Master pay Tribute? He saith, Yes. And when he was come into the House, Jesus prevented him, saying, What thinkest thou, Simon? Of whom do the Kings of the Earth take Custom or Tri­bute? of their own Children, or of Strangers? Peter saith unto him, of Strangers. Jesus saith unto him, then are the Children free. Notwith­standing, lest we should offend them, go thou to the Sea, and cast an Hook, and take up the Fish that first cometh up; and when thou hast opened his Mouth, thou shalt find a Piece of Money▪ that take, and give unto them for me and thee.

I look upon this as an infallible Precedent to every true Believer in CHRIST▪ it is not only his assenting to a Thing, but it is doing that [Page 13] Thing; it is not only his Advice to Peter to give, but saith, Go, give this for me and thee.

This Tribute or Tax, was paid under the Roman Emperor, who was at that Time car­rying on a War, the Consequence of which is always shedding of Blood.

But might not JESUS have shewed a suffi­cient Reason wherein he was not taxable? Ob­serve the Text, when he asketh Simon, Of whom do the Kings of the Earth take Custom or Tribute, of their own Children, or of Strangers? Peter saith, of Strangers; Jesus saith unto him, then are the Children free. This meaneth, that as he himself was the Son of God, who was and is the King and Ruler of the whole Uni­verse, and unto whom every Part belongs, was in Reality, and absolutely exempt from paying Tax; and altho' this was the very Case, there was no Hesitation on it; no, he saith to Peter, Notwithstanding, lest we should offend them, go and give unto them for me and thee. Observe, this was all acted under an Heathen Emperor, which is far from being the Case with us; for we have not only a Christian King, but perhaps the best of Kings that ever sway'd the British Scepter.—A King, whose superior Virtues, and tender Indulgence towards his Subjects, is too little regarded by that Class of Men.—But no Wonder, when Men refuse to make CHRIST their Example, and will not do what he hath positively commanded them to do; I say I do not wonder that those Men refuse to obey a Christian King. I shall inspect into the Nature of the Case, by Query, and examine whether [Page 14] there be any real Cause, or good Foundation, for this unlook'd for Scruple of Conscience.

1. Whether CHRIST, meaning the God­head, who is from all Eternity to all Eternity, did not know as well what would be Man's Duty to the End of the World, as at that Juncture?

2. Whether he would in Reality do any Thing which might be made a Precedent, and whether Men receiving it as such, did not act the Christian Part?

3. Whether CHRIST rendering unto Caesar the Things that were Caesar's, will not justify us, if we do the like?

4. Whether it hath not in itself the great­est Inconsistency, for CHRIST, when personal­ly on Earth, to do a Thing, and in the same Dispensation (by his Spirit) forbid his Follow­ers to do that Thing?

5. Whether Mens Consciences ought to be a Director to us, when it is evident that they are not dictated by the Spirit of CHRIST?

6. And whether we ought to abandon hu­man Reason, and sacrifice our brightest Facul­ties, to confide in the particular Humour of two or three Self-conceited Men?

I shall ask this Question, Did you ever read the History of the Persecutions under the seve­ral Emperors? If you have, I would have you to read them the second Time, where perhaps you may find a near Emblem; you may see the very Rise of Apostacy, and what was the first Step to the so much lamented De­clension; you may see, that Men, instead of [Page 15] Religion, practised Superstition; you may see, that Men, who should have honoured God, rather honoured themselves; you may see, that Men, who ought to have allowed the sole In­fallibility to God, proclaimed themselves infal­lible.

I shall offer the Reasons for the last Para­graph, respecting the Declension of the Church; the first Motion was Superstition; Men valuing themselves upon their own Judgments, by which Means they under-valued their Neigh­bours, and still believed that they themselves grew better and wiser.

Under which grand Opinion of Self, they were repeatedly laying Injunctions upon the Church (and that at first) in trivial Matters chiefly; by which Means they lost the Power of true Religion, and set up Forms in the Room thereof; and those Forms so prevail­ed, that, I am of Opinion, there is but lit­tle else; a Word to the Wise may be enough. Therefore, it is Wisdom for all Classes of Men to particularly guard against this impending Danger.

In the first Place, I advise the Clergy to en­tertain a better Opinion of the Laity than of themselves; and the Laity to think of the Clergy just as they are.

Self-righteousness and Bigotry hath been the greatest Enemies that ever a militant Church have had, and have ever been useless in Affairs of State.

But when they creep into the Church, they are much of the Nature of a Pestilence, they [Page 16] infect almost the Whole, and the chief Rea­son is, because the Clergy pretend to more than other Men; more Knowledge and more Experience; and to confirm it, in steps the Bigot, and saith, Amen. And when thus met, there is a Conference, in which there may be a narrow Inspection, perhaps, not only in Church but State Affairs.

In one of these Consultations (I think) it was, that the Bill, for granting Money for the King's Use, was considered.

But observe, the Council at that Time was but very small; however, after a Deliberation upon it, up stands a Clergyman, and giveth his Opinion concerning the Bill then lying before them, which was to this Purport, viz.

I have considered the Tenor of this Bill, which is for granting Sixty Thousand Pounds for the King's Use, and do not find my­self free to pay the Tax, but shall suffer a Di­straint on my Goods.

No, nor I neither; though I have thought nothing about it, until just now; I want to be informed why we may not pay it.

I'll tell thee; the Act specifies it in such a promiscuous Manner, that I cannot be free to pay. I own, they have pointed out two particular Articles, unto which I can freely pay my Tax, viz. those that are for the Sup­port of the distressed Inhabitants, and for con­tinuing our Alliance with the friendly Indians.

Yes, yes, so can I pay towards those two thou mentioned very freely; but I do not [Page 17] think I can pay the other, though I do not know rightly what it means.

I'll inform thee; it is that Part which is mentioned for the King's Use; because, thou knows, we are principled against War, both offensive and defensive.

No, by no Means; I would not have any Hand in carrying on a War: But can we refuse to pay Tax? It seems to me as if the King's Dues were the most reasonable of all Taxes.

Hold, hold! thou doth not consider the Consequence; for we suppose there may be an Indian War, and if so, some of the Money will doubtless be converted to that Use.

Alack-a-day! true enough; that ne­ver once entered my Mind; poor weak Crea­tures we are; was it not for your constant Care over us, I doubt we should not be able to with­stand the many Temptations we are daily be­set with; but I rejoice that there are a few faith­ful Ones that stand for this so just a Cause. Pay it! no, I'll never pay it, without thee pays it first.—Yet I find some Uneasiness, which creates a Doubting, whether we may not af­front the Assembly, in thus refusing to pay, when they have made a Law, and by that Law commanded us to pay; I want to be resolved in this Case.

I believe I can readily resolve that Query: In the first Place, as I justly observed, they are Men of our own chusing, and the Majority of the House of the same Religion that we are; and as they thought fit to lay this [Page 18] Burden upon us, I think we may with much more Freedom refuse to comply.—Before we break up, I would just observe, that we who are present (tho' but few in Number) have heard, verbatim, the strongest Objections we are able to make, with the Reasons why we make them; I say, I would be well pleased that we should use some Endeavours to insinuate our Opinions into the Minds of others, for I am perswaded it would take with the Minds of many good honest People.

I shall use my utmost Endeavour to perswade all I can; there is such, and such, and many more, that I know would be of our Way of thinking, if they did but know your Minds.—And as to the Reasons that have been offered, I am fully perswaded they are so strong, and well-grounded, that we may always refuse to pay Tax upon the like Footing.

It was not long after the Adjournment of this Council, that their Minutes came under the Notice of a Freethinker, who, on a serious Per­usal, thought proper to make a Reply, which he hath done unto every Paragraph separately, and are as followeth:

Paragraph 1. I have considered the Tenor of this Bill, which is for granting Sixty Thousand Pounds for the King's Use; and do not find my­self free to pay the Tax; but shall suffer a Di­straint on my Goods.

Reply. For my Part, I am not able to fix a Meaning to that Paragraph; for if he had con­sidered it as the King's Dues, he must also have considered, that it was his Duty to pay it; [Page 19] and if he did not think it the King's Dues, he ought to have rendered his Reasons why.

In the first Place I shall observe, that Taxes, Duties, and Assizes▪ are the sole Revenues of the Kingdom, that I know of, and by which the whole Realm is supported, respecting the Affairs of State; these are the King's Dues, fixed on him by Law; and every Voter hath a Hand in making these Laws, therefore, I say, it is as reasonable to withhold the one, as the other, and the Whole, as any Part.

Yet, in my Opinion, there may be a more formidable Argument found (at times) against paying of Duty, than against paying Tax, for this Reason, because Goods on which the Du­ty is laid, by reason of dull Markets, are sold for little, if any, Advance more than the Du­ty, and we cannot be supported in any Busi­ness, without a reasonable Profit; this may af­ford some Colour of Reason; but in refusing to pay Tax, I find none.

Taxations are an unequal Injunction, I mean respecting Times; and when they are levied, as there is a fixed Law that Taxes may be levied, according to the present Emergency, which Power, in this Province, is solely com­mitted unto the Governor and Assembly, and if they command a Tax to be either for Sup­port or Defence of the Province, this Money, when raised, is properly the King's Money; and as he hath appointed Ministers, under law­ful Qualifications, they are the Persons that must appropriate this Money, in the best Man­ner they are able, to their Master's Service; [Page 20] therefore I look upon the Tax to be the fun­damental Part of the King's Revenues; be­cause it may either be augmented or dimi­nished, as the present State of Affairs requires.

I shall now take some Notice of the last Sentence in that Paragraph; which is, But shall suffer a Distraint on my Goods.

Reply. No Wonder, if a Man do a Thing, at a Time when he hath no Power to refrain from doing that Thing. But what is the Con­sequence of refusing? Is it not an Attempt to defraud the King of his Dues? Because, if a Man refuse to pay, it is evident to me, that that Man is not willing to pay; and if that Unwillingness could find Protection, the King would never have his Dues. But if you are in Reality willing your Goods may be distrain­ed from you, you are certainly willing the King shall have his Dues, because that is the only Means by which he can obtain it. If you ingenuously believe the above Tax to be the King's Dues, and refuse to pay it, you not on­ly appear as disloyal Subjects to your King, but entirely reject the positive Command of CHRIST, which is, Render unto Caesar the Things that are Caesar's, and unto God the Things that are God's.

I would have you to consider it in this Light, whether you that refuse to pay the Tax, do not the utmost in your Power to dethrone the best of Kings; who can be no more King, without his Subjects, than we can be Subjects, without a King. Although it is but little that [Page 21] one Man can do, yet that little is all he can do, and no Thanks to him for not doing more.

Paragraph 2. I shall now consider the Sub­stance of the second Paragraph; where I find, he complains of the Assembly's mixing or blending Things together, in such a Manner, that he cannot be free to pay the Tax; and in the same Paragraph saith, that he is willing to pay the Tax in two Articles, which are, to support the distressed Inhabitants, and maintain our Alliance with the friendly Indians.

I must confess, in my Opinion, this is a strange Way of Reasoning: What, must the Assembly make three several and distinct Acts, for raising one and the same Sum of Money, and the Whole of that Money to be appropri­ated to the same Intents and Purposes?

In the first Place, I say, unless this Province is protected under the Title of King GEORGE, it may be morally impossible to suppose we shall be able to help ourselves. Under this De­nomination the whole Money is distributed.— It is true, the Act saith, to relieve the di­stressed Inhabitants; but that Money is con­verted to the King's Use, as well as the rest; unless they believe the Relieving the Back In­habitants is of no Use to the King. If so, by the same Parity of Reason, we may suppose, the whole Province lieth under the same Cir­cumstance.

And that Money which hath been given to the Indians, was with the same View (though to little Purpose) in order to secure their Friend­ship, by which Means there might be Cor­respondence [Page 22] held with them in Trade; which Trade must certainly augment the Incomes of the Crown; and to prevent their killing the Inhabitants, and weaken the King, in his di­stant Dominions.

Lastly, I shall observe the Clergyman's Wil­lingness to pay his Part of the present Tax: He saith, he is willing to pay a Part, and at the same time he refuses to pay the Whole; No, we will not pay one Penny. Here is some­thing new, as well as strange; that he should be willing to comply with a Part of the Act, and at the same Moment cannot comply with any Part of that Act.

Paragraph 3. In this Paragraph, he shew­eth, that he is principled against Wars, both offensive and defensive; and for that Reason cannot pay the Tax.

Reply. This being a Matter which toucheth Conscience, I shall not dispute it with him, well remembering the Apostle's Expression, Let every Man be fully convinced in his own Mind.

Paragraph 4. I observe, in this Paragraph, he hath produced a Supposition, as the Funda­mental of his Argument, when he saith, we suppose there may be an Indian War; and if so, some of the Monies will doubtless be con­verted to that Use.

Reply. If this be a sufficient Argument in this Province, to refuse paying Tax, certain­ly in Great-Britain it is much more so; where a War may be daily expected. But Supposition can be no Argument to deter any Person in [Page 23] paying his just Debts. Neither doth it appear, with any Colour of Reason, that we should refuse paying Tax, under a Supposition that it will be appropriated to this, or the other Use. It is certainly none of our Business which Way the King, or his Ministers, lay out his Money.

Because the Majority of the House, as he saith, were of his Religion, he can, with more Confidence, refuse to pay the Tax.

Reply. This must certainly be a wrong Re­presentation; for if they were of his Religion, they would act for his Safety, as much as the Nature of the Case would admit of; because they are subject to the same Act themselves.

Our Assembly is composed of such Mem­bers, who were deemed the suitablest Men (in their several Counties, where they are best known) to represent the People, doubtless for some apparent Virtues; and as this is the Case, I look upon it as a Slight to their Cha­racters, to thus refuse to comply with their consciencious Performances, and in this so just a Cause, where we are commanded by CHRIST, to obey, viz. Render unto Caesar the Things that are Caesar's.

I am of Opinion, that a Sett of Men could hardly be found, who would have acted more judiciously than they have done, in forming that Act, both for Ease of Church and State. For as they represent the whole Province, they represent the Members of every religious So­ciety in it; and as no one Denomination can be exempted from refunding this Tax, the [Page 24] Whole have an equal Right in the Appropri­ating of it.

And as a Part of the House was of Opinion, that it was necessary to defend the Province against the Encroachments of a barbarous and savage Heathen, who have committed Depre­dations and Murders in Time of Peace, I say, as a Part of the House thus thought it their Duty, would it not have appeared disingenuous in the rest to have withstood it, and under this Consideration, as a Part of the Money was their own? But, as the Clergyman owns them to be of his Religion, they must certainly be acquainted with the Rules of that Religion as well as he; and if so, he must think they have fail'd a little, or we must think he hath pick'd up some new Matter, that per­haps was never thought on before.

Towards the latter End of the Paragraph he saith, "As they thought fit to lay this Burden upon us, I think we may with much more Freedom refuse to pay it."

I must confess, it hath not appeared to me, by the Minutes of that Council, that there was any Burden at all; it is true, there is a Dis­course, which, to me, appeareth only an A­musement, and may possibly lull some igno­rant People into a Kind of Lethargy. But, I think I may safely conclude, that there is neither Divinity, Scripture, Law, nor Reason, to sup­port it.

But how could he with more Freedom re­fuse to pay it, because they were of his Reli­gion? For it plainly appeareth to me, that it [Page 25] is an Essay towards a Division; for I presume, we must all allow the Legislators to be Head of the State; and it has been the Case, for many Ages past, that the Clergy have claimed the Title, of being Head of the Church; and whenever these two Powers clash, it has al­ways been attended with ill Consequence to the Commonalty: But, in this present Affair, it may be in that Society of which he himself is a Member, and doubtless will occasion some Debate; notwithstanding, I have Reason to believe the Majority will pay their Tax, well knowing, by this Time, they have for their Example the Saviour of the World.

But what Business have Gospel Ministers with the Affairs of the King? Will they not take CHRIST for an Example in the one Thing nor the other? You may read, that when the Jews sought to make CHRIST a King over them, he withdrew himself, and saith, My Kingdom is not of this World; the Princes of the Earth usurp Authority over one another, but it shall not be so with you. I think it is an indis­putable Maxim, that every Minister of CHRIST must make CHRIST his Example; and if so, I also believe they are quite exempt from State Affairs; their particular Business is, "to mind themselves, and their Gifts; to exercise their pastoral Function, according to their several Denominations of Religion;" and while thus situated, they may be of Service in the Church.

I shall insert one more Text of Scripture, which hath a full Connection with the above, which was wrote by no less than the great A­postle [Page 26] to the Gentiles, Rom. xiii. 1. Let every Soul be subject unto the higher Powers. For there is no Power but of God; the Powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves Dam­nation. Verse 5. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for Wrath, but also for Con­science Sake. For, for this Cause pay you Tribute also; for they are God's Ministers, attending con­tinually upon this very Thing. Render therefore to all their Dues, Tribute to whom Tribute is due, Custom to whom Custom, Fear to whom Fear, Ho­nour to whom Honour.

I shall conclude this small Tract, with mak­ing some Remarks on our present King's In­dulgence towards his Subjects, under their se­veral Denominations of Religion: I believe, the good Qualities of a Monarch were never displayed under a more agreeable Appellation than that of Charity; I think the Apostle sheweth us, that it is the Height of Virtue, and that without it all our Performances are invalid. With this Virtue our King hath shewed himself familiar in divers Respects; for he hath ever appeared an affectionate King to his Subjects, particularly in that of granting free Liberty to every religious Society to act in the Manner they think best; this is a Privi­lege that for many Ages of the World could never be enjoyed, neither can it be, at this Time, in several other Nations: Ought we not to look on this as the greatest Favour that can be granted by any Monarch? I think it [Page 27] lays the greatest Constraint upon Mankind to use their utmost Endeavours to serve God, and honour the King.

I look upon it as our absolute Duty to join heartily together in every Affair, respecting the Preservation of his sacred Person, or the Pro­tection of his Realm, in that great Duty of paying Tax; because, by a diligent Inspection, I cannot find, that either the King or his Mi­nisters have laid any Injunction upon us, ei­ther directly or indirectly, that interferes with revealed Religion; and respecting tender Con­sciences, I believe the King has been as care­ful in hurting of them, as we have been in maintaining of them as we ought to do. For Instance, even at the Time when the Pretend­er landed his infernal Crew, and marched into England, with a View to subject the Inhabi­tants to the Romish Power, and assassinate his Royal Person; yet at this critical Juncture I never understood that he summoned one Per­son to his Assistance, that made a Scruple of Conscience in bearing Arms. Are not those valuable Privileges too lightly look'd upon at this Time, by those who refuse to pay Tribute to whom Tribute is due? And at a Time when a War between England and France is expect­ed; at a Time when our Fellow-Subjects in Britain, of every Denomination, payeth a Tax of Four Shillings in the Pound? I wish this un­precedented and unhappy Circumstance, when laid before his Majesty, may not occasion him to think there is some Reason to enquire into the Circumstance of Affairs in Pennsylvania.