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SERIOUS ADVICE TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE Northern-Colonies, ON THE Present SITUATION OF AFFAIRS.

NEW-YORK: Printed for the AUTHOR, 1755.

[Page 3]

SERIOUS ADVICE, &c.

Friends, and Fellow Countrymen,

WHETHER we are to be a rich, flou­rishing, free People, or mean Slaves to a French King, is the present Dis­pute.

LET us take a short View of both Sides of the Question, and then judge which is the most eligible.

HAVING taken Niagara, and take it we must, to which Crown-Point and the Ohio are but Ap­pendages, and made it the Seat of Government, a Place so well adapted for that Purpose, having so easy a Communication with all the Lakes, with the great River St. Lawrence, with Hudson's Ri­ver, with the several Branches of the Missisippi, together with an immensly extended Continent, in Variety of Climates, we shall be a powerful Peo­ple, and our King one of the greatest Princes, per­haps, on the Face of the Earth. Here will be full Employment for us and our Posterity for ever. And what a glorious Scene here opens for the Trade of Great-Britain!

AND this we can do, if we jointly and heartily endeavour it, in spite of all the Power of France, who, before they can put themselves upon a Bal­lance [Page 4] with us upon this Continent, will, in all Pro­bability, be so far exhausted, as even to give an Opportunity to some of their injured Neighbours at Home to do themselves Justice.

WE are Twenty to One able to bear Arms, and a Thousand to One at least in Wealth and Proper­ty: For a further Proof of this, see the following Calculation.

Number of the British Subjects, Men, Women, and Children, in the Colonies of North-America, taken from Militia Rolls, Poll-Taxes, Bills of Morta­lity, Returns from Governors, and other authen­tick Authorities.
The Colonies of
Inhabitants.
Halifax, and Luxenburg, in Nova-Scotia,
5000
New-Hampshire,
30000
Massachusetts-Bay,
220000
Rhode-Island, and Providence,
35000
Connecticut,
100000
New-York,
100000
The Jerseys,
60000
Pennsylvania,
250000
Maryland,
85000
Virginia,
85000
North-Carolina,
45000
South-Carolina,
30000
Georgia,
6000
Total Number,
1051000

Exclusive of military Forces in Pay of the Govern­ment, and Negroes.

Number of the French Inhabitants in North-Ame­rica, exclusive of regular Troops, and Negroes.
The Colonies of
Inhabitants.
Canada,
45000
Louisiana,
7000
Total Number,
52000

So that the English are more than in the Pro­portion of Twenty to One: But in the Words of a Memorial quoted by the Author of The State of the British and French Colonies, in North-Ame­rica; ‘Union, Situation, proper Management of the Indians, superior Knowledge of the Country, and constant Application to a Purpose, will more than balance divided Numbers, and will easily break a Rope of Sand.’

THIS Calculation must be of some standing, as in several of the Colonies it is short of the Truth, the Alarm List of Massachusetts being, as we are pretty well assured, Forty-eight Thousand, and the Training Last Forty-two Thousand; that of Connecticut Thirty-eight Thousand, and Thirty-two Thousand; Virginia, the Males from Sixteen and upwards, Forty-five Thousand: I wish I could give an Account of the rest with equal Certainty; and we may even yet, by a proper Management, command what Indians we please. What then should hinder us from being Masters of this Continent when we please, but Want of Unanimity and Spi­rit? These, with a good General Officer at Alba­ny, to give our Forces their proper Destinations, but to allow us to fight in our own Way; that is, often to TREE ALL, a Word of Command those re­gular Gentlemen are not used to: In short, we must attack and defend as our Enemies do. The [Page 6] French have long given up all their European mili­tary Discipline, and fallen entirely into that of the Indians, which is sculking and destroying by Sur­prize, hunting their Enemies in the same Manner as they do a Bear or a Wolf. To stand still to be shot at, while there is a Tree or a Bush at Hand, they reckon Madness, not Bravery; and the same Methods we must follow if we mean to succeed. A heavy Train of Artillery, or any other than a few light Field Pieces, in these Woods, especially when you are well assured you can encounter no such Thing, is a meer Farce, and only serves to retard and embarrass the Whole. But we must learn. A general Fund, according to the Albany Sti­pulation (let us not at this Time burden too much our Mother Country, she probably may have enough upon her Hands, and that too chiefly up­on our Accounts) to be disposed of by the General in the most frugal Manner, by and with the Advice of a Council of War, to wit, Two Members from each Colony to reside constantly at Albany with the General; too many Restraints however of this Kind in Cases of this Nature have often fatal Con­sequences.

As to fixing this general Fund, the Parliament (for in Parliament it must be done) can be at no Loss, the Colonies having already agreed to their several Proportions, the Quantum of each must of Course be according to the Exigency of Affairs: I am therefore humbly of Opinion, that if four Noughts are added to each Number for the first Year, and that Sum to lessen the second Year one Half, or two Thirds, and so on as Circumstances and the Nature of Things shall admit, it would answer all Purposes; and no one, I am confident, would grudge his Proportion for so good a Purpose, [Page 7] as that of dislodging our ever treacherous Neigh­bours: And thus it would stand.

Colonies.
Massachusetts-Bay,
7
New-Hampshire,
2
Connecticut,
5
Rhode Island,
2
New-York,
4
New-Jerseys,
3
Pennsylvania,
6
Maryland,
4
Virginia,
7
N. Carolina,
4
S. Carolina,
4
 
£ 480000

WHY our West-India Gentry, whose Well or Ill-being, even their daily Bread, depends upon our Security, should not contribute to this general Fund, I am at a Loss to determine. I may, however, venture to foretel, without the Gift of Prophecy, what their Fate will be, if we are undone.

AND a general Embargo through the whole Continent upon all Provisions, during a War, or the Appearance of it, would, in my humble Opi­nion, with the Assistance of a small Squadron, and the joint and hearty Endeavours of all the Colonies, put his Majesty in Possession of all Canada in twelve Months.

THUS united, I do affirm we have it in our Power to reduce this ambitious Monarch to be thought as inconsiderable in America as he is formidable in Eu­rope. But, my good Friends, let us remember the trite Story of the old Gentleman, who having left his Sons a fine Estate, upon his Death-bed ordered them all to attend him with a Bundle of Twigs, and directed each of them, separately, to take the whole Bundle and break it, which eluded all their Efforts. He then directed each of them to take a single Twig from the Bundle and break it, which was readily complied with. Let the Moral con­vince [Page 8] you, Oh my Countrymen, that while we continue thus disunited, we are but single Twigs.

DEMOSTHENES, upon an Occasion of the like Kind, thus addresses himself to his Countrymen; ‘And yet, Oh ye immortal Gods, when we shall have abandoned all Things to this Philip! When by the Indifference of some, and the Treach­ery of others, we have as it were added Force and Wings to his Ambition, we shall yet make our­selves a great Scorn to our Enemies, by upbraiding and loading each other with the Reproach. Each Party, tho' equally guilty, by their Divisions, of the common Calamity, will be imputing the Mis­carriage to his Neighbour; and tho' never so con­scious, every one will be for excusing himself, by laying the Blame on another; as after the Loss of a Battle, not a Man that fled but accuses his Com­panion, condemns his General, and, separately ex­amined, no Man takes Shame to himself, each shifting the common Disgrace from one to another: But yet it is certain, that every-individual Man that gave Ground was equally accessary to the general Defeat. The Man who accuses his Companion, might have stood firm if he pleased, and that which was a Route, had been a Victory.’

SUCH is the Pride and Folly of Parties overborn and swayed by personal Prejudice, sacrificing the Publick to private Resentment, and charging each other with Miscarriages for which they are every one equally accountable, &c.

WHAT Good can be hoped from such a Confu­sion of Councils, directed only by Prejudice and Partiality, in Defiance of Sense and right Reason?

LET us now take a View of the Case on the other Side.

THE French are possessed of at least two Thirds of this grand Empire; but unjustly, by Usurpa­tion [Page 9] and Encroachments from Time to Time, to which we, in a cowardly Manner, have tamely sub­mitted.

THE Advice of the same great Man to his Coun­trymen, in much the like Circumstances, may, in my humble Opinion, be not less applicable than useful.

‘HUMAN Societies, says he, have indeed many Means for their better Security, such as Walls, Ditches, Ramparts, and the like; all which De­fences are raised with great Labour, and kept up at a continual Expence. But there is one cheap and never failing Preservative in the Breast of all considerate Persons, which is highly useful to private Men, but indispensibly necessary in Com­mon Wealths, which have the Misfortune to be si­tuated in the Neighbourhood of Tyrants; and that is Circumspection and Distrust. Carry this Charm always about you; never part with it up­on any Terms; so long as you keep it you will be safe. What is it you aim at? No Doubt Li­berty. And do you not perceive, that not only the Disposition, but the Title, of Philip implies a direct Contradiction to Freedom. Every such King, every Tyrant is a natural Enemy of Liber­ty, and Subverter of Laws. You earnestly de­sire an End of this expensive and bloody War: But weigh well the Consequences, lest it prove, upon Trial, not so much an End of the War, as a Beginning of your Slavery.’

THE French, from the undoubted Testimony of all their Writers, upon American Affairs, have long had the same Views for establishing universal Mo­narchy ( alias Slavery) upon this Continent, as they have had in Europe. They have for many Years been making Encroachments, and corrupting our Indians, while we, tho' we even [...], have been [Page 10] looking on with a stupid Unconcern. The fatal Effects of which, many a poor Family, perhaps this very Moment, feel.

THEY have already carried their Insolence so far, as even to make some of our Brethren Slaves. This has been a Practice amongst them for some Years, as is well known. And as a further Confirmation of the Truth of it, I shall beg Leave to insert the following Extract of a Letter, dated Montreal, in Canada, May 10, 1755, written to the Reverend Mr. Phineas Stevens, Pastor, &c. at Contoocook.

I WILL write you all the News I dare; for I do not know when I write but my Letters will be opened before they get out of the Country. I think Contoocook cannot be too careful, as the Indians have great Encouragement for Prisoners, and Scalp­ing. They cannot make Half so much Money any other Way as by taking Englishmen, and selling them for Slaves. And the French are very ready to buy them; for when they buy a Man or Woman for Three or Four Hundred Livres, they pay in Paper-money, or Goods, and they will ask double in Silver; and they make them live and work like Negroes, till they make them pay just what they please. As for my Part, I always thought the Indians were very kind to me, till they sold me to a Man, I don't know what to call him: He used me so barbarously, that his own Country Peo­ple offered the Money he gave for me three Times, which he refused, because he expected to have Sil­ver Money for me; so that I lived with him till the Twentieth of January, when I left him, and went into the Country to work, where I stay'd till the Tenth [...] March. I came to Town to see if I could hear any News from New-England, and he saw me, and went to the General and got an Order to confine me in [...] on Bread and Water; and [Page 11] here I must stay till I am redeemed, if it be this seven Years first. When I sent a Letter to the General, to let him know how I had been used since I had been in the Country, he would not read it; neither will he hear any Persons that go to speak for me; ‘For, says he, when the Indians bring English here, they cry to the French to buy them; and when they [...] them out of Charity, they are great Lords, and will not work.’ This you will not wonder at, when you come to know their Reasons. They know that twenty Indians will do more Damage to our Coun­try than all Canada; and they are willing to give them all the Encouragement they can; so that if an Englishman is used ever so bad, in this Country, the Commanders of it will not hear their Complaint, for fear they should discourage the French from buying them. Another Thing is, it brings Silver Money in­to the Country, and they have but little of it: So I would have all my Country People take Care to keep out of their Hands, for this is their Destiny if they come, either to be Slaves, or Prisoners on Bread and Water. I do not think there is Danger of a Body of Indians attacking any Fort; for all the Forces of the French and Indians are gone to Ohio, which they call Belle Riviere.

ENOS BISHOP.

THE above was taken from a Letter sent to the Reverend Mr. Robert Breck, of Springfield, Part of which is as follows.

Reverend Sir,

I have sent this Letter copy'd from the Original, and should be glad you would take the Pains to get it published in the Publick Papers, to move the [...] of People, and to stir them to resent the Conduct of the French

[Page 12]IN short, the common Method is, all Prisoners by Agreement become the Property of the Indians, whom the French, afterwards, out of their great Humanity, purchase for some of their Country Produce, and make the Friends and Relations af­terwards pay in Silver whatever they please: And of this we have some late Instances in this Province. If they treat us thus in the Bud, what may we ex­pect when they become a great Tree.

AND is the Race of the brave Britons, and brave Batavians, and united too, whose Ancestors have so gloriously distinguished themselves in Hi­story for their noble Exploits in Defence of their Liberties and Country, so far degenerate as to bear such Treatment, and tamely submit to be conquer­ed? Tho' I believe Conquest is the least of their Thoughts; it is our absolute Destruction they mean (they will be wiser than to admit us as Neutrals) by a Parcel of Banditti, the Scum of France, the Emptyings of their Goals. It cannot be! Rouse then, my brave Countrymen, and let us take Ven­geance for the innumerable Insults we have met with. Now is your Time. Take this Opportu­nity, for you will never have another.

FOR this Purpose, it is humbly proposed, that all the Troops now under Arms upon this Conti­nent, as well as those proposed to be raised, which may in all amount to about Ten Thousand Men, take up their Winter Quarters at New-York, Al­bany, Schenectady, and Fort Hunter, and in the mean time to be adding as many more as may be thought necessary, the Fall of the Year being the best Time to enlist. Those to be employed in erecting For­tifications, clearing the Roads, and building Ves­sels upon the Lakes. This will make a Descent upon Canada early in the Spring easy. The same Squadron to continue to protect our Coast, assist us [Page 13] up the River with a few Ships, and to prevent Sup­plies from France. This will be doing what we must do at last; for Delenda of Carthage. There is no Alternate, and perhaps at ten Times the Ex­pence. This Continent cannot hold us both. With a Government whose first Principles are laid in uni­versal Rule or Dominion, a Stipulation about Boun­daries is a Contradiction in Terms. Embarkations from England, at so great a Distance for Enter­prizes of this Kind, from the Nature of our Con­stitution, will ever be precarious. This we have felt in three fruitless Attempts, which has cost the Crown and the Colonies immense Sums, besides the Loss of Credit with the Indians. Here is a fair Opportunity of recovering all. Here will be no Transports, those Banes of all Expeditions, wanted, I hope, but for carrying off Prisoners. And here I cannot help observing of what infinite Advan­tage the Re-taking of Cape-Breton would be to the general System. While the French have a Foot of Ground upon, or near, this Continent, we shall have no Peace. It is from thence their Fleets and Privateers, destined for our Destruction, are re­freshed and supplied with Provisions, and other Ne­cessaries, from our own Colonies, of which we shall soon feel the fatal Effects, should our brave Admirals leave it untaken.

WE may meet with some Rebuffs and Disappoint­ments at first, such as our late One near Fort Du Quesne, never to be accounted for; and such as, perhaps, never did happen, and probably may never happen again. What other can be expect'd for some Time, from a People used to Business and Labour, and of Course timid, when they have at first to deal with a Race of Men born and bred for Desolation and Plunder. Let not a few Disap­pointments of this Kind discourage [...] but rather [Page 14] incite our Resentment. This is Virgil's Advice, [...] Malis, sed contra andentior ito. It may be our Turn next; and one such Blow will go a great Way to do their Business; whereas a great many on their Side will affect us but little. Let us but avoid, or at least be prepared for surprizes, and the whole Affair will be but an Amusement, espe­cially as we are now in a fair Way of starving of them. You are never to expect a fair Encounter, unless they are three Times your Number, which will be our Faults if ever they are. As I have given you my Opinion of the Quixotism of our Trains of Artillery, and European military Disci­pline, I cannot help observing upon the Cloathing of our Men; to see a brave Fellow, tuck'd at all Points, with a great heavy Hat of two or three Pounds Weight, instead of a light fierce-looking Cap. A Coat, Waistcoat, and Breeches, that I am confident will weigh as much as six Frenchmens, or twelve Indians, such I mean as we meet with in the Wood-Fighters, or Coureurs de Bois, instead of a light Jacket and Blanket. A Pair of Shoes of about two or three Pounds, instead of Indian Shoes of two or three Ounces. A Hanger, a heavy Musket, and Bayonet seldom used but to withstand the Shock of a Body of Horse, or in a close Engage­ment, which it is not very probable will be the Case soon with us, instead of a light Carbine, or Indian Fusee, and a small Hatchet, to which I should prefer a small Lance, Harpoon Fashion. Thus I compute an English Soldier stands encumber­ed with a Weight of about Forty or Fifty Pounds, while that of a Frenchman or Indian is not above Twelve or Fifteen. What Service can be expect­ed from Men thus encumbered, not upon Account of the Weight only, but the Manner of the En­cumbrance, which deprives them of all Activity; [Page 15] while our Enemies, being lightly cloathed and arm­ed, are sometimes in our Front, sometimes in our Rear, and often on all Sides of us, Hussar Fa­shion, taking the Advantage of every Tree and Bush, while we, either according to Discipline, or the Weight and Encumbrance of our Accoutre­ments, must stand still, and be knocked in the Head. In short, till we fall into the same Methods of at­tacking and defending as the French and Indians do, we shall be Sufferers; the sooner then the better. As this is much after the Highland Manner, there is no­thing I more wish to see than a Thousand of those brave Fellows, with their own Officers, Wives and Children, directly from their native Hills, well settled at Niagara; and to this Expence I would chearfully contribute my Proportion.

LET us not in the mean time renounce and aban­don that Reputation which we inherit from our An­cestors, and was purchased with so much Toil, Hazard and Glory. Let the proper Funds be esta­blished, and every One take their Turn in the Field: Our Cause is just, and, with the Blessing of God, we cannot fail of Success.

BUT, O! Tempora, O! Mores.

TO see some of our Assemblies contending about their Proportions, perhaps for a few Pounds, when even our All is at Stake. To see them endeavour to dupe and jockey one another in this and other Particulars: To see even those Proportions agreed to, come in so heavily, is not a little mortifying. Hence the Root and Spring of all our Misfortunes. To those Dissentions our Enemies have trusted, de­claring [...], even some of their ablest Politicians, ‘That so many different trading Colonies, in dif­ferent interests, they were sure could never so far agree, as to give them any real Fears.’

[Page 16]HENCE the almost total Loss of all our Indians, who, on whose ever Side they fall, will in all Pro­bability cast the Balance.

LET us seriously consider the Consequences of continuing thus disunited.

LET us suppose New York attacked, and taken, while our good Neighbours are looking on to see the Event; Albany drops of Course; and of Course Hudson's-River, and every Indian upon the Con­tinent. This would effectually compleat their Sy­stem, which they have been long concerting, for driving us off the Continent, and erecting a Monar­chy greater than any perhaps we have either read or heard of.

THE first Connections with our Indians, were by the Means of Hudson's River, and Albany; and by the same Means they have subsisted ever since.

BY our late bad Management, indeed the Cove­nant Chain has contracted so much Rust, that no­thing but Time, and a better Management, will be able to clear. This our Indians have never failed to represent, as often as they had the Opportunity. In short, if we lose Hudson's-River, we may bid adieu to all Connections with them; the Conse­quences of which are obvious.

FEW People, I believe, have ever considered of what Importance the Preservation of it is.

LET us, in order to awaken us out of our Stupi­dity, suppose this Place taken, which will infallibly be the Consequence of our Indolence and Inactivity, notwithstanding all our fine Batteries, which, in the Hands of an Enemy, would add greatly to our Misfortunes. And this probably would have been the Case lately, had not his Majesty, in a very singu­lar Manner, not to be forgot by us, interposed his paternal good Offices, in directing so seasonably a British Squadron for our Protection.

[Page 17]LET us, I say, suppose this Place in the Hands of the French for twelve Months, it might in that Time be so fortified, that all the Power of Britain would hardly be able to remove them. The City perhaps might be retaken; but there are Places and Passes in that River, which, if properly fortified, they might, with their numerous Hosts of Indians, defend themselves against all the Powers on Earth. I need not name the Places.

THE Loss of Boston, or any other Place upon the Continent, is of no other Consequence than that of the Trouble and Expence of re-taking them. Hud­son's-River is the Center and Key of the Continent; it is the Basis of all our Trade and Connections with our own and foreign Indians: And if ever we lose it, we may fairly bid adieu to the Whole. The French, with their numerous Bodies of Indians, will soon drive in all our Out-settlements, starve us, and render our Towns only Traps for our Destruction.

I WILL here beg Leave to carry my Supposition a little farther: And suppose this Town, or any other Town, in the Hands of the French, can we hope for, or expect, better Terms than those which Beau­sejour lately had, that is, to be transported to Great-Britain, or some of our Islands. And is it not very natural to imagine, that all those of the best Estates, who have been so tenacious in preserving of them, will be first shipped off. Adieu then, ye Grandees, to your fine Houses, Lands, Bonds, Bills, Mort­gages, &c. and perhaps to some of your pretty Wives, and Daughters. A new Country, or Set­tlement, ought carefully to preserve the Means of in­creasing and multiplying This is the first Command, given by God himself. And what is above all, adieu to your Freedom, if you have not the good Fortune to be transported, for all cannot; this would be a [Page 18] melancholy Parting indeed; but is there not all the Reason in the World to believe it would be the Case.

AS for my own Part, all that I should wish up­on such an Occasion, would be, that some hungry Frenchman might cast his Eye upon my little Habi­tation, which I would readily give up for Trans­portation; though I should rather it were to some of the Dutch Settlements, than stand the everlast­ing Reproach of my own Countrymen, which must be the Case, if there is any Truth in the above Cal­culation.

I HAVE but little to say, in regard to the young Men of our Province, who have shewn so little Spirit upon this critical Occasion, and who seem to be fonder of a Cupboard than a Camp. The Part­ing from their Mistresses, Sweet-hearts and Bottle, no Doubt will create some Whining for a While. The Ladies, it is to be hoped, however, will soon get over it, as there is nothing more despicable in their Eyes than Cowardice.

I HAD the Pleasure, a few Nights ago, to be in Company with a Room-full of young Ladies, who shewed the highest Resentment of our late Misfor­tunes upon the Ohio, declaring one and all, that if they were Men they would go—and, &c. This however convinced me, that they really would do every Thing in their Power to serve their Country in this critical Juncture, and only wanted to be put in a Way. I would therefore humbly propose, that they should all enter into an Association, not to admit any Youth of the Age of Eighteen to the smallest Share of their good Graces, until such Time as they had either laid a French Scalp, bona Fide taken, at their Feet, or shewed a Wound received in Front, in the Defence of their Country, or produced a Cer­tificate from some Commanding Officer of their having served one Campaign in the Service of their [Page 19] Country. This, duly observed, would, in all Pro­bability have a wonderful good Effect upon our young Men.

‘THE Wretch, says a grave Author, who, dur­ing the Times of Danger, is not ashamed to linger at Home, and chuses to lead a lazy, saun­tring, unprofitable Life, canvassing the Actions of others, questioning and enquiring after News, should no longer be permitted to eat the Bread of the Diligent and Laborious; for thus these dome­stick Loiterers spend and waste their miserable Hours. There is nothing in human Nature, says he, so wretched, as this unaccountable Humour of preferring a little dear-bought Ease and present Pleasure to our own Happiness, and that of our Posterity.’

LET not our common People, however, exult at an Event of this Kind, or at the Distresses of their Betters, or rejoice at the Exchange of Masters, as they have but little to lose, there is but little Hopes of their being transported. It is true, they will find full Employment upon the Fortifications, Bat­teries, and other Services of their new King; but give me Leave to assure them, that a little salt Pro­visions, with sometimes Bread, and sometimes none, and a Penny a Day for Garlick, or Tobacco, must content them; and there is no complaining, but at the Risque of being chained to an Oar for [...].

‘IF the Fate of Kingdoms, says a late Au­thor, is lodged in a just and impartial Hand, what but the grossest Self-flattery can banish our Fears? And if our Fears are banished, leave it not unobserved, that our very Want of Fear is a Proof of our Danger:— For Heaven infa­tuates when it determines to destroy.’

THUS, my good Friends, and Countrymen, the Danger is apparent; and I have endeavoured to [Page 20] point out the Remedy in plain, and, I hope, intel­ligible Terms: Hard Words, and refined Periods, are none of my [...].

HERE is Liberty▪ with all its Blessings attending it; a sacred Deposite, lodged with you by your An­cestors, at the Expence of many Lives and much Treasure, and which you ought, at all Events, to hand down to your Children and Posterity; and Slavery, with its Train of Miseries, in your Choice; in which, I pray GOD direct you; the one or the other will most infallibly be the Result of your pre­sent Councils and Resolutions.

O FREEDOM! sovereign Boon of Heaven,
Great Charter, with our Being given;
For which the Patriot, and the Sage,
Have plann'd, have bled, in every Age:
High Privilege of human Race,
Beyond a mortal Monarch's Grace;
Who cou'd not give, who cannot claim,
What but from GOD immediate came.
The END.

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