LETTER I.

YOU see the Upshot of the Informa­tion against the BISHOPS; his Maje­sty was in the Camp at Hounslow, the Soldiers huzza'd at the News, as loudly as the Mob at Westminster-Hall. Mob! did I say? It was a Multitude of Nobility, Gen­try and Citizens of the best Note. The King was terribly chagrin'd; he ask'd what Noise was that? They told him, No­thing, but the Soldiers rejoicing at the Acquittal of the Bishops. Do you call that Nothing, says he? ^* Wright is an excellent Chief; the Most Christian King might find him a very useful Magistrate in Lan­guedoc, at this Time. The Command of a Province in Turkey would admirably suit his Genius. The Forms of the Law of [Page 2] England were a great Restraint upon his Zeal; the Spirit of Tyranny in his Office, and Adulation towards his Prince (which generally go together) had such an Ascen­dant over him, that he broke thro' all De­cency; he could not converse with Mr. Justice Powell upon the Points of Law, without mal-treating him: He has such an Aversion to poor Sir B. Shower, and had at the same Time so little Command of his Temper, that he insulted him, tho' he was for the Prosecution. This arbitrary Behaviour of great Magistrates in silencing Counsel, whose Faces they do not like, is of greater Consequence to the Public than People generally seem to apprehend: But a fitter Opportunity of treating the Man ill could hardly be chosen; for the Generality of the Audience were prejudic'd against him, on Account of the Service he was engaged in, and were therefore pre­pared to approve of all the ill Usage that could be offer'd to him: On the other hand, the King had little Occasion for him, for the Sollicitor-General was a Minion, as scurrilous as Billingsgate, as prostitute and impudent as Drury-Lane. When this Tryal is printed, I hope the odious Co­lours that the principal Characters will ap­pear in, both at the Bar and on the Bench, will have a good Effect on the Gentlemen [Page 3] of the Profession for the growing Genera­tion, as young Spartans were taught to hate Drunkenness by seeing the odious Ef­fects of it upon their Slaves. If Judges and Statesmen would only examine them­selves by the Faults of those who stand con­demned in History, and ask Questions like these; Am I Hubert de Burgo? Am I Tre­silian? Am I Sejanus? Am I Villers? Am I guilty of the Crime for which this Man's Memory is justly hated? I say, were Men thus to reflect, they would forget the Tip-Staves, the Trainbearer and Collar of SS. the Coronet and the Blue Ribbon: They would not bear being branded Villains to Posterity; and if true Philanthropy and Patriotism could not enter into every Breast, there would at least be an Appearance of them, Men would learn to be affable, be­nign, Lovers of Justice, or to seem so; there would be that Resemblance of the Virtues, that Mankind would be deceived and satis­fied. Don't tell me of a Man's Eminence in his Profession, or the high Post he fills in the State; his Learning and Knowledge of the World have not enlarged his Mind; he is still a little poor Wretch, if he does not remember what a small Part he makes among the Current of Ages. He looks about him, and fancies the present Scene the only one of great Importance, that [Page 4] Time has produc'd; and, three to one, esteems himself the most considerable Character exhibited in it. Where was this Man bred? Is he ignorant what a Racket the School-Boys make with Alexander, and Caesar, and Sylla; with Cato and Brutus, and Aristides? But enough of this. I sup­pose we shall have the Tryal printed in a Month: In the mean while I send you Part of what Mr. Somers said; he was Junior Counsel for the Bishops; he was very brief, is much applauded for that little he did say, but I suppose will not sudden­ly be made a Judge, nor King's Counsel neither. The Heat of Mens Minds at the Trial was violent on all Sides. ^* Williams did not scruple to say, that if the Bi­shops were commanded to do any Thing against their Consciences, they should have acquiesced till the Meeting of the Parlia­ment, they should not have petitioned. And this vile immodest Assertion was re­ceived with sufficient Indecency: People hiss'd at him for that and for something else in his Speech, as you would at a very bad Play. Mr. Justice Powell's Zeal, on the other Side, was so eager to settle the Point, that the Petition was no Libel, that he did not stick to affirm to the Jury, that it could [Page 5] not be a Libel, unless it were false: But this, I fear, is false Doctrine in our Law, tho' 'tis to be wish'd it were true: I only men­tion it, to shew you what a Ferment the World is in. Upon the Whole, 'tis thought by some of the wisest and most loyal Peo­ple in the Kingdom, that we have but a dismal Prospect before us. 'Tis evident, that if the Grand Monarch don't effectu­ally interpose and pinch the Dutch, the Prince of Orange will speedily invade the Kingdom. If he should succeed, what loyal Breast can bear to think the Conse­quences? Will he come here, like a Hero in Romance, only to mind other Peoples Business, and then be gone again? I trem­ble to reflect what is to become of sacred Majesty, to recollect the shocking Fates of imprison'd English Kings, our Edward, Richard, and the Royal Martyr, his Adage was verified in them all. On the other hand, what if the Prince should be pre­vented, or be defeated? What Protestant Soul is not shaken, in the midst of all its Loyalty, to think of the Wonders that may be wrought both in Religion and Liberty, by the Gentlemen at Hounslow. 'Tis true, the Majority of them are Protestants at present, and many of their Officers are Men of Quality and Fortune (I am sorry, for the King's sake, I can only say Majority) [Page 6] but 'tis as true, that if there be not Papists and Soliders of Fortune enough in England, there are in Scotland and Ireland, to shift out the Protestants and Men of Worth; and then if the Cause of the Bishops or of Magdalen-College should be brought before them, they will do Business in a Stile yet more concise than Wright and Allybone, or Jefferies and the Bishop of Chester can pre­tend to. But should their Establishment be in Consequence of an Invasion and of a Victory obtain'd against the Invader, then may we expect to see a standing Army made Part of the Constitution. Whenever that happens, Parliaments can't be long-liv'd. The Soldier will never starve while the Housholder has any Thing to eat. How happy should we be, if the King would con­tent himself with 100 or 1000 Masses a-Day for the Good of his own Soul, and permit his good Subjects to go to the Devil, if they liked: But we are come to this miserable Option, The King or the People must be ruin'd; and the Wonder is, The King him­self makes the Dilemma. I forgot to tell you, that Serjeant Pemberton in his Argument took Occasion to mention Popery, and boldly said, 'twas the very worst of all Re­ligions.

LETTER II.

I Agree with you, that Kings might be­nefit by reading History with Attention, as much as their Ministers and Judges, per­haps they might much more, as the Sphere they move in is higher. I wish ours had observ'd in the Life of his Grandfather ^* Henry the Great, or Davila's History of the Holy League, that the wisest Hugonot in France advis'd the King to turn Papist, or give up all Thoughts of the Crown: The Parallel is natural. The very Palace of Whitehall, his Father's Statue at Charing-Cross, ought to be effectual Memento's of the Rage of a jealous People, who fear at once for Religion and Property. If once our zealous London Herd break loose, not all the Magic in the Roman Missal will be able to charm them, not all the Thun­der in the Vatican to frighten them: And 'tis believed, ^† that Jupiter would be a pleased Spectator of the Broil.

The military Gentlemen are the only useful Folks on such Emergencies, and they will hardly be persuaded to destroy [Page 8] their own Religion. There must be a Reform first, and a Recruit from Scotland and Ireland. Indeed if a King of England were only to desire to enslave his Peo­ple, an Army would make the Game sure: No Matter how, or on what Occa­sion they came together, they naturally re­solve to continue together; for that is their very Life and Existence: Like Bodies in the animal World, they endeavour their own Preservation, and that is by the De­struction of the Rights of Mankind; Food as proper for them, as Grass for Oxen; having neither Liberty nor Property them­selves, they readily concur to destroy them in others; that is only levelling; but it ends better still for them; for when they have enslaved the People, they are rewarded with the easiest Chains, the uppermost Rank among Slaves, and often find out their own Strength, and please themselves in chopping and changing their Masters. I can't be particular on a sudden; but I believe Rome and Constantinople afford forty or fifty Instances to this Purpose.

But we have at present, Religion mixed with our Politics, and that puts us out of all Danger; for who doubts the Religion of an Army? Perhaps every one does not apprehend it; but seriously, Armies some­times have Religion. When Henry III. of [Page 9] France was murder'd in his Camp, his great Successor lost two Thirds of the Army in a Month, by Desertion, because of his Dif­ference in Religion, tho' they all ador'd him for many Royal Virtues. Who denies Religion, such as it was, to our British Armies of Covenanters? There was indeed one Army of Roman Catholicks in the last War in Ireland, who prefer'd their Loyalty to one of the Tenets of their Religion: The Pope's Nuncio excommunicated the Earl of Clanrickard and his Adherents for continuing steady in their Allegiance to King Charles; and the Earl of Clanrickard, at the Head of his Army, excommunicated the Pope's Nuncio by Beat of Drum. But as to our own Army, let its Religion be what it will, I wish the King had Impres­sions somewhat weaker than he has of Church-of -England-Loyalty. Some over­weening Doctors have persuaded him, that we are all Saints, but when we are brought to a severe Test, the most of us will be found mere frail Sinners. I wish those di­vine Gentlemen had mixed a moderate Proportion of human Prudence with their politic Theology, that Principles might not be strain'd till they break. His Con­fessors should consider what an unkingly, an ungenerous Conclusion they inculcate. The Principles of the Church of England oblige [Page 10] her Sons to endure every Thing, therefore we will bruise them with a Rod of Iron. Are such Men fit to rule Kingdoms? are they sit to govern a Grammar-School?

LETTER III.

THE too near Neighbourhood of Holland has thrown our Administra­tion into a violent Ague; the hot Fit and the cold quickly succeed each other. Pub­lick Justice is in a fluctuating Condition, it depends on the Winds and Weather, like the Rate of Insurance of Ships on their Voyages. By the Proceedings of the High-Commission-Court, we know which Way the Wind blows; 'tis a mere Barometer, with this Difference from the common Experiment with Mercury, that the Credit and Power of that Court rise high with a Westerly Wind or a Storm; an Easterly Gale sinks them down to nothing.

An old Gentleman, a Friend of mine, determin'd to mount in Armour for his Majesty, when first he heard of this Inva­sion; he has an inveterate Enmity to the Whigs, for cutting down his Timber in the Days of Sequestration: But indeed this [Page 11] last low, little Shuffling, between Grace and Oppression, has brought him to have a very mean Opinion of the Royal Candour and Integrity, as well as of the Wisdom and Honesty of the Counsellors: And now my Friend is resolved to wait the Event of Affairs in a whole Skin; an Alteration which I strongly suspect to have happen'd to many! and even to some of the military People. The Instability of our Councils is a sure Symptom of a languishing Cause: A Soul by Turns so temerarious and pusil­lanimous, as on every little Opportunity to fly out into Acts of Wrong, and on every little Check shamefully to cry, Peccavi: Such a soul is only fit to animate the worst of Tyrants. I think 'twas Caligula that would run and hide under the Bed when it thunder'd, but could piss on the Statues of the Gods when he thought the Danger was over; and it was he too, that wish'd the People of Rome had but one Neck, that he might destroy them at a Stroke. Surely the Ministers design to pervert Peo­ple from their Loyalty; they could never else give such manifest Occasion for Defec­tion. A Verbose Frenchman told the Car­dinal de Richlieu, that God might rest the Government of the whole World on the Cardinal's Wisdom: If this Compliment were true, our Country might afford a to­lerable [Page 12] Contrast; for we have got Statesmen equal to the Task, if the Almighty in his Wrath should resolve to destroy the World by the Pravity of human Councils. But he that brings Good out of Evil, is yet able to save us.

LETTER IV.

I Don't wonder you should suspect me to be almost a Whig, for 'tis most certain, I can't persuade myself to draw a Sword to destroy my Religion and Liberty: And yet I wish a Temper could be found to save both Prince and People. It is true, that there are Dangers to be apprehended from the Invader, and that must be the Case let who will draw the Sword for us. I also agree with you, that there is no natural Connection between Popery and Slavery; that the Design of imposing both at once on this Nation is only accidental; that a Pro­testant Prince may forge Chains for his Peo­ple as well as a Popish one; that Protestant Danes are Slaves, and Popish Switzers Free­men: But thus stands our particular Case, Our Prince has avow'd a Design to govern without Law; the Invader disclaims that [Page 13] odious Project: We are certain of our Ruin on the one Hand, we have some reasonable Hopes of escaping on the other.

It would not be easy for the Invader im­mediately to become absolute: That would depend upon a Standing-Army. The Power he brings won't be sufficient to effect his principal Enterprize without a large Con­currence of Englishmen; and the Officers will be generally People of Families who will hardly on a sudden concur with Fo­reigners to enslave themselves: And I think the Prince's Hands will be too full of Ene­mies both at home and abroad, to hazard the Loss of his new Friends as soon as he has got them, and to provoke the same People who invited him in, to turn him out again. No Ministers that he can em­ploy will suddenly give such Advice. Even Ministers don't love Standing-Armies; don't desire to see their Prince above Law, unless they have had time enough to commit Crimes that make them afraid of Law, and glad of the Refuge of an arbitrary Protection: they approve of, and advance an absolute Power to protect them, only in Proportion to their own Necessities. A Man who has acquir'd a good Fortune, naturally wishes to secure his Property in it, and to transmit that Property safe to his Posterity: Nothing but the Terrors that attend on Guilt can [Page 14] alter that Desire, and they indeed can alter it. If he knows that his injur'd Country has had Cause to demand Vengeance upon him, he verifies the Devil's Observation, All that a Man hath will he give for his Life.

LETTER V.

WE have it from the best Authority, that, When a Man's Works please the Lord, he maketh his Enemies to be at Peace with him. Since this is so, 'tis plain the King's Works have not pleased the Lord; for his Servants, his intimate Confidants, his very Children have deserted him. From the Highest to the Lowest! the Prince and Princess of Denmark, the Lord Churchill, the Magistrates, the very Footmen and common Soldiers shift for themselves, and avoid his ruin'd Fortune. The Royal So­vereign's sinking; the very Rats, as by In­stinct, have quit it.

The Prince of Orange must devise a Motto more expressive of Success, than, Veni, Vidi, Vici; for he has got a potent King­dom without striking a Stroke. And yet a Thousand of these Instances can't make weak Princes wise. Had ours been less [Page 15] happy on the first Day of his Reign, he might perhaps have escaped his Errors and Misfortunes. His Purse was full, his Peo­ple rich, his Revenue so large that it hardly requir'd an Addition to maintain a great Army: His Nobility and Gentry, his Clergy and Universities, his Counties and Boroughs, professed their Loyalty in the most affec­tonate Terms; and yet in less than four Years time to use them all so ill, that Af­fection or Loyalty to him should hardly be found in the whole Nation! 'Tis prodi­gious!

H—, who is particularly pleased with this Turn of Affairs, says that Waller pro­phesied it in his Poem on the Marriage of the Prince and Princess of Orange, he points out these Lines for that Purpose.

[Page 16] But if Waller prophesied, he prophesied un­wittingly, like Caiaphas the High Priest, or perhaps like Virgil in his Pollio, for he was too devoted to the Court, and had too little Pain for his Country, to dream of what has happen'd at this Day.

LETTER VI.

I Don't suppose that the Country is in perfect Tranquillity: Our Tumults in Town certainly equal those at Constantinople when they depose their Sultans. I should not like, at present, to be mistaken for a Papist, much less for a Jesuit in the Streets of London. We must never more pretend to be a civilized People, nor call the Asia­ticks, nor Africans, Barbarous. 'Tis a Re­proach to the Nation, that no Method is found to restrain the Licence of the raging Multitude. Not content with hunting the Priests and Friars, and demolishing their Popish Countrymen, they have violated the Law of Nations, the Character of Ambas­sadors has not been sacred to them.

If one could be a mere Spectator of their Pranks, (without any Concern for the Re­putation of our Country) they have been exhibiting a Farce to us, ridiculous enough [Page 17] in Conscience; they have by Mistake fal­len upon their best Friend the Spanish Am­bassador, as Sir Martin Marr-all often does upon his trusty Servant Warner. They little know how devoted the Don is to their Party. There are also great Num­bers among them who rise to pillage, and would be glad to plunder the Rich of both Parties.

It is wonderful, that those who are most deeply concerned, were the last in the Kingdom to foresee these Calamities. Sure­ly Men are infatuated on these Occasions. We hardly find in History a weak Prince who foresees his own Ruin a Month be­forehand: Nay, they are generally more secure near the Crisis of their Fate than ever they were before, as if Solomon's Observation were constantly to be veri­fied, Pride cometh before Destruction, and an haughty Spirit before a Fall.

LETTER VII.

JActa est Alea, We have drawn the Sword and thrown away the Scab­bard: We have put it out of our Power to retreat. Some thought that in Conse­quence [Page 18] of laying aside the King, the Birth of the Young Gentleman would naturally have been the next Enquiry; and indeed if he had been left in the Kingdom, it could not easily have been avoided. But I suppose his Friends thought the Air of London bad for his Health; for if you look into the Bills of Mortality, you will find, that abundance of Children drop off under two Years of Age. Now since he is gone, if the late King's Abdication (I think that is the Word) be right, it will be also right to reject the Youth tho' his Birth should be ever so Royal; for will not he have Education and ^* Advice from Priests and Jesuits, and other wicked Persons of the Church of Rome? Not that the History of the Warming-Pan is wholly to be lost; Men of different Complexions are capable of different Reasonings and different Faiths. One Man may renounce him for being the Son of King James, and another for not being so.

This new Word Abdicate has occasioned a great Display of Learning on the Debate of the Vote. It seems our own Law (which says, the King can do no Wrong) was too modest to supply a Word proper [Page 19] for the present Purpose, so that the Civilians were so kind as to lend us this Term of Art. I believe I shall be able to send you the whole Debate in a little Time; I shall therefore for the present only obviate a Mistake, which some Gentlemen have fal­len into; as if by the Word, Abdicate, the King's Flight were only intended. It would have been too severe to deprive him of his Crown for flying, when it was not safe for him to stay: And I am well informed that it stands in the Vote neither to mean his Flight, nor any express Decla­ration of his; but it will be best understood by comparing Mr. Somers's Explanation of it with the Vote itself. ‘ A Man, says he, may Abdicate a Thing when he does an Act which is inconsistent with the re­taining it, tho' there be not an express Renunciation. Calvin 's Lexic: Juridic: (Generum Abdicat, qui sponsam Repudiat) he that divorces his Wife, abdicates his Son-in-Law.’ I transcribe the Vote for you, lest you should not have it by you.

‘ Resolved, That King James the Second, having endeavoured to subvert the Consti­tution of the Kingdom, by breaking the Original Contract between King and People; and by the Advice of Jesuits and other wicked Persons having violated the fundamental Law, and withdrawn him­self [Page 20] out of the Kingdom, hath Abdicated the Government, and that the Throne is thereby Vacant.’

The other Vote for filling the Throne (which sets the Prince on it as well as the Princess, the executive Power to be in him) is something like Harry the Seventh's Accession, or rather stronger and more ex­plicite; for his Pretensions to an Heredi­tary Right were well known, but he thought it prudent to leave the Matter complicated.

There is nothing new in this whole Transaction, nor more wonderful than what has happened heretofore in many other Kingdoms. On such violent Concus­sions new Families have sometimes sprung up, and sometimes Democracies. Great Earthquakes change the Courses of Rivers, level Mountains and raise the Vallies.

LETTER VIII.

THey tell us Wonders here of the English Colony of Londonderry in Ireland, they fight and strave like the ancient Saguntines. They deserve our early Care of them; for if we have done [Page 21] right, I am sure they cannot be in the Wrong: Their Grievances and their Dangers were much more importunate than our own. I thought every Thing degenerated which was carried into that Country: It seems I am mistaken; or perhaps Oppression, which makes a wise Man Mad, can also make a Coward Valiant. I fear we are generally too partial to our own Home, and injuri­ously so with Regard to our Neighbours. A true-bred English Squire believes his Countrymen to be more powerful, more valiant, more wealthy, more numerous, more polite, more learned, more wise, not ouly than any other Nation, but than all the Nations on the Face of the Earth put together: If we could look on other Countries with an impartial Eye, we might see, that they have Numbers of People, and Sources of Wealth, and that they can either think or fight as well as ourselves. The old Aldermen in all our Country-Boroughs have learned from Baker's Chro­nicle the Successes of our Edwards and our Henries against France: They also know enough of our Story to tell us that Scot­land was not with us in those Days, and that Ireland was of no Benefit to us; but they forget, that the best Provinces of mo­dern France were then under Princes of their own, mortal Enemies to that Crown; [Page 22] they do not perceive the intestine Disorders which made Way for the English Arms; Nor how easy it was for a Neighbouring Prince who had their Royal Blood in his Veins to make Parties among a People of his own Religion, and how impossible that Piece of Policy has been rendered by the Reformation: Modern France has at least twenty Millions of People, and the whole British Empire not half that Num­ber. The like Alteration has been pro­duced in Spain, long since our Black Prince made a Figure on that Part of the Conti­nent. That Country, of many Kingdoms, is become one, So that tho our ancient Kings in the Holy War may have been as great and powerful as any of their Neigh­bours; yet we have Reason to suspect, that not even the Access of Scotland under the same Allegiance with us, nor the Growth of Ireland in People, in Civility, and in Wealth, have been able to make us keep Pace with the vast Increase of Power in the Crowns of France and Spain since the Times I mentioned. And Hea­ven only knows what Scotland will do now

If we expect to be of Importance in Europe, ought we not to make a Coali­tion with those who are both of our own Blood and our own Religion, and not [Page 23] force them by Hardships into a Spirit of Faction? Cromwell in one of his Parlia­ments rejected many Boroughs, and in­creased the Number of Representatives for Counties: I have been told the late Lord Clarendon used to say, That this was an Amendment to be wished for in better TIMES. Oliver brought the Representa­tives of the Three Kingdoms to sit in one Parliament: Is not this also an Alteration to be wished for at all Times? It is a Pro­position which indeed ought to be an Axiom in our Politicks, that these King­doms can never make a great and happy Empire, whilst the constituent Parts envy the Prosperity of each other, whilst the Stronger oppresses the Weaker, and the Weaker is tempted to wish for an Oppor­tunity to chuse a milder Lord, or even to set up for an Independency; which we must never think a Thing impossible, be­cause in the last Century our Great-Grand­fathers saw Seven little Districts break loose from the other Ten (the whole being but a small Part of a mighty Empire) and set up for themselves with such swift Success, as in the same Generation to beat their old Soveraign off the Ocean; and in the pre­sent Century have not our Fathers seen the Revolt of Portugal from the same ex­tended Empire, tho Portugal is a Country, [Page 24] neither spacious, populous, nor warlike; not defended from Spain by the Dangers of boisterous Seas, nor by the Difficulties of Alps or Appenines.

The People of Ireland cannot be supposed ignorant of their own Story; and indeed it is hard to find out, what has made them Slaves? or to be considered as a con­quered People? especially if it be true, that at least Nine Tenths of the Land-Estate in that Kingdom is at present in the conque­rors Hands; and that this present War will probably make the like Division of the other Tenth, and this by the Aid and Arms of the English Protestants of Ireland. Do Englishmen become Slaves by Conquering? These are Restrained Provincial-Politicks. Let us shew that a limited Monarchy can increase and thrive as well as an absolute one. Let us only rival Foreigners; but let us not depress one Country, Province, or Member of our own Empire, in Hopes to raise another. I suppose if the Common-Council of London could make Laws for all England, we should have all the Manu­factures of all the different Cities and Counties restrained to the Freemen of Lon­don only, and only to be carried on within the Sound of Bow-bell: Norwich or Taun­ton might probably take as great a Liking to the Woollen Manufacture, and Birm­ingham [Page 25] to the Monopoly of Hard-Ware. What Pity it is that such hopeful Schemes are not carried into Execution! How rich would they render the Nation! How power­ful the Prince in Proportion to the other Kings of Europe! How securely we should engross our Manufactures without any Danger of being under-sold by our Neigh­bours! Tho' we have no Occasion to ex­tend the Limits of the British Empire, yet, we should pursue such Maxims as will make it flourish, for Nature has done her Part for us. Our Situation tells us that we have no Business on the Continent; that if France or Spain should make a Present to us of a Dozen strong Towns in Flanders, they would not be worth the Keeping, and we should only have Occasion to re­solve into what Hands to put them. The common Experience of every Trader will tell us, that our Manufactures must be made cheap, if we would sell cheap; and that if our Neighbours can under-sell us, we may leave off Trade. We ought always to remember that the Woollen Manufacture came from Flanders, and the Silk from France, to England, and both by the Means of Oppression, no Matter whether Religious or Political (tho I think Grotius insists that the Netherlands fought for Liberty, not for Religion) it should [Page 26] therefore be our Care, that, in guarding against a Rival in Trade, we do not mistake our Mark; and that when we suppress the Irish whose whole Profits center with us, and add to our Power, we do not advance the French, and strengthen the Hands of our most dangerous, our Hereditary Enemy. It would indeed be a grateful Return for the Present which they have wisely made us within these last twen­ty Years of a large Numbers of their industri­ous Artizans; but, I believe, the most scru­pulous English Casuist will be content to remain in their Debt on this Account.

I shall not at present undertake to shew the Probability that, letting Ireland into a full Trade and into an Union too, would inrich and aggrandize this Kingdom: I fear you would believe I had taken too many Paradoxes on my Hands at once; but if I find you can digest Part of the Doctrines already advanced, I shall take another Op­portunity to shew that the true Scheme of National Trade is, to disperse the Multi­tude of Working-Hands thro the cheapest Provinces, and that then you will have Gold as Brass, and Silver as Stones in the Streets of your Metropolis. I would at­tempt to prove, that nothing but a flourish­ing Trade, supported by wise Treaties, brought Jerusalem to that happy Condi­tion in the Days of Solomon: He raised [Page 27] great but not heavy Taxes, for his Wisdom had brought such a Balance of Trade to his Kingdom, that his People were well able to bear them; they never murmured at them till they got a weak Man for their King, who expected to reap what he had not sown; and I do not read (tho Jerusalem was the Seat of Empire, and Solomon was of the Tribe of Judah) that there was any Difference made to the Prejudice of the Commerce of the rest of the Tribes. I could wish to give you a Sketch of the British Isles united in one Interest and one Parliament, then might we hope for the Dominion of all the Isles of the Bay of Mexico and of the Ocean. A Dominion more open for us to acquire, and more easy to retain, than any the most incon­siderable Part of the Continent of Europe.

There is one Thing to be lamented in our Management of Foreign Acquisitions. We get an uselels Access of Land, at a great Expence of our People. We hardly ever make a new Subject; we do not natu­ralize and conciliate the Minds of the Na­tives where we come. And we have been in all Ages in the same Temper: We were near five hundred Years reducing Ireland: We sent Soldiers thither, and gave them Land: They did not, indeed, settle methodically in great Numbers and make populous Co­lonies; [Page 28] but they built Castles every where in the Country; made Alliances with the Natives, and degenerated by thousands, so that the Task of reclaiming degenerate English was formerly more difficult than that of civilizing the Natives. And the Losses which England sustained from Age to Age by this bad Policy have been so large and so frequent, that perhaps it might be affirmed with Truth, that more Englishmen have from Time to Time been sent into Ireland than the present Number of its Inhabitants amount to. Had we sent regular Colonies thither, and trans­planted good Numbers of their Natives (especially their Children) into the several Counties of England, we should soon have found it a profitable Undertaking. This was the Method of Assyria and Rome too, and now is only practiced by the Turk: He takes from Christians great Numbers of Children, and makes them the most bigotted Musselmen: They recruit his Armies, and indeed without this Policy, it were impossible he should have Mahome­tan Subjects: Such has been the Profusion of Blood in the Turkish Wars, and so nu­merous are the Christians within those Do­minions.

I have sometimes thought it bad Oeco­nomy, that our East-India and African [Page 29] Companies do not by Degrees buy up and educate some hundreds of the Children of the Natives where their Settlements are, and breed them Christians and Soldiers from Father to Son. It is a fond Partiality to fancy they would have less Faith or less Courage than those who are sent from hence: I am persuaded they would have the Advantage in both Respects; they might easily know more Religion and less Vice than the People who generally take those Journies; would better endure the Climates; and as for Courage and Military Skill, these are chiefly to be acquired: The Nations have had and lost them in their Turns. The Proprietors in these Com­panies are more than Tenants for Life; their Stock goes to their Executors; and if the Companies Estate advances in Value, so does every Share of each Proprietor: This ought to encourage them to provide for the future. Nor would it be found a grievous Burthen on the common Stock to execute such a Scheme: Food being cheap, and but little Rayment necessary in all the Settlements, the Expence might be defrayed by the Labour of the Children, except the prime Cost of purchasing them.

The Earl of Shaftesbury is allowed to have been the great Wheel of Affairs, and has certainly contributed to bring about this [Page 30] Revolution as much as Queen Maria D'Este or King William the Third; but whether in the Spirit of Rome or Geneva is a nice Question. Perhaps he was in utrumque paratus, and (as cunning Game­sters practice) when he found he had made his Bets on the wrong Side, was wise enough to move off betimes. He now affects to be thought innocent of all the Blunders, and lawless Acts of Power in the last Reign; to have advised against them, but constantly to have been over­ruled by the Italian and Spiritual Counsels co-inciding with his Master's Bigottry.— Credat Judaeus Apella. Can he who bowed his Knee to Baal, who gave up his Redeemer for Idolatry to please his Prince, be supposed incapable of giving up his Country into the Bargain?

He stands at present under the Proscrip­tion of both Monarchs; but which is in iest, which in earnest, as News-Mongers say, we must leave to Time to discover. Our Henry the Seventh used to make a stalking Horse of Mother Church, and ex­communicated his best Friends at St. Paul's- Cross, when by his Command they offered their Service to Perkin Warbeck on pur­pose to betray him. It is possible that the Earl may have precipitated his Master's Measures with a Design to bring about the [Page 31] Revolution; it is possible he may have on the contrary endeavoured to prevent the dangerous Steps which have been taken; but he can never be justifyed in either Light. He ought to have withdrawn from the Scene of Iniquity, and not to have acted one of the most considerable Parts in it. When Lord Chancellor Finch was com­manded to put the great Seal to my Lord Danby's Pardon, he represented it as Illegal, and surrendered the Seal. This should be the Behaviour of all honest Men on the like Occasion. Nor had his Master (who was a Man of fine Understanding) the worse Opinion of his Chancellor.

Whatever Figure our Earl may happen to make hereafter; we should remember, that a good Judge of Life has made it a Precept of Wisdom to wonder at nothing. ^* And indeed human Nature is so fickle, Fortune so Sportive, and the World has al­ready seen so much Variety; that if we are moderately read in History, There is nothing can happen, to deserve our Admira­tion.

The Military Gentlemen have been un­der a Parliamentary Inspection. They have (as was very natural to them) brought [Page 32] upon us some of the crying Evils which afflicted the worst Part of the Reign of King Charles the 1 st. and this in spite of the Bill of Rights.

We provide and pay for them all, but the Colonel robs the inferior Officer, the inferior Officer robs the common Soldier, and the common Soldier must of Course extort free Quarter upon the unarmed Countryman. They subtract the Soldier's Pay, and send him to demand Subsistence-Money from his Landlord. I suppose these People have got these pretty Notions in Flander; by conversing with out German Allies, this free-Quarter with a new Name, the very Bane of the Empire, and what must in Process of Time establish the Do­minion of France over the greatest Part of Germany. Those Princes look on free Quarters as a more compendious Method of maintaining an Army than regular Pay­ments; and instead of taking a Part of the Farmer's Wealth, they suffer him to be robbed of All.

The French, and even the Turks, tho' they waste an Enemy's Country with Fire and Sword, yet govern their Subjects with a milder Sway. Hence it is that the People who have first experienced the Ger­man, and afterwards either of the other two Soveraigns, seldom care to return to [Page 33] their old Allegiance. And yet the Par­liament cannot see this. Tyranny has surely a great Mixture of Folly or Madness in its Composition.

There are some of our Colonels who rob an Officer under Colour of Cloath­ing him: They oblige him to take his Cloaths from whom and at what Rate they please; suppose at twenty Pounds what is worth twelve at most. As if there was any Difference between robbing a Man, and forcing him to buy at your own Price. The Officer thus plundered, naturally seeks to reimburse himself.— Torva Leaena Lupum sequitur, Lupus ipse Capellam. The King has broke one of the Colonels for it. And if one single Reason did not interpose, I could be content that a King of England were as Absolute as the Grand Signior over the Officers of his Army or Revenue. I am not afraid that he would be at a Loss for want of Colonels or Com­missioners, Captains or Collectors. They would only be more tender of transgres­sing with an Halter about their Necks, than they are now, when the greatest Punish­ment that can befal them is, to be turned out of Employment. A Punishment which some of them may find it worth their While to undergo.

[Page 34] The Objection against such a Regulation is only this, that Officers who were to live under such Absolute Power would be apt to obey without Reserve; and that blind Obedience might become fatal to the Liberties of their Country. Since then the Crown is not to be trusted with doing sum­mary Justice, I think it would be well if the Parliament took it into their own Hands; and had a standing Committee for that Pur­pose, in which no Officer should sit.

It were to be wished that every Field-Officer and Captain too had a better Re­venue in Land than the annual Value of his Commission; and even then, I would exclude him from Parliament and Parlia­mentary Elections, because he should not have it in his Power to burthen the Sub­jects to fill his own Pockets. But we have many Soldiers of Fortune in great Posts, who take large Strides to raise Families at once. What Wonder then to see a Country pillaged by Free-Quarter? A Regiment cheated of its Cloathing? or fraudulent Bargains driven for Bread or Forage? when the Profit of a single Contract, may be greater than the Value of the Post that may be lost by it.

The publick Business (1694) has been at a Stand while we have been opening a new Scene, tracing the secret Methods which are [Page 35] sometimes pursued in procuring Bills to pass in Parliament. It seems the East India Company have been placing Sums in proper Hands. The Speaker and Mr. Hunger­ford are expelled, the Speaker's Bribe was one thousand Pounds, Mr. Hungerford's but poor thirty Guineas. Surely he thought, he was taking a Fee in Westmin­ster-Hall! it is unhappy for us that such Instances are found in our Senate. Venalis Populus, Venalis Curia Patrum, was the State of Rome sinking into Slavery; it is a Symptom of a distempered Constitution, and threatens our Destruction, if we do not aid ourselves with brisk Remedies. It casts the severest Blemish on the Age we live in, that even a reasonable Bill shall meet with Rubs, and perhaps miscarry, if it do not purchase its Passage.

I believe it was never doubted, but the Corruption of Bribery alone, has always been sufficient to ruin any free People among whom it grew predominant; unless you will chuse to say, that it never came alone. It is attended with false Friendship, Breach of Faith, Perjury, neglect of the publick Interest, insatiable Avarice, pub­lick Poverty, private Wealth, boundless Luxury, endless Extortion, Fraud in all Offices, Rapine and Oppression in all the Provinces. It is no Wonder in such a Si­tuation [Page 36] that the People should wish for a Change of any Sort, for like a sick Person in grievous bodily Pain, they flatter them­selves that any Alteration must happen for the better.

And yet to get rid of this Army of Monsters, I never can think it necessary to have Recourse to Lycurgus's Scheme, to banish Gold and Silver, and leave no better Money than Iron. This Expedient might suit a Tract of Land about the Size of one of our Counties, inhabited by ten or twen­ty thousand Families who lived upon their Labour and the Fruits of their own Soil; but the World is not thus divided at this Day. We could not set forth a British Fleet on such a Fund, to keep what we have got abroad, or even to maintain us in Possession of our Home.

We need only go to Holland to observe that a People may love Money very well, without having an Opportunity to sell Justice or their Country. There will al­ways be found a sufficient Number of honest Men to serve the State, if you reduce the Value of the great Employments Ninety per Cent, from Thousands to Hundreds per Ann. A good Man will only desire to be indemnified as to the Expences of his Attendance (Moderate Expences I mean). Thus may the most considerable [Page 37] Offices be filled with the worthiest Patriots unrivalled by the Mercenaries. But instead of reducing great Employments to the Value of a competent Subsistence for the Possessors; we can shew a single Post, which half a Dozen People may enjoy at once, and every one of them make a For­tune by it.

The exorbitant Grants (1695/6) which have been made to some Favourites have justly rou­sed the Spirit of the Commons of England. The Earl of Portland particularly has so far exceeded all Bounds of Modesty, that he has got little less than the Principality of Wales, and the Lands and Lordships that should support the Heir-Apparent of Eng­land, are given to this Lord. The House has this Day unanimously addressed against this Grant, and had a gracious Answer, that it should be resumed. They came into this Temper chiefly in Consequence of an incomparable Speech which Mr. Price the Lawyer made on the Occasion: It has that Eloquence and strong reasoning in it, which are worthy the Character of a Man of Learning and Understanding, and that bold Freedom which becomes an English Patriot in his Place in Parliament. When great Men obtain Grants like these, it is well they do not ask the Kingdom also. I send [Page 38] you an Extract of Mr. Price's Speech, viz. This Petition, says he, tho' subscribed only by a few Hands has the Approbation of many Thousands who are not influenced by their own Interest, but act for the Honour of the Crown and Welfare of the British Nation.

If I could conceive how the Glory and Grandeur of England is, or can be upheld by a poor landless Crown, and a miserable necessitous People, I might then be easily persuaded to believe, that his Majesty is well advised to grant away all the Reve­nues of the Crown; and that his Govern­ment will thereby be well secured, and his People best protected, when they have little or nothing left; but I am sure they are not English, but foreign Politicians, who can revere the King and yet hate his People The Kings of England al­ways reign best, when they have the Af­fections of their Subjects of which they are secure when the People are sensible, the King is entirely in their Interest, and loves the English Soil as well as the People's Money.

I must needs confess that my Thoughts are troubled with strange Apprehensions of our deplorable State: We are in a Con­federacy in War; and some of those Con­federates [Page 39] our Enemies in Trade, tho' planted amongst us, some in the King's Council; some in the Army; and the Common Traders have possessed themselves of the Outskirts of this great City. We find some of them Naturalized and others made Denizens; In every Parliament we find En­deavours for a general Naturalization, and that warmly sollicited from Court.

We see our good Coin all gone, and our Confederates openly coining Dutch Money of a base Alloy for us. We see most Places of Power and Profit given to Foreigners. We see our Confederates in Conjunction with the Scots to ruin our English Trade. We see the Revenues of the Crown daily given away to one or other, who make Sale of them, and trans­mit their Estates elsewhere. We do not find any of them buy Lands or Estates amongst us; but what they can get from us they secure in their own Country. How can we hope for happy Days in England, when This great Lord, and the Other, Foreigners (tho' Naturalized) are in the English and also in the Dutch Coun­cils? If these Strangers (tho' now Con­federates) should be of different Interests (as most plainly they are in Point of Trade) to which Interest is it to be supposed those great Foreign Counsellors and Favourites [Page 40] would adhere? So that I foresee, that when we are reduced to extreme Poverty (as now we are very near it) we are to be supplanted by our Neighbours, and become a Colony to the Dutch.

I shall make no severe Remarks on this great Man, for his Greatness makes us Little, and will make the Crown both poor and precarious; and when GOD shall please to send us a Prince of Wales, he may have such a Present of a Crown made him as a Pope did to King John, who was Sur-named Sans-Terre, and was by his Father, King Henry the second, made Lord of Ireland: Which Grant was confirmed by the Pope, who sent him a Crown of Peacock's Fea­thers, in Derision of his Power, and the Poverty of his Revenue.

I would have us to consider that we are Englishmen, and must (like good Patriots) stand by our Country, and not suffer it to become tributary to Strangers. We have rejoiced that we have beat out of this Kingdom Popery and Slavery, and do now with as great Joy entertain Socinianism and Poverty, and yet we see our Properties daily given away, and our Liberties must soon follow.

I desire Redress rather than Punishment; therefore I shall neither move for an Im­peachment against this noble Lord, nor for [Page 41] the Banishment of Him; but shall only beg that he may have no Power over us, nor we any Dependance upon Him.

Then he concluded with a Motion for the Address. March 24, 1698-9.

I remember it was always your Opinion and mine, that Liberty might be in Dan­ger as much under a Protestant Prince as under a Papist. It seems the collective Wisdom of the Nation is of the same Judgment, for they have resolved to send the Red Coats to learn the Arts of Peace in all the Counties and Boroughs of the King­dom. They make them in Effect free of all Corporations, and have resolved that seven thousand Men here, and twelve thou­sand in Ireland are a sufficient Land Force. The Courtiers had a large Field to expa­tiate in, concerning the embroiled Condition of Europe abroad (notwithstanding the new Peace,) and the dangerous extensive Disaffection at Home: But the Genius of England has prevailed. We are not now to be Slaves. His Majesty, under whose Auspices we have learned to mortgage the Kingdom, is graciously pleased to suffer us to see a Possibility of redeeming it. The Dutch Guards stuck much with Him, but they must also be gone. He is too wise a Prince not to know that the Casuistry upon the Titles of contending Pretenders to the [Page 42] Crown is but a Trifle in the Considera­tion of the Multitude; it surmounts their Theory. The true Ground and Reason of Loyalty or Disaffection in the Populace is nothing else but the Sense of their own present Happiness or Misery; and let who will reign, he can never have the Affec­tions of a People whom he burthens with Taxes to pay for the Insurance of their own Slavery. A Prince perhaps may have his Option, whether he will govern a People by Force, or found his Authority upon their Affections: He has no Need of (and, I am much mistaken if he can have) Both.

The Courtiers have been very loud upon the Topick of our Obligation to the King, for the Benefits we have received from him, and in particular, for this last Act of Con­descention: For my Part, it gives me the Spleen to hear such Stuff. Surely these Men would make us believe that we were born the Slaves of some Eastern Monarch, that we enjoy our Liberties by a Gift re­vocable at Pleasure, and that they are not our Birth-right and Inheritance. Men who advance Notions of this Tendency deserve the Gibbet equally with Garnet the Jesuit and Oliver Cromwell; as being equally Traitors to their Country.

The King indeed ran the Risque of con­ducting our Efforts for Liberty and Reli­gion; [Page 43] we have succeeded, we have paid the Expence of the Undertaking, and raised him to the Throne for his Pains. What is more to be done? I hope I am a very good Protestant, but I am sure I never did design to truck away all other Rights of an Eng­lishman for a Deliverance only from King James's Ecclesiastical Tyranny. Were our other Rights extinguished, our Religion would be also precarious; Orthodox with Constantine, and Arian with Constantius. Such a Deliverance would be Protestantism with a Witness. It would bring us under a very lively Description of biggotted Mad­ness, which I shall not attempt to translate, but here transcribe to save you the Trouble of turning to it.

We are at last (1701) come to the several Resolutions, which I send you inclosed, about setling the Succession to the Crown; a Point of the utmost importance to these Kingdoms, and of no small Moment even to the most [Page 44] considerable Powers in Europe. France, Spain, the Empire and Holland are most particularly attentive to this critical Step; for I believe it is by this Time well understood that the two late Kings were duped into the Measures of France, and had no Concern to preserve the Balance of Power in Europe. The Duchess of Savoy is as importunate to have her Birth-right considered at this Juncture, as the Duke's Minister was fulsome in his Compliment upon the Revolution; yet surely they must have then foreseen their Preten­sions would be prejudiced by that grand Event. We have thrown the Popish Pedi­grees out of the Question: You see we do not meddle with the Prince's Birth; if it could be proved supposititious, that would not remove our Difficulties: We insist on the Security of our Religion as well as our Laws; we have seen how weak the Bonds of Duty, of Promises and of Oaths are upon a Popish Prince, and therefore we cannot scruple to exclude a Multitude of the Descendants of King Charles the 1st, in Favour of his Sister's Children. It is indeed a Wonder that this Work was not begun and persected many Years ago, for the Occasion was little less than at present, except the Chance of the Duke of Glou­cester's Life.

[Page 45] I fear you will observe some Cobweb-Nets, or Ropes of Sand in our Restrictions upon the Successors: We say he shall not go out of the Kingdom without Consent of Parliament. If he should not meet with Parliaments kind enough to consent Gratis, and his Inclinations be very strong for a Tour abroad, he may learn to buy Leave perhaps, once for all by getting the Clause repealed: And (which is worse!) Corrup­tions of all kinds are in their Effects very like Fornication; it frequently happens that Women sin the first Time without a Design to make a Practice of it; their De­sires draw them in only (as they imagine) to gratify themselves pro illâ vice; but the like Appetite recurs on fresh Occasions; frequent Acts grow into a Habit; and the same Person who felt a quick Compunction for the first Fault, now thinks it a Fault no longer, and is insensible of Remorse and Shame. And indeed I think that Restric­tion a very idle one. Is it to be feared, that the Elector of Hanover (to put the Case stronger than that of the Dowager Duchess) could attempt to make his Electorate the Seat of the British Empire; could he think himself safe in the Possession of the Crown if he were to fall upon so ridiculous a Project? A Prince of Common-Sense has no Occasion for this Restriction; and if [Page 46] we had a Fool so absurd, it were no Matter what became of him. A brave, a wise, a good King may have Occasions to go abroad, highly beneficial in their Conse­quences to this Kingdom; and I think we may believe, without taking any Security for it, that England will continue the Seat of Empire till it falls under the Sway of a Soveraign who has another Dominion at least equal to it.

But that Article which seems of most Im­portance in Favour of England (and which would be truly valuable if it were possible duly to fulfil and obseve it) will be found either unjust or impossible in the Execu­tion. It is that which provides—We shall not involve ourselves in the Quarrels or Defence of the Dominions on the Con­tinent, which may belong to the Successor. With all due Loyalty to his Majesty and Deference to the Princess Anne and her Hopes of Issue; let us suppose an Elector of Hanover on the Throne of Great-Britain, and that he may have Occasion to quarrel for the Rights of these King­doms with any of his great Neighbours on the Continent; as suppose the Swede, the Dane, the Pole, the Prussian, the Saxon, or the Austrian; Will they take a Bull by the Horns? Will they attack him where he is strongest, and chuse to fit out Fleets [Page 47] to dispute it with England on the Seas, where they are certain to be worsted? Will they not rather with Fifty thousand Men come against his Ten thousand, and over­whelm Brunswick as a Reprizal on the King of Great-Britain? If this should at any Time be the Case, would it be gene­rous, would it be just and honest to suffer it? Would not our Coolness on such an Occasion, tempt or provoke even a righte­ous Prince to make Treaties, not quite so much to our Advantage as they ought to be, for Fear of causing his innocent Do­minion on the Continent to bear our Iniqui­ties, to be the Scape-Goat of his Island-Empire?

I believe nobody can doubt, that the fine Webs of Politicks may be so intri­cately woven, and the Affairs of Europe so much embarassed, that private Gentle­men will prove but very indifferent Judges to determine this Question, viz. Whether it be only Knight-Errantry, or Necessary Justice in this Kingdom at such or such a Time to be at the Expence of protecting the Electorate? or to know what is the true Foundation of the Present Quarrel?

We should remember that notwithstand­ing all our Precautions on this Head, the Power of making War and Peace will still reside in the Crown. It is true the Right [Page 48] of giving Money is in the Commons, and they may refuse to provide for the Wan­touness of Ambition. I shall not presume to call the Separation of these Powers, of raising Armies and of raising Money, a Solecism in our Constitution; nor say where I would have them reside, if to be reposed in one Constituent-part of the Legislature; but thus much I may observe (because Charles II. tho' an indolent Prince, gave us a flagrant Proof of it in the Dutch Fleet at Chatham) that if our King makes War without Mo­ney; not he, but we are to be the Sufferers, and shall then find this Truth,— delirant Reges, plectuntur Achivi. I must make one further Observation of an Hardship the Electorate might endure for the Sake of Great-Britain. Contrary to the De­cisions of all the Schoolmen and Casuists, it is settled as a Principle in the Law of Nations by the Practice of modern Poli­ticians and their Masters; that, if your Neighbour is too powerful, it is a just Cause of making War upon him. Now perhaps there is hardly at this Day a little Prince in all Germany, who would not exert himself in Defence of the Electorate as it stands alone: But for the Reason given, the Question would be widely different if the same Territory were only a small Part of the Dominions of an English King; they [Page 49] would then perhaps consider the Balance of Power in a new Light; and the more jealous our Neighbours were grown of the Conjunction, the more should we be con­cerned in Honour and common Sense to defend so near an Ally, and to supply the Want of all other Confederates.

I would not be understood on the whole to say, that England would be the happier for such an Access of Dominion on the Continent under the same Prince. I think quite otherwise; and heartily wish that we would, in Time, attempt the only Means to obviate all Difficulties. We might try to get it established by a Law in the Empire, and certainly make it Part of the Act of Succession here, that this Crown devolving on the Duke of Brunswick, his Duchy and Electorate should co instante divest out of him in Favour of some Protestant of his Family. I am not at all apprehensive of his rejecting the Crown on these Terms; but if they be not previously made a Con­dition of the Succession, it will be idle and unreasonable to expect a Compliment of that Importance afterwards. Now is our Time while we have in our own Hands a Value abundantly more than equivalent to give for it. It will be too late to make Bargains after we have made a Present of that Equivalent.

[Page 50] But perhaps the Mistakes of this Age may be cured by Design or Chance in some future Generation. A Prince may leave only Female Issue to inherit the Throne, and then the German Dominion would go to collateral Males, or it may be conquered: And in the then subsequent Generation this Kingdom will regret the Loss of it, as little as we now do that of Bohemia an hundred Years ago, and of better Countries on the Continent which formerly paid Obedience to our Kings, and which were but ill de­fended at the severe Expence of Deluges of English Blood and Treasure.

These remote Speculations will probably be Realities with our Grand-Children, they will be in earnest about them, and to their Care I leave them: For perhaps it is a gene­ral Happiness that many of us cannot have our Turns in the Disposal of the World. Tho' I might mean very well, and might fancy myself a Judge of Affairs, yet to the Cost of my Fellow-Creatures I might in the Event be found as miserable a Bungler as — or the Farmer in the Fable who ob­tained of Jupiter Leave to regulate the Weather within his own Grounds; but had not Knowledge enough of the secret Springs of Action in the vegetable World to ba­lance the Powers committed to his Care: Heat and Cold, Moist and Dry were too [Page 51] many for him. The politick World, like the natural, is composed of Discordia semina rerum; and it requires great Penetration, successfully to observe their Operations.

LETTER IX.

LAST Sunday the great Soul of our Soveraign quitted its decayed Tene­ment. Had it been lodged in a Mansion firm as itself, the World would have quick­ly seen new Instances of its Vigour. He continued his usual Hunting till within four or five Days before his Death: His Enemies give out that he died of an Hurt received by a Fall from his Horse; the Horse is of a Sorrel Colour, and the Jacobites drink his Health devoutly, un­der that Denomination. ^*

[Page 52] It is true, the King had a Fall, and broke his Collar Bone: But this was not the Cause of his Death. His Exit about this time was unavoidable, had he not fallen at all; his Lungs were emaciated and inflamed, and nothing but Medea's Kettle could have been of Service to him.

He has left us under the Conduct of a Woman, at the Beginning of a War, probably the most raging and extensive that Europe has felt within these hundred Years: And under the Protection of a Woman, about a Century ago, we hap­pily sustained the most dangerous Shock that has been attempted to our Prejudice within these six hundred Years.

I wish the Dutch and Germans would make good their Frontiers, with the As­sistance of the other Allies on the Conti­nent, and that we might furnish our whole Quota in Value upon the Seas, where our most natural Strength lies, and where we shall, I doubt not, be more than an Over­match for France, if our Friends behave as they ought to do upon Terra Firma. These would in Consequence leave us in full Possession of the Maritime Empire; for we being at the Pains of destroying the French Naval Force, would at the same time have the Satisfaction to see the Dutch Ships of War neglected, and go to Ruin.

[Page 53] But it is too probable we shall partake in the Glory or Shame of what is to be ex­ecuted by Land; the Military Men, and the young Nobility, and Gentry, who desire to be so, will all make their strong­est Interest to have a great Army, and to carry on this War upon the Plan of the last; and if we prove victorious, we (I mean the Nation in general) shall get Glo­ry and Poverty by it, while a few great Officers, and Persons concerned in Cloath­ing, &c. make their Fortunes.

There is no need of the Spirit of Pro­phecy, to foretel that the Nation must in this Case be beggared, in Favour of Hol­land, and of those very Parts of Flan­ders, France, or Germany, which may be­come the Seat of War. This was our Case in the last Irish War; which, how­ever, was unavoidable. We poured in more Money upon them than ever that Na­tion saw before, which is now coming back by the Sale of the Forfeitures. It was not indeed of very long Continuance, there­fore we did not greatly feel it, till we ad­ded a Flemish Account to it; and then, with the Assistance also of Dutch Clippers of our Coin, we found ourselves almost in a Condition to shut up Shop. The King has left a motley Ministry; a Change is ex­pected [Page 54] in Favour of the Tories. But you shall never find any in the Sincerity with which

LETTER X.

I AM persuaded you have great Satisfac­tion in the News of the Queen's Gift of the First Fruits and Tenths to the poor Clergy, as it is a strong Proof of her Zeal for our Established Religion. The Roman Emperors who persecuted Christi­anity before the Days of Julian the Apo­state, occiderunt Presbyteros; but he, in Appearance more moderate, tho' in Truth wilier and more malicious than his Prede­cessors, occidit Presbyterium. He spoil­ed the Churchmen of their Means of Li­ving, and by this Method had well nigh destroyed the Priesthood, Starving is doubtless as effectual a Form for Death to assume, as any other, and perhaps one of the most terrible Forms it can assume.

The Queen's Piety on this Occasion is the Contrast of Julian's Malice; there is no­thing wanting to compleat the Merit of the [Page 55] Design, but to substitute the Word Resti­tution, instead of Bounty or Donation: However, it must be acknowledged, that there was much to be said to justify the Right of the Crown to this Branch of Church-Revenues, which King Henry VIII. laid his Hands on; for this Revenue had been for Ages enjoyed by the Pope, as Head of the Church, therefore thevest­ing it in the Crown, was but a natural Consequence of our throwing off the usurped Supremacy of Rome.

What farther enhances the Merit of this Gift, is the present Exigency of Publick Affairs: It is done at a Juncture when the Crown is not in a giving Condition. It is to be hoped that late Posterity who shall enjoy the Benefit of it, will revere the Memory of the pious Donor; and that our succeeding Monarchs may be ex­cited by this laudable Example, to raise up the drooping Head of the English Church, plundered and covered with Rags by an unbelieving Prince, and his sacrile­gious Creatures, under the Veil of Refor­mation. A Prince more dangerous to the Christian Religion, than Julian or Attila, because he communed with it in the House of God, as a Friend. His Title of De­fender of the Faith gave him an Oppor­tunity to destroy his Charge, that Church, [Page 56] which is always in the Condition of a Mi­nor.

I am here induced to lament the Ava­rice of Ecclesiasticks, who when they had an ample Dominion over the Minds of Men, grasped at too great a Share of the good Things of this World; they were not content with a competent Income; they thought their Power, their Revenues, their Number could never be sufficiently augmented. These Maxims, joined to their Vows of Celibacy, which took in both Sexes, and their Care to conceal their Shame when they broke these Vows, ren­dered them Enemies to Society, to Hu­man Nature. And as Reformations are too apt to run into an Extream, opposite to the Evil designed to be remedied, the Church of England has dearly paid for the Avarice of that of Rome: Men know­ing that the Church had obtained too much, easily took up a Notion that they could not leave her too little. They knew that the Monks in dark Ages, had importuned from the Fears of intimidated dying Sinners, unreasonable Grants of great Estates, and along with these, the Reforming Generation made no Scruple to rob the Church of its Natural Inheritance, which it had enjoyed from the Piety of purest Times, in Imi­tation of a Pattern given by God himself, [Page 57] when he condescended to compile a Body of Laws both Civil and Ecclesiastical for the Government of his chosen People.

The Land which had been given by su­perstitious Penitents, to found or endow the Nurseries of Religious Idleness, were perhaps very properly resumed in Favour of the Crown, rather than of the Heirs of the Donors; for had they been restor­ed to the latter, it would have produced such infinite Confusion among the Claim­ants, as probably would have redounded less to their Benefit and the Nation's, than the Method which was taken. But does it also follow, that there could be a Difficulty to ascertain the right Owners of the Paro­chial Tithes, which were found in the Hands of the Monasteries? It was easy to know that the Monasteries had taken them from the Parish-Priests, and by worse Means, if possible, than their Influence over the staggering Resolutions of dying Men. They robbed the secular Clergy with a strong Hand, by the Aid of the usurped arbitrary Power of the See of Rome, which was wrought upon by Mo­ney to interpose in Favour of the Regu­lars; not without an Eye to some political Maxims, little less than Treasonable; for the Allegiance of the Subject was divided, by that Solecism in Politicks, imperium in [Page 58] imperio; and frequent Experience told us, that the Regulars knew no Soveraign but the Pope. These Sufferings of the Paro­chial Clergy were not a Reason, at the Reformation, why they should not be re­stored to their own.

Indeed if it shall happen that the Chri­stian Temper of Posterity one way or other shall bring back the Tithes, or an Equivalent for them, to the Church, I should never wish that it might be endow­ed with great Estates in Lands into the Bargain. My only Desire is, that Religion may not suffer by making the Clergy con­temptible, who will always be held in Contempt, if they are obliged to live in Poverty.

In the mean while there might be some other Expedients found out, that would contribute to place them in a comfortable Condition to attend their great Charge, the Care of Souls. There are too many Parishes in England, both in City and Country: It is true, there are some Parishes too large, which ought to be di­vided; but there are a great many more too small, which would be better united: Two or three insufficient Provisions for so many Pastors of little and ill attended Flocks, may amount to a competent Main­tainance for one able Minister, who may [Page 59] do his Duty with Satisfaction to a decent Congregation.

Perhaps also it is not now necessary that the Revenues of Colleges should be as ample as formerly for the Education of Youth, when the Nation is overstocked with Learning already, and there are not Benefices sufficient to receive the Men who have gone thro' the Course of their Aca­demical Studies. I could therefore rejoice that we had fewer People educated on Charity to fill the Church; not at all dreading the Want of a Supply from those of better Fortunes, if we could contrive to advance the Benefices to a reasonable Value; which would be much furthered by taking away some Superfluities of Schools and Colleges, and bestowing them in the Endowment of the Church, where they are most wanted. I am far from thinking it for the Benefit of Religion or of the Nation, to diminish the Number of Professors or Fellows in either University. It will always be necessary to the Perma­nency of sound Learning, that there should be a considerable Number of Men of good Parts and Education maintained at full Leisure to attend their Studies in every Branch of Literature. But will this also prove that there is a National Advantage in bringing forward yearly, at the publick [Page 60] Expence, an hundred Persons to the Degree of Batchelor of Arts, who know not af­terwards which Way to turn themselves, and have Reason to wish, that instead of reading Ramus and Aristotle, they had been taught to throw the Shuttle, or hold the Plough of their Fore-Fathers.

A poor Man may be as honest as a rich one, but it is not generally so easy to tempt the latter into mean and scandalous Actions. The Necessities of some of the lowest of the Clergy, are apt to lead them into Mis­takes that cause a Clamour against the very Priesthood, and do a real Disservice to Religion. And yet these meanest of the People (who seek the Priest's Office, that they may eat a Piece of Bread) are im­mediately ready to fancy themselves Gen­tlemen, and that their Families are also advanced in Blood and Degree. Hence it happens in their Oeconomy, that during the Father's Life-time, the Son is bred at a Free-school, undoubtedly designed to be a Bishop at least; the Father drops off, and then the poor Youth is glad to find Em­ployment as a Drawer in a Tavern, or per­haps to wear a Livery, and it is well if no worse happens. As for the Daughter, she learns to dance, and play on Musical Instruments; and because she is a Gentle­woman, she scorns to do the Offices of a [Page 61] Country Housewife at home, or to go to Market along with the Wives and Daugh­ters of the Neighbouring Farmers. Her Education is like that which the unhappy Gentry of Georgia are said to give their Daughters to fit them for the Seraglios of the Turkish and Persian Grandees, and the Event is often worse, if possible. The best Prospect after such an Education, is an ho­nest Servitude.

Which of the Bishops (if he has not made himself remarkable for Moroseness) is not daily pestered with Ecclesiastical Beg­gars, the pretended or real Widows and Orphans of indigent Clergymen, besides Crouds of indigent Clergymen themselves. I do not observe these Facts, as believing it improper for Clergymen to marry; but being of Opinion, that those of them who marry and cannot save any thing for their Families, should at least teach them to en­dure and work thro' that low State of Life they are born to: And I also consider it as a Reason for augmenting the Value, tho' we should considerably diminish the Number, of Benefices in England.

I rejoice as an Englishman that our Clergy are rather ten thousand than an hundred thousand: There are the fewer idle Hands in the Nation, compared with its [Page 62] Popish Neighbours, therefore our Wealth is the greater.

I rejoice also that these ten thousand are not restrained from Marriage: For, this single Advantage will in a few Gene­rations spread the Protestant Religion over Europe, by our gradual Increase of People and the Decrease of the Papists; unless the Almighty, for his own secret Purposes, shall send some more Kings to reign in Pro­testant Kingdoms, like the present King of Sweden. Were it not that Cromwell (in too great Haste to settle that miserable King­dom of Ireland) gave vast Multitudes of the Natives to the Spaniard; and that the late Revolution, and some Laws which followed it relating to Religion, and others concerning Trade, have sent great Numbers of the same People to France (all which have been replaced by the Natives of Great Britain, besides our large Export to our American Colonies) France and Spain be­fore this must have felt more sensibly, how burthensome their Religion is to the State: And these our British Islands would have grown up by this Time as populous as the United Netherlands.

It cannot be pretended that the taking away the Funds from the Scholarships, and Exhibitions in the Free-Schools and the Uni­versities, to apply them to the Augmenta­tion [Page 63] of poor Livings, can work an Injury to any one; it is true, that whoever is in Possession of an Income of that Nature, ought to enjoy his legal Estate in it; but on the Vacancy, (no Individual having a Right) the Publick may well and justly apply it to the most laudable Purpose; and I believe it is hardly a Question in our Age and Country, which is the more eligible Species of Charity, (the Education of poor Scholars, or Maintainance of poor Eccle­siasticks with Cure of Souls?) To this I may add, that many of the Estates which are in that unnecessary Method of Charity, were for a like Reason taken from another useless People and given to the present Possessors; whose Number is now become a Nuisance to the Nation.

I would also propose that my Lords the Bishops would contribute to the Dignity and Sanctity of the Priesthood, by ap­proaching nearer to an Equality of Reve­nue among themselves, with such Modera­tion, that on the one Hand each might have sufficient to enable him with Decency to attend his Service in Parliament; and on the other, that their Behaviour there might not be so frequently suspected by the Laity, as it has formerly been, as if they were too ready to obey the Nod of a Minister of State; and to hope to de­serve [Page 64] a sudden Promotion to a tenfold Re­venue; to take a speedy Flight from the Dreary Mountains of Snowdon, to the warm old snug Palace of Lambeth. What think you, Sir, would not Two thousand Pounds a Year be a decent Income for a Bishop? (some of them might have something more allotted to them, as my Lord of London, and others, who have most Occasion to re­side often in Town, or in other expensive Parts of the Kingdom) and would not Three thousand Pounds each be a tolerable Income for our two Metropolitans? The rest of the Episcopal Revenues might be applied to the Support of their inferior Bretheren: And without a Bill to prevent Translations (a Bill which honest Men have sometimes been tempted to wish for) we might live to see a certain Bench filled with Patriots, and this without enduring that absurd Inconvenience which an Act against Translations would introduce. For, under such a Law, if the Prince should have it in his View to advance to the Sum­mit of Church Preferment, the most de­serving Priest in England; when the worst Diocese becomes vacant, he must not pro­mote him, because under such a Law it would put a Negative upon his farther Ad­vancement; so that a Man of the most cnosummate Merit, might after many Years [Page 65] Expectation, die a private and poor Par­son, because he was designed to be Arch­bishop of Canterbury.

But this long Letter, will pass with you for one of my Resveries; especially my last Scheme: For nothing like it can ever be executed, unless the Temporal Lords should in some future Age happen to think as I do, and attend in Parliament with Di­ligence, to accomplish an Alteration.

LETTER XI.

THE Union is at length as good as concluded; it was hard, or rather impossible, to settle the Terms of it to every body's liking, but the grand De­sign was always desirable to the Unpreju­diced of both Nations, and our late Blun­ders have made it more necessary to us than ever it was.

Edinburgh will doubtless suffer by the Loss of the Parliament there, and of the Resort of their Nobility; but in the main, the Kingdom must grow richer upon being let into the English Trade, instead of their late wretched Condition, without any va­luable Branch of Commerce, or any ratio­nal [Page 66] Prospect of obtaining one. They are now to be Members of a flourishing Em­pire; an Empire, safer and happier (sua si bona nôrit) than the greatest on the Con­tinent; because in its Natural (its Naval) Strength, it is much more powerful than any of its Neighbours.

Scotland used to be the Pensioner of France, used to ravage two or three of our Northern Counties, to burn our Houses, and run away with our Cattle; and often felt the Severity of our Reprizals. But, in one Generation, that Border will grow enamoured with the Arts of Peace, and such of their great Men as love Pensions, may haply enjoy them with less Hazard than of old, without the Danger of seeing their Country destroyed by Fire and Sword, as a Reward for their mercenary Politicks. As for our Parts, it is no Trifle to remove for ever the Probability of being attacked in the Rear by Enemies far from being de­spicable in Point of Bravery, and not to be despised because of their Poverty; for their Poverty contributed to create our Danger. That Poverty and that Bravery will for the future exalt our Hopes, instead of creating our Fears. Our People on this Side Tweed, may well be spared, to ply the Loom and Hammer, while the Heroes of Cathness and Sutherland,—

We have some very worthy Men among us, who are much disgusted at the Care that is taken of the Kirk; the Preservation of which is a sundamental Article. They alledge that Episcopacy was unfairly outed, and that the Majority of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom would, if they could, restore it at this Day. But the Pre­servation of the Kirk is at present a Con­dition without which no Union can be had; the Populace will not yet part with the Mess Johns. That must be expected in a cooler Season, and then the funda­mental Article will be a Cobweb. It is absurd to attempt to make irrevocable Laws for Posterity; every Generation must of Necessity have a Right to chuse for it­self. This ridiculous Notion of immutable Laws, was however a Maxim in Law among the Medes and Persians. Observe the Consequence: Their Emperor To-day pro­mulges an IMMUTABLE Edict to de­stroy all the Jews, and on the Morrow sends forth another, that they may take Arms for their Defence, and that all his [Page 68] loving Subjects shall assist them. Can any common Lawyer or Civilian deny, that there will be in the united Legislature of Great-Britain an unlimited Power over the whole Body, and every Part of it; or, that they will have sufficient Authority to repeal any Law which either of the divi­ded Kingdoms made. What the Sultan is in Turky, and the Mogul in India, the Parliament of Great-Britain must neces­sarily be, in the Plenitude of its Power.

Another Complaint among us is, that the Members which Scotland furnishes to both Houses, amount to a tenth or a twelfth of the Parliament, tho' they are not to pay above a thirtieth of the Taxes of the united Kingdom: I do not fear being suspected as a Partizan for the Scots, when I declare, that I believe this to be still very equal; for tho' we leave them an open Trade, yet the Profits of that will be swallowed in the Rents of all their best Estates, and must center in London and Middlesex. It will be well enough if the publick Mo­ney raised among them suffices to answer all the publick Demands there: Their great Men will live here, and in a Genera­tion or two will become mere English­men.

There is one Omission in the Articles of this Union, with regard to the Perpe­tuity [Page 69] of the Scots Peerage. There are no new Peers to be made there, and they are always to send sixteen to Parliament, by Election. I believe their Number is pretty large at present, suppose one hun­dred and fifty; but these will gradually decrease, and be extinguished by one Ac­cident or other, for there are no perpetual Successions, no Bishops among them. I lately observed this to a very intelligent Gentleman of that Nation: He looked on it as a remote Evil, For, says he, most of the Peerages there, are inheritable by the Daughters, when Sons fail; I allowed this for a Reason why Peerages should not easily be extinguished; but I am convinced, that thus they will more readily decrease by Unity of Possession, occasioned by Marriages both among their own Nobility and ours, which will have a quicker Effect than the Extinction of the Male-Lines by the Course of Nature, separate Mainte­nance, and Venery. Almost as often as a Scots Coronet devolves upon a Female, it will consolidate that Peerage with some other, so that in Effect there is a Scots Peerage merged for ever.

There is another Way left open to di­minish their Number, for tho' a Scots Peer must not be made an English one, yet his Son or Brother may; and thus [Page 70] upon the Fall of one Life, there will be one Peer less on their List. So it is likely they will hardly have sixteen Lords left in an hundred Years. I have not been in­formed whether this Omission was by Mis­take, but it is really of little or no Con­sequence. Since Scots are capable of being made Peers of Great-Britain, it matters not from what Castles, Towns or Villages they take their Titles, nor whether North or South of Tweed: It will only sound a little absurd to Posterity, that the same Person who may be called to Parliament as Lord of Hammersmith, shall be refused Admittance as Duke of Edinburgh. For the rest, the Locality of Titles happens not to be material, for if this Kingdom preserves its Constitution, Posterity shall always find most of its largest Fortunes and greatest Men, in the House of Peers of Great-Britain: But if, for Our Sins or Theirs, our Posterity shall bow the Knee before a Tyrant, after the Manner of the Nations round about us, and the Houses of Parlia­ment in a Venal Generation concur to mur­der the Constitution, it is a Matter of no Sort of Importance who shall be the Parri­cides.

We might be content that the Numbers both of their Lords and Commons to sit in the United-Parliament were to be double or [Page 71] treble those agreed on. Thus we should have more of their Wealth drawn hither, and our Constitution would be safer from the Attempts of the Crown, as it would be harder to manage or gratify so great a Number. This is what we ought to attend to on all Occasions. I design to make my Grandsons learn it along with their Prayers and their Creed, That the Liberties of England can only be destroyed by a Standing Army of her own Sons; and that Parlia­mentary Bribery is the most proper Me­thod to obtain such an Army.

And yet it is strange, that Men can sell themselves and Posterities for an Estate at Will! You shall find in some foreign Coun­tries a Man of Two Thousand Pounds a Year of Inhertance, who for so small a Bribe as an Office or Pension of Five Hundred Pounds a Year, during Pleasure, shall give his Vote for a Law, which in its Consequence renders his Inheritance as precarious as the Pension. Is this being wise in our Generation? is this to be justified even by the Wisdom of the Children of this World?

What Age, what Kingdom can shew an immediate Sucession of three good absolute Monarchs? or in what Country have Liberty, Corruption and a Standing Army gone Hand in Hand for forty Years together? It is an idle Imagination to suppose, that when a King designs to rule by his Will, he must [Page 72] do as the Danes did, discard his States, and rely upon his Troops. That is indeed the shortest Way, but not the safest. When Au­gustus had established himself against all Op­posers, he did not covet a great Army, he chose to keep a packed Senate in Pay; he gulled the People with an Appearance of Liberty, and the Administration of his Go­vernment was gentle: But Rome was ruined, it lost its Liberty, and was as effectually en­slaved under him, as under Nero or Domitian.

But tho' this be the safest Method for a Prince to take, who desires to be absolute, yet it is the most burthensome to the Peo­ple. Their Pension-Senate is a more ex­travagant Charge upon them, than a great Army would be. If I were to live in an Age and Country where the Representatives of the People had sold them to the Prince for Places and Pensions, and given him a Mili­tary Force to ensure the Purchase; I would concur in and promote a Petition, that the Prince might assume the Legislative Autho­rity, exclusive of such prostitute Represen­tatives: and I think it is evident, that in such [Page 73] a Case, whether a Prince were good or bad, a Wise Man or a Fool, the People could more easily pay for the Wants or the Wan­tonness of the Monarch alone, than for those and the Wages of several hundreds of Parricides into the Bargain.

Nor is a People the safer from such At­tempts, for having a Ruler of their own chusing. The ambitious Man, when he has climbed all the Rounds of the Ladder of Authority, turns his Back to it, and scorns the base Degrees by which he rose. In all mixed Governments, each constituent Part must be eternally on its Guard. The Prince can easily take Care of his Prero­gative, because, being but one, he can al­ways be true to, and consistent with him­self. His Individuality gives him those Ad­vantages, and the Prae-existent Temptation of Ambition, that Spur to make use of them, that he ought never to be trusted with more than his own Rights, if the Subjects would hold theirs. I transcribe for you the Pic­ture of a vigorous Prince, riding a Nation after he had defeated its Enemies.

[Page 74] Since I am grown a little pedantick upon the Subject of Slavery, I will put you in Mind of the ridiculous, the miserable Figure which a Mock-Senate makes: You have two beautiful Sketches of such Assem­bles in Juvenal, proper to excite your Laughter and Indignation. In one you have the Prime Minister destroyed at once, on his Master's Letter; the World agrees in an Opinion, Sejanus was guilty, but Justice would expect some Proof of it: Tiberuis had too loyal a Senate to wait for any Evidence: their Tyrant signified his Pleasure; and that served for Demonstra­tion to that very Senate which had voted Statues to that very Prime Minister. The other Scene is the merry one, where they take into Consideration the over-grown Turbet: Nothing can be more fantastick than the blind Haranguer making a florid Speech in Praise of it, and unfortunately turning his Face from it to the contrary Side of the Room, in order to point out and descant upon its Beauties. Such are the Ardua Negotia Imperii proper to be laid before a Parliament of Slaves. Such are the Arcana fit for them to debate on.

LETTER XII.

IF Victory has not made us or our Allies too insolent, it is impossible that the great Folks at Gertruydenburgh should fail to settle the Repose of Europe. But if we over-value ourselves, and under-rate our Grand Enemy, we shall find that he is an absolute Prince, and a proud one too, and rather than stoop too low, he will give us an Opportunity to buy more Laurels at too dear a Rate; to purchase more costly Hangings for Westminster-Hall. But we have fought enough for Glory, and for Pro­fit too; for we may make good Bargains now, if we think fit (after our surprizing Successes) to make Peace Sword in Hand.

The D— of M— has been rewarded for his glorious Victories in this War in a most extraordinary Manner, as indeed he deserved; but Envy will not let him injoy his Honours in Peace, it is the usual Fate of superlative Merit,

To be raised by the Smiles of their Prince above their Equals, happens to several Fa­vourites in every Court, in every Genera­tion: But for a British Subject, a Prote­stant, [Page 76] to have a Fief, a Principality of the Empire conferred on him, by a Roman Ca­tholick Emperor of Germany, and not on­ly to be promoted to the highest Honours by his Soveraign that are in her Power to bestow, but also to have his transcendent Merit proclaimed by the united Voice of the Legislature, and transcendently reward­ed by an ample Recital of his famous Ex­ploits, and by the Gift of a Princely Re­venue, and Royal Manor to him, with an unusual Limitation of those, and of his Honours, in Favour of his Posterity; these, I say, are Circumstances of hu­man Grandeur which few Subjects in many Ages will be seen to attain to: A Pinacle above which a Man of rational Desires would not endeavour to soar.

All the little Sallies of Satire against him will be buried in Oblivion, when the Statute that recites his Victories, and intails a Royal Inheritance to reward them, shall re­cord his Glory to late Posterity. There is nothing wanting to compleat his Character, but this, that he shall be as willing to let his Country enjoy the Fruits of his Victo­ries, as he has been able to gain them; that he shew himself as grateful to England, as She has been to him; that he may judge a Princely Fortune (a Fortune unrivalled by any other Subject) to be sufficient for him [Page 77] and his Family; and that he may not de­sire to make a Trade of War, because he profits by it, tho' at the same time it con­sumes whole Nations, and his Mother Great Britain among the rest.

LETTER XIII.

YOU rightly observe, that this hot­headed Priest has cost both Houses more Time and Trouble than his Head is worth. What matters it if he has been too peremptory in the Pulpit, on a Subject he might better have let alone. Some Parts of his Sermons are little better than Non­sense, but the general Doctrine may be sup­ported by the Authority of all our most eminent Divines, and corresponds with that Maxim in Law, that the King can do no Wrong.

I think the Doctor and his Prosecutors have split on the same Rock; an extraor­dinary Case, like the Revolution, is quite out of the ordinary Rules of Law, and not defined among the general Learning of the Casuists concerning the Obedience of Subjects to their Soveraign. The Doc­tor ought not to have drawn the Revolu­tion into the Debate, nor ought we to fan­cy, that the Maxims of the Laws of God, [Page 78] of Nature, and of the Land, are changed by that extraordinary Occasion and Event. Tho' I am persuaded the same Tenet has been taught ever since our Reformation, yet this Gentleman's Manner of teaching it is indiscreet; and his Warmth has been singular several Years ago. Defoe, in his Hymn to the Pillory, has long since justly celebrated the Doctor's intemperate Zeal against the Dissenters; (I think Defoe had been then exalted for writing The shortest Way with the Dissenters) He wishes, that all who merit equal Punishment might stand there along with him; and then de­scending to Particulars, says he,

But the Consequence of this mighty Eclat is, that most People are apt to con­sider a Sentence against this Preacher, (not as a Condemnation of this Temerity by instancing the Revolution upon an impro­per Occasion, and of his unwarrantable pronouncing Damnation against the Dissen­ters, [Page 79] but) as an Establishment of the Dis­cretionary Resistance of the Subject, and as a Degradation of Kingly Power in Eng­land, to the Condition of the Consular in Rome, controled by the Senate, Tribunes, and People; and all this, by a solemn Judgement of the Lords, at the Demand of the Commons.

Our Political Penmen, who swarm in every Age, will not fail hereafter to magni­fy every Mistake, every Slip, in every Ad­ministration; and even to call Virtue, Vice; Sweet, Bitter; and Good, Evil. Al­gernon Sidney's Treatise of Government will pass upon many for the Law of the Land; and those who approve most of the Revolution, may live to see this latitudinarian Allegiance (which the misguided People will be apt to learn) become troublesome under the best Princes.

I should think therefore this Prosecution cannot have been a very agreeable Entertain­ment to the Queen, nor a pleasing Specula­tion to those who are in the Course of Suc­cession to the Crown.

In the mean time, Conversation runs as low with us in Town as you describe it in the Country. You can hardly find a ra­tional Creature to talk to, or a rational Topic to talk upon. Go where you will, you meet the Doctor. Be it pro or con, it is still the Doctor. The devout Adherers [Page 80] to the literal Construction of Holy Writ, say, that the sacred Volume is in Peril; and ejaculate their Apprehensions in Me­tre. One of their Pasquins closes thus.

The Poet's Partiality, in Favour of the Doctor, is as extravagant, as his Appre­hension of the Danger of burning the Bi­ble. I give you this only as a Specimen, or ra­ther Symptom, of the Fever of the Town; for I assure you, the Zealous of my Ac­quaintance who read these Lines, are as fond of them as he can be that made them; for my own Part, I rather agree with Mr. Dryden to count such Clergymen,

The Alteration of the many-headed Monster in Seventy, yea, in Thirty Years, [Page 81] is unaccountable. Pym and his Fellows were idolized by the Multitude of this very City, for the Reverse of this Doctrine, and so were the Seven Bishops: But now if any Man has a Doubt about it, let him not divulge that Doubt in the Streets of London: If the present Humour of the Town conti­nues a little longer, I shall be able to send you an whole Suit of Apparel, or Set of Houshold Furniture, sanctified with the goodly Image of the Doctor.

LETTER XIII.

IT is not doubted that this Treaty will end in Peace, in Spite of all Opposers. It is pretty unhappy for us, that all the Na­tions engaged in War should not concur with us to wish heartily for the general Tranquillity of Europe. Nor will I an­swer for our own Soldiers of Fortune. The inferior Officers make a great Clamour against it in Coffee-houses and other Places of publick Resort, and if you will take their Words, they speak the Sense of the Na­tion; but do not you believe a Word of that.

The Emperor perhaps fancies that it is the Business of Great-Britain to raise the House of Austria, on the Ruins of that of Bourbon and of Great-Britain together; [Page 82] the Dutch can never be tired of having the Subsistence Money of our Great Land Ar­my circulate in their Country; and the little Princes of Germany can afford to hire out Troops to us a good while longer, if we can find Cash to pay for them; this is a trade among them.

But England seems, as well as France and Spain, to have occasion for a Peace, and for some of the same Reasons. We have not been beaten often, it is true; we have gotten great Victories, yet still we are Sufferers, and must be so, as the Scene has been laid. What we conquer in Flanders is to be divided between the Dutch and the Emperor, and Spain is also to be conquered for the latter. As if the House of Austria might not Lord it over Europe as severe­ly as that of Bourbon; as if it were ne­cessary to exhaust ourselves, to bring a Moiety of Europe under a single Person, lest a Moiety of Europe should at some Time or other hereafter (which possibly may never happen) fall under the Domini­on of a single Person. This is, ne mori­are mori, with a Witness. Nay it is worse, it is giving boot, where the Exchange at even hand would be a bad Bargain; it is [Page 83] paying our Blood and Treasure to set Charles on the Spanish Throne, when we can leave Philip there without farther Ex­pence; and when, of the two, it is rather our Interest that Philip should fill it; and the best of the Jest is, that not one of them pretends to shew how Great-Britain is to be reimbursed a single Stiver, whatever her Expence has been, or may be hereafter. This is a well chosen Game to play at, where we may lose and cannot win. We are told indeed, that by carrying on the War, we shall keep out the Pretender. I fancy, at this Time of Day, France will readily agree to make us more secure against him by a Peace.

It is to be hoped that the Outcry in Cof­fee-Houses of Red Coats, who have the Fear of Breaking before their Eyes, may be slight­ed; that those who have made a Trade of War, either abroad or at Home, may have no Influence upon our Councils; that our Ministers will sit down to treat in Temper, and not in Spite, thar they will rather imi­tate Martin's Behaviour in the Tale of a Tub, than his Brother Jack's. We must not pique ourselves on pulling down every thing which our Domestick Enemies have built.

I can only wish, that the Wings of France may be effectually clipped, even to [Page 84] the dismembering some of its Provinces, if possible, in Favour of Savoy, Lorain, Ba­varia, any body: and that if we are to have the least Retribution for all our Labours, Costs and Losses, it may be allotted to us in Islands above all Places; and above all Islands, in those of America which produce Sugars and Cotton. A small Portion in these would answer our Purposes, better than twenty Capital Fortresses on the Con­tinent of Europe. They would be a Mine, and not an Issue of Treasure. As for any Fortress, as Dunkirk, Gibraltar or any other that may annoy our Traffick, it would be convenient to reduce them to the Con­dition of Tangiers, but not to think of hold­ing them.

I am strangely fond of those American Islands, and think I can justify my Notion by a short Observation upon a well known Piece of History. I frequently recollect that Jamacia was taken by mere Accident: Oliver had formed a much greater De­sign, which miscarried; and when only Jamacia was the Prize, his Commanders were called to a severe Account. He was also Master of Dunkirk, and King Charles the Second of Tangier, in Dowry with his Queen. These were monstrously expen­sive, so as not to be tenable. The People grumbled that the Crown did not keep [Page 85] them; but as long as they were kept, they grumbled also at the great Expence of main­taining them. These are gone for ever from England, while the poor despicable Island of Jamacia has grown a flourishing Colony, is become an inexhaustible Fund of Wealth to us, and occasions the constant Employment of a considerable Fleet of British Merchants.

The Dominion of the Seas is what we are able to maintain, it maintains itself: The more we have of it, the less Danger we are in of being invaded in it by the en­vying World confederated against us. It is one of the clearest Demonstrations, it is Vulgar Arithmetick; that if we carry a Million of Tuns of Goods each Year a thousands Leagues, and our Neighbour carries but the tenth Part of that Quantity the like Voyage; we shall maintain ten­fold his Shipping, tenfold his Seamen, and in Consequence be able to meet ten such Neighbours as Enemies, at once, upon the Watry Plain.

If our Island-Colonies were very consi­derable in Number and Value, we should find this great Convenience, that they would require no Garisons, because no Armament could appear upon the Seas, sufficient to disturb them: Nor ought we to oppress them, nor suffer them to be op­pressed [Page 86] rapacious Governors. But while our Neighbours are stronger in those Parts than we are, both We are, and the Colonies must be burthened with the Expence of an armed Force both by Sea and Land for their Security. Were they ever so populous, had they as many People among them as their Mother Country contains; there would be no Danger of their Defection, while we gave them no Cause to mourn the Want of Liberty. Their Trade would all pass thro' our Hands, protected by our Fleets, while they lived at Ease, and in as perfect Obedience as the several Parishes of Middlesex.

LETTER XIV.

WE are under terrible Apprehensions here, about no less than Church and State. This has been the Devil of a Plot, and it is proved by Means that must not be discovered; for if a Plotter knows how a Decypherer found him out, it seems he may grow so cunning in perplexing his Cypher, that the Artist will not be able to follow him any longer. Silly Traitors! is it then possible to invent inextricable Cyphers, and [Page 87] you remain so indolent as to put your Lives and Fortunes on a Key as simple as Julius Caesar's, which the School-boys have learn­ed from Suetonius for these Sixteen hundred Years past.

Treason is a paw Thing! a noisy Crime of State, as Dryden says. I'll have none on't. There's Perkins's Head on Temple-Bar, like Cymon in Dryden's Fables,

From all Men of Common Sense, Heaven avert the Omen.

There is an English Bishop, a Spanish Cardinal, an Irish General, a British Peer, or twain, a Brace of very small Nonjuring Priests (but one of them has drowned him­self, I wish you were to see the Wall he got over, you would judge how ingenious, and nimble too, he must have been) all these, and more, are Personages in the Drama, which has lately entertained the Town. I say nothing of Proofs; some People are ve­ry believing, and others were mere Infidels. The Doctrine of Transubstantiation has had full Credit with our Ancestors, in Spite of their Senses: And yet Zeno, in another Age, would not believe there was such a Thing as Motion.

For my own Part, I design, as long as I live, to be Courtly in my Political Creed: [Page 88] Want of Acknowledging, that, a Cloud is like a Whale; or very like a Weazel. Since Plots, true or false, are necessary Things, why should we doubt of the Reality of this: But for irrefragable Proofs of it, peruse the Arguments of the Sollicitor-Ge­neral, &c. Mr. Wynne, a young Lawyer, is much applauded for the Defence. The D— of W— has shone in his House on the Occasion; he has taken abundance of Pains to observe upon the Evidence, which makes his Speech much the longer; it de­lighted many of the Hearers: But the Master-piece of Eloquence on this Occa­sion, in my poor Opinion, is Mr. K—'s which you receive a Copy of; it is indeed the most finished Performance of the greatest Orator our Island ever boasted. There is nothing omitted that was necessary to be remembred; there is not a superfluous Sentence, not an ill-turned Period, not an ill-chosen Expression in the whole. There is that Strength of Reasoning in answering the Arguments of the Adversary, and that Clearness of Diction to convey to us his own Sentiments, that, it is like a polished Diamond, of the first Water and most ex­cellent Workmanship. It is impossible to say whether its Firmness or its Lustre be [Page 89] most predominant; or for which of those Merits in the highest Degree of Perfection, all other Gems must yeild it the Prefer­tence.

LETTER XV.

YOUR Complaint is very just, that by the Titles of Impeachments in Parlia­ment, a Man at a Distance off cannot guess what the Accusation is. This against the Earl of M** consisted chiefly of two Branches; one, that he sold the Offices of the Ma­sters in Chancery for very great Sums of Money; which Offices are in some Degree judicial; the Sale of them therefore must naturally introduce Corruption in the Offi­cers, according to the Adage, He that buys Justice, must sell Justice, The other Branch is, that to conceal this Sin, (as it commonly happens) he fell into a greater: Large Sums of Money, belonging chiefly to Orphans, had by the Authority of the Court been deposited in the Hands of these Masters; some of them thought it a proper Opportunity to grow rich, nor scrupled to adventure the Fortunes of their Neighbours: they met with woeful Disappointments of their Expectations; [Page 90] there were great Deficiencies, and the Chan­cellor, to screen them, was guilty of shame­ful Delays of Justice, by putting off the Hear­ing of the Causes affected by these Losses

To the Wonder of the gazing World, and maugre the zealous Endeavours of some most Noble Peers, this corrupt Man is to continue a Judge, upon his Ho­nour, of the Lives and Fortunes of English­men; he is to continue to make our Laws, and to interpret them. He is condemned in thirty thousand Pounds, it is true, but, cui bono? Not to repair the suffering Sui­tors; but as a Fine to the Crown, (which perhaps may remit it) tho' the People have received the greatest Injury. How then are the Sufferers to be repaired, think ye? Why, truly, it is rumoured, by a Tax to be laid on the Suitors in that Court. The innocent Suitors, who may be esteemed sufficiently unfortunate in having Occasion to resort thither, are to be punished for the Iniquities of the Chancellor.

The House of Lords is not bound by the Forms of the Courts below Stairs, and the Impeachments before them are managed pretty much in the Stile of the Civil Law; it were to be wished, in the Case of this Earl, they had adopted a Form of that Law which is proper to produce a just and rational Sentence upon Crimes like [Page 91] these they have lately censured. The Criminal Process, among the Civilians, is frequent­ly, if not always, in the Nature of an Action Qui tam, &c. I have seen a Libel of theirs for Homicide, which amounted to an Appeal, as well as Indictment. In a Case like this, they would, in the first Place, have given Relief to the Injured out of his Estate, and then have made a reason­able Confiscation to the Prince, as a Punish­ment of his Crimes. Thus they would have fulfilled the Dictates both of Com­mutative and Distributive Justice. Resti­tion, was barely a Debt, and Confiscation was a moderate Punishment.

If a Sentence of Sir George Oxenden's, who opened this Impeachment, had been duly weighed, we should hardly see the Innocent taxed for the Crimes of the sol­vent Guilty. ^* But we have never been fond of changing our Laws, no not even for the better; the Lords in Parliament, four hundred Years ago, to reject a mis­chievous Ecclesiastical Proposal, answered, Nolumus leges Angliae mutari. An answer highly laudable on that Occasion! and ever since we have it trumped up to us, as a Maxim, without the least Attention to the Difference of the Matters in Question. I will mention to you Two strong Instances (instead of twenty) of our supine Neglect [Page 92] in amending our Laws. The Landlord from all Antiquity might distrain his Tenant for Rent due, and then the Distress must perish in his Hands, if the Tenant could not pay; for the Lord could not sell it, till enabled by a Statute made in the Days of King Charles II. This Piece of Common Law we sent to Ireland, but they found the Reme­dy one hundred and fifty Years earlier than we did. Another Instance is, that the then Statute of Administrations (which is but a Translation from the one hundred and eigh­teenth Novel) was made in the latter End of the same Reign, and no earlier; and we are sure that our Law was a regular and flourishing Profession four hundred Years without it. Perhaps it flourished the more, for differing in many Points from common Sense.

LETTER XVI.

THERE is one of the Wonders of the World to be accomplished this Session; the Salt Tax will be abolished. It is a new Thing for the Crown to lose Ground in the Revenue. Our History shews very few Instances of the kind. Tho' the [Page 93] Occasion was most urgent when the Tax was imposed, and tho' the Grant of it was only temporary, and for a very short Time too, yet Pretences have been always found to continue the Burthen, when the Neces­sity ceased. Our Oracle in the Law and Records of Parliament observes, that Ton­nage and Poundage were granted first to King Henry the Fifth, to enable Him to invade and conquer France; but his unfortunate Son, who lost that Acquisition back again, enjoyed the same Revenue, as did also Queen Mary the First, who lost Calais, the only Fragment of it that re­mained till her Time. So forcible is a Possession in the Crown, that People are apt to suffer it to turn to a Right. But this Mistake cost King Charles the First dear; it was the First Grievance of his Reign and disposed a knowing, a resolute Gene­ration of Freeman (whose Spirits were not broken by Taxes and Standing Armies) to examine every thing with Rigour. Yet not all the Difficulties and Mis­fortunes of his Reign could deter his Son, King James the Second (tho' he did not want the Money) from levying the same Re­venue before it was given by Parliament. I think we have one Instance in the English History, of the Monarch's taking less than the Subject gave, and that was in the Days [Page 94] of Good Queen Elizabeth, who chose to reign in the Hearts of her People, who de­pressed Monopolies, and particular Schemes of robbing the Publick, and esteemed the Wealth and Honour of the Nation as her own.

If Farmers in their Tillage and their Diet, Merchants in Victualling their Ships, Potters in their Manufacture, but above all, the Fishery (that Diu multumque desi­deratum of Great Britain) require such immense Quantities of Salt, that it is im­possible to maintain the Officers, and to make any considerable Profit of that Re­venue, if we allow Draw-backs for all those Purposes (not to speak of the frequent Frauds upon Exportation) and as on the other Hand, we would not have our Neigh­bours Till their Land, Navigate their Ships, Cure their Fish, and even be able to sell an earthen Pitcher cheaper than we can; it is really amazing to consider how this Tax came first to be granted in this Nation; but it is much more astonishing that the Expe­rience of its Michiefs had not long ago awa­kened the Legislature to redeem it. It is not strange that the People should gladly em­brace the Opportunity of Deliverance from this Oppression; the Miracle is, that a First Minister should give his Voice for so considerable a Reduction of his [Page 95] Myrmidons, should concur in abolishing a Tax which seems calculated to create Mini­sterial Dependencies, and to corrupt Voices for Parliamentary Elections. Perhaps, like Sylla, he knows he has so well convinced the World of his transcendent Ability for Mischief, that he may retire in Safety with the Spoil of Nations, and deserve the Thanks of Mankind for plaguing them no longer. But if he designs to pursue the Plan which he has hitherto proceeded on, the Trained Bands of the Salt-Duty are an ill-judged Reduction of his Forces: He does not usually commit such Blunders in Domestick Politicks, whatever his Enemies object to his Skill and Address in Foreign Treaties. Taxes, burthensome as This is, make Standing Armies necessary; and great Armies cannot be maintained without bur­thensome Taxes; they are Bawd and Punk to each other, but the poor Nation is always the Cully.

It is a Proposition as demonstrable as any in Euclid, that heavy Taxes must naturally de­stroy this or any other trading populous Na­tion, which depends greatly on its own Ma­nufactures. Yet neither the small Vulgar nor the Great can comprehend this Truth. If France can maintain her Manufacturer, in proper Provinces, at Ten Pounds per Ann. when ours must cost Twenty, and if the [Page 96] Value of 30 l. in Wool will employ at least six Persons, at a Medium, per Ann. the English Account will stand thus, For Wool 30 l. for Work, 120 l. Total, 150 l. The French may be stated thus, For Wool, 40 l. for Work, 60 l. Total, 100 l. so that the French may sell Wares of equal Goodness at 100 l. which we shall not be able to sell under 150 l. and this upon a Supposition too, that they pay 20 l. for one third Part of their Quantity of Wool which costs us on­ly 10 l. Thus if we suppose that they use two thirds of their own Growth, they can af­ford to give for what they buy from us, or from Ireland, double the Price of our Market, and yet sell so much cheaper than we can, as is already stated.

Our Manufacturers make a Noise about the running of Wool, and about that only, as if this were their only Evil. They are assisted in their Clamour, and misled in their Reasoning, by those whose Business it is to raise a Dust, and to hide the true, the principal Cause of the Declension of the British Trade; that is of the British Grandeur. This assigning non causa pro causa, is (when it can pass upon People) the most dangerous kind of Sophistry; the Principle being false, the falfe Deductions from it may be numberless.

[Page 97] If a Master Weaver, who returns Twen­ty Thousand Pounds a Year in his Trade, should complain that Wool is risen Ten per Cent. by clandestine Exportation, and that the Manufacturer is ruined by it; it would be in vain to tell him, that there is a single Evil that prejudices his Manufacture in a much greater Degree: He would laugh at me, as an ignorant Pretender, to presume to be wiser than a Man in his own Trade. And yet I may venture to say, that the Duty on Soap and Candles is an heavier Clog on the Manufacture, than any probable Advance in the Price of the un­wrought Commodity can amount to. But here is the Difference, the Master knows when he pays an advanced Price for Wool, but he forgets that he pays the Candle-Tax in the Wages of the Workman.

I do not mean upon the Whole, that France will be able to cut us out from every particular Branch or Article of the Woollen Manufacture. I doubt not that we are in Possession of a Manufacture of some Sorts both of Cloths and Stuffs, which they cannot equal; especially without the Help of our Wool, or that of Ireland. But then this must be admitted, that tho' we could totally cut of the clandestine Ex­portation, yet the French would still be able to increase in the Manufacture of vast Quantities of coarse Goods; and let us [Page 98] remember, that tho' a Yard of fine Cloth may be worth a Guinea, yet the Proportion of that Export is but small. It is the Cloath­ing of the Millions that makes Millions of Money; and if the French are to supplant us in foreign Markets for the Sale of coarse Goods, tho' perhaps the Fountain of our Wealth will not be quite exhausted, yet I fear it will run miserably low. It is idle to say, that their coarse Manufactures will not be as good as ours, if they sell at a lower Price, that will more than compensate the Difference. The Multitude do not affect the nicest Goods, they are glad to be warm at a cheap Rate, and I think our Merchants have said something like this in their Com­plaints of the Irish Trade to Lisbon. They say, that the Irish Goods, are not com­parable to ours, but because they can un­dersell us, they have a ready Market, while ours lye unsold upon the Factors Hands.

It would be proper to apply this Com­plaint against Ireland, to France, and to Prussia too; for the Prussian has sup­planted us very lately in our Trade to Muscovy, to the Value of many Thousand Pounds a Year for coarse cloathing for the Russian Armies. Does all this depend on the Running of Wool from home? Has the Almighty given fleecy Sheep only to Eng­land and Ireland? We may possibly hinder Foreigners from getting our Wool, but what [Page 99] Act of Parliament shall prevent their work­ing up their own? Why do not we make a Law to forbid their Grass to grow, and to interrupt their Sun-shine?

Nothing but the true Foundation of the Growth of the Wealth of private Dealers, can make a trading Nation flourish. We must sell great Quantities and that cannot happen unless we sell at least as cheap as our Neighbours: It is easy to see, that we cannot effect this, while we are plunged in Debt: It is no Wonder that we are thus in Debt, since, after our devouring Land War, we continue to support a great Army at home and abroad ever since; and that by Taxes which were half devoured by those who collected them. It is natural for People to flock out of the Mortgaged-Kingdom to America, France or Holland, or any other Place where their Industry may feed and cloath them, which it can­not at home: And thus (just as it happens in the Case of private Persons) the Increase of the Nation's Debt occasions the Decrease of the Means of paying it. The Loss of the Nation by maintaining a great Army, is not yet sufficiently stated, besides the posi­tive Loss of paying them, there is also a negative Loss of at least Two Hundred Thousand Pounds per Ann. which they would and ought to get, if they were left to labour for their Subsistence.

MUSCOVIAN LETTERS.
LETTER I.

YOUR generous Behaviour to­wards Me may hereafter serve as an Example to all who make Profession of Friendship. You had all the Reason in the World to believe me lost to you, and for ever; and yet this did not hinder you from doing for me, whatever could be done by those who are in a Condition to give daily Proofs of their Affection one to the other. This may be stiled Friendship even to the Dead: Among the Number of whom you could not but account me, since you had no News from me, and nothing but Death could be supposed to prevent my Wri­ting. I am more than convinced of all the Effects you say my first Letter had upon you, and you will be as fully persuaded of those, which yours could produce in me. We know each other too well to need any farther Explication on this Head.

You say, you cannot forbear looking upon me, as a Person risen from the Dead; and you are so [Page 2] far right: I am not dead, indeed, because Mors miseros fugit; but I may, nevertheless, be esteemed a Ghost, since I am actually returned from another World, where I have made no short Abode. I learn every Day something new and surprizing, and that almost with the same Pleasure a deaf Man would, who should at once recover the Organs of Hear­ing. The earnest Desire you express, of having a circumstantial Account of my Adventures, looks as if you expected something extraordinary and wonderful, and therein, you are not mistaken. Had the same Things happened to another, I my self should have been backward in believing them: Triste petit munus: But should I refuse to satisfy your Curiosity, it would be the first Time you ever asked me any thing in vain. I shall not, therefore, hesitate a Moment, and the less, as a renewed Friendship requires more Assiduity than that which has never been broken. Ours may well be said to be renewed, since it is come back from the other World. What terrifies me is, that Accuracy of Relation which you require of me. For I am scru­pulous enough with you, to endeavour strictly to obey you. Had it not been for an unhappy Ship­wreck, which I suffered, at a Time when I might have thought my self least liable to a Misfortune of that Nature, I should, perhaps, have been able to fulfil your Desires. Some Memoirs which I had written in a very peculiar Manner, would have been of great Service to my History: But they are not at all legible. I have, indeed, preserved a short Journal, which now must supply every Thing. Had any one but you made this Request, I should have found more than one reasonable Excuse for a Denial. It is not a bare Relation of my Fate will content you; I must give you the History of a whole Nation, its Manners and Government, and describe it to you, in such a Light as I found it, [Page 3] and not such as, perhaps, you, and many others have believed it to be. It is true, since the Be­ginning of this Century, we have had a more ex­tensive Knowledge of this Nation, than formerly; and the great Reform which has been attempted in it, has furnished ample Occasion for Discourse. You will see how far it has succeeded, and whe­ther the Pains which have been taken, and the Tor­rents of Blood which have been shed, have answered Expectation? It is generally said, we must travel to know the Manners of People: But, to my Cost, I have found, that it is requisite to know them, before we leave our own Home. You will be the more convinced of this Truth, the farther you pro­ceed in the History of my Adventures.

In my former Letter, I advis'd you, that after the Misfortune which obliged me to leave a Coun­try, I shall regret to the last Period of my Life, transported by a just Despair, I had no other Thoughts but of retiring to some Place, where I might be entirely unknown; but my evil Destiny continued to pursue me, and directed my Choice to the only Part of the World, where she could exercise her most cruel Tyranny upon me: For I am persuaded, there is no other Country, in which I could have been exposed to the like Events. I shall leave you to judge of these Matters; be prepared only to give Attention to what I am a­bout to relate. You will find some Things to a­muse and divert you, and others which will just­ly raise your Indignation, and compel you to al­low, that it is with Truth, I say, I am returned from another World.

Being arrived at Dantzick, where I made some Stay, I resolved to conceal my self from the whole World, under the Character of an Italian Mer­chant, with the Name of Roccaforte. My Imagi­nation probably suggested this Name to my Mind, [Page 4] to encourage me to undergo all my Misfortunes with Constancy. In the mean Time, uneasy, and tired as I was, with a painful Journey by Land, I was for trying if I could leave some Share of my Sorrows there, and embarked, in the Beginning of May, 1733. on Board a small Vessel, bound for St. Petersburg, whither my Inclinations led me.

We departed from the Harbour the next Day, with a tolerable good Wind; but the Day follow­ing, about the same Hour, were again in the same Place, having been obliged to return faster than we set out. We hoisted Sail, a second Time: But the Inconstancy of the Weather, and the Violence of the Winds, drove us, for the space of a Fort­night, sometimes on the Coasts of Pomerania, sometimes on those of Denmark; now on the Swe­dish Coasts, and then on the Livonian; where a Sight of the Island of Dagho had like to have cost us dear, by the Unskilfulness of our Pilot. A Want of Provisions began to augment our Fears, the Voyage from Dantzick to Petersburg being gene­rally eight or ten Days, whereas we had been al­ready fifteen, at Sea. We were often in Sight of the Island of Gothland; but with such stormy Weather, as obliged us to keep the Sea. At Length, we happily gained the Eastern Coast of that Island, where, among a Number of Rocks, we found a proper Anchorage. It was with great Pleasure I went on Shoar, where the first thing I observed was, by certain Marks, that the Sea was retired from that Place: The next Day, I was fully con­vinced of it, and saw that it had left a good half League of dry Land. We were so fortunate to find a House, and whatever we wanted to re-vic­tual our Ship.

During our Stay there, which was three or four Days, I diverted my self with taking long Walks, and I found very pleasant ones all along the Shoar, [Page 5] with Situations very proper for the Abode of a Wretch like my self. You will laugh at another Remark I made, in this Island; which is, that of one Species of Birds, common every where else, at least in Europe, and that small part of Asia, I have travelled through, I mean Sparrows, not any are to be seen there. If you ask me the Reason of it, I shall ingenuously confess my Ignorance, since there are many other Kinds of Birds. I could gladly have staid some Days longer, in this charm­ing Solitude: But the Time for our Departure was come, and we were destined to be, another Fort­night, the Sport of the Winds, which, at length, drove us into the Port of Revel.

These Accidents, which happened to me in my Voyage, were designed, by Fate, to give me a Foresight of what I was to expect when arrived in Port: But I was not capable of Reflection; my Thoughts were bent on nothing but carrying my Despair and Sorrows to a Place, where they might not be seen or known by any one. After having furnished ourselves with some Provisions at Revel, we put to Sea again, and, not to tire your Pati­ence any longer, after a most unfortunate Voyage of six Weeks, we arrived, the 20th of June, at Petersburg.

But before I suffer this Exclamation to carry me too far, I must solemnly protest, that being about to treat of the Muscovite Nation, of which, Difficile est Satyram non scribere, I except the Au­gust SOVERAIGN, who now rules it, for whom I have the most profound Veneration. I am ac­quainted with her extraordinary Qualities, and es­pecially her Religion and Piety. I am not igno­rant, in what an excellent Manner she dispenses her Justice and Clemency; but what is most ad­mirable, [Page 6] is her extreme good Nature, a Quality rarely to be met with on the Throne; which, however, she possesses in the highest Degree of Perfection, and extends to the utmost of her Pow­er, tho' always far short of her Inclination: So that, in many Cases, we might justly make her speak the Language of Iphigenia,

In short, to say every Thing in a few Words; there is nothing wanting in her, that can be desired; but, on the contrary, what she might reasonably ex­pect, she is far from possessing: Her Merits give her a Title to govern another Sort of People, who might be capable of knowing and perceiving the Happiness they enjoy in her Person, and to have another Kind of Subjects about her, who might assist her in supporting the Burthen of so vast a Go­vernment.

As for the Illustrious Princess, the only Remains of the Family which now reigns; they only, who have not seen nor heard of her, can be at a Loss to distinguish her from the rest of the Nation. The Qualities of her Mind and Body are a Con­junction of whatever is excellent: And if I should pretend to give you a Detail of what I have seen of one, and heard of the other, I should not be so soon able to give you Satisfaction, with Regard to my self. Let it then suffice, that she possesses eve­ry Quality, in such a Perfection; Quâ faemina nasci nulla potest.

Having rendered, Quae sunt Caesaris Caesari, I re­turn to my Voyage, which we pursued up the Nieva, till we came near a fine Bridge of Boats, that crosses it. I would gladly have landed immedi­ately; but the Officers, who were put on Board our Vessel at Cronstadt, would not suffer us to car­ry [Page 7] the least Thing from the Ship: I was, there­fore, forced to stay on Board, and it was three Days before our Master could get his Clearances; which gave me not the best Idea of their Regulati­ons with Regard to Trade. In this Interval, all I could do was to amuse my self with what came within my View. The first Thing which offered was the Bridge, which serves for a Commu­nication of one Part of the Town with the other. It is little frequented, from whence I concluded the Place not populous, and I was not deceived. The Ships which are ranged on both Sides of the River, in a Symetrical Order, make a pretty agre­able View, but the rest is no way answerable to this Part of the Town, which may be called fine. Suffer me now to guess at your Desires: I am per­suaded, that amidst the Accuracy of the Relations you desire from me, they do not extend to a De­scription of Things; that would be an Entertain­ment too gross for your refined Taste; nor shall I want Matter, without that, to employ a good Part of your Time: For being to give you an Account of a Captivity, which lasted two whole Years, Circumstances will offer, of sufficient Importance to deserve not to be treated in a Laconic Manner.

The first Person I became acquainted with at Pe­tersburg was a Merchant whose Name is Mariotti, a very honest Man, and to whom I am highly oblig­ed. He assisted me in every Thing within his Sphere, and I am persuaded he would have done more had it been in his Power. I went to the Roman Catho­lic Church, and visited the Fathers who officiated in it, whither a pretty many People resorted. I there used my best Endeavours to get Information of such Things as were most necessary, on my Ar­rival in a Country where I proposed to settle. I picked up my Intelligences, some here, some there, and neglected no Opportunity to be instructed. [Page 8] Thus, in a few Days, I easily perceived, this was no Country for my Purpose; but I was advanced too far to retreat. My Business was how to get into the Service; I advised with Mr. Mariotti about it: But he laid so many Difficulties before me, as threw me into an unusual Disorder.

While my Thoughts where thus employed what Course to take, I accidentally saw a Person, who I believed might know me, and besides met with a very singular Adventure, which obliged me to take other Measures. I formed the Resolution of going to Persia, where I knew the Prince of Hesse-Hom­burg commanded, and the Character I had heard of him gave me Room to hope, that if I made my self known to him, he would not refuse me the Honour of his Protection. I but just hint at these Matters now, because you will find a particular Account of them, in a Petition I presented to the Czarina's Cabinet-Council. But I must acquaint you with the chief Motive that put me upon going to Persia, which I could not insert in that Piece, as you yourself will judge. Being continually in­quisitive after a Knowledge of Things, I likewise gathered all the News I could, not only what was published in the Gazettes, but what I could learn from the Persons I conversed with. Among the latter was one who was perfectly acquainted with the Projects, Designs, and Preparations of the Court of Petersburg, and who knew the Strength, as well as the weak Side, of this Power, which now so much alarms Europe, tho' I see no Reason for it. By all I could learn, I was convinced, that the War in Poland was inevitable, and that if I engaged in the Russian Service, I should, perhaps, be obliged to draw my Sword against a Prince I respect, and against a Nation I shall love with my latest Breath, and to which I owe the little Know­ledge I have in the Art of War. You know me [Page 9] so much a Frenchman at Heart, to be intirely per­suaded, I should rather quit the Profession of a Sol­dier for ever, than engage against the Interest of King Stanislaus, and the Troops employed to sup­port his lawful Rights. The Declaration made by the French King, to all the Ministers I had seen, left me no Room to doubt, but he would employ all his Force in so just a Cause, for which the Ho­nour of the French Name is so tenderly concerned. I leave you to judge, whether I could bear to be in the Muscovite Army, in View of the Troops of France; I detest the very Thoughts of it. This was the true Motive which fixed my Resolution of going to Persia, and you are by this Time sensible I could not insert it in the Petition mentioned above. As soon as my Design was formed, I spoke to my Friend Mariotti to look out for a Con­veniency of going thither; and in order to pro­vide what was most necessary for my Journey, I sold a good Part of my Equipage, to raise Money. My next Care was to get a Pass, which is not to be obtained without Difficulty, and at a great Ex­pence, especially if it be to go out of the Russian Dominions: But as this was not my Case, I got off for four or five Rubles ^*: A shameful Practice, to oblige People to pay for a Pass! What must a Person do who has but just enough to bear the Expences of his Journey? Why truly, he must remain there, and submit to Slavery, as has been the Case of many. A Foreigner, who has lived some Time among them, finds it difficult to ob­tain his Dismission. They are no sooner informed of his Intent, than they raise Suspicions, and carry their Jealousy and Distrust to an Excess. Who­ever has once got a Knowledge of their Affairs, must never hope to leave the Country. They imagine, they have Reason to apprehend such a one would divulge their Arcana. What more sensible Evi­dence [Page 10] can there be of the Weakness of their Go­vernment?

All I advance on this Head is but too well­grounded, and I could give a Number of In­stances which would sufficiently evince this Truth: But I shall confine myself to One, that of an Itali­an, who calls himself Sava, and who has ren­dered the Empress such Services, as put it out of the Power of this Princess to acknowledge them. As his Case has been already made public, I shall not detain you with a long Account of it: And only add, that this Man, after having long served the State, could not obtain Leave to pass the Rest of his Days with his Wife, at Venice. Does not this single Instance of Muscovite Politicks surprize you? For my Part, I think it the more shocking; as the Person I am speaking of deserves a better Fate. But to return to my own Concerns.

Having procured a Pass, I wanted nothing but a favourable Opportunity of departing, and soon after one offered, such, I thought, as my Heart could wish. I embraced it with the greater Plea­sure, as I was convinced I should, by this Means, pursue my Journey, with Safety and Delight. It was not easy to foresee, that such an Opportunity could ever be the Source of a grievous Captivity, and of all my Misfortunes. You, without doubt, know, that the Emperor PETER I. founded an Academy of Sciences, which is yet in being, but in so confused a State, that the principal Members of it have desired their Dismission. Perhaps, likewise, you have heard of an Expedition to the North-Eastern Parts of Asia, to a Country call'd Kamtschatki, in which the Mus­covites have already settled some Colonies. This Undertaking furnished me with the Opportunity I am speaking of. Three Professors of the Aca­demy, one of Astrology, a second of History, and a third of Botany, were to be sent to this Country, [Page 11] and they, with several others, formed a sort of Ca­ravan. Their Way lay through the Kingdom of Ca­san, which was likewise my Road to Persia. As soon as I was informed, that these Gentlemen were preparing to depart, I did what I could to be one of the Company. I first enquired to whom I must make my Application, for this End, and was told to Mons. de l'Isle, Professor of Astronomy, Brother of the late Mons. de l'Isle, the famous Geo­grapher to his most Christian Majesty. This Gentle­man left France, and went to Petersburg, in the Time of Peter I. who had desired him of the French King. As I shall have frequent Occasion, in the Sequel, to mention him and his Spouse, I must not omit ma­king you acquainted with their Characters; but I must previously tell you, that their Merit infinitely surpasses whatever I can say of them. Good Na­ture, Generosity, Candour, and every other Quality, which can render a Person amiable, are perfectly united in them. I may say, in short, they are an Honour to the French Nation. A rare Phenome­non, to preserve so many good Qualities among a People, who hardly know one of them! Nothing can be a more convincing Proof of it, than what they did for me during my Captivity.

When I waited on Mons. de l'Isle, to concert, with him, the Measures I had to take; he received me with an unprecedented Politeness, and gave me a most favourable Reception. He told me, that he was not to go the Journey himself, but that it was his Brother, Mons. de la. Croyere, who, without doubt, would rejoice at having my Com­pany. I afterwards spoke of it to Mons. de la Croyere, and to the other Professors, who readily granted my Desire. Some Days after, Mons. de la Croyere, desired me to come to his House, in Order to depart, the next Day: But, their last Dispatches not being ready, our Journey was de­layed [Page 12] a good while longer. During this Inter­val, Mons. and Madam de l'Isle compelled me to be with them, and treated me as an intimate Friend. There it was I got acquainted with Mons. du Vernoi, a very learned Professor of Anatomy, and a Man of unquestionable Worth: To whom I have great Obligations for Services done me; And as I shall mention him farther in the Sequel of my History, I thought it my Duty to make you acquainted with him. As our whole Conver­sation at Mons. de l'Isle's, turned upon the Expe­dition to Kamtschatki, I had some Inclination to go thither my self, and it was compatible enough with my Resolution of being unknown. I opened my Mind to Mons. de l'Isle, and we de­bated on it some Days: But, upon mature En­quiry, finding neither Order nor Management in the Design, I thought no more of it. And, in­deed, they were so ill prepared for it, that on the very Day intended for our Departure, we were obliged to put it off a Fortnight, to regulate cer­tain Matters, which ought to have been provided for long before. Such is the Custom of the Country; Nothing is done there To-day, every Thing is put off till To-morrow, which I have too often experienced to my Cost, and been forced to put up with those To-days and To-morrows, for three Months together.

At length, after many Delays, on the most fri­volous Accounts in the World, we were upon the Point of departing: But two of these Gentlemen having some Doubts, I went before, with a Ser­vant, Monsieur de la Croyere was so kind to give me. We agreed upon a Place, where we were all to meet, and pursue our Journey afterwards to­gether. Monsieur de l'Isle and his Spouse, not satisfied with the Civilities they had shewn me, loaded me with such a Quantity of Provisions, as [Page 13] would have served me quite to Persia, had I been allowed to pursue my intended Journey thither.

The Day of my Departure was the 15th of Au­gust, O.S. I embarked on board a small Vessel as customary, and went up the River Nieva to the famous Canal of Ladoga. This Canal is situate in a very marshy Soil, and is of a vast Extent; but I very much question, whether the Advan­tages accruing from it answer the immense Sums it cost at first; not to mention the prodigious Num­ber of Lives sacrificed in that Undertaking. I make little or no Doubt, but it will insensibly fall to Decay; because it is hardly possible to keep it in Repair, without a considerable yearly Expence; and, on the other Hand, the Muscovites are not enough inured to Labour to continue such painful Works long.

From this Canal of Ladoga, I entered the River Wolkowa, in which there are Currents of an asto­nishing Rapidity, and very difficult to stem. The Violence of the Stream broke the Rope which drew my Barque; but, by good Fortune, it happened at a Place, where the Danger was not great, and all the Damage I suffered was being carried some Distance back again. However, not to incur the like Danger again, I took care always to land, when I found myself exposed to it.

These Currents, or rather Cataracts of the Lado­ga, are a Hinderance to the Advantages proposed by this Canal. The chief Aim of digging it, was to facilitate the Communication of the Wolga with the Baltick, and so far it has succeeded; because, by this River, there is a very easy Passage even to the Caspian Sea. It is, likewise, of great Service to the Transport from Muscow to Petersburg. As for the Transport of Goods from Petersburg into the Country, I look upon this Design as very dif­ficult. How is it possible Vessels, heavy laden, should [Page 14] stem these Currents? What Dangers would they not be exposed to? And supposing it practicable, how few Merchants would be at the Expence of an Undertaking of this Nature?

Having passed these Currents, I continued my Journey through a Country equally populous and well cultivated. I traversed the great Novogrod, which carried me into the Lake of Imen; from thence into the River Mista, which I was likewise obliged to go up as far as Bronitz, the Rendez-vous ap­pointed by my Friend de la Croyere. We both rejoiced at our happy Meèting, and after having continued our Journey some Days by Land, we embarked on the Twersa, a little River, which falls into the Wolga, at Twer, whither we repaired. Here we were obliged to stay about ten Days, to fit out a large Barque, big enough for the whole Caravan. I must confess, this Delay was very te­dious to me: And I could not conceive, how, in an Undertaking of this Importance, Measures could have been so ill concerted. But thus, as I observed before, it is with every Thing in Muscovy; an eternal Slowness rules in all their Actions, and if any thing ever succeeds there, it is generally the Effect of meer Hazard.

All Things being ready for our Departure, Monsieur de la Croyere would take me into the same Cabbin provided for himself. I shall not give you any Account of my Remarks, nor of what happened in my Journey from Petersburg to Casan. I had kept a little Journal, but the Mus­covites thought fit to take away this, and several other of my Papers. This petty Larceny shews the Character of the People: They were apprehen­sive, the Use I should make of this Journal might not turn to their Honour, and perhaps they were not mistaken: This, however, is certain, that Di­strust is one of the evil Qualities of this Nation. [Page 15] I think I promised to say something of Kamtschatki, and of the Expedition thither: it is time I keep my Word, and entertain you a Moment on that Head.

It is certain, that the North-East Part of Asia differs very much from what it has been long be­lieved to be. It was supposed to be bordered by the Promontorium Glaciale, or Cape of Swetenoes. But it is now discovered, that, at the End of this Cape, there is a large Continent which stretches North and South, for the Space of more than twenty Degrees, and forms a sort of Peninsula, joining to that Part of Asia only on the North. On the Western Side of it, is a Gulph, which se­parates it from Siberia, and on the Eastern Side is the Sea of Japan. Towards the South it is bor­dered by a very narrow Streight, full of Islands. For this Discovery we are indebted to the People who inhabit the most Northern Parts of Siberia. Some pretend it was made by Sea, by doubling the Cape of Swetenoes: Others, that it was made on the Land-side, by advancing very far into the Coun­try; I shall not determine which is the right: But however this be, it is certain the Country is inha­bited by divers Nations, and that, at this Time, a great Number of Russian Colonies are settled there. PETER I. sent a Danish Sea-Officer thither, called Captain Berrin; who, having undertaken the Journey by Land, traversed Siberia, advan­ced to this very Place, and returned. What Dis­coveries this Captain made, I cannot pretend so justly to say: But it is to be presumed, that what­ever Measures have been since taken, are grounded on his Report. The same Officer has now under­taken this second Journey thither, by Order of the Empress, who has intrusted the Direction of this Affair solely to him. He departed some Months before us, with a large Company, espe­cially [Page 16] of Mariners, and a great Number of Arti­ficers, who are to be employed in building seve­ral Vessels there. The Professors hoped to over­take them at Tobolski, the Capital of Siberia, with the rest of the Caravan.

This Project was formed with several Views. The first is, to establish a Trade with the Japa­nese. The second, to work at the Mines, which are very rich and numerous, in the Country alrea­dy known: And a third, to attempt new Disco­veries towards America, which, perhaps, is not very far from thence; since the Bounds of the North­ern Part of California are not yet known. It is even said, that Captain Berrin has already discern­ed some Land on that Side. We must allow, that nothing has a more promising Appearance, than all these Views, and, if they succeed, great Ad­vantages will ensue: But I very much fear, the Court of Russia will be deceived in their Expecta­tions, and am concerned for my Friend the Astro­nomer, who has engaged so unwarily in the De­sign. Their Measures have been hitherto so ill concerted, that, in all Appearance, this Enter­prize will never succeed. The greater Part of those employed therein are unexperienced Persons, who have no Talent, nor have I observed either Discipline or Order among them. Nevertheless, a Scheme of this Nature, if well executed, would excite the Attention of all Europe, and be an in­expressible Glory to the Sovereign, under whose Reign it has been formed.

I should be curious to know what the Dutch think of this Undertaking; they, who alone, in Europe, carry on a Trade to Japan. They would not have much Reason to be concerned at it: The Muscovites are not a very expeditious People to settle such a Commerce. But it may be objected, that the Face of Affairs may change in Russia; [Page 17] The Inhabitants of it are not always the same; And after all, may not the Design, which miscar­ried in the first Attempt, succeed in a Second? Vain Imagination! A Change in the Muscovites is a Phe­nomenon which will not appear so soon, and which, I confess, I look upon as impossible. On the other Hand, there are, in the wise and mighty Republick of Holland, Politicians too refined, and Traders too knowing, not to be watchful for the Security of their Commerce; And if they find such a Settle­ment likely to take Place, they will not want Means to prevent the Consequences of it. The least Su­spicions, dextrously insinuated into the jealous Minds of the Japanese, would alone suffice to overthrow all the Schemes of the Muscovites, were they even con­certed with more Prudence and Wisdom than they are.

My Journey to Kamtschatki has been no less tedious than that from Twer to Casan. We entered the lit­tle River of Casanka, which begun to freeze, and going up it, arrived the 20th of October about Noon at Casan, where I shall take some Days Repose. Do you the same, Sir, expecting a second Letter, in which I shall acquaint you only with what regards my self. ‘—Et quanquam luctus renoventur amari Perpe­tiar memorare tamen.’

LETTER II.

I Take the Advantage of staying at Ca­san, as well to recover my self from the Fatigues of my Journey, as to retrieve, if possible, the Time I have lost: But what Satisfaction can I make, for having kept a profound Silence with regard to you, for two whole Years together. The more I think of it, the more I am sensible of my Incapacity: And, in­deed, what Possibility is there of expressing the Ob­ligations I lye under, for what you have done in my Behalf! No, Sir, I am convinced, I shall never be in a Condition to make a Return adequate to your Goodness.

My last informed you of our Arrival at Casan, the 20th of October. It then began to be so cold, that the River was half frozen over. I had so little Thoughts of making any stay there, that my first Care was to inquire, if there was any Ves­sel bound for Astracan: But it was labour in vain, the Season was too far advanced. I had no Remedy but to hire a Barque to my self, and all Necessaries for my Journey were soon provided. My Friends were no sooner informed of my Design, than they used their utmost Endeavours to dissuade me from it. Mons. de la Croyere, in particular, gave me such an Idea of the Difficulties, and represented, in such lively Colours, the Dangers, I was about to expose my­self to, that I, at length, determined to wait for an Opportunity of continuing my Journey by Land: [Page 19] It was next to impossible for me to resist the pressing Instances, which were made me on this Account. My Resolution being fixed, a small Lodging was provided for me, and as I foresaw my Abode there might be long, I took care to buy those Things, I should stand in need of. The next Point was, what Character I was to appear under: After mature Consideration, I concluded, it would not become me to remain wholly under Disguise, and as a Va­grant. I did not in the least doubt, but the Professors made mention of me; But I was intirely at a Loss what Construction was put upon their Discourse. Be­ing informed that the Governor was a Person of Di­stinction, who had travelled, and spoke French and Italian, I took that Resolution, which to me seemed alone becoming a Man of Honour. I paid him a Visit, the 28th of October, and opened my self to him, in the following Words:

‘"Sir, tho I am persuaded, it is allowable to de­ceive the Publick, in Things which concern none but my self, I am, at the same Time, convinced, it will not become me to impose upon a Person of your Quality and Character. My Pass, you see, describes me as a Merchant, by a feigned Name; But I must confess to you, that I am a Soldier, of some Distinction. My Design is to go into Persia, to offer my Service to the Prince of Hesse-Homburg, to be employed under him, in Her Majesty's Army. I beg of you, Sir, to give me a Guard, that I may continue my Jour­ney in Safety."’ I told him my real Name, and the Reason, which had induced me to conceal it. He answered me courteously enough, but with some Perplexity. ‘"I am sorry (said he) for your Mis­fortunes, and shall take care for your Departure with the first Opportunity."’ Having, thereupon, made me repeat my true Name, he took it down in Writing. He continued his Discourse to me in the [Page 20] most obliging Manner; But perceiving his Counte­nance did not speak the same Language, I replied: ‘"Sir, as you may have some Scruple with Respect to my Person, I here offer you my Sword, and am ready to surrender my self your Prisoner, whenever you shall think proper, 'till you know who I am, and in what manner I have behaved."’ To which he answered in these very Words: ‘"Fear Nothing, Sir, I am convinced by your Carriage and your Discourse, that you are the Person, you say you are: Let nothing disquiet you, and be as­sured a Passage shall be provided for you, in the first Ship, that departs for Astracan:"’ Upon this, I took my Leave, without, however, know­ing what Course to take: The Surprize I had ob­served in his Looks, was to me not the most auspi­cious Omen.

When I left the Governour, I went directly to Mons. de la Croyere, to acquaint him what had hap­pened. I had too much Obligation to conceal any Thing from him. He had Company with him, so I did not think it proper to speak of this Matter, 'till he was alone. I had hardly sat down, when I saw the City-Major come in, at the Head of half a Do­zen Soldiers, with their Bayonets on the Muz­zles of their Muskets. He immediately demanded my Sword, which I gave him without Hesitation, telling him, the Governour might have received it himself, without taking this Step. He did not un­derstand me, but behaved with much more Polite­ness, than is usual in Muscovy. I must do him the Justice to own, that of all those I had any Concern with, his Carriage was the most Gentleman-like. I could almost swear he is of Tartarian Race; At least his Shape and Phisiognomy had very much the Resemblance of that Nation, which has Nothing in common with the Muscovite. He soon took Pos­session of the Room I was in, and obliged Mons. de [Page 21] la Croyere, with his Company, to go out, and then leaving me to the Care of a Corporal and six Sol­diers, who kept their Bayonets on the Muzzles of their Muskets, he returned to give the Governour an Account of his Expedition. I desired Mons. de la Croyere, when he left me, not to be uneasy, nei­ther on his own Account nor mine, assuring him, that the Regard he had shewn for me could never be of any Prejudice to him. The Major returned in a­bout half an Hour, and, taking me in his Sled, carried me to my Lodgings, where all that belong­ed to me were examined with the greatest Exactness. This was done by a young Man who had the Ap­pearance of an Officer, but whose Carriage bespoke him nothing less. Not the least Thing, in my whole Equipage, could escape his Sight. He unfolded my Shirts, and folded them up again, to see if he could find any thing concealed in them. In short, his Hands and Eyes were every where. The Major, who seemed pleased with his performing his Functi­on with so much Care, told him, with a Sneer: Thou wouldst make an excellent Valet de Chambre, none better. I took this young Man to be an Officer, by his Dress; But if he was so, judge what sort of Officers there are in Muscovy. After a nice Enquiry what was to be found, they bundled up my Books, and some Writings of no great Concern, which they seized and carried off.

Having thus disposed of my Effects, the next Thing was to secure my Person. They carried me to the Corps de Garde, which is over-against the Governour's House. I was there shut up, in the Officer's Room, where a Soldier was placed to guard me, within Sight, with his Sword drawn. I ex­pected, with Impatience, that the Governour would either send for me, or let me know what he de­signed to do with me. It was already past Noon, and I saw no Body, but the Officer of the Guard, [Page 22] and the Soldiers who went out and in. At length, a very slender Dinner was brought for the Officer, and another Person who was to dine with him. They were so civil to invite me to take Part with them. I returned them Thanks; But enquiring of them, by Signs, if the Governour would not send me my Por­tion likewise, they gave me to understand he would not. In vain I desired to have somebody I could speak with; I was told I was not to expect it. Hun­ger, in the mean time, pressing, and seeing nothing brought me, I thought it was best to accept of their Offer. I neither saw nor heard of any thing farther, the whole Day; and Night being come, I was o­bliged to take up with a Bench instead of a Bed; where, however, I slept pretty quietly, after ha­ving taken a Knife out of my Pocket, which was troublesome to me, and which was stolen before Morning, from the Table where I laid it.

I met with no better Usage, the Day following: Having therefore expected my Destiny, to no Pur­pose, 'till Noon, I desired to speak with the Officer, to whom I gave to understand, by Signs, and pret­ty bluntly, that I was ill used; that he should go to the Governour, and tell him, I expected he should either send me an Interpreter, or suffer me to speak to him my self. This Officer, highly surprized to see a Prisoner, equally haughty in his Gesttures, and threatning in the Tone of his Voice, went immedi­ately out of the Room, but returned in a Moment, to tell me the Governour was not at Home. Tho this Answer gave me little Satisfaction, I endea­voured to make him understand several other Things, but to no Purpose. He only perceived, that I want­ed to know, whether I should have any Thing sent me to eat, and to this he again answered in the Ne­gative. I plainly saw I was to be at my own Ex­pence, and therefore threw a Ruble on the Table, and made Signs to have something provided for me.

[Page 23] It may not be amiss to observe here, that in the whole Kingdom of Casan, a Ruble is a considerable Sum, sufficient to maintain a Man elegantly for a whole Month. As Money is extream scarce in this Country, every thing is exceeding cheap. A Sheep is not worth above ten Pence, ^* a Hen a Penny, and 30 Eggs the same. For 4 or 5 Rubles you may buy the best Horse, that is brought to Market, and the best Bullock is not worth above Two. You know, without doubt, that a Ruble is a Silver Coin, of about the Value of 4 Livres and a half, French Money.

They returned me my Change; but I soon per­ceived, that Stewards in Muscovy were no more troubled with Honesty, than in other Countries. I was, however, under a Necessity of being cheated in this Manner, during the whole Time of my Captivi­ty. I thought my self happy, when I met with Peo­ple who were contented with a small Gain: But this is a Phenomenon which rarely appears in Muscovy. Pardon, I beseech you, a small Digression. You may, perhaps, be curious to know my Bill of Fare; It consisted only in Bread, Beer, and a large Piece of boiled Sturgeon. I no sooner sat down to my short Meal, than a Corporal, who was in the Room, came to offer me the Service of a Carver, with the same Knife which was stolen from me the Night before. I leave you to judge of my Surprize: I fell a laugh­ing, and, at the same Time, laying hold of my Knife, I gave him to understand I could dispense with his Office: But finding he would not let go his Hold, I began to talk big, and hector. My Guards were afraid, and thought proper to send for their Officer. He came in a great Fright, and be­ing informed of the Matter, he offered me his Hand, [Page 24] and made me give him my Word, that no Mischief should ensue. Satisfied with my Promise, he ordered my Knife to be given me, but I was obliged to re­turn it again after Dinner. This short Scene let me see into what Hands I was fallen, and by this I judged what Treatment I had to expect for the fu­ture.

In the Afternoon, my Cloaths were brought me, of which I found they had stolen a good Part. The Linnen I had given to wash, they brought me quite wet: And as they had seized, among my other Pa­pers, my Laundress's Bill, I suppose that was laid, among the Rest, before the Empress's Cabinet-Council. As for the Receipt for my Rent, which I had paid beforehand, and several other Things I had bought, they did not think fit to restore them, nor was ever any farther Mention made of them. In the mean time, I still persisted in demanding an In­terpreter, or that I might be carried before the Go­vernour; but allIntreaties on thisHead were fruitless. I then perceived I must prepare to return to Peters­burg, and consequently undergo the Fatigue of a Journey of 5 or 600 Leagues: For this End, I was desirous at least to buy Necessaries to screen me from the Cold; But no Body could or would understand me, and I was wholly ignorant what would be my Pate.

The next Day, a Man brought my printed Books, which he lock'd up in my Trunk, leaving only a Russian Almanack, with a little Dictionary, in my Disposal. They likewise allowed me some Shirts; but every Thing else was locked up and sealed. A­bout Four in the Afternoon, I was carried, by a Guard of a Serjeant and two Soldiers, to one of the Suburbs of the City, where I lay, that Night, in the House of a Peasant; And here it was that I began [Page 25] to bully in earnest. I had delivered my Sword, as I have observed above, to the City-Major, and it had been kept in my Prison: When they carried me away, I bid the Serjeant take it with him: But the Officer of the Guard, who probably took a Liking to it, refused it, under Pretext, as far as I could understand, that the Major would send it after me. After having waited for it, some Time, in vain, I told the Serjeant I was resolved not to go away without my Sword. I spoke to him of it, with such an Air of Authority, that he, at length, thought fit to go for it, and brought it me in a Moment. Happily for me, the Woman of the House where I was, had a Sheep-skin Pelt, quite new, which she seemed very willing to part with, because the Wool began to fall off. We soon agreed for the Price, and it was of great Service to me in the Sequel. During my Stay at Twer, I had likewise got a Cap made of a black Fox-skin Muff, which cost me a great deal of Mo­ney, tho it was then of no Use to me. I yet keep these two Pieces of Fur, with the whole Fur­niture of my Captivity, hoping one Time or other to divert you with a Sight of them.

The next Day being appointed for my Depar­ture, they put me into the worst Sled they could find, and it was the first Time, in my Life, I had ever crossed a River in a Sled. This River is called the Casana, and was then so frozen as to bear great Burdens: But the Passage over the Wol­ga had like to have proved fatal to me. This Ri­ver is very broad, at the Place where I was to go over it: I believe I speak within Compass, if I say, it is at least half a League broad. The Ice was pretty strong, to some Distance from the Banks; but when we came farther, we met with large Pieces of floating Ice, driving with the Stream. In the Middle of the River, lay a Barque which waited [Page 26] for me: But when we came within three or four hundred Paces of it, there was no other Way to get at it, but by jumping from one Flake of Ice to the other. I was, at first, terrified with the Danger, and thought it rash to attempt this Pas­sage: However, after some Reflections, I took Courage, and resolved to run the Hazard of it. I was willing to set an Example to three Musco­vites, who were to follow me. There were seve­ral Persons more, who designed to have gone over with us; but who, after having viewed the Dan­ger they were like to expose themselves to, wisely resolved to return.

There remained only two Tartars and a Musco­vite on the Banks. Seven or eight Men offered me their Assistance, with some Planks, to be made use of, in the most dangerous Places. But upon second Thoughts, I believed it adviseable to see first what Course the two Tartars would take, to overcome these Difficulties. I beheld them, tho not without laughing, leaping from one Piece of Ice to the other, and soon after getting into the Boat, without any Accident. Encouraged by their Example, I was not long in resolving to fol­low them. Having pulled off my Cloak, I or­dered two Men to walk before me, whom I fol­lowed Step for Step. I thought there was less Danger in tracing their Footsteps, than if I had taken any other Way. The Walk seemed pretty tedious to me; but, at length, I had the Pleasure to take my last Leap, into the Barque. My two Tartars expressed their Joy, by Signs, to see me with them, and I no less rejoiced, at having es­caped so great a Danger. Those who followed me had, likewise, the good Fortune to get into the Barque to us.

The Muscovite, more timorous than the rest, would be the last, and was near being lost. He [Page 27] was not half way, when he sunk down, between two Pieces of Ice, which, by good Fortune, prov­ed strong enough to bear him up by his two Arms. One of the Passengers, who happened to be near him, came to his Assistance, and helped him up, on the Ice again; when perceiving he was nearer the Shoar than the Bark, he chose rather to go back, than to expose himself to new Perils. This Bark carried us over, tho with great Difficulty: For, every Moment, large Pieces of Ice came driv­ing upon us, without any Possibility of avoiding them.

Being happily arrived, on the other Shoar, I ran towards some Houses, which were not far off, to screen my self from a very piercing Cold, and a North-Wind, which blew hard. My Guards who were not yet recovered from the Fright, which so dangerous a Passage had put them into, and be­ing besides taken up with getting my Goods on Shoar, had forgot to keep an Eye upon me. In the mean Time, having found all the Houses shut, I went into a little Church; where I heartily thanked GOD, for having delivered me from so apparent a Danger. I staid there some Time, with no other Design, but to be screen'd from the Cold. Our People, at length, having lost Sight of me, were alarmed, and ran, with all their Might, directly towards the Houses, not doubting but I was got into one of them. They were great­ly surprized when they got thither, and I, who sawtheir Uneasiness, took a Pleasure in leaving them in it. However, not to carry the Jest too far, I appeared again a Moment afterwards, and eased them of the Fears of my being escaped.

We took up our Lodging at a House near the Place of our Landing, being resolved to spend the Night there, to rest from our great Fatigue. Tho our Journey, this Day, had been but short, it [Page 28] might be reckoned one of the most severe we had to undergo. Being come to our Quarters, I en­deavoured to convince the Serjeant, who had Care of me, that he might be very easy on my Ac­count, and I promised him to do nothing contrary to his Orders. He understood me, and taking me by the Hand, expressed a Satisfaction in my Be­haviour. From this Time forwards, I was no longer a Prisoner, but my Guard became my Ser­vants. After a light Supper, I laid my self down to rest. The Night was long, and I had Time enough to sleep, and to think, at Leisure, on my unhappy Fate. It may, perhaps, not be disagre­able to you to know what were my Reflections on this Occasion.

They chiefly ran upon my Adventures. I first called to Mind all that Peter, the Great, had done, the Pains he had taken, and the Torrents of Blood he had shed, to extricate his Subjects, from that Barbarity and Ignorance into which they were plunged. I then reflected on his Voyages, Enqui­ries, Labours, and Establishments; and I said to myself; where are now the Effects of all the Pains this great Monarch took to reform his Peo­ple? Is it possible that his Subjects should be yet in the same State of Barbarity, they were in, long before his Reign? Where are then the Fruits of his Labour? I could not find that this Prince had changed the Genius of his Nation, and I had but too much Experience of the contrary. ^*

From these Thoughts, coming to the Usage I had met with, the most injurious that could be imagined, I began to make other Reflections. The Government of Casan (said I) ought, for se­veral [Page 29] Reasons, to be looked upon as one of the principal Employments conferred by the Russian Court. ^† Consequently the Person, who now en­joys it, should be esteemed one of the most wor­thy Subjects belonging to it. And yet this Man, who is stamped with such a Character, behaves himself in the most unjustifiable Manner in the World. He has neither Christianity, nor even any Principle of Humanity. He is the most vile and ungenerous of Men: In a Word, he is a very Barbarian. Has not he shewn himself to be the most abandoned of the human Species, with Re­gard to me? Where is the Justice of imprisoning a Foreigner, who, relying upon the Laws of Na­tions, travels under a feigned Name, and in whom there does not appear the least Cause of Suspicion? Is it a Christian Usage, to force a Man to travel in a Season, in which a Muscovite, who is the most inured to Hardship, is obliged to keep his Home? Ought not he to have enquired, whether I was provided with Necessaries to resist the Inclemen­cies of a hard Winter, in a Climat I was no Ways accustomed to? Was it not a Cruelty to abandon me in a Prison, without ever informing, himself if I had where withal to subsist? He knew I was ignorant of the Language of the Country; I was not capable of asking for what I stood most in need of. Ought he not, by his Orders, to have pre­vented my being robbed of Part of what I had? In short, Sir, would it not have excited your Com­passion, [Page 30] passion, to have seen me going over the Wolga? And if I had perished in that Passage, had not the Governour of Casan been the Cause of my Death? I cannot but look upon this Event as the most dangerous I ever encountered with, during the whole Course of my Life.

But to go father: To whom is it this Gover­nour shews such unworthy Treatment? Why, to a Man of Quality, one whom he himself has ac­knowledged to be so, and pitied him in his Mis­fortunes. A Person, who, with a sincere and open Heart, throws himself into his Power, and en­treats his Protection. That he might the better surprize and betray me, he begins, by giving me good Words, he assures me I have nothing to fear, and that he will procure me an Opportunity of pur­suing my Journey, in all Safety. Weak, ungene­rous Action! Tell me, I beseech you, was there no other Way to secure me but by Treachery? In any other Country, a little more civiliz'd, a Go­vernour of a Province would have behaved in a very different Manner. He would have said; ‘"Sir, I am sorry I cannot grant you the Favour you ask, the present Juncture, and the positive Orders I have from Court, oblige me indispen­sably to secure your Person: However, be as­sured, I will do every thing, that is in my Power, to relieve you, and make your Captivity easy."’ Had the Governour of Casan treated me with such Language, he would no less have executed the Orders of his Court, supposing he had any: And for me, far from having Reason of Complaint, I should certainly have acknowledg­ed his Favours: But this is not their Manner of Proceeding in Muscovy. Their Way there is to seize a Person without any Cause, without any Ex­amination, and, without even alledging the least Pretext for it; they treat him immediately as a [Page 31] State-Criminal, he is guarded within View, and with Sword in Hand, he is refused the Use of his Knife and Fork, and his Equipage is rifled. Can a People, who behave in this Manner, be called ci­vilized? And who then are Barbarians, if they are not so? Certainly, if I had fallen into the Hands of Mursa, the Chief of the Tartars, who dwells in Casan, I should never have met with such Treatment: And yet these pass for Barbari­ans, and no one has yet been at the Pains to un­deceive the World in this Point. There is an enormous Difference between them and the Musco­vites; but it consists in this, that they are not guilty of the Vices, the latter are so justly re­proached with. The very Sight of the Tartars inclines one to believe all that Fame tells us of those noble Enterprizes, by Means of which they extended their Conquests throughout all Asia, and a Part of Europe. But at this Time, by the greatest of all Misfortunes, several Branches of this valiant Nation are brought under the Muscovite Yoke. I must confess, this surpasses my Under­standing, and I am at a Loss to comprehend it. It is true, the Russians shew a great Regard for them, which is one Reason why they are so easy: But as they are not born to creep to such Masters, I hardly question but they will, soon or late, shake off their Yoke.

You will judge, Sir, of the Length of the Night, by that of my Reflections: But, at length Day appears, and I must rise to pursue my Way, to Muscow, in a Season, when the Ground is eve­ry where covered with Snow. We had a pretty good Journey, this Day, chiefly thro Woods and By-ways. I was obliged to lie all along in my Sled, to avoid the Branches of the Trees: But then I was almost buried in the Snow, which was every Moment falling upon me. We came, in [Page 32] in the Evening, to a Village, the Houses of which appeared to me very different from those of the Muscovites. Both Men and Women had other Habits, and their Language bore no Analogy to the Russian. Upon Enquiry, I found I was among the Scherimissian Tartars, and I rejoiced at it. The Character I had heard of this Nation, and what I had observed myself of them, while at Ca­san, gave me an advantageous Idea of them. I took great Delight in viewing their Houses and Furniture, but more especially the Dress of their Women, which is very singular.

While I was diverting myself in this Manner, I had the Dissatisfaction, to see my Guard scuffling with my Landlady. These Rascals had their Views, in taking this Way, which is not the com­mon Road. The most brutal among them began to abuse the poor old Creature, for no other Crime but endeavouring to secure her own. I thought it my Duty to stand by this Woman: I therefore wrested a large Pole out of the Hands of a Soldier, who had seized it, and, what with Signs and Words, had the good Fortune to appease him. I found, how­ever, that the poor Scheremissi, had been obliged to treat these Soldiers, and to furnish them with what­ever they asked. For my Part, I was contented with a small Matter, conformable to the Bill of Fare I had prescribed my self for the whole Journey. It may be proper to inform you, that, in Muscovy, there are no Houses of Entertainment, where a Man may lodge and be boarded. In the Publick Houses they have, they only sell Beer and Brandy. Ha­ving therefore thrown down some Money on the Table, I made a Sign for them to get me some Eggs, They took but one Penny, for which they brought me thirty. I began to laugh at seeing so large a Number for so little Money. I picked out six of the freshest, and gave the rest to my Landlady. [Page 33] One of my greedy Guard would have laid hold on them; but I gave him to understand, by a Sign, that he was already well enough served. My whole Supper consisted of these six Eggs, and a little Brandy mixed with Water. I might have had Beer, but it was so bad, there was no drinking it. This was all my Food from Casan to Muscow, and this Way of Living was so far from impairing my Health, that I was perfectly well, at my Arri­val there. My Bedding was as mean as my Food; a Bench was the only Conveniency offer'd me, and all a Traveller has to expect throughout whole Muscovy. I had happily provided my self, before my Departure, with a good Mattrass, which was of singular Use to me, as well now as afterwards.

We continued our Journey, the next Morning. My Guard, whose chief Views were Pillage, were for putting up at Noon: I plainly saw their De­sign; But did not know how to prevent it. How­ever, considering how much this retarded my Jour­ney, I took the Serjeant aside, and endeavoured, by good Words, to convince him, that this Be­haviour of his Men, might be the Occasion of a Riot. My Admonition produced no great Effect; he alledged some poor Reasons, in their Justifica­tion, which I was obliged to put up with. I had every Day the Mortification to see these Free-boot­ers go from House to House, and pillage the poor Tartars, of what they pleased. I thought, never­theless, it was my Business to proceed warily, in Case of any Tumult. I had Reason to be appre­hensive, that the enraged Tartars might attempt to massacre my Guard, together with their Prison­er. I therefore, concluded, that if any Distur­bance happened, the most prudent Measures I could take, would be to join with the strongest Party. I never suffered my Sword, which was my only Defence, to be out of my Sight. To gain the [Page 34] Affection of the Tartars, I never went into any House, but I gave the Children Money; and as I had made a large Provision of white Bread, I was very free in distributing Pieces of it among them; for which I always had their Thanks. My Guard, tho very stupid, had Cunning enough to pass by the larger Villages, that they might pillage with the less Danger.

This Behaviour of theirs gave Occasion to many Reflections, which I made during my Journey. I could not forbear lamenting my Fate, to be put in­to the Hands of these Robbers. A thousand Times I cursed the Governor for committing me to the Care of such Wretches. When I observed what miserable Discipline they were under, I said to my self:

It was a melancholy State I was reduced to, and I could not reflect upon it, without extream Con­cern. I found my self obliged to traverse a Country almost unknown, drawn upon a Board in the midst of the Snow, dressed like a Savage, and destitute, in this Desart, of wherewithal to eat or drink. The three Soldiers, who were my Companions, were Men without Manners or Humanity, nor could I ever have any Conversation with them. I some­times however dispelled these gloomy Ideas with a sic erat in satis.

I must not omit informing you, that, in this Journey, I once quarrelled with my Sled-driver.

This small Adventure will contribute not a little to give you a just Idea of the Muscovites. The Rascal, for he deserves no better Name, took a Delight in giving every one of the poor Scheremissi he met, a good Lash with his Whip. I thought, at first, it would suffice to let him know it dis­pleased [Page 35] me, and that he would then leave it: But my Admonitions were in vain, and my Patience being, at length, quite spent, I gave him a Blow with my Fist, that beat him off the Sled. In his Justi­fication, he pretended to convince me, that these People were no Christians. Here had been a good Opportunity to read him a Lesson of Morality: But then, on the one Hand, I must have known how to explain my self to him, and, on the other, he must have been indued with some Principles of Religion; a Thing very rare among the Muscovites.

But since I am speaking of Religion, you must know, the Muscovites think they alone have a Title to the Name of Christians. They look upon all other People, the Europeans not excepted, to be I­dolaters, who have no Knowledge of the true God. Qualibus in tenebris vitae. Wretches that they are! They are not sensible of the profound Ignorance, in which they themselves are immerged. What a strange Worship is theirs! How imperfect their Faith! How loose their Manners! I speak more especially of those, who are in the highest Posts, and who ought to set an Example to others. But to conclude my Reflections on this Head, suffer me only to enquire what their Monks are. This Spe­cies of Men, who swarm in every Province, are generally Drunkards, who live in a criminal Sloth­fulness, giving themselves up to all Manner of Vi­ces. Superstition abounds no where more than in their Convents. Their Vows of Continence are a Crime, because they never live up to them. They think of nothing but living at their Ease, without Labour or Care, and they immure themselves with­in the Walls of their Convents only to escape Fa­mine, or going to the Army. When I have fre­quently asked to what End this Number of Slug­gards, the Answer has always been, their Business is to pray to God.

[Page 36] This is the Character of the Monks, and of the whole Body of the Clergy in Muscovy. If these Hypocrites, who pretend to Sanctity, had any Zeal for Religion, would they suffer idolatrous Na­tions as these Scheremissi are, who inhabit the very Center of the Russian Empire, to live among them? It is true, the Clergy would be obliged to change their Manners, before they could pretend to preach the Gospel, or they would run a great Hazard not to make a single Convert. All these Pagans live in an honest Simplicity, and conformable to those Laws which Nature has dictated to all Men. And cer­tainly, they would be very little inclined to give Ear to Men, who lead a Life perfectly scandalous. I fear, Sir, you will think this Digression tedious: But the Subject has carried me insensibly beyond the Bounds I had prescribed my self. I might say a great deal more on this Head,

Suppose me just arrived at a Village, called Sa­baczar, which was formerly the Capital of the Pro­vince, where having bought some Provisions, with a Covering for my Sled, and a Sack to put my Feet in, ^* I travelled afterwards with a little more Ease. The Persons I employed to buy these Things, did not forget themselves. Not satisfied with the Pre­sent I made them, they kept Part of the Money I put into their Hands. I accused them of the Theft, but I might as well have spoken to deaf Men: And besides, it is not customary, in Muscovy, to return Change.

[Page 37] It was some Comfort to me, under my Afflic­tions, that these People did me the Office of Ser­vants; I was more their Superior and Master than their Prisoner. I had always the good Fortune, to keep up a Sort of Authority over my Guard, and all I had any Concern with, from the Beginning to the End of my Captivity. Upon some Occasions I treated them harshly, and at other Times, I was as gentle as a Lamb. Happy for me, that I began, in Time, to bring them under my Yoke; I might otherwise have been doubly their Slave. The Mus­covites are naturally very brutal, but at the same Time, timorous, and great Cowards, who, when they find any Resistance, have not the Courage to go on. Cowards are generally treacherous: But to put it out of their Power, the best Way is to keep them under. ^* But to return to my Journey.

From Sabaczar, we went to Nisninovogorod, ^† and from thence to Muscow, where we arrived the 23d of November. You will imagine, without Doubt, that at my Arrival in the Metropolis of so vast an Empire, the Face of Things must necessari­ly be changed, with Regard to me: That I met with another kind of Men, and especially a Gover­nour of better Understanding, and more just and human, than the Governour of Casan; and conse­quently, that I was soon discharged from my Con­finement, or, at least, treated in a Manner more becoming my Quality. If these be your Thoughts, Sir, you are greatly mistaken. A Muscovite is the same every where, and you will find them, at Mus­cow, [Page 38] just such as you have seen them at Casan, Imagine the Inhabitants of this great City, to be a new Colony of Laplanders, Samojedes, and Osti­acks, who are accounted the most stupid Nations of the North, and then you may form, at least, some Idea of the Character of the People, who dwell in this Capital. Do not, however, suppose this Parallel just in every Part of it. The Mus­covites are infinitely beneath all these other Nations: They are more barbarous, more irrational and less human. The Evidences I shall give you of this, in the Sequel, will put it beyond all Doubt. I could wish to do it now: But as it is Time to put an End to this Letter, which is al­ready but too long, ‘Verbum non amplius addam.’

LETTER III.

THO the last Messenger brought me no Letter from you, I must not omit wri­ting, as well to perform my Promise, as to satisfy your Curiosity. It is, besides, a singular Pleasure to me, that I am able now to pay a Debt, which I have contracted by a long Silence. Be assured, it is no small Satisfaction to me, that I can converse with you by Letter, 'till

[Page 39] My last gave you an Account of my Arrival at Muscow. I was first carried to the House of a Baker, till the Serjeant and one of the Soliders went to give an Account of my being there. The Soldier who was left, instead of following his Or­ders, to have a watchful Eye over me, laid him­self down upon an Oven, and slept most pro­foundly. You must know, in Muscovy, the Houses of the meaner Sort of People, consist generally of one large Room only, which serves them for Cham­ber, Kitchen, and every other Occasion. In this Room you find an Oven, in which they bake their Bread, Meat, and almost all their Eatables, so that it is kept very hot all the Year round. The Top of it is covered with a great Number of Boards, which form a Sort of square Scaffold; upon which the whole Family almost continually lives, as well in Summer as Winter. I have some­times happened to lay my Hand upon it, but found it so hot, that I was soon obliged to take it away. Some natural Philosophers of your Ac­quaintance, who have made so many curious Ex­periments concerning Salamanders, did not per­haps know, that so peculiar a Species of them was to be found in Muscovy. It is to be supposed, that if they had made this Discovery, they would have allowed those Animals the Property given them, by the most early of the Ancients, of liv­ing in Fire. Pray assure those Gentlemen, that the Salamanders in Muscovy, not only pass almost all their Time, but eat, sleep and perform eve­ry Office of Life, in that Element.

Nothing would have been more easy, than for me to have escaped, while my Salamander was a­sleep on the Oven; and could I have foreseen what was to ensue, I assure you, I should not have neg­lected the Opportunity. In a City so full of Strang­ers as Muscow is, I might easily have been con­cealed [Page 40] in the Crowd, and have freed my self from the Pursuit of my Enemies: But I was so far from having the least Thought of it, that I looked up­on all that had happened to me till then, as a Farce, which would end with my Arrival at Petersburg. The first Scene which was opened at Muscow, was humorous enough, but that which followed was as tragical: But you shall be judge of them.

As soon as the Serjeant returned, I was conveyed to Cremelin ^* the Residence of the Czars, I was not uneasy that the first Scene was opened in a Place, where such tragical Pieces have been repre­sented. This Building consists of several enormous Piles, heaped upon one another, without any Or­der. I was carried into a large Hall, which they call the Palace or Civil Court, but is one of the most filthy Places in the World. I there found a great Number of Clerks, busied in dispatching a Crowd of People, who were round about them. My coming in put an immediate stop to their La­bour, and the Eyes of every one were turned upon me. As the Muscovites are sworn Enemies to the rest of Mankind, the Sight of a Foreign Prisoner was a Diversion to them, and the Hall was soon frequented in a more than ordinary Manner.

I was committed to the Care of an Officer, a Corporal and six old Soldiers. One of them stood always before me, with his Sword drawn, but he had not the most terrifying Countenance. At length, they brought some of my Goods, but I saw neither my Sword nor my Trunk. They shewed [Page 41] me one Corner of the Hall, which was destined for my Prison: But I had no sooner begun to pre­pare my Lodging, than a Person appeared at the Gate, to inform my Guard that I had a Pair of Scissars about me. They immediately set about to visit a little Bag, into which I had put such Things as were most necessary on my Journey, and upon my opposing them, they called the Officer, who told me he had Orders to visit every Thing I had. I then opened the Bag my self, and in a Moment they seized the Scissars, which they found there. I endeavoured to convince them, that I could not do without them, that I should make no ill Use of them, and that they need not fear my making my self an Eunuch with them. None of these Arguments had any Effect, so I was obliged to give way to Force. By good Fortune, I had another Pair of Scissars which escaped their Notice. I had, likewise, a large Fork, which, upon Oc­casion, would have done the Service of a Dagger; for the least terrifying Weapons are more than sufficient to affright a Muscovite.

So excellent a Beginning gave me Room to judge what I had to expect in the Sequel; I, there­fore, endeavoured to make my self easy under the State I was in. My greatest Mortification was to see my self exposed as a Sight to Crowds of Peo­ple, who were continually flocking into the Hall. I should have been very glad of an Interpreter; but all the Application I made for that End was in vain, nor could I, with all my Entreaties, pre­vail upon them to let me have a Barber. Dinner-Time approaching, I made Signs for something to eat, and was answered, in the same Manner, that I must open my Purse. After long waiting, and see­ing nothing appear, I was obliged to be content with a Morsel of Bread, and some Scraps which I had yet left in my Hamper. While I was at Din­ner, [Page 42] they asked me for the Key of my Trunk, which they had not thought fit to entrust to my Care. I thought it something strange, that they should ransack my Trunk out of my Sight; how­ever, I gave them the Key, tho with Reluctance. At Supper-Time, I was obliged to have Recourse to my Pocket, and upon this Occasion I found, that Stewards at Muscow, are greater Thieves than those of Casan. You will not need to ask me what Sort of a Bed I had, I believe, I have already told you, that they lye on Benches, in Muscovy. I was so happy to have Sheets, and Coverlets, of my own, which did me good Service: But what a Surprize appeared in my Guard, when they saw me making my Bed! They could not conceive what I was go­ing to do with those Bed-Cloaths.

You see, Sir, I keep my Word with you: It was your Command, that I should inform you of the most minute Circumstances, and you have no Cause to complain on that Score. Since then you have a Taste that Way, you shall know some Particulars of what happened the next Day. I was disturbed, very early, at my Toilet, by the same Troop of Clerks, I mentioned above, and a great Number of other People, whom Curiosity or Business had drawn together, in the Hall. I continued exposed as a Sight to these Crowds, who could not forbear fixing their Eyes upon me. At Length, I began to think of making Advantage of this Concourse of People. When I saw any one come in, who had a good Ap­pearance, or who seemed to be an Officer or Fo­reigner, I immediately accosted him, speaking in Italian, French or Latin: But it was all in vain, I did not find one who could understand me. My Guard, in the mean Time, offended at the Free­dom I took, pretended to impose Silence upon me; but I gave them to understand, by Signs, that they must cut out my Tongue, if they would debar me [Page 43] the Use of it. Two Poles coming in, I addressed my self to them in Latin, and they began to answer me, but their Mouths were soon stopped. Their Silence did not, however, hinder me from asking them, if it was customary, in Muscovy, to treat Prisoners as the most abject Slaves? If it was usual to let them perish for Hunger, by denying them an Interpreter? And, finally, if, since Peter the Great, had o­bliged the Muscovites ^* to cut off their Beards, there was no such Thing as a Barber established in that City?

While I was discoursing with these Poles, the Man who had been so anctious about my Scissars, came in, and made me a Sign to follow him. Be­ing persuaded that he was to carry me before the Governour, I readily obeyed; for I longed for no­thing more, being in Hopes he might understand some of the Languages I knew. I was carried into an Apartment, not far from the Hall, where I found one single Man only; but soon after came in another, with some Papers in his Hands. This latter passed by me without saluting, or so much as looking on me, and sate down near a Table, to­wards which I likewise advanced. The Person I saw first did the same, and having asked me if I spoke Italian, I answered him, it was natural for me to speak my Mother Tongue. He then, after ha­ving received the Instructions of the Person who was sitting, asked me, who I was? But before I answered him, I was inquisitive, in my Turn, who it was that was examining me? I was told he was a Secretary, I was not a little surprized to see a Se­cretary examining me sitting, while I was standing; but being apprehensive I might be sent back from [Page 44] whence I came, I told him my Name, which he wrote down. He asked me several other frivolous Questions, by which I found my Examination was not like to be short. I, therefore, took the Resoluti­on to tell him, that if he expected any farther An­swer from me, he must order me a Chair. He lifted up his Head, in a great Surprize, and looking me in the Face, continued his Interrogations. All the Answer I gave was, that I would not speak stand­ing. He seemed terribly perplexed, and I found he had not been accustomed to such Replies; he was obliged, however, to give Way to them. Being seated, I was forced to give Answer to a Number of the most impertinent Questions in the World: And what was particular, there were, besides the Soldier who guarded me, Sword in Hand, twenty other Persons in the Room: A peculiar Manner of examining Prisoners of State. As soon as the Se­cretary let me know, I might retire, I bid the In­terpreter tell him, I desired to speak with the Go­vernour, and that I expected to be treated as Per­sons of Quality are treated throughout all Europe. All the Answer he vouchsafed me was, that he did not know whether I was so or not. Enraged to the utmost at this Answer, I told him he had very little Skill in Physiognomy; and I would gladly have added, that having a better Knowledge of Men than he, I could foretel him that the Gallows would soon be his Fate. He had indeed a very hanging Look, and my Prophecy would hardly have been mispla­ced. I leave you to judge, whether he did not de­serve, at least, that Fate, by his Carriage to me.

The next Day, I was again obliged to appear be­fore Mr. Secretary; who took Care to put it out of my Power, to insist upon being seated, by ordering all the Chairs to be conveyed out of the Room. This was so far from exciting my Anger, that it put me into a good Humour; and I was very near [Page 45] imitating the Person, who for want of a Chair, sate down upon his Cloak. I no sooner came into the Room, than the Interpreter read a Paper to me, containing the Examination of the foregoing Day, and I was directed to sign it. I answered I would never set my Hand to a Writing, in a Language I did not understand. The Reply was, it is the Custom of the Country; if it be so, said I, it is a very scandalous one; and, indeed, supposing I had been as criminal as they pretended, it would have been contrary to all Law, to condemn me on such an Evidence. The Secretary insisted upon my sign­ing it, I opposed it for some Time, alledging such Reasons as might have convinced him of his Igno­rance, and how little I valued these Proceedings: However, at length, seeing no other Way to get out of his Clutches, I consented. I asked him, if he had let the Governour know I desired to be ad­mitted to his Presence; he said he had. I likewise desired him, if I was to be detained any Time at Muscow, that he would endeavour to procure me another Prison, that in which I was, being very un­beseeming a Prisoner of State; he said he would speak about it. To conclude, at leaving him, I let him know, I should be very glad to have a Bar­ber; to which he replied, it was Time enough for that; an Answer worthy of a Secretary of Muscovy, in Return for which, I ought to have spit in his Face. The Muscovites are still so enraged, that Peter the Great, obliged them to cut off their Beards, that not daring to have them themselves, they will o­blige Strangers to let theirs grow. It is, likewise, a Custom, that as soon as a Man is accused of any Crime, he does not touch his Beard afterwards, but affects a suppliant Air, to excite Compassion in his Judges. Perhaps these Gentlemen thought to make me conform to this Custom, and in one Respect they had there Will, because I never could get a [Page 46] Barber: But they did not gain so much over me, to make me appear before them as a Suppliant.

I expected I should have been sent away, that Day, or the next, for Petersburg; but they are rarely so expeditious, in Muscovy. They let me pass the Remainder of the Day, very peaceably, without offering me any Thing to eat. I was o­bliged to provide at my own Expence, and to see my self robbed, with Impunity, by those whose Care it was to buy my Provisions. I believe, I have told you already, Sir, that the Muscovites are very great Thieves: But I had almost forgot to let you know, that, at my Meals, I was forced to be contented with two Spoons, instead of a Knife and Fork. This manner of treating Prisoners in Muscovy, gave me often an Opportunity of jesting with the Soldi­ers, and those who were about me, tho I understood very little of their Language.

The Governour did not desire to see me till the 27th, and then more out of Curiosity, than any o­ther Motive. When I was introduced to him, he was sitting with two others, at a great Table, with his Back to the Door, I came in at: And, when I drew near him, he continued still in the same Po­sture, being contented with turning his Head, and looking at me over his Shoulder. He immediately or­dered the Italian Interpreter, who was present, to ask me several Questions. As for his two Companions, I could not perceive they so much as moved, or once turned their Eyes towards me. Having an­swered the Governour's Questions, I bid the Inter­preter tell him, I could hardly believe it was with his Knowledge, I was treated in a Manner so little becoming my Quality; that I begged of him he would allot me another Prison, for that I could have no Rest where I was, and besides, was exposed to be the Scoff of the whole Town. Upon which he spoke to the Secretary, but I could not understand [Page 47] any thing he said. To dismiss me, he at length gave me a gracious Nod; ^* But as I did not seem to understand these apish Tricks, he was constrain­ed, at length, to tell me, by the Mouth of the In­terpreter, that I must retire. And thus ended this formal Appearance, which I was forced to make before the Governour of the Great City of Muscow. I do not doubt but you have seen the Play called Ar­lichin finto Prencipe. Imagine, you see me received much with the same Grimaces, as Harlequin receives his People with, and that the Discourse which passed was not much unlike that of the Illustrious Buffoon, I have just mentioned. The Farce which followed, did not in the least deviate from the Absurdity of that which preceeded it. But I must give you a Skitch of it.

The same Evening, they carried me to another Prison; which was a Piece of antient Ruins, that served as a Shelter for those People whose Business it was to break the Ice, and to cleanse the Streets from Snow and Dirt. In this Prison was a little Room, which was allotted for me, my Guard of 6 or 7 Soldiers, and 3 or 4 Dust (or rather Dirt) men, who had already taken Possession. This Change, which I was to take as a Favour too, surprized me strangely; but my Wonder soon ceased, when I was informed, that Signor Harlequin himself had ordered it. I placed my self as conveniently as I could, in a Corner, where, during the whole Time I was for­ced to stay there, I was almost suffocated with Smoke and Heat. While I was in this Dungeon, a little Adventure happened to me, which may make you laugh. One Day, not knowing how to em­ploy my Time, it came into my Head to clean my Teeth: But as I had neglected it a long while, I [Page 48] could not do it without making my Gums bleed. My Guard, the most stupid of Human Species, were very attentive to what I was doing, but, could not tell what to think of the Operation. After ha­ving frequently asked one another what it meant, they, at length, ventured to draw nearer, and ex­amine the Instruments I made use of. As I had some Steel-Pens, which probably they took for Launcets, and they saw Blood, they endeavoured to hinder me. I laughed at their Stupidity, but I was forced to make a great many Signs, before I could prevail on them to let me go on. One Scene more, and then I shall shift the Decorations: But, unhappily for me, I shall be obliged induere Co­thurnum.

The 30th, which, if I mistake not, is the Feast of St. Andrew; I had a Visit again from my Scis­sars Merchant, in Company with another Person. They made a long Speech, in which I heard the Names of the Empress and the Governour menti­oned: But all that I could comprehend of it was, that they came to make me a Present; however, he who was Chief in the Commission, held it so close in his Hand, and kept at such a Distance, that it was impossible for me to distinguish what it consisted of. At length drawing nearer towards him, I sud­denly seized his Hand, and found a single Ruble in it. Far from vouchsafing to accept of such a Pre­sent, I only thanked them, and said I never recei­ved Money of any body. One of my Guards sur­prized to see me refuse so considerable a Present, drew near, and pushing me pretty roughly, cried, Take it, Take it, Fool that thou art. They pressed me, to accept of it, but finding me obstinate in my Refusal, they walked off with their Present.

Could you ever have imagined I should be re­duced to the Condition of having a Crown offered me? And do you think it possible such a Present [Page 49] should be made, to a Person of my Birth, in the Name of the Empress of Russia. It would be ridi­culous to believe this Offer was made me by Order from Her Majesty, and if it came from the Gover­nour, I leave you to judge of his Character.

The 2d of December, two Hours before Day, they came to tell me, I must rise, and depart immediate­ly. It was to no Purpose to consider; they put me instantly into a Sled, without giving me Time to recollect, without any Regard to the Rigour of the Season, and without allowing me to make necessary Provision for such a Journey. I was guarded by three Rascals, one of whom called himself a Sergeant, and the other two Soldiers, tho they had neither the Habit, nor Arms, nor any Thing else, to distin­guish them as such. Before I went out, I asked for my Sword, which had disappeared, and was told, it was locked up in my Trunk. Do not forget, I beseech you, this Circumstance; Because it has some Relation to that of the Key of this same Trunk, of which I shall have Occasion to speak hereafter.

As we stopped in the Slaboda, ^* I took Care to furnish my self there, with what was necessary, that I should not have found elsewhere. While I was thus employed, one of my Soldiers, who was upon Duty, with a great Scimitar in his Hand, had the Assurance to insult, and talk saucily to me. To pu­nish him for his Insolence, I immediately wrested a Stick out of the Hands of the Corporal, and offered to strike him. This Shew of chastizing him was sufficient to make him retreat ten Paces from me, and this Coward was afterwards the most humble, and the most submissive of my Guard. The Bru­tality of the Muscovites ought always to be reproved [Page 50] in this Manner. Shew your Teeth to these Cow­ardly Wretches, and you soon have them creeping at your Feet.

When I left Muscow, I was in perfect Health; But, two Days after, I was seized with a Distem­per, which I thought would have laid me in the Grave. It was a Sort of a Cholick in the Stomach, attended with intolerable Pain, convulsive Motions, and a continual Propensity to vomit. You may judge in what a melancholy State I was then in, obliged to travel in a Sled, in the Depth of Winter, and destitute of all Relief. The first Stage we came at, I had immediate Recourse to some Remedies I carried with me. I had Venice-Treacle, some Eau­des Carmes, and a certain Balsam, which is account­ed an excellent Remedy, and is distributed by the Monks of St. Justin, to their Friends, All these Remedies I applied in a Moment, without the least Success: My Distemper continued, with an asto­nishing Violence, and without the least Intermission. From my Stomach, the Pains descended into my Bowels, my Convulsions became more violent, and my Retchings to vomit increased every Moment. In this sad Extremity, instead of being quite dispirit­ed, I thought it expedient to double the Dose of my Medicines, but still without receiving the least Bene­fit by them. After having suffered inexpressible Torments, for 6 or 7 Hours together, I was seized with the most burning Thirst, which obliged me to drink a prodigious Quantity of Water. My Pain continued with the same Violence, I had only a small Evacuation downwards.

The miserable Condition I was in, did not hin­der my Guard from proposing to depart. I was sorced to submit to my Destiny, and throw my self into the Arms of Providence. As I was devoured with Thirst, I took several Bottles of Water before my Departure. I was often obliged to stop by the [Page 51] Way to ease Nature, and I always observed that my Stools were of divers Colours, and that I voided Blood. To compleat the Misfortune, we had like all to have perished, in the most melancholy man­ner in the World. One Night, when we were crossing the River Wolkowa, I suddenly heard a loud Voice repeating three Times, Keep back: Upon Enquiry what was the Matter, we found, that two Sleds, and 8 Horses, laden with Money, were just fallen in, at the very Place where we were. The Sled, in which my Goods were, run a great Hazard, being the foremost of our Train; but fortunately we had all Time to retreat, and afterwards took another Way.

But to return to my Illness; give me leave to make some Conjectures on that Head, which to me seem but too well grounded, of which, however, I leave you to be the sole Judge. My intent is to mark out to you the real Cause of so fatal a Distemper; and I firmly believe it to have been the Effect of Poi­son given me. I shall give you my Reasons for it, in the Sequel, in the mean Time, I desire you to give some Attention to the following Reflections. Before my Illness, I was of a hail robust Constitu­tion, and at my Departure from Muscow, I was in a State of perfect Health. I did not know that I ever eat or drunk any Thing, that could be the Cause of such Symptoms: Nor is there any more Probability, that any Species of Poison should have accidentally been mixed with my Food. I cannot therefore, be persuaded, but that my Guard, out of an execrable Design, themselves endeavoured to take away my Life by Poison.

In the Night between the 14th and 15th I arrived, in a very piteous Condition, at a large Suburb, a­bout a Quarter of a League's Distance from Peters­burg. The House where we took our Quarters had neither Eggs, nor any Thing else to eat, so I was [Page 52] obliged to put up with a Piece of brown Bread, which I found upon the Table. I passed the whole Night under great Uneasiness, and without any Rest, my Distemper obliging me to get up every Moment.

Thus ended my painful Journey from Muscow to Petersburg; where I hope to find all the Assistance I stand in need of, and, in a short Time, to see all my Misfortunes at an End. These Hopes are so powerful, that methinks I am already, in some Measure, eased of my Pain. What is your Opinion of it, Sir, do you believe I shall find my self mista­ken? I must confess, I do not esteem Petersburg, as a City of Muscovy: I look upon this Capital as the Residence of one of the most mighty Monarchs in the whole World, crouded with Foreigners, the greater Part of whom have the Direction of the most important Affairs. I expect speedily to be lodged in a Palace, which is opposite to that of the Sovereign, and in which the wisest Ministers assem­ble. I flatter my self with the Hopes of being treat­ed there in such a Manner, that I shall entirely lose the Remembrance of what is past. Depend on it, Sir, I shall not delay giving you an Account of eve­ry Thing, being persuaded that you will expect it with the utmost Impatience;

LETTER IV.

I Cannot but acknowledge, with the ut­most Gratitude, the many Obligations you lay me under. By your last, I per­ceive, that your Friendship to me en­creases daily; that you bemoan my Absence; that you are sensibly affected with what ever befals me; and, in fine, that you pity my Misfortunes, which you wish to see speedily ended. These lively Tokens of a Friendship the most sincere, without Doubt me­rit a Retaliation from my Hands. Be assured then, that you are to me the dearest Person living, and that nothing can afford me so much Comfort, in my present unhappy State, as the Hopes of embra­cing, soon or late, so valuable a Friend. You are pleased to observe, that neither my Imprisonment, nor my Sufferings, have made me forget the Latin Tongue, and that you take a Pleasure in the Perusal of those Verses, which I sometimes quote in that Language. As you seem, Sir, to relish this Way of Writing, I will not, in the Sequel, fail to give you that Satisfaction: And am only sorry, that I have not a Library at Command, for then I should find it more easy to send you elegant Latin, than bad French. In the mean Time, as I am lost to all Ambition, so neither am I in a Humour, to give my self the least Trouble either for the one or the o­ther; if therefore my Letters are written in a cold, flagging Stile, you may freely say,

[Page 54] and if the Expressions are low, and the Diction in­correct, I must plead, as an Excuse, that I'm a Stranger to the Language I write in. As you seem fond of Latin, I must beg Leave to tell you, that

I shall begin my Account of this Country by tel­ling you, that we made our Entry into Petersburg on the 15th of December, 1733. A Thaw had made the Roads, at that Time, very deep, and, when we reached the River, which we were to pass, we were obliged to halt, no one being suffered to cross it: Guards were even placed at all the most frequented Passes, to obstruct the Passage of Drunkards, which Appellation is generally due to half, and sometimes to the whole City. After a stay of two Hours, with­out knowing what my Fate would be, I was ordered to pass the River, and my Guard shewed me on the opposite Side a House, called the Senate-House, whither I was to go. I was really ashamed of the Condition I found my self in, when I stepped out of my Sled, and leave you to judge what a Figure I must have made after what I had undergone. My Passage over this River, seemed in Comparison with the Tri­al I had undergone in crossing the Wolga, only a pleasant Step, through the Gravel-Walks of a Gar­den, or on an Arched Roof. I was no sooner land­ed on the opposite Banks, than the Soldiers, who were posted there, to stop up the Passes, presented their Bayonets, and enjoined me to return from whence I came. But upon the pressing Instances of the Sergeant, who had accompanied me, I was at last permitted to pass.

They conducted me immediately to the Hall of the Senate-House, which was crowded with Persons of all Ranks. After having waited some Time [Page 55] there, I was led to another little Apartment, where I could hardly stand upright, and informed by Signs that I must take up my Habitation there. At the Remonstrance of the Soldiers, who were on Guard, I was however directed to a Chamber, where I found a Score of Clerks, five or six Soldiers, and Crowds of other People. No sooner had I entered this Room, than an Officer pointed to a Corner, and said to me, There's thy Lodging. The manner with which he uttered these Words, shewed he had a se­cret Pleasure in having an imprisoned Foreigner in his Custody. He asked, whether I had any Mo­ney, for, if I had none, I should be supplyed with Beer and Bread. If you was in my Case, thought I with my self, you would fare very hard.

Being left to the Custody of a Soldier, who guard­ed me, Sword in Hand, I lay down on my Mattress, to take a little Rest. I was so overwhelmed with Grief, that I was hardly capable of reflecting on the Situ­ation I was in. Some Slaves brought, at the same Time, my Goods, all but my Trunk, and what­ever else they thought proper to rob me of. At noon, every one retired, and I was left only with my Guard, who were of the Regiment of Astracan. Soon after came in the Sergeant, who gave some Orders to my Guard, and I perceived I was to be under his Inspection. I let him know I wanted somebody I could speak to, having Occasion to buy some Victu­als. He promised to grant my Request the next Morning. But as I found, that the People of this Country seemed unacquainted with the Proverb, Venter non patitur dilationem, I gave Money to one of the Soldiers to fetch me Bread and Wine, which he did. Having some Sugar, I made a Toast, and sweetned the Wine, which had been my greatest Relief during the whole Journey.

At Day-Break, the next Morning, my Apart­ment was again, crowded with Clerks and other Peo­ple. [Page 56] The little Corner, where I was streightned for want of Room, was the Anti-Chamber of a Secre­tary, who came in, and, having fixed his Eyes on me, in an insolent Manner, passed by without sa­luting me. He went into his Office, and returned instantly, to order an Officer of the Guards, then present, not to suffer me to be at the Window, or to go into the Secretary's Office. He kept his Hat on whilst he gave these Orders to the Officer, to whom he spoke with an Air of Superiority that sur­prized me. This Carriage occasioned me to think, that the Gentlemen, who are at the Head of the Muscovite Troops, are probably ignorant, how they expose the Honour of their Regiments by subjecting them to the Injunctions of such Wretches.

I waited, in the mean Time, with great Impati­ence for the Interpreter, they had promised me. I acquainted the Sergeant, who came to see me, with my Desire, and he assured me, that he would im­mediately send me one. I met with the same An­swer to my Demand for a Barber. But, notwith­standing these repeated Assurances, I saw neither one nor t'other. The Door of an adjoining Apart­ment being open, and no one there, my Curiosity induced me to go in, but I was ordered to re­tire, and I was obliged to obey. I met with the same Order, when I approached a Window, but having little Regard to such Impertinences, I gave them to understand, that, if they would hinder me from looking out at the Windows, they must wall them up. This Answer put a Stop to all further Uneasiness on that Head. I passed the Night quiet­ly enough, but, when I waked, found myself benum'd from Head to Foot, and not able to stir for some Time. This Accident revived the Suspicion, I en­tertained before, of being poisoned: Which myste­rious Scene of Iniquity, I shall explain to you more at large, in the Sequel: at present I must inform you of what passed at my Levee.

[Page 57] I was hardly up, when the Sergeant came into my Chamber, and desired me to prepare for going out. I was very soon ready, and met, at the Bottom of the Stairs, a Secretary, who made Signs to me, to follow him: This Officer was to conduct me to the Empress's Palace, situate on the other Side of the River. Notwithstanding that the Ice appeared to me very strong, yet few were willing to pass over it: But a large Number of Planks were laid upon it which rendered the Passage entirely safe. When I came to the Palace, I was carried into an Anti-Chamber crowded with People. A Looking-Glass, which was in that Apartment, gave me an Opportu­nity of seeing what a Figure I made: But I was highly mortified to find my self so nearly resembling a Savage. Another Object, which, at the same Time, offered itself to my View, soon dispelled this little Uneasiness. I saw, the Sergeant, who had guarded me from Moscow to Petersburg, in a much worse Condition than my self. One would have thought this poor Wretch just come from the Rack. I beg, Sir, you would not forget this Circumstance, which I shall have Occasion to remind you of in the Sequel.

Whilst my Mind was employed in forming Con­jectures about what might have happened to my Sergeant, I was sent for to a small Apartment, where I saw two Lords sitting at a Table, and at some Distance another Person likewise sitting, on a low Stool. The former were the two Prime-Mi­nisters of her Czarian Majesty; the one a Fo­reigner, and the other a Muscovite; and the third, who sat at some Distance, was the Attorney-Gene­ral. I drew near to the Table as well as my Legs would let me; for they were scarce in a Con­dition to obey my Orders; Sed vires animus dabat. The Foreign Minister, who is a Man of a noble Appearance, broke Silence, and asked me in French, [Page 58] who I was. I acquainted him with my Name, and told him, at the same Time, how much I was asha­med to appear before him in so mean a Condition. He then asked some other insignificant Questions, to which I answered as well as I could. An Abstract of these Interrogations, you will find in a Memorial, which I shall take Care to send you.

The Muscovite Minister kept a profound Silence during the Conversation, I had with the other, and did not so much as lift up his Eyes. He is a Man of an enormous Size, and wore a Peruke with a Bag, as remarkably small. The comical Figure, this di­minutive Peruke made on the Head of so big a Man, was such, that on any other Occasion I should una­avoidibly have burst out into Laughter, and might justly have applyed to him these Words, Atque su­percilio brevior comoe. As for the Attorney-General, his Function seemed to be no other, than that of hearing what was said. The Prime-Minister con­tinued, in the mean Time, to examine me, and en­quired into the Motives, that induced me to leave France. I answered that it was to avoid a Marri­age, which I should have been obliged to contract, had I made any longer Stay in that Country. To this he answered, that I must surely be more scrupu­lous than People generally are in France, adding, these very Words: Sir, you might have married the Person, you speak of, and need not have been de­stitute of Means to rid your self of her afterwards. Notwithstanding my extream Weakness, at these Words, I retreated a Step or two backwards, & hic vires indignatio dedit. He recollected himself, when he saw the Surprize I was in, and endeavoured to ex­plain his Meaning. He told me, that I might have been divorced from this Wife in a legal Way, very common, especially in France, and added several other Circumstances, all tending to illustrate what he had before said. I should be glad to know whe­ther [Page 59] he would have advised me to hang my self, in hopes of somebody's coming to cut me down?

After he had made some farther Enquiry into my Affairs, to which I replyed in few Words, I was or­dered to go out, and wait in the Anti-Chamber. As, in my Examination, I had mentioned the Son of Count de Munich, who I thought might know me, having seen me in foreign Countries, it was thought proper to send for him, and, when he came, he was placed behind a Door, through which he took a View of me. A very necessary Caution certainly! What Harm would it have been, if they had let him come nearer, that he might have seen and spo­ken to me? It would have been much more easy to him to have known me, in the Condition I was then in, by my Voice, than by my doleful Aspect. My Beard was, at that Time, of two Months Growth, I had a Peruke on, combed in the Turkish Fashion, and a very ragged Cloak. Count de Munich's Son had to be sure never seen me in such an Equipage, and con­sequently could not be supposed to know me. After they had got what Information they thought neces­sary, the same Minister, who had all along discoursed with me, drew nearer, and asked the Name of the Person, who had been the Cause of all my Misfor­tunes. This Question highly surprized me, and I wonder I had not answered, Et osi di viltà tentare Argante? I was, however, contented with reply­ing, with a disdainful Smile, that I could not believe he expected I should answer him. That he could not be ignorant of the Respect due to the Sex, though they often might not deserve it. I thought proper, before I retired, to beg he would take Notice of my infirm State of Health, after so tedious a Sickness, and of the strange Usage I had met with from the first Day of my Imprisonment. He gave me no other Answer, than this: It is your own Fault, Sir, we shall proceed as favourably as we can.

[Page 60] Reflect, I beseech you, on this whole Procedure. But in order to inform you rightly of the State of Things, it will be necessary to acquaint you with what I could learn of the Muscovite Ministry. It is certain, that all the grand Affairs transacted at present at the Court of Russia, are under the Directi­on of Ministers who are Foreigners, and though out of Decency, they are likewise communicated to two or three Natives of the Country, it is, nevertheless, beyond all Doubt, that the Power is only in the Hands of the Former. And they are so jealous of their Authority, and know so well how to support one another, that the Muscovites are only looked on as Subalterns, who dare not undertake any Thing, without their previous Advice and Consent. In all Consultations that Minister who examined me, pre­sides: But tho he has a great Share in the Decision of important Matters, yet, I believe it does not ap­pertain solely to him. The others are Lords of the Court, who assist at Councils, Conferences, Audi­ences of foreign Ministers, and are consulted in all Concerns which are of any Moment. As the Musco­vites are naturally suspicious, diffident, and imagine, that there is not a Person in the World whose Inte­grity can be relied on, there is always some Over­seer every where, which is the Reason that even those Things, which require the utmost Secrecy, are treated of in the Presence of several Persons. How far this is advantageous or prejudicial to the State, is not my Province to determine. All I know is, that the wisest Man in Muscovy, tho never so well inclined to serve his Country, would find it difficult to succeed in any Attempt, because the continual Suspicions and Diffidence he would meet with, with Regard to himself, must discourage him, and make him lose that Freedom of Mind and Sentiments, which is so necessary to terminate Affairs, that re­quire a ready Execution.

[Page 61] Let me now inform you of what I have learned of the second Class of Ministers, who are the Sena­tors. The Senate consists of Muscovite Noblemen of the first Rank, and such, as pass for Men of a great Genius, and thorough Knowledge of Business. Among these there are some, who have served the State, in the Quality of Ambassadors to foreign Courts, others, who have been Generals in the Ar­my, and some, who have travelled through a great Part of Europe. I cannot inform you of the exact Number of the Senators, but am assured from good Hands, it is but small. I know six or seven of them, with whom I have had some Concerns. They have a great Number of Secretaries, who are the most ig­norant, the most insolent, and at the same Time, the most presumptuous Animals, the Earth ever bore. These have under their Command a prodigious Troop of Clerks, who seem to be always employed. Add to this the Multitude of petty Officers, who go, indeed, by the Name of Soldiers, but may be pla­ced among the lowest Dregs of the Vulgar, and are the very Scum of the People. Of all these consists that August Assembly called the Senate. As for the respective Functions of each of these Officers, they themselves are frequently so ignorant of them, that it is no Wonder if a Stranger is so. All I can say, on that Head, is, that they generally meet four or five Hours a Day, that they take a great deal of Pains themselves, and give no less to others, with­out advancing the Interests of the State. The Cu­stom of this Nation, of deferring every Thing to the Morrow, is the Occasion that most Affairs are not terminated, till after many Delays. This Re­missness is a natural Consequence of the mutual Di­strusts they entertain of each other; for as they can­not venture to deliver their Opinions with an entire Freedom, they are often necessitated to defer the most urgent Affairs to another Time. The Door of [Page 62] this illustrious Areopagus might be properly adorned with the following Device:

But this is not all. There is a third Order of Mi­nisters, if they may be allowed that Denomination, who compose what they call the Colleges; these Col­leges are divided into different Classes. There is the College of War, that of Foreign Affairs, those of Finances and Commerce, and several others. As I have had nothing to do with these Gentlemen, I can hardly give you any Account of their seve­ral Functions. I am nevertheless pretty confidently assured, that all the Members of these Bodies, as well that of the Senate, as those, who compose the Colleges, are only regarded as bare Commissioners or Deputies under the Influence of the Ministers, who are Foreigners, and are esteemed their Ora­cles. Nothing can be done without previously con­sulting, or receiving the Orders of these, and all the others live in the most servile Fear and Sub­jection. The Governours of Provinces dare hardly ever undertake any Thing of their own Accord, and are even ignorant, how far their Authority and Jurisdiction extends. Their natural Timidity, and the entire Dependance, they are always kept in, oc­casion even Trifles to pass with them for Matters of the greatest Importance.

This in a few Words, is what I have been able to learn of the Form of Government established in Muscovy. I thought it necessary to give you this Abstract,

The Fate of the Muscovites would deserve our Pity, had they any generous Passions, or any Ho­nour [Page 63] at Heart. In process of Time they may per­haps shake off the Yoke, imposed on them by Fo­reigners, and then, perhaps, we may see Musco­vian Vespers, as we have formerly seen Sicilian Vespers. Their Hatred of Foreigners is so great, that, in this Case, hardly one would escape with Life. It would be the more easy to execute an Enterprize of this Kind, as the Authority Foreign­ers have assumed, is only founded on a slavish Fear, into which the whole Nation is immerged.

Peter I. who used his utmost Endeavours to draw his Subjects out of Barbarity, having, in his Travels in France, at the Time of the Regency, made Enquiries into the then Form of Govern­ment, framed, and, in Part, executed the Project of regulating his own after that Model. He pro­posed, by establishing so many Councils, to em­ploy, in the Administration, all those of his Sub­jects, who should be most capable of it, that in Time, they might render themselves useful to their Prince and Country. I know not what Idea to frame of such a Form of Government, which seems not the most suitable to so despotick a State, as that of Muscovy: It will, I fear, in Time, produce many Disorders, and insensibly tinge the Com­monalty with Republican Principles.

We have already seen the Seeds of such Notions at the Death of Peter II; for a Motion was then made to form the Government into a Common­wealth. If this Project had taken Place, we should have seen a Plan of Government very diffe­rent from that of Plato, A Muscovian Republick! It would, without doubt, have been a Master-Piece! But was Peter. the Great, with all his fine Schemes and Establishments, sufficiently acquainted with the Genius of his Subjects? I have great Room to doubt it, and this is my Reason There is not to this Day a single Muscovite, who is not [Page 64] betrer pleased with his Village, and his Oven, than with the most eminent Post of Honour. They would have been better pleas'd, if Peter the Great, instead of attempting to change Beasts, as they were, into Men, had, on the contrary, labour'd, to reduce them from a State of Humanity to that of Brutes. All the Pains that Prince took have hardly had any Effect on his Subjects, farther than the curtailing their Beards, and a Change of their Habits. Their favourite Idols are Fire and Lazi­ness, to which they are ready to sacrifice their All. But I have said enough on this Article, and shall now resume the Account of my own Adventures.

At my Return to my Prison, the Sergeant, who accompany'd me thither, offer'd me half a Ruble, to furnish my self (as he said) with some Provisions. I told him, I had no Occasion for his Money, and begg'd he would rather send me an Interpreter, and a Barber. He left me, but I could not obtain what I ask'd for. I wish'd for nothing so much, in the Condition I was then in, as to consult some Physician, and to be lodg'd in a more commodious Prison, where I might enjoy that Repose and Tran­quility, I stood in so great need of. As my Dis­temper continued, I begun to fear some fatal Event. Though I was eased of the most virulent Pains, and strove to support Nature with the best Diet I could; yet I was still very weak. I had entirely lost two of my Senses, Taste and Smell. A Thirst, which nothing could allay, prey'd upon me incessant­ly. All these Symptoms did not put me under any Apprehensions of my Life; but I was afflicted with others still more grievous. A general Numb­ness seized all my Limbs after Sleep, and when I awaked I found my self depriv'd of all Motion. My Head was then troubled with an uncommon Heaviness. My Sight likewise underwent a great Change, for all Objects appeared to me double. [Page 65] These Symptoms disappeared insensibly after I had lain some Time in that deplorable Condition, but then a kind of Restlessness ensued, for which I could not assign any Cause. I applied, from Time to Time, my own Medicines, but tho I am well as­sured, that 'tis to them I owe my Life, yet could I not perceive, that they produced any visible Effect.

As I constantly reiterated my Entreaties for an Interpreter, a young Man was at last brought to me, who spoke French, and was accompanied by the Sergeant, and an Overseer, which they always think requisite in the like Cases. As it was my Design, that he should give a faithful Account of what I had to say to him, I desired him to take it down in Writing, viz. ‘"That no one might have Cause to censure my Conduct, I declared, that, when Money was offer'd me, of which I should be ashamed to specify the Value I did not think fit to accept of it, not knowing from whose Hands it came, and being besides assured, that Her Majesty would never offer me a Present, so little agreable to Her great Generosity. I doubted not, but that, if Her Majesty would be pleased to issue Her Orders, to procure me the Sustenance I stood in Need of, it would be in a Manner, suitable to her Dignity, and my Birth; but should it be signified to me, that whatever was offered was by Her Order, I should always receive it with the greatest Deference. All the Assistance, which Her Majesty might, in the mean Time, vouchsafe to lend me, would be of little Service to me, unless I was removed from the Prison, where I was, as I could not enjoy any Rest there, either by Day, or by Night, and unless I was, in the mean while, supplied with what was requisite for the Recove­ry of my Health, which at that time was in so dangerous a Situation, that I run the Hazard of [Page 66] sinking very soon under the Weight of my Mi­series. Should these Precautions on my Behalf be neglected, Her Majesty would lose an Op­portunity of punishing me, if I were a Crimi­nal; or, on the other Hand, if my Innocence were proved, she would have the Regret of seeing a Man perish miserably under her Eyes, who came into her Dominions with no other View, but of devoting the Rest of his Days to her Service. To conclude, there was nothing I said, but what I had Room to hope from Her Majesty's Justice and Clemency."’

In this Memorandum I likewise particularised all those Things, which I stood absolutely in Need of, viz. another Prison, a Physician, my Trunk, and a Person, who might, on all Occasions, serve me as an Interpreter. My Clerk promised to give a faith­ful Account of all, I had dictated to him. I asked, why they would not suffer me to be shaved, to which he replied, that they feared, I might make an Attempt upon my own Life.

My Memorandum had no farther Success, but to procure the Change of my Prison three Days afterwards, when I was removed into the Secreta­ry's Apartment, who was obliged to shift his Quar­ters, this new Lodging gave me a little more Ease, tho some Clerk or other was every Day running in and out for Papers, which had been left there. But, on the other Hand, I was tormented with a vast Number of every Kind of Insects that commonly frequent the most odious and filthy Places. I had every Moment the Company of huge Rats, that con­sumed whatever I could procure for myself; and all the Furniture I had in this Secretary's Office, which I might justly call a Nest of Rats, was two Chairs and a Table, without a Carpet.

This Change of Prison did not therefore, afford me the least Relief. My Sickness encreased daily, and I [Page 67] saw no Hopes of any Succour. I remember, the 24th, which was Christmas-Eve, being extreamly ill in my Bed, the Sergeant brought me a very large Goose and a Fowl, and gave me to understand, that this Present was sent me by Her Imperial Ma­jesty. I answered, that the Condition I was then in required other Succour, and desired him to send me, with all Speed, a Physician, and take his Pre­sent back with him. But he left it, notwithstand­ing all I could say, and retired. I gave them to my Guard, to dispose of as they thought fit, and make themselves merry but I found they durst not touch them. The same Officer returned the next Morning, and made a great Bustle, because they had let those Provisions be spoiled, instead of carrying them away. I thought this a proper Time to make lively Expostulations with him a­bout my Trunk, where all my Linnen was, which I stood the more in Need of, as I was eat up with Vermin. He took little Notice of what I said, but walk'd off with the Goose and Fowl.

The Refusal of my Trunk, which I had so long and so pressingly desired, was not without some Cause. Several Circumstances made me suspect, that they had robbed me of Part of what it con­tained, and strove now to conceal it. Theft is well known to be so common in Muscovy, that no one is ashamed of it. Great and Small, Men and Women, lay hold, without any Scruple, of the Property of another, wherever they meet with it. Hence it is, that People are always upon their Guard, and live in this Country in a continual Dif­fidence of each other. Peter I. was wont to say, that if he was to hang all the Thieves in his Do­minions, he should be destitute of Subjects. My Suspicions were still farther grounded, by the De­tention of the Key of my Trunk at Muscow, and by my seeing the Sergeant, who had conducted me [Page 68] into the Czarina's Palace, where he appear­ed like a Criminal, on whom Sentence was just going to be pronounced. These several Con­siderations induced me to believe, that I had been robbed, and that, to conceal the Fact, and avoid the Hands of Justice, they had attempted to poison me. Their Proceedings, in Regard to me, in the Sequel, will give you very strong Proofs of what I here advance.

You will, without doubt, be shocked at the Perusal of these Circumstances of my Adventures. Had not my Courage supported me in the dole­ful Condition I was in, I must have inevitably pe­rished. I should a thousand Times have sunk un­der the Load of my Calamities, had I not pre­served a perfect Peace of Mind amidst my great­est Distresses. I perceived my self often at the Point of Death, destitute of all Relief, and of all Hopes of receiving any. Nothing afflicted me more than the Reflection of being sacrific'd, as I was, to the Fury and unjust Resentments of a Savage Nation, which, having not the least Sense of Humanity, treated me as the most abject of Slaves. Nevertheless, in the midst of these Per­plexities, Neque ullam vocem protuli indignam viro, neque cedentem calamitati. I leave you to judge, after having weighed these Circumstances, what Idea the World ought to form of this Nation, which at present makes so much Noise in Europe, whose Alliance is so earnestly sought for, and which claims a Right to the Disposal of Kiugdoms. Spes improbissimas complectuntur insperata assecuti.

LETTER V.

I must not omit begging your Excuse for the abrupt Manner, with which I conclu­ded my last. My Head was at that Time filled with such melancholy Ideas, and my Heart perplexed with Motions so extraordinary, that I fancied my Hand was growing heavy, and my Ink appeared more black, than it really was. These Symptoms made me resolve upon taking some Repose; for, whatever I write to you, shall, as far as possible, be the Product of a Mind at Ease, and by no Means of an impetuous Imagination. Not that I am fearful of being too severe in my Censures of the Muscovites, who certainly deserve no Mercy; But as I engaged in this Correspondence, with no o­ther View, than that of satisfying your Curiosity, I am not so much intent on seeking Revenge for the Injuries, done me by that Nation, as on informing you of what you desire to know of my Adventures. To continue my Narrative of them, I must, therefore, tell you, that, after I had been left to struggle with Death, for the Space of ten Days, a Physician, was, at last, brought me by the Sergeant and an Overseer. This Physician happened unfortu­nately to speak nothing but Latin; which gave me a great deal of Uneasiness; For, though I am pret­ty well versed in that Language, yet I found it diffi­cult to express my Thoughts, as I had never made made Use of it in familiar Discourse. I therefore immediately told my Physician, that since I should hardly be able to give him the true Grounds of my [Page 70] Disease, I had Cause to fear he might not apply proper Medicines, nor give me that Assistance, I stood in Need of. He replyed by this Axiom, which he faid, was unquestionable: Omnes Captivi infirmitatibus laborant; this unpromising Beginning exasperated me, & indignatio dedit Linguam. I an­swered him in as Philosophical Manner, Non doleo de captivitate, sed de modo captivitatis. I continued my Harangue in the same Tone, but in a Latin Idi­om, as barbarous as the Country I was in. The Doctor, however, not thinking me perhaps so tracta­ble, as blindly to submit to his Prescriptions, thought fit to retire: And this was all the Benefit I received from his Visit!

An Accident happened some Time after, which contributed not a little to confirm the Suspicions I had of my having been poisoned. But give me leave to put you in mind of the following Circumstances, before I inform you of what passed. First, the Key of my Trunk, which was demanded, and I was forced to surrender at Muscow: In the second Place, my Sword, which was likewise taken from me at Mus­cow, and locked up, in the Trunk; and lastly, my Trunk itself, which had been detained from the 15th of December, the Day of my Arrival at Pe­tersburg, 'till the 11th of January 1734. My Trunk was that Day brought into my Prison, guard­ed by several petty Officers, a Secretary, some Clerks and an Overseer. The Secretary having first saluted me with a smiling Countenance, de­manded the Key of the Trunk. I answered, that I had the same Demand upon him. Seemingly sur­prized at this Answer, he spoke to those who were present, as if he was enquiring what was become of the Key.

Several Questions and Answers ensued, which tended only to delude and blind me, till at last the Key appeared. They begun then, by unlocking [Page 71] the Padlock, but as it was sealed, one of the Clerks addressing himself to the Secretary, and, by his Looks, expressing his Surprize, said: Sir, here are two Seals. Yes, replied the Secretary, the better to conceal his Villany, there are two, one of Casan, and the other of Muscow. The Trunk was at last opened, where I found every Thing in Disor­der. I took out my Pistols and my Sword, which could not be there, but by a very great Miracle, as they must have been put in, without taking off the Seal of Casan. I told the Secretary, that my Arms were useless to a Prisoner, and would have put them into his Hands: But he answered, they must be left in the Trunk, which he would shut himself. It ap­peared to me somewhat extraordinary, that I should be debarred the Use of my Cloaths; for all I could obtain was three or four Shirts, which I stood in great need of. They even refused me, with the ut­most Barbarity, some Eau des Carmes, and other Medicines. The Secretary having first locked the Trunk, assured me, that I should be supplied with common Necessaries, by Orderm and at the Expence of her Majesty, and then retired.

These Circumstances duly weighed, it will be ea­sy to determine, whether I was really poisoned or not? I should even be glad, if, on this Subject, you would consult all the Physicians and natural Philosophers of your Acquaintance, who will not, in a case so singular, refuse to give you their Opi­nion. For my Part, I should be glad to have my Suspicions removed, by a Demonstration, that my Disease could be the Effect of any other Cause than Poison; but beg, you would first maturely and leisurely consider the following Circumstances.

In my last, you may remember, I observed, that the Muscovites are very prone to Theft, and that it is a Vice common to the whole Nation. Hence I may infer the Probability of their embracing the first [Page 72] Opportuni y that offered of robbing me. That this Conjecture comes nearly up to Truth, is but too e­vident, by the Key of my Trunk, being taken from me at Muscow. And I may reasonably ask, what Occasion there was to search my Trunk at all? It had already been looked into at Casan, and was, besides, closely sealed. Had Curiosity been their sole Inducemen sor viewing my Effects, they might have gratified it in my Presence. But there are still other Circumstances. My Trunk was seized, on my Arrival at Peersburg, without any apparent Cause, and the Sergeant, who had brought me thither, ap­peared at the Czarina's Palace, in the Posture of a Criminal. In Order to account for this Person's Fate, you must know, that my Trunk was opened, as soon as it was brought to Petersburg, and that, after having compared the Contents with the Inven­tory sent from Casan, Part of the Things, specified in the last, was sound to be wanting. The Serge­ant was immediately supposed to be the Thief, or at least an Accomplice in the Robbery. The Trunk was, therefore, to be detained, till the Deficiency could be repaired, and some one be instantly dispatched to Muscow to recover what was stolen. It is certain, the Sergeant himself was directly sent back thither: For when, some Days after my Arrival at Peters­burg, I asked, what was become of my Sled, they answered, the Sergeant had taken it to return to Muscow. In short, my Trunk was not returned to me, till the 11th of January, twenty-seven Days after my Arrival at Petersburg; a Time, sufficient to go to Muscow, to discharge the Commission, which the Sergeant was entrusted with, and to return to Petersburg.

These are, beyond all Contradiction, Probabi­lities, which, on many Occasions, might pass for evi­dent Proofs; but let us examine the Affair yet far­ther, The Secretary demanded the Key of my [Page 73] Trunk, when it was brought to me, and endeavou­red to persuade me, that it had been likewise sealed at Casan, in order to insinuate, that it had not been opened since. Could any Thing be more ridicu­lous, than to imagine, I had such a Stock of Cre­dulity, as to be persuaded, that they had neglected a thorough View of all my Effects? They were too desirous of knowing, who I was, and of finding some Pretence, whereby to justify their Proceedings with Regard to me, to omit such a Search. I should likewise be glad to know, what they can al­ledge in Respect to my Sword, which the Officer of the Guards at Casan seemed so much pleased with, which I wore till I reached Muscow, and which at length I found in my Trunk, though they pretend­ed it had not been opened either at Muscow or at Pe­tersburg. I am certainly highly obliged to the Mus­covites, if they have found out the Secret of imparting to my Sword some of those Qualities, attributed to the Thunder-Bolt, especially that of penetrating the most solid Bodies, without leaving the least Mark; for then I shall hereafter be armed as powerfully as Jove himself. What could, in fine, induce them to re­fuse me my Cloaths, and to shut the Trunk so ab­ruptly, without giving me Time to examine what was in it? I should not, I believe, deviate very far from the Truth, were I to say that they proceeded in this unaccountable Manner, the better to conceal the Robbery, they had committed on the greatest Part of my Equipage, the Want of which I was for­ced to bear with during the whole Time of my Cap­tivity. As I have now averred the Theft, I shall find it more easy to prove, that I was poisoned. You may perhaps ask, who were the Authors of the for­mer Villany? For your Satisfaction, let it suffice, that I put you in Mind of my having cast the Nativity of the Secretary of Muscow, when the Humour took me to tell him, that the Gallows would soon be his Fate. [Page 74] And in Reality the whole Matter must fall upon that Secretary, and his Accomplices.

My Sickness became in the mean while so ex­tream, and I was reduced to so feeble a State, that my Guard were obliged to carry me, whenever I had occasion to ease Nature. I was again afflicted with a Cholick, accompanied with Pains, so vio­lent, that I almost begun to fear I had been poisoned a second Time. This new Paroxism was however, of a short Duration, it left me insensibly, and I found my self in better Health, than I had been before. The incessant Requests, I had long made, for a Physici­an, were at last complied with. He was accom­panied by the same Clerk, who had played his Le­ger-de-main Tricks with the two Seals, at the opening of my Trunk. The Doctor, who spoke good Ita­lian, immediately enquired into the Nature of my Distemper. I told him, that to give him a true Idea of it, I could not avoid entring into several Particu­lars, which would necessarily require his Attention. After having given him an Account of my Consti­tution, I acquainted him what befel me at my De­parture from Muscow. My Physician was every Moment interrupted by the Clerk who was present, and, as he had Orders to write down this whole Consultation, was teazing him to know what I said; he even desired us, in pressing Terms, to hasten to a Conclusion. The Physician, who had his Instruc­tions, seemed to give Way to the Secretary's Instan­ces, and before he had Time to inform himself of my Disease, advised me to take a Vomit, and to be blooded. To this I answered, that I could not pre­vail upon my self to follow the Advice which he gave me, without informing himself of my Disease: That as for the Emetick, I was resolved not to take it; and, though I might hope for some Relief from Bleeding, yet I could not with any Probability ex­pect a Surgeon, since they had refused to send me a [Page 75] Barber, lest I should make away with my self. I then informed him of the Treatment I had met with, but all the Answer, he made me was, that I must con­form to the Customs of the Country. The Clerk, likewise, thought fit to give me his Advice, and said, that Grief being my Disease, I must wait my Remedy from Time and Circumstances. This stung me to the quick, and put me in Mind of my for­mer Physician's Axiom. To convince him of this Mistake, I told him, in these very Terms: ‘"Sir, my Mind has no Share in the doleful Condition I am reduced to, and give me leave to tell you, that a Man, tho a Prisoner, may enjoy a perfect Free­dom of Mind. But the Case is this, you have neither Orders nor Leisure to hear me speak, and seem but little inclined to give me that Assistance, I stand so much in Need of; therefore, not to de­tain you any longer, you are at Liberty to be gone. All the Favour I ask of you is, to tell those Gentlemen, who sent you, that a Patient is not relieved by the bare Sight of a Physician, and that no Remedy ought to be prescribed to me, till I am allowed to tell my Case. Your Visits will be always agreeable, and may prove highly beneficial to me, if you have so much Influence as to procure me that Permission; but if it be thought improper to grant me that Favour, to give your self any farther Trouble, seems to me entirely needless."’ Whether my Physician was pleased with this Compliment I know not; but the contrary seems most probable, for he instantly re­tired, and gave himself no farther Trouble about me.

I continued to fare very hard, notwithstanding the repeated Promises made me, several Days together, that I should be maintained by the Order, and at the Expence, of Her Imperial Majesty, and I saw no signs of any thing being sent me by that Princess. [Page 76] The Matter was, I suppose, deemed so very im­portant, that it required a Respite, till the Morrow. This Rule is generally observed by the Muscovites, when the Point in Debate relates to Disbursements: And they are certainly right; for Money is not so scarce, in any other Country in the World. An Interpreter, at last appeared, after I had long wait­ed for him, accompanied by two or three Persons, who came to tell me, he had Orders to provide for my Sustenance. I expressed my Satisfaction at this News, and told him, the sooner the better. But how replied he, do you expect to be served? How said I? Just as you think fit, provided it be not after the Muscovian Manner, for their Ragoos I am not accu­stomed to. He then consulted with those, who were present, and said, that I might have Money allow­ed me, and asked how much would do? This Que­stion made me laugh, and I desired to know, in my turn, if he took me for a Person that would accept of Money. I ordered him to tell his Masters, that I should always, with the utmost Deference and Gra­titude, accept of whatever should be offered me by Her Majesty's Order. This Reply gave Occasion to a fresh Consultation, which being ended, this weighty Affair was put off to the Morrow.

The Necessity I lay under of making my Case known to some able Physician, put me upon writing an exact Relation of all that had happened to me, to send it to Mons. du Vernoi, Anatomy-Professor. You may remember the Character I have already given you of him. He is a Man of Merit, and one to whom I am greatly obliged. At the same Time, I wrote a short Memorial to the Empress, wherein I com­plained of the Manner in which I was treated. I was told, they should both be safely delivered; but as neither of them produced the Effect I hoped, they probably were both suppressed. I was even treated with more Severity than before; for after this, not­withstanding [Page 77] all my Remonstrances, I never could obtain either Physician or Interpreter, either Pen and Ink, or my Cloaths.

That these Gentlemen acted, with the utmost Inju­stice, with Regard to me, is most certain; and yet they may have had their Motives to palliate those Pro­ceedings. In order to unfold this Mystery, I must put you in Mind of the Hatred, which the Musco­vites bear to all Strangers who are any Expence to them. This undoubted Truth is one of the Motives, which induce me to believe, that the Gentlemen in the Administration at Muscow, were resolved upon my Perdition at any Rate. And indeed, what Ne­cessity could there be to detain me in that City eight or ten Days? Why was I, at my Arrival at Peters­berg, refused the immediate Benefit of a Physician, since there are so many of the Profession in that Place? At last indeed they sent me one, but he spoke Latin only, and the Conversation I had with him, was, besides, so very short, that he could not possibly be informed of my Case, nor apply proper Remedies. As they knew I was an Italian, and there are three or four Physicians of that Nation in the Town, why was I not permitted to speak to one of them? They very well knew, I was conversant in the French Tongue, why was not some one of that Nation suffered to come to me? The second Physician spoke, I confess, the Italian Tongue ve­ry well; but the Orders, which were given to in­terrupt our Conversation every Moment, hindered me from making my Case known. They feared, and very justly too, that, had I given an exact Ac­count of it, the Physician would have discovered the real Cause of my Distemper. What can be in-ferred from their Refusal of letting me make Use of the Medicines, I had in my Trunk? They were probably afraid, that those Remedies might restore my Health, which they did their utmost Endea­vours [Page 78] to prevent. The Attempt, they had made on my Life, would, they hoped, be concealed from the World by my Death. The Expedient they made Use of to silence my Complaints, was very odd. They allowed me to write to a Physician, but, at the same Time, intercepted my Letter, be­cause the Perusal of it might disclose a Secret, which it was too much their Interest to conceal. Therefore, to compass their iniquitous Scheme, they could use no better Means, than that of leaving me alone. It would perhaps be difficult, to discover, how the Poison was conveyed to me, and to name the prin­cipal Authors of so execrable an Attempt, but that they did find Means to give it me, and that every Muscovite is justly liable to be suspected thereof, are most indisputable Truths.

I now leave you to judge, whether the Report, spread throughout all Europe, of the Death of the three last Sovereigns of Muscovy being owing to Poison, was so very groundless. They will certainly find it very difficult, to clear themselves from an Imputa­tion, which is but too well founded. They are al­ready known by too many iniquitous Passages, not to be thought capable of any Thing. In all their Proceedings, they are known to consult their private Interest only, and the Project they have formed of extending their Dominions, has induced them to commit all kinds of Injustice, in Regard to their Neighbours. They have invaded the finest Coun­tries, to open their Way into Germany. They have long since aimed at the sole Dominion of the Baltick. The whole World is sensible of the Tyranny they ex­ercise in Poland, after having sowed Discord in that Kingdom. And Europe has Reason to fear their penetrating yet farther, and kindling a Flame in [Page 79] other Countries, as they have done in Poland. It is the Interest of more Potentates, than one, to set Bounds to their Ambition, and to break their Mea­sures; and it were to be wished, that a Method might be speedily found of driving them back into their Forests, and lurking Holes, where they lived whole Ages in Obscurity. As they desire nothing more earnestly, than to revive their antient Cu­stoms, and to live unknown to the rest of Man­kind, nothing could be of greater Service to them. They bear so great an Aversion to the Innovations, which have been attempted to be introduced among them, in the last forty Years, that, if they were left to themselves, they would soon shake off the Yoke, which they think is imposed on them. This Nation is fit for nothing but to be kept in Bondage and Ob­scurity. Is it not surprizing, that notwithstanding the absolute Power of their Monarchs, they have hi­therto been so unsuccessful in their Endeavours, to render this Country flourishing in Commerce, and to establish Religion and Sciences among them.

Whoever should undertake to enquire into the O­rigin of the Muscovites, must be greatly perplexed by this their singular Character. If I could prevail up­on my self to believe, that there were Pre-adamites, I should almost have sworn, that the Muscovites are their Descendants. And they must certainly be al­lowed to owe their Extraction to a Set of Men, very different, from any we now meet with. I have, after many Reflections, formed a Conjecture, which appears to me entirely well grounded, and will, I am assured, notwithstanding its Novelty, meet with your Approbation. You cannot be ignorant of the unanimous Consent of Historians, in the mention they make of this Nation, that no Traces can be found of its antient State, and that the profound Ignorance, in which it has been always involved, has rendered all Enquiries, into its Original, entirely [Page 80] fruitless. This great Difficulty has kept all Histo­rians in Suspence, and deterred them from attempt­ing any Decision on this Article. But I will lead you into the Path they should have followed, and which I my self have taken, in making this signal Discovery.

Whenever the Origin of a People is not disco­verable by any Monuments of Antiquity, we must of Necessity examine their Manners and Customs, and compare them with those of other Nations, and especially of their Neighbours. This being premised, I need only put you in Mind of a Piece of History, which you are not ignorant of, tho you may not know how so easily to fix it to any certain Period. You may remember to have read, that the Scythians, at their Return from their third Expedition in Asia, met, on the Frontiers of their Country, a numerous Army, ready to oppose their Entrance. Their own Wives, being tired of so long a State of Viduity, had all agreed to throw them­selves into the Arms of their Slaves, and had in­spired those base Lover; with sufficient Courage and Strength to take up Arms. The Scythians, informed of this Procedure, consulted among them­selves, what Course to take. They imagined, that to employ their Arms against their Slaves, would be to debase themselves: They therefore, armed themselves with Scourges only, and in that Manner marched against the Rebels, who, awed by the Pre­sence of their Masters, were immediately seized with a Panick, and endeavoured to save them­selves by Flight. These Wretches, fearful of a Pursuit, penetrated very far towards the North, in­to a Country, then un inhabited, which their Descendants still possess.

If you cast your Eyes upon a Map, it will in­stantly appear to you, that the Country, into which these Slaves made their Retreat, must necessarily be [Page 81] the same, which is now known by the Name of Muscovy. It would be derogatory from the exten­sive Knowledge you have in History, should I here attempt to prove this Fact, which is attested by all Authors, who have written of the Scythians and their Country. This great Event is likewise con­firmed by an authentick Monument, which we to this Day meet with in Muscovy, for the Place, to which they at first retired, is still known by the Name of the City of Slaves.

Such is the Original of the Muscovites, which none, but themselves, ought to regard as a Myste­ry. You need therefore no longer think it strange, that a People, descended from such Ancestors, has strove, to remain in Obscurity, by neglecting to transmit to Posterity these Titles, and all other Monuments, which could lead us to the Know­ledge of them. The Muscovites would thereby have discovered themselves to be not only Slaves by Birth, but likewise Traitors, Cowards and Re­bels. All these fine Qualities are still discernable in that Nation, and it is well known, that Slave­ry has been handed down among them from Fa­ther to Son, without any Interruption, till the pre­sent Age. The Assurance, wherewith they boast themselves to be Descendants of the Scythians, may therefore be pardoned, provided they mean in the Manner I have here explained.

To remove all Doubts, that may be raised on this Head, I beg leave to add a Word or two about those Tartars, who are Neighbours of the Muscovites. You know, without Doubt, that these People are the same Scythians, of whom several Authors make Mention, and whose Exploits were formerly famous throughout the whole World. These are the People, who possess, to this Day, besides great Tartary, the two finest Empires in the World, which are China and Mogul. Not­withstanding [Page 82] the vast Extent of the Countries this Nation is Master of, there is not a single Tribe among them, but is thoroughly acquainted not on­ly with their common Origin, but likewise in par­ticular with their own Descent. They can inform you, with the utmost Accuracy, what Branch they are descended from. Whence proceeds then so great a Difference, as we here observe, between two Nations bordering on each other? It may be very easily explained. The Tartars are those famous Scythians, who glory in their Origin; and the Mus­covites are those cowardly Slaves, whose Descent and Extraction have rendered them infamous.

Whatever Arguments the Muscovites advance, with a View of persuading us, that they are Des­cendants of the Scythians, this single Observation may almost suffice to subvert. But I cannot really perceive, that they have any Thing in common with that Nation. The greatest Part of the mo­dern Tartars, on the contrary, seem to have an en­tire Resemblance with those ancient Scythians. Justin, Herodotus, and some other Authors, describe the Manners, and relate the brave Exploits of those Conquerors, and, if you compare them with what we read of the Mungals and Kalmucs, you will find a very great Resemblance between those People. An intrepid Courage, and a surprizing Magnanimity, are Qualities, which we observe in the Tartars here mentioned; but the Muscovites distinguish themselves only by their Cowardice and Baseness. You will not find it an easy Matter, Sir, to meet, in History, with Conjectures better founded, than these, about the Original of the Muscovites; therefore, si tibi vera videntur dede manus. And with this I shall conclude my Let­ter, reserving for the next a Subject more jocose and diverting. You judge very rightly, that, to entertain you with Matters of this Kind, which [Page 83] ought always to be treated not only, corpore valido, but likewise, animo sereno, I must needs put a great Constraint on my self. In the mean Time,

LETTER VI.

THE Treatment I here meet with is cer­tainly most extraordinary. The Musco­vites, perceiving that my Sickness did not put an End to my Life, endea­voured by all possible Means to effect it by Hunger. This would certainly have been the Event of their Barbarity, had I not received timely As­sistance from Mr de L'Isle and his Wife. I shall, in the Sequel, have frequent Occasion to mention them both, and, by what I shall say of them, you'll find, that Ministers, Generals of Armies and War­riours are not the only Persons, who promote the Honour of the French Nation. In order to ap­prize you fully of what I have to say, it will be proper to resume the Thread of my Relation.

Though my Disease was become Chronical, and in a Manner incurable, it was nevertheless not so violent as before, and I begun to be sensible of the Necessity I lay under of taking some solid, nou­rishing Food, which might support Nature, and insensibly increase my Strength. All the Provisi­ons, which my Guard brought me, at my own Expence, were so dear, and, at the same Time, so very bad, that I resolved at last, to seek for other Diet. The Gentleman and Lady before [Page 84] mentioned were therefore to be applied to, and I found it necessary to beg of them, to send me some Wine, and other Provisions, which I stood most in Need of. As I was neither permitted to speak, nor to write to any one, my greatest Difficulty was, how to acquaint them with my Desires. I found Means at last, after having given my self a great deal of Trouble, to put my Project in Execution, by prevailing upon a Clerk to write down whatever I should dictate to him in the Russian Tongue. You must not wonder to find me dictating a Let­ter in this Tongue, for Necessity is the best Master of Languages, Ingenîque largitor venter. I had begun some Time before to understand the Lan­guage of the Country pretty well, and knew enough to ask for what I stood in Need of.

Mr. de L'Isle no sooner received my Letter, than he sent me much more than I desired. I had no Room to doubt of his being apprized of my Adventures, and of my Arrival at Petersburg; be­cause his Brother, without Doubt, had advised him of my Fate: And besides, as I named him, in my Examination, it is highly probable, he was likewise interrogated. I have even been since in­formed, that he was placed behind a Door, to see whether he knew me. Having soon consumed the Provisions, sent me by Mr. De L'Isle, and what I had provided at my own Expence, as they had several Times promised, I should be furnished with Necessaries by Order of the Court, and I saw no Effect of this Promise, I thought it my Duty to expostulate pretty warmly with the Officer on that Head. He answered, that, since I had de­clared my Aversion to Muscovite Ragoos, they were extreamly at a Loss, what to provide for me. Lit­tle satisfied with so poor a Pretence, I spoke to him in such haughty Terms, as terrified him from coming near me again in haste. And so it is with [Page 85] the Muscovites, in general, not excepting their Sol­diers, when they meet with any Opposition.

It is pretty extraordinary, that I could never learn what they call a Man of Courage in the Russian Tongue. I am almost inclined to think, that, as there is not a Man among them, who has the least Valour to boast of, such a Term would be entirely useless to them. This Cowardice, and a certain brutish Disposition, equally natural to them, are Qualities, which I cannot well reconcile. ^* They have a Law, whereby all Subjects are for­bid to draw their Swords, and it has been so reli­giously observed throughout the whole Empire, that there has not been one Instance of its being violated. I know not whether they have any Laws to prevent Theft, but, if they have, they are not much enforced. What Inference may we draw from this Observation? May we not justly say, that they are naturally inclined to Pilfering, and that their Pusillanimity is the Occasion that they ne­ver draw their Swords? I leave you to decide this Question, and doubt not, but you will be of my Opinion.

In the mean Time, I gave my Guard to under­stand, that, as they continued to neglect bringing me any Provisions, I should find Means of being admitted to the Czarina's Presence, and that I should make my Complaints to Her Majesty of those, who refused to execute her Orders. I re­peated these Menaces to the whole Body of Clerks, who were in my Anti-Chamber, and my Officer venturing at last to appear again, I assured him, I would break the Windows, and entreat Relief, of those who passed by in the Street. These Threats produced their Effect; for, the next Morning, the Corporal came with a Purse in his Hand, and said, [Page 86] that I might order what I pleased. I told him I wanted Bread, Wine, Sugar and Meat, all which he soon after brought me. I gave the same Or­ders the next Day, but found it no longer com­plied with. One of my Guard refused to take the Money I offered him, to buy what I stood in Need of, pretending he had received Orders not to concern himself with any of my Commissions. I was not a little surprized to hear of such an Or­der, but was obliged to put up with it, and to make shift with the Remnants of the preceding Day. After this, I had but very little, and some­times nothing at all to eat for some Days. When it was my Fate to fast, one of the Soldiers took up a Violin, and invited me to dance, saying, French-Men could forget Hunger for a Jigg. This Farce diverted me for a Time, but my Patience being, at length, tired, I was again so busy with my Threats, that my Soldiers, brought me the same Evening a fine Piece of roasted Meat, some Bread and Wine: And no less a Feast than this would have sufficed to allay my voracious Appe­tite. When my Repast was ended, folding up a Piece of Paper, in which some Salt had been wrap­ped, I accidentally saw some Writing upon it. Curiosity inducing me to read it, I perceived, it contained only some Astronomical Calculations. I immediately conceived, that I was obliged to Mr. De L'Isle and his Wife for my Supper; and was so enraged at this Proceeding, that I made use of the most bitter Invectives to reproach the Corpo­ral. I even threatened him, Her Imperial Maje­sty should know how her Orders were executed, being assured, she would reward them all with a Halter. He begun to excuse himself by the Diffi­culty, he pretended, there was in pleasing me, but I was so loud with my Complaints, that he re­tired in a Pannick.

[Page 87] Were I to relate the many Scenes I passed thro on this Account, I should never have done. It may suffice, to tell you, that all the Food I had, from the 11th of January to the 15th of February, were sent me by Mr. De L'Isle. This Gentleman even gave my Guard some other Necessaries, but those Villains thought fit, as I afterwards found, to keep them for their own Use. I had been in great Danger of being starved in my Prison, had I not been so kindly assisted by Mr. De L'Isle. The Impossibility the Muscovites lie under of main­taining their Prisoners, whilst they have so large a Number of Foreigners on their Hands, is the on­ly Pretence that can justify their Conduct with Re­gard to me. Could you ever have thought, that the whole Revenue of this vast Empire does not amount to above ten or twelve Millions of Crowns? Their Generosity cannot be very extensive out of so inconsiderable an Income. But after all, you may object, Why was I not satisfied with what they gave me? Was it not sufficient, to be fed in the Manner they live themselves? Black Bread, Salt, and often putrid Fish, are the Victuals, and Water the Drink, they generally put up with in Muscovy. Could a Prisoner as I was, a Person unknown, expect to meet with a better Treatment? Had they vouchsafed me the Allowance, given in other Countries to Prisoners of State, I should a­lone have consumed as much, as would have served half a Dozen of Muscovite Families. The Scarce­ness of Money in this Country, and the Misery, the People are reduced to, can hardly be imagin­ed. In the whole Extent of Muscovy, there does not so much Money circulate, during the Course of a Year, as at Paris, London, and Amsterdam in a single Day. I believe I should speak within Compass, if I tell you, that the daily Expence of a single Merchant at London far exceeds that of a [Page 88] whole City in Muscovy. This impossibility which they laboured under of maintaining me, in the Man­ner I ought to have been treated, was the Reason that they gladly left that Care to Mr. de L'Isle and his Wife, who were both as kind and gene­rous to me, as the People in France generally are to Strangers. Tho I forbid my Guard going to ask for any Thing at Mr. de L'Isle's, yet they constantly went thither, and not a Day passed that I did not receive some Tokens of their Benevolence. I as­sure you, his Generosity to me, exceeded whatever I could expect from the best of my Friends. I in­tend to let you know more on this Article on an other Occasion. Permit me now to entertain you with an Account how I employed my Time in my Prison.

I found Means to make a shift without Pen, Pa­per or Ink, as I was destitute of those Helps. A Nail, which by Chance I found in my Prison, sup­plied the Place of a Pen, and, instead of Paper, I made use of the Table, from whence they had taken away the Carpet. I had therefore no Occasi­on for Ink, to write with. I begun by engraving on the Edge of the Drawer these Words:

After this I undertook to embroider all my Table, and my first Attempt was an Encomium on the Czarina, in the following Words:

[Page 89] Having thus begun to take delight in Poetry, I made these following Lines.

It would be difficult to account, ut sic repente Po­eta prodirem. But however it happened my Table, was, in a few Days, covered with wretched Verses. The Muscovites understood nothing of the Matter; nor, indeed, did I make them for their Use. I re­solved, after having filled my Table, to engrave on the Door of my Prison an Account of my most re­markable Adventures in Muscovy. There you may read, that I was refused a Barber, lest I should make Use of his Razor to cut my own Throat; and that they would not allow me a Physician, because he might have cured me, and saved my Life. These two Incidents occasioned me to propose the Riddle of a Man, who could neither live, nor dye. And I was in reality in the Case of that Person, to whom a Gascoon said, If you draw near, I shall kill you; and if you go back, you are a dead Man. This unhappy Man could, in so great an Extremity, no Way avoid the imminent Danger, without becom­ing invisible, which was likewise the Advice the Gascoon gave him. As this Behaviour of the Mus­covites, in Regard to me, was a very evident Proof of their Barbarity, I resolved, in order to perpetuate the Memory thereof, to address the following Lines to their Secretaries:

It is a Phenomenon, somewhat strange, to be exposed to perish by Hunger, and as this was my Case in Muscovy, I thought an Occurrence of that kind deserved to be transmitted to Posterity. These are the Verses I composed on that Subject:

Such was my Occupation in my Prison. Any one besides my self, would have taken Pains to broach Invectives against the Muscovites, but to tell you the Truth, I thought them unworthy of my Anger. An Affair happened, in the mean Time, at which, tho ludicrous enough, I could not forbear expressing some Indignation. The Matter was this:

As my Confinement begun to be irksome to me, not a Day passed that I did not make some serious Reflections on the Motives, that could induce the Muscovites to keep me so long closed between four Walls. I thought, that they begun to forget me, and resolved to seek some Method of making my self the Subject of Publick Discourse. My Beard appeared most proper to awaken their Minds, and to give the Alarm to my whole Guard. It had, [Page 91] for some Time, been of a frightful Length. I daily observed the Clerks who came into my Chamber, telling one another, that I was not unlike a Tartar. As I should rather choose to resemble a Tartar, than a Muscovite, this Comparison gave me no great Offence. In order to convince them of my entire Indifference as to all their Railleries, on my Beard, I sometimes told them, that, if Peter I. had met me in his Dominions, I should have met but with a bad Reception. I even made some Verses, and en­graved them on my Table, by which I gave them to understand, that my Beard was so far from ren­dering me dejected, and giving me the Air of a Criminal, that it added to my Courage and Reso­lution. I frequently talked in this Strain, and to confirm what I said, the more, I added these Words:

I took, however, the Resolution of cutting off my Beard, and I even intended to give them Notice of it, notwithstanding the Indifference I expressed a­bout it. You know, I always wear on my Arm one of those Stones, so famed in the Writings of the Learned, which ought, if I had been somewhat more credulous, to have been in greater Esteem with me, during the Course of my Adventures. Having called my Corporal, I shewed him the Stone, pro­testing, that, if he did not instantly send me a Bar­ber, I would cause a Genius, whom I pretended to have at Command, and to keep inclosed there, to come immediately, and shave me. At hearing these Words, he seemed to be in a Maze, and, ha­ving alternatively cast his Eyes on me and my Stone, trembling, replied, that he would carry my Mes­sage to his Officers, and return immediately with their Answer. At his return, he told me, I must [Page 92] have a little more Patience, and that it was still thought improper, to grant my Request. Dissa­tisfied with this repeated Refusal, I directly resol­ved to perform the Office of a Barber my self. No sooner were my Guard intent upon something else, than I took my Scissars, which supplied the want of a Razor, and soon after shewed my self again to the Corporal, without a Beard. His Astonishment was beyond Expression; he was in a perfect Rap­ture.

I easily foresaw, that I must arm my self with Courage against the Consequences, which this Af­fair might produce, and be prepared for all Events. As nobody appeared all that Day, I concluded it gave them little or no Concern. But was told by my Guard, the next Morning, that my Beard had caused a great Disturbance, and that they themselves expec­ted to be punished, for not observing my Actions more narrowly. By their Discourse I perceived, they had no thoughts of my having Scissars, and that I should certainly be esteemed an arrant Sorce­rer. The Reluctance I had of passing for a Magi­cian, and seeing my Guard undeservedly lashed, made me frankly own I had a Pair of Scissars, and had made Use of them, to cut off my Beard. An universal Alarm ensued, the Clerks in the Anti-Chamber made it the whole Subject of their Dis­course, and looked upon this Trifle, as a Matter of the utmost Importance. The Noise, this Affair made, gave me but little Uneasiness, but I was highly surprized, when the Sergeant of my Guard, the Corporal, and seven or eight Soldiers, came, with their Swords drawn, into my Chamber. The Sight of this effeminate Troop was nevertheless so far from terrifying me, that I prepared for a vigo­rous Resistance, in Case of an Attack.

The Sergeant broke Silence, and demanded my Scis­sars, but all the Answer I gave him, was, that I [Page 93] did not understand him. I made the same Reply to the Corporal and Soldiers, who likewise made the same Demand. In vain they made various Signs, for me to apprehend their Meaning, and the Sergeant, in particular, put his Fingers to his Whiskers, to signify that they desired to have the Scissars, with which I had cut off my Beard. They went out of my Room, when I ordered them to fetch me an Inter­preter, but returned a quarter of an Hour after, at­tended by a much larger Number of Soldiers. They found me sitting, and, approaching me, repeated their former Demand. I desired them, in plain Terms, to retire, and signified that I was not suffici­ently versed in the Russian Tongue, to make them any Answer. The Drawer of my Table being half open, one of these Men of War, more bold than the rest, very insolently put in his Hand. I was go­ing at the very Instant, to shut the Drawer, and pinch his Hand, but he deprived me of this Plea­sure, by withdrawing it very seasonably. I got up, at the same Time, somewhat hastily, and, having called my Guard, made Signs to them, immediate­ly to rid me of this rascally Crew. Thus ended the Uproar, occasioned by my Scissars. The Italian Comedians could, I believe, hardly present a Piece, which would afford the Czarina more Pleasure, than this, and, had that Princess known, that there was a Theatre open so near her, where her own Subjects acted such diverting Parts, I am pretty well assured, my Prison would have been honoured with Her Majesty's Presence. You see, Sir, I am as good as my Word, I promised you something ludi­crous, and you have no Reason to complain of any Want of it in this Letter. I leave it to your Judg­ment, after you have perused it. As I have already entertained you with some Verses, which I made, when my Request for a Barber met with a Refusal, it is but just I send you some others, which I carved [Page 94] on my Table, when I was rid of my Beard. They were conceived in these Words:

But it's Time to conclude, the Farce is already too long, I begin to be tired with it, and fear it will have the same Effect on you: I ought rather to have recollected the Proverb:

To retaliate your Loss of Time, in the Perusal of so many bad Italian Verses, I shall conclude this Letter with a Line or two of good Latin, and so bid you farewel.

LETTER VII.

THIS is already my seventh Letter, tho I am but come to the fourth Month of my Imprisonment. If I go on thus, I very much fear, I shall be obliged centuriam tibi dare, which will not only prove te­dious to you, but likewise far exceed my Reckon­ing. But tell me, dear Sir, what Course can I take? For I see no Possibility of being more concise. You, on the one Hand, make pressing Demands for an exact and circumstantial Account of what befals me; and the Muscovites, on the other Side, furnish me daily with fresh Adventures. The fol­lowing is a very singular one.

Towards the End of February, a Person came into my Prison, who, having saluted me in French, with a Compliment from Mr. De L'Isle and his Spouse, laid a Parcel of Linnen, with some Wine, and se­veral other Provisions, upon my Table. The Joy I felt, at seeing a Person, with whom I could converse, was of a short Duration. I had hardly Time, to tell him, how much I was obliged to that Gentleman, and his Lady, for the Kindnesses I received from them, and, that I was ashamed to see their Generosity so much trespassed upon. The Case was this; having given some Linnen to the Soldiers, to get it washed and mended for me, they had thought proper to carry it to this Lady, who was so kind, as to add thereto several other Things, which she thought I might stand in Need of. She had ordered one of her Servants to deli­ver the Parcel himself, being sensible, that if it [Page 96] had fallen into other Hands, I should have been robbed of a good Part of her Benevolence. You will, Sir, undoubtedly be surprized, that the Ser­vant, should be suffered to speak to me, and to give me that Parcel, which had not been visited either by a Secretary, or by any of the Guard. Was I then no longer the same Prisoner of State, whose Steps were to be narrowly observed, and who was to be guarded with the utmost Rigour? Was I not the same Person, whose Request for a Barber had been refused, and who could not obtain the Liberty of using a Knife, or Fork? Yes, I was the same, but the grand Motive, which induced the Muscovites to act, on this Occasion, otherwise, with Re­gard to me, was this. If these sordid Wretches had furnished these Provisions, and caused my Lin­nen to be washed themselves, it would have cost them very near the Value of a Ruble; a Sum which to them appeared considerable enough, ut silerent leges, and they were willing to leave the Care of it to any one, who would be at the Ex­pence. The Truth of what I here affirm, is so very certain, that when, in the Sequel, I desired any Thing, that they thought too dear, I was obliged to have Recourse to Mrs. De L'Isle, who never failed of sending her Servant immediately.

This Instance may serve to give you an Idea of the Sordidness of the Muscovites; and at the same Time will shew you the Necessity, I lie un­der, of descending to those Particulars, to give you a perfect Insight into the Character of the Nation. A different Inducement, or rather a Sense of Gra­titude, prompts me to mention two small Birds, which one of my Guard made me a Present of, and no sooner had I them, than I set them at Liberty, to fly about my Room. They soon grew familiar, and convinced me, that Man is not the only Crea­ture, endued with Reason. With Submission to [Page 97] the Gentlemen of the Cartesian Sect, I could by no Means believe them to be meer Pieces of Ma­chinery. I discovered in them a Genius, the Faculty of Reason, and a certain engaging Car­riage, which Men are not Masters of. I may justly say, that I was charmed with their Company, and that they gave me many agreeable Hours. They were continually about me, and made me a Thousand pretty Tenders of their Affection. I may venture to affirm, without being too profuse in their Praise, that many Muscovites are their In­feriours; I mean, with regard to their Reason, Manners, and certain Passions, which I may call hu­mane, and which I never had the good Fortune to experience in any one of my Guard. This innocent Couple, no longer able to see the Brutality of my Attendants, quitted my Prison at last, and left me alone in Captivity. I loved them too well, not to allow them a Place among my Poetical Com­positions, or to neglect their due Encomium, but I omit it here, to go on to another Subject.

I have already told you, that I carved my Ver­ses on the Table and Door, and that both were soon filled with Fragments of Poetry. Weary of this Amusement, I resolved to spend my Time somewhat more usefully. I had, as I observed above, a Muscovite Almanack, which is a Book of a pretty large Size; and besides this I had a Pocket Book, and a Silver Pencil. My Almanack lay open before me one Day, when by Chance I disco­vered a Leaf of blank Paper in it, which I resolved to write upon with my Pencil. I directly made a Tri­al, and succeeded to my Wish. I held my Pa­per to the Light, whenever I desired to read what I had written, and every Character appeared as distinct, as if I had written them with Ink. Thus may a Prison be sometimes the Mother of Inven­tion. My mistrustful Guard, in the mean Time, [Page 98] being highly surprized, to see me thus employed, drew near, from Time to Time, to examine my Actions; but as they saw Nothing, but the Blank Paper, and I had neither Pen nor Ink, which were forbidden me, they suffered me to go on without Interruption, and I was so expeditious, that all the Paper was soon filled. There was a large Quan­tity in my Room: But it was tied up and sealed, according to the Custom of the Country, and the Soldiers had Orders to take Care of it. I found Means, however, to get some of it, without be­ing discovered, and laid up so good a Store, that I found I had sufficient to finish what I had begun. A Shipwrack unfortunately deprived me of all these Memoirs, which would have been excellent Materials for the History of my Adventures, and hence it is, that my Letters are so dull, and writ­ten in so incorrect a Stile.

But what will you think of my Temerity, in stealing Paper, and breaking open Seals, which, in Muscovy, is looked upon as a capital Crime? As for the Paper, I thought my self entitled to it, to repair the Loss I had sustained of my own, which I had been robbed of at Casan, and Part of my Cloaths, which they had thought proper to deprive me of. I confess, that, had I been discovered in breaking open the Seals, it might have fared hard with me: For in Muscovy, you must know, every Thing is sealed, Houses, Shops, Ware-Houses, Chambers, Doors and Windows. There is but one Thing, which in this Country it is not customary to seal, tho they do it in Italy, where Jealousy is car­ried too great a Length. I leave you to guess my Meaning. The Manner of sealing up Papers in Mus­covy is very singular. They take a little Piece of yellow Wax between their Fingers, which they ap­ply to a twisted Piece of Packthread, and then put a Seal to it, on which it would be pretty dif­ficult [Page 99] to discern any Impression. You find, how­ever, People every where, who are entrusted with the Care of those Papers, thus negligently sealed, are very watchful of them. Nothing is more easy, in spite of all these Precautions, than to learn the Secrets of the State. Should ever a fatal Star lead you to an Ambassy in Muscovy, you need only previously consult me, and may rely on my pointing out to you the necessary Means of being soon apprized of them. I shall even instruct you how to get all the Writings out of the Secretary's Office, and re-place them, without any Danger of being detected. A Glass of Brandy, or half a Ruble, are Bribes sufficient to gain any Clerk in the Office.

The Soldiers on Guard are seldom over careful in the Discharge of their Duty: They are almost always snoring, never acquainted with their Orders, and ever ready to submit to the first that are given them, by any one. But what is yet worse, these Wretches are incessantly Drunk, which gives Oc­casion to continual Quarrels, and to that Disorder, which reigns among them. I have frequently seen, at one Time, half a Dozen Clerks in Irons, for Neglect of Duty, which nevertheless could not put a stop to their indecent Mirth. Iron is very cheap in Muscovy, and for the least Neglect, the guilty Person is so loaded with it, that he cannot stir.

In the mean Time, I was buried in Oblivion, and my Releasement seemed to be no longer thought of. As I was determined to strive, by all the Means I could invent, to effect my Deliverance from this unhappy State, I resolved to write a Petition to the Ministers. For this I made use of a little Pen, which I fixed at the End of my Pencil. This happily succeeded, without the Privity of my Guard; and I may say, that I often shewed them, Candida de nigris, & de candentibus atra. One need not be a Conjurer, to impose on these People.

[Page 100] In my Petition to the Ministers, I humbly en­treated them, as I had been so long imprisoned, without being able to conceive the Motives of so rigorous and tedious a Detention, to allow me, at least, to draw up my Vindication in Writing. If I was found guilty, I willingly submitted to the Forfeiture of my Life; but in Case I appeared in­nocent, as I hoped to convince them I was, I beg­ged they would use their Interest with her Majesty for my Releasement. The next Difficulty, after I had drawn up this Petition, was, to convey it to the Hands of the Ministers, which was no very easy Matter. I knew not, at that Time, whether those Gentlemen must be directly applied to. I had indeed often heard of Secretaries and Senators; but I persisted still, that my Affairs were only cognisa­ble before Empress and her Ministers. The Dis­dain, I had, on several Occasions, expressed for the Senate, did, perhaps, protract my Captivity. But I could never prevail upon my self to change my Sentiments on that Head, and even, when my Mi­sery drew towards a Crisis, I implored the Protection of the Czarina only, without making the least mention of the Senate, or the Council.

As I did not immediately meet with an Oppor­tunity of presenting my Petition, I prepared, in the mean Time, for the Execution of a fresh Project. I had, for some Time, been troubled with a Rheum in my Head, and, as my Eau des Carmes was locked up in my Trunk, I resolved to get it open, in order to come at some. The Matter at first ap­peared not very easy, by reason of the Padlock and Seal, neither of which I durst venture to touch. Having, in the mean Time, narrowly viewed the Trunk, it appeared to be made only of several [Page 101] Planks, joined together without Nails, and that by the Help of a Piece of Iron I might easily take one of them off. This, therefore, or something like it, was my next Want, which I supplied in the following Manner. Seeing my Guard very bu­sy one Day at making a Fire in the Stove, and taking great Pains to cut little Pieces of Wood with their Swords, I told them, that an Ax would be much more convenient for that Purpose; and that they should endeavour to procure one. They had Sense enough, on that Occasion, to apprehend, that I was in the right, but replied, that I must demand that Utensil of the Sergeant. As I was not the best satisfied with this Officer, who now never came near me, I answered, he was a Rascal, and that I desired to have nothing to do with him. I gave them, at the same Time, half a Ruble, and ordered them to go and buy an Ax. I was soon obeyed; for they stick at nothing, when Money is in the Case. Be pleased likewise here to ob­serve the Folly of my Guard. I should without fail have met with a Refusal, had I demanded a Knife or Fork, and yet they buy an Ax and entrust it in my Hands, without Difficulty. You will, perhaps, ask, whence proceeds this Difference? Be­cause the Ax was not specified in their Bede-roll. It was not one of those Things, I had been denied the Use of; and it was besides to be of Service to themselves. But as the Fear of my cutting my Throat induced them to refuse me a Knife, had they not the same Room to apprehend I might split my Scull with the Ax, or employ it against them, if an Op­portunity offered? Hence you may judge of the Perverseness of the Muscovites.

I shall now tell you, in what Manner I executed both the Projects I had formed. If I mistake not, it was on the 18th of March. But since I mention the 18th Day, I must take Notice of an Observa­tion [Page 102] I made, which appears to me pretty singular. Have you not, in the Perusal of my Letters, found that all the remarkable Epochs of my Adventures happened precisely on that Day? I was carried to the Czarina's Palace on the 18th of December: It was the 18th of January, when I was allowed to write, and, in the Sequel, you will find, that the most remarkable Adventures I met with, always happened on the 18th Day of the Month. I wish some one could account for this Phenomenon. The Number 9 has, I know, beeen formerly regarded by all Nations as a mysterious Number, for which they have always had a great Veneration: Whe­ther our modern Cabalists are still of the same Opi­nion, I know not; but, in Regard to the Num­ber 18, I never heard, that it had any mysterious Meaning, and assure you, that to me the Disco­very is entirely new. Can you imagine this to be the bare Effect of Chance? It will not be fo­reign to my Subject, here to observe, that the Mus­covites, who are superstitious even to an Excess, have always endeavoured to improve the extravagant Fancies of the Ancients, and hence it is, that, of two nines, they have made one 18.

The 18th of March was the Day, on which I was ordered to be carried to another Prison. As I feared this Removal would deprive me of an Opportunity of presenting my Petition, in the Man­ner I had proposed, the News of it gave me some Uneasiness. My Departure was so very abrupt, that they allowed me no Time to make many Re­flections, and I was obliged to take Consilium in arena. I was escorted by a Troop of Soldiers, and by my Guard, headed by their Sergeant. No sooner was I brought into a Chamber, crowded with People, than I pulled my Petition out of my Pocket, and cry­ing out aloud, that every one might hear me, gave it to the Sergeant of my Guard, charging him to car­ry [Page 103] it immediately to the Czarina's Council. A su­perior Officer, who was probably in some neighbour­ing Chamber, terrified at the Noise, instantly ap­peared, and being informed of the Occasion, took it, and carried it into the Chamber, where the Senate was assembled. After my Petition was delivered, I was for retiring, but they forced was to wait a Quar­ter of an Hour longer; and the Officer, in the mean Time, returning, gave me my Papers back a­gain, and would force me to take them. Enraged at the Fellow's Obstinacy, and having before had Rea­son to be dissatisfied with him, I gave him a Blow on the Hand, which caused the Paper to fall on the Ground, and then leaving the Place abruptly, threat­ned him with Her Imperial Majesty's Displeasure, if he refused to convey the Petition to her Hands.

On my Arrival in my new Prison, I set about the Project I had formed, of opening my Trunk, and taking from thence what I most wanted. To succeed the better, I gave my Guard some Employ­ment, and for my Part, I was busied in making a Cage for my Birds. Thus was I working, Ax in Hand, to cut a Plank, which I had laid upon my Trunk. You may easiy suppose, that, at Times, I applied my Axe to my Trunk, to open it, and consequently that all my Blows were not spent on that Plank. My Guard supplied me with what other Tools I still stood in Need of, and, with their Help, I soon compassed my Ends. Having thrown my Cloak-Bag, and some other Things, on the Trunk, I slid off the Plank, which I had loosened, and immediately took out the Eau des Carmes, and whatever came first to Hand. It happened very luckily, that I could fix the Plank in the Manner it was in before, and afterwards, as easily, loosen it again, to take out of my Trunk whatever I want­ed. Thus was I restored to the Possession of my own; and could even, in Case of Necessity, have [Page 104] armed my self with a Sword and Pistols, to procure my Liberty. The People, I had to do with, had not Courage enough, to defend themselves against me, and my single Fork seemed to me sufficient, to put three or four Muscovites to the Flight. The World would have an Opinion, very different, from that which Europe has for some Time entertained of this Nation, were they as well acquainted as I am of their Cowardice.

Having thus delivered my Petition, I waited impatiently for the Result of it. No Answer was brought that Day, nor the next, but the Day after an Interpreter came into my Chamber, with my Paper in his Hand, and begged I would explain se­veral Lines, which they had not perfectly under­stood. I soon complied with his Request, and he promised to give a faithful Account of the Passages I had cleared up. The same Man returned an Hour afterwards, to ask, what Means I us'd to write that Petition, and whether I had corrupted my Guard, either with Money or Brandy. I answered, that I had no Occasion to have Recourse to either of those Expedients; that, as I was in a Room, where thirty or more Clerks were employed, I had not found it difficult to procure Ink, a Pen, and some Paper, without the Knowledge of my Guard, and that they were not at all privy to it. As the Account, I gave, met with but little Credit, and I was apprehensive they might punish the innocent Soldiers, I resolved to discover the whole Secret. I therefore desired the Interpreter to let his Masters know, that for a Fortnight together, I had written with white Characters, that I might be able to write black ones, for one Quarter of an Hour. The In­terpreter seemed satisfied with my Answer, and went away to make his Report. He returned once more, half an Hour afterwards, to ask me, how I had done to seal my Petition. I shewed him, for his [Page 105] Satisfaction, some Wax I had in my Pocket, with the two Seals hanging at my Watch. Notwith­standing my pressing Entreaties to speak to this In­terpreter again, I could never, from that Time, have the Pleasure of seeing him.

The Addition which was now made to the Num­ber of my Guard, and the fresh Orders that were given to interrupt all my Proceedings, occasioned me to think, that, after a Consultation was held on my Affairs, it was thought necessary that my Acti­ons should be more narrowly watched. My only Comfort, on this Occasion, was, that I could en­joy more Peace, and had a larger Room for my Prison. I could not, however, account, for the Be­haviour of the Ministers, with regard to me. I had now been confined four Months at Petersburg, and my Enlargement was not yet thought of. After many Reflections on the State of my Affairs, I fan­cied, that the Intention I had declared, of serving in Persia, under the Prince of Hesse-Homburg, had perhaps given the Ministers Room for some Suspici­ons. And as that Prince had no Thoughts himself of going into that Country, till some Uneasiness put him upon it, this Notion appeared to be the better grounded. As, on the other Hand, the fundamen­tal Maxim of the Muscovite Government consists in trusting nobody, and in believing all Mankind to be capable of the most villainous Attempts, I had Reason to suppose, that they only detained me so long Prisoner, to inform themselves of the real Mo­tive of my Voyage. Or perhaps, in the present Juncture of Affairs, in Europe, they took me for an Emissary of France, or of King Stanislaus. I am however, not conscious of having done or said any thing, that could raise such a Suspicion, and my Behaviour in Muscovy was very much unlike that of a Person entrusted with secret Commissions: I was, nevertheless, some Time after, informed, that [Page 106] I was taken for a Spy of King Stanislaus, though I never had the Honour of knowing that Prince, or being at all known to him. But let us leave these Conjectures, which may lead me too far: And in­stead thereof, let me inform you of what passed in my new Habitation.

After having opened my Trunk, and taken out of it what I thought necessary, I resolved to make no longer Use of a wooden Fork, which had been given me, nor to be obliged to borrow a Knife, to cut my Victuals; but made a Shew of my great Fork, and of a Knife, which I had taken out of my Trunk. My Guard seemed surprized at the Sight of these Things, and I wondered no less to see them profoundly silent. From thence I inferred, that they no longer feared my cutting my Throat, and that all their Care was, to hinder me from wri­ting again. They gave me the Pleasure of seeing them, every Day, visit the Seals of my Trunk, to know whether I had tried to open it. By my fre­quent Representations, how necessary it was to have a constant Eye on those Seals, I even invited them to make that Visit. Thus, after I had tricked them, they served for Objects of my Ridicule. I was ta­ken up with this Amusement one Part of the Day, and spent the Remainder of my Time in looking o­ver the Muscovite Almanack, which was the only Book, I had left. I was one Day perusing the List of the Potentates of Europe, and read, with some Surprize, the Name of Augustus III. as King of Poland. This News occasioned me to form vari­ous Conjectures, and gave me a very eager Desire of knowing what had passed. I no longer doubted but that the War was kindled in Poland, and found, at the same Time, that the Person, from whom I had received my chief Intelligence, since my Arri­val at Petersburg, must be perfectly well acquaint­ed with the Designs and Projects of the Court of [Page 107] Russia. This Person, whom, I believe, I men­tioned before, had not a little contributed to my ta­king the Resolution of going into Persia. I had long before suspected, that he resided at Petersburg on Account of some secret and important Affair, which Suspicion was afterwards confirmed by fresh Proofs, and such, as suffered me no longer to doubt of the Truth of my Conjecture. As he was well ac­quainted with whatever passed at the Court of Russia, he appeared to me the more proper to discharge his Commission.

Tho it was with Astonishment I heard, that King Augustus had acceeded to the Throne of Poland, yet I was not ignorant that the Muscovites would use their utmost Efforts, to effect the Exclusion of King Stanislaus; but I could hardly persuade my self, they would ever have succeeded. The great Influ­ence the Russian Court at present has, in the Affairs of Europe, does really surprize me, and is what I cannot sufficiently repeat to you. The World has formed of this Monarchy a Notion of Power, which exists only in the Fancies of those, who have no Knowledge of it. Russia is, I must own, of a vast Extent, and I even believe, that neither Europe, nor the Indies, nor any other Part of the World, con­tains a Country in that Point equal to it. You may judge of this by its Length, if you consider the Di­stance between Riga, and the Eastern Extremity of the Continent of Kamtschatki, lately discovered; and by the Latitude of it, which extends from the Province of Gilan, on the Southern Coasts of the Caspian Sea, to the Streights of Nassau. The pro­digious Extent of this Empire, must necessarily be a Burthen to it, and renders it (if I may be allowed the Expression) heavy and unfit for Motion. If, on the other Hand, we enter into a particular Account of the Parts, of which it is composed, we meet with immense De­sarts, [Page 108] Marshes without End, and very large Fo­rests. It will, therefore, upon an exact Calculation, be found, that Germany contains twice as many In­habitants as Muscovy. To this add the Pusillani­mity of the Muscovites, who are by no Means a People to be dreaded by other Nations.

Were we to give Credit to what is inserted in cer­tain Gazettes, I know, we should have Room to be­lieve, that the Muscovites have actually formidable Armies on foot, consisting of regular Troops. But believe me, Sir, those Reports are entirely ground­less, and only fit to seduce the unknowing Part of Mankind. I wish they would shew me, where all these Troops are. In the Year 1733, I saw the State of the Muscovite Troops, and if they amount at present to 100,000 Men, they must have been considerably augmented. But, supposing, that there is actually at present that Number of regular Troops in Muscovy, must they not necessarily be divided and distributed into several Places? You are not ig­norant of the indispensible Necessity they lye under, of keeping always a pretty large Body in Persia, and that a Removal of them from that Country, e­ven in Time of Peace, would be attended with some Danger. The Persians have of late been pretty well experienced in War, and, should they happen to make Peace with the Turks, Koulikan would, without doubt, undertake the Conquest of those fine Provinces, which the Muscovites have, by Usurpati­on, made themselves Masters of. What ought we to think of this Behaviour of the Muscovites, with Regard to the Persians? Under the specious Pre­tence of lending their Aid to a King, oppressed by a rebellious Subject, they enter the Country, where they are received like generous Friends, and at the [Page 109] same Time treacherously seize whatever they think most commodious for them.

Besides the Body of Troops, which the Mus­covites cannot avoid maintaining in Persia, they are obliged to keep another on Foot in the Kingdom of Astracan, which is surrounded by Tar­tars, who are Neighbours they have always Rea­son to be apprehensive of. The Troubles, that King­dom was so lately involved in, are still fresh in every one's Memory. An handful of Men spread a ge­neral Confusion, and made terrible Ravages there. Another Motive, that must induce the Muscovites to keep Troops in the Kingdom of Astracan, is, because the Tartars of Baskir, and those of Uffi, who were antient Possessors of this Country, might other­wise rise in Rebellion, some Time or other, and revenge themselves on the Russians. During my stay at Casan, I had an Opportunity of seeing some of that Nation, and if we may judge by their Phi­siognomy, they do not seem destined to bow their Necks long to the Muscovite Yoke. But let us go back, and stop at the River Don, where the Koban Tartars, who are not far distant from thence, make frequent Incursions, and very much molest the Mus­covites. If those People are not kept in awe, they may certainly penetrate as far as Weronezt, and ven­ture at last on some important Enterprize to succour their Brethren, the Crim-Tartars. If we go on in­to the Ukraine, we shall find, that Country cannot remain long in the Hands of the Russians, unless it be secured by a considerable Body of good Troops. In those Parts the Muscovites must have a watchful Eye over the Motions of the Turks, the Crim and Budziack-Tartars, and even of the Cosacks, who may, soon or late, rise in Arms, and, as they have formerly done, withdraw their Allegiance.

Thus you see, that, if the Muscovites maintain, as they must do, a Body of regular Troops, in each [Page 110] of those Places, and especially in Persia, and the Ukraine, their Army of an hundred thousand Men, will be reduced to a very small Number. To these you may add the Troops, which are actually in Po­land; 30,000 Men, which they are to send to the Emperor's Aid on the Rhine, and lastly the nume­rous Garrisons, which must necessarily be kept in most of those Places, which have been taken from Sweden. But, supposing, that the Muscovites had really as many Troops, as they are said to have, where will they find Money to pay them? The Re­venues of that vast Monarchy do not amount to a­bove ten or twelve thousand Crowns. How is it possible, with a Sum so inconsiderable, to maintain 3, or 400,000 Men by Land, and, besides this, a formidable Fleet at Sea?

These Particulars may serve to shew, that I am not mistaken, in exclaiming against the Rumour spread in Europe, of the Power of this Nation. The Gazetteers are excusable, as they publish those Re­ports on a Mis-Information; but what Judgement can we form of the Muscovites, who, tho thorough­ly acquainted with the State of their Affairs, the Number and Quality of their Troops, and the Weakness of their Finances, dare to attempt the Ex­ecution of the Projects now on the Carpet? Be­lieve me, Sir, and give me leave to repeat it once more, that they will never obtain the Ends they have in View: ^*

What Projects the Muscovites may have formed for this Campaign, I am wholly ignorant of; but this I know, that they were the last Year obliged, for the Reinforcement of their Troops, to draw all [Page 111] had from their Inland-Countries; Insomuch, that none but Invalids remained at Muscow, tho a consi­derable Body always us'd to be kept on Footthere. At Petersburg remained only the Guards and two Bat­talions of Peasants, just taken from behind their O­vens; hence it was, that the Number of the ordina­ry Guards could not be compleated, and that even mine was lessened, for I was left in the Hands of three Men, who were not relieved in near two Months.

Their Manner of doing Duty in Muscovy is pret­ty singular. Those, who, like me, have been Eye-Witnesses, may have an Idea of the Troops of this Country, and of the Officers, who command them. A Soldier on Duty never knows when he is to be relieved, and, as for the Officers, they are generally ignorant of the first Rudiments of War, which those of other Countries are so well acquainted with. A Centinel very seldom executes the Orders, he receives from his Sergeant. They never hesitate at placing a drunken Soldier on Duty; and fre­quently a whole Guard, Officers, as well as Sol­diers, are drunk, and incapable of attending their Duty. Nothing is more common, than to see a mutinous Soldier fall to Blows with his Sergeant, and the latter is often obliged to put up with them, without daring to complain. The Quarrels which happen every Day among the Officers or the Soldi­ers, are never terminated otherways, than by Fisty-Cuffs, or Cudgels; for there is a Law in Muscovy, as I observed in a former Letter, whereby the Sub­jects are forbid to draw their Swords, which Law is always most religiously observed. The only Thing, which appears laudable, is, that these Troops are never suffered to be idle, and at Petersburg I re­member to have seen fifteen Battalions employed at a Time, and not a single Man remaining at the Corps de Garde. Guards are placed every where, [Page 112] and there is not the least thing done without such a Security. Foreign Ministers, of what Rank so­ever they be, never fail of being attended by some of them. You may judge, after this, how safely their Money must be guarded in Muscovy. I assure you, that a Commissioner, who has only a dozen Bags of Copper-Money in his Chest, will at least have a Guard of six Men. Such is the Employ­ment of the greater Part of a large Garrison, whilst the rest are continually occupied in cleaving and cutting Wood for their Fuel. This they call keeping their Troops in Exercise, and always rea­dy for Battle, and imagine they are performing Wonders!

I could enlarge farther on this Subject, but fear this Letter is already too long. I must therefore conclude, Sir, tho I do it with Reluctance, assuring you, that I am, and shall always be, wholly Yours,

LETTER VIII.

YOU very justly censure the Stile of my Let­ters; the Faults are as visible to me as to you, but I do not find it so easy to avoid them. The Reasons I told you before, which you cannot be ignorant of. My Condition will not allow me to be very nice in the Choice of my Words, nor to give a just Turn to my Periods.

[Page 113] In my last I informed you, how I was apprized of the War being kindled in Poland, and that King Augustus had acceeded to the Throne. The same Person told me, that the Muscovites had in­vested Dantzick, and that King Stanislaus was block'd up in that City. As I neglected no Oppor­tunity of learning the publick News, I heard, that Count Munich was departed for the Camp before Dantzick; that a large Body of Troops was ordered to march from Poland; and that all who were at Muscow, were to come to Petersburg. Orders were even sent to my Guard, to prepare for a March, which I found they were not the best pleased with. They were continually observ­ing, that a bloody War would soon ensue, that a large Body of French Troops was already arrived in Poland, and preparing to march directly to Moscow. In vain I represented to them the Impossibility of it, by Reason of the vast Distance the French are at, they persisted this News was but too true, and that I ought no longer to doubt it. By their Dis­course, I perceived, how much they were afraid of coming to blows with the French. You must know, the Warriors in Muscovy all equally wish for Peace, and that no one here is a Soldier by Incli­nation. They ingenuously confess their Aversion to War, and that, were they not forced to enter into military Service, they would never do it volun­tarily. If the Officers themselves were allowed to do it, they would certainly resign their Posts. From hence you may judge, what Opinion we ought to have of these Troops.

The Intelligence I received from my Guard served only to encrease my Desire of hearing more News; but nothing appeared so difficult, as to find the Means of satisfying my Curiosity. After many Reflections, it came into my Head to send for Mr. De L'Isle's Cook, not doubting, but that [Page 114] he would give me a thorough Knowledge of every Thing. In order to this, I asked for several Things, which I pretended to have urgent Occasion for, and for which I knew my Guard would not disburse any Money. This succeeded to my Wish. They went immediately to Mr. De L'Isle, who instantly sent his Cook with all I asked for. I acquainted this Man with my earnest Desire of seeing him, to be informed of the Posture of Affairs in Europe, and begged he would visit me frequently, to impart to me all he might learn. He promised faithfully to gratify my Desire, and he was as good as his Word.

By this Means, I was informed of many Things, some of which were agreeable, while others gave me Uneasiness. The Affection I always bore to Arms revived in me, when I found War declared on all Hands, and this, at the same Time, made me more sensibly feel the Weight of my Miseries. But with Pleasure I heard, that the French had dis­tinguished themselves from the Beginning of the War, and the Progress, they had made, did, I must own, far exceed my Hopes. I remember to have said, in a former Conversation with you, that as the Enemies of France could not gain their Ends by a War, they were endeavouring to sub­due that Nation by a Peace. My Conjectures were groundless, and it is with Joy I find my self mistaken. Who would ever have thought, that what is the general Cause of the Decay, and total Subversion, of the most powerful States, could ne­ver produce either of those fatal Effects in France? Were Luxury and Indolence ever carried to so great an Excess in any Country in the Universe, as in this very Kingdom? The French, in the mean Time, so immerged in Voluptuousness, those illustrious Youths so intent upon the Finery of their Attire, and so attached to the Pursuit of their Pleasures, have given the most evident Proofs of [Page 115] their Valour and Bravery, at the Battles of Par­ina and Guastalla, and at the Siege of Philipsburg. They may justly be said to have shewn a Prodigy of Valour, and to have acted like Heroes. This Phenomenon is extraordinary, and perhaps without a Precedent. The Reflections I have made on this Subject would lead me too far from my main Design, should I undertake to communicate them all to you.

My Thoughts were not however so wholly taken up with the News I heard in my Prison, to hinder me from considering seriously how to procure my Liberty.

A Month was now pass'd, since I presented my Petition, and I had as yet received no Answer. I seemed to be buried in Oblivion, and the Mini­sters appeared resolved to let me die in Slavery. They continued to treat me with unprecedented Ri­gour, and I could neither obtain an Interpreter, nor Permission to speak to the Ministers. Whatever Request I made was sure to meet with a Refusal. I esteemed it a great Piece of Injustice, that they so obstinately denied to see the Reasons I had to offer in my Justification.

As I had some Room to think, that the Gen­tlemen of the Senate had intercepted my Petition, I resolved to draw up another. The Execution of this Project was attended with some Difficulty by Reason of the Orders, which had been given, narrowly to watch my Motions, and of the Num­ber of my Guard which had been augmented. This could not however discourage me from pursuing my Design. I entrusted my Petition, after I had sealed it, to two Sergeants, whom I charged to carry it instantly to the Czarina's Council. An of­ficious young Fellow, who came almost every Mi­nute into my Chamber, to see whether my Guards had a strict Eye over me, was greatly surprized, when he saw, that I had found Means of writing without being perceived by any one. He swore and made a terrible Uproar, threatning my Guard [Page 116] that they should be punished for their Negligence. They assured him, with horrid Imprecations, that they were not privy to it. After a long Consul­tation they took my Petition at last, and promised to execute the Commission faithfully. The Serge­ants returned, notwithstanding this Promise, in half an Hour, and gave my Paper to the Soldier who was on Duty, with a reiterated Charge, not to suf­fer me to write any more. This ill Success did not dishearten me. My Guard, on their Part, dou­bled their Attention, and even endeavoured to sur­prize me by Stratagems. They pretended to be asleep and watched me through their Cloaks, with which they cover'd their Heads.

This Scene was comical enough, and afforded me much Diversion. I was extreamly delighted to see them fall from a feigned Sleep into a real and profound one. I cannot conceive how they came to think of this Expedient. For the Muscovites, of all People, are the most expert in the Art of Sleep­ing. I may venture to say, that of all the Nati­ons I know, not one is so subject to Sleep, as the Muscovites are. Not contented with the Night, which, in the Winter-Season, is very long, in their Country, they take, throughout the whole Year, an Afternoon's Nap, of several Hours. This Cus­tom is common to every Muscovite, and 'tis that probably, which makes them so stupid. The whole Life of a Soldier is spent in Eating and Sleeping. They even indulge themselves in the latter, whilst they are on Duty. The Time of their standing Centry, which is for six Hours together, is indeed, too long. When an Officer surprizes a Sol­dier asleep, which I have frequently seen, he does not make a Crime of it; but only awakens him, by saying, How now, Centry? Are you asleep? How the Muscovite Soldiers behave in the Field, I know not; but most certain it is, that they can [Page 117] never forbear slumbering, if they are several Hours on Duty. You need not, therefore, wonder, if I could impose upon my Guard, and find all the Time requisite, to write a new Petition, without their Knowledge. After having drawn several Copies, I sealed them, and threw them out of the Window, into a Place, where I saw a great Tho­row-fare. These Papers were directed to the Em­press herself, but I could never find, that any Thing came of them. This is common in Mus­covy, where it is difficult to obtain Justice. Hos scelerum ritus.

I cannot, with any Certainty, impute this to any particular Person. Shall I accuse the Cabinet-Coun­cil or the Members of the Senate? I have Room to believe them all equally guilty, and the Usage I have met with at their Hands, but too plainly proves it. The Reasons that induce me to attribute it to them, are these: The Petition, which I sent my self, as Prisoner of State, to Her Imperial Majesty's Council, was either intercepted, or com­municated to the Ministers. If you suppose it to have fallen into their Hands, may I not reasonably accuse them of the greatest Injustice, as they would neither give Ear to my oral Remonstrances, nor per­mit me to write? But, if my Petition was inter­cepted, may I not conclude, that the Ministry is under no fixed Regulation? Since I was looked up­on as a Person, entrusted with some Commission, dangerous to the State, my Petition might be pre­sumed to contain some Affairs of the greatest Im­portance. It being, on the other Hand, directed to the Empress herself, how durst they presume to open and intercept it? A Proceeding of this Kind can never be in any Nation, where all Laws, di­vine and human, are not trod under Foot. In so unhappy a Situation, my Uneasiness was beyond Expression. Thus confined in a Prison, where [Page 118] I was used like the most vile of Men, I knew not what Means to have Recourse to, to procure my Releasement. Quoe res in se neque consilium, neque modum habet ullum, eam consilio regere non potes.

As I was not so rigid a Stoic, as to resolve upon spending the Remainder of my Days in a Prison, a Desire after Liberty prompted me to think of new Expedients to free my self from Slavery. I soon formed another Scheme, the Execution of which ap­peared to me very easy. This was, to kill one of my Guard, who always accompanied me alone to an Apartment, whither I went to ease Nature. I continued to think seriously of executing this De­sign, as desperate as it was. My Sword was, as I mentioned before, at my own Disposal, and nothing seemed to me less difficult, than to make my Escape from my Prison, after having given the Blow. The only Obstacle, I saw, was, how to find a Place in the City to which I might safely retire. I might, in any other Country have relied on a Protection in the House of a foreign Minister, in which I could se­curely have taken Refuge; but I knew the Musco­vites too well, not to be acquainted how light they make of the Law of Nations. I resolved, however, as I was destitute of any other Means, to retire to the House of the Prussian Envoy, where I proposed more Safety to my self, than any where else. All Matters were already disposed for an Enterprize so dangerous, and so different from the many others, I had, in vain, attempted, when I begun seriously to reflect on the Action, and upon second Thoughts re­solved to delay it for some Time. I was shocked at the bare Thought of killing a Man in cold Blood, and protest, that, had not the Uneasiness caused in me by so long an Imprisonment, and by the bad Treatment, I met with, from the Muscovites, com­pelled me to it, I should never have formed such a Design. I therefore thought it my Duty, patiently [Page 119] to bear the Weight of my Miseries, and to stay for some other Opportunity of recovering my Liberty, without being obliged to commit a Crime, and without running the Hazard, I was going to expose my self to.

I received, in the mean Time, frequent Intelli­gences of what passed at the Siege of Dantzick. I was informed by my Guard, that their Countrymen strove by all possible Means to make themselves Ma­sters of that City, and that they hoped to put an End to the War, by seizing the Person of King Stanislaus. I could not be prevailed on, as I knew the Muscovite Troops, to believe, that they would ever bring about an Enterprize of that Kind. I imagined, besides, that, if the City should not be in a Condition of being defended, it would infallibly be relieved with formidable Succours, and thereby the Muscovites be obliged to retreat. I was told, that Sweden was equipping a considerable Fleet, and that a large Body of Troops was forming in Finland. This Step, said to have been taken by Sweden, ap­peared to me very reasonable, and I had many In­ducements to make me give Credit to these Intelli­gences. And the Swedes could in Reality not meet with a more favourable Opportunity, of retrieving the Losses they had sustained, and revenging them­selves on the Muscovites. Nothing could, in my Opinion, at that Time, be attended with less diffi­culty than the Execution of this Project. The Swedes, needed only to march directly to Wibourg, and I am well assured, that at the first Rumour of it at Petersburg, that Capital would soon have been a­bandoned, and the whole Court have retired to Muscovy.

What I here advance is pretty well founded, and I even believe, Sir, it is the only and best Means that could be taken. My Reasons are these: The Mus­covites had, at the Time I am speaking of, only [Page 120] eight or ten Battalions, and one Regiment of Ca­valry, to oppose the Swedes; for herein consisted all that remained for the Czarina's Guard. Had I not, therefore, Room to think, that a Step like this ought to be taken by Sweden? I had formed such pleasing Hopes of their succeeding therein, that I had even projected, to be one among them, as­soon as they should enter Petersburg. The Executi­on of this Enterprize would not have been very diffi­cult. I might have cleared the Way for my self with my Sword and Pistols. My Guard were not to be greatly feared; and, had I met with any Re­sistance from them, I should soon have found Means of subduing them. My Mind was, during some Time, wholly taken up with these pleasing Expec­tations: I observed through the Windows of my Prison, what passed in the City, and when any one came into my Prison, I could not dissemble my ea­ger Desire of hearing News. My Uneasinesses all vanished in Hopes of seeing this Grand Event. No­thing could have pleased me more, than to see the Muscovites upon the Point of quitting their Capital, to avoid the Pursuits of an Enemy, justly enraged. With Pleasure I view'd the approaching Moment, when they would be obliged to renounce all their great Enterprizes.

My Conjectures, Sir, proved, however, ground­less, my Hopes were vain, and the Event has but too plainly demonstrated, how grosly I was mista­ken. You will undoubtedly say, that my Imagi­nations were at that Time, like those of a Person, in the other World. I confess, I was deceived, but who would ever have believed, that the Affairs of Poland would have turned out to the Advantage of the Russians? Am I the only one, who entertained the Notions, I then did? What were your Thoughts, Sir? Could you ever have imagined, that the City of Dantzick would surrender to the Muscovites? [Page 121] That the Swedes would continue inactive? And that all the other Potentates should not make the least Attempt to oppose the unjust Pretensions of the Muscovites? I cannot but continue in my Sur­prize, when I consider this general Inactivity of the Rest of the Northern Princes. Are then the Swedes, who were formerly so warlike a People, now dege­nerated? Could they ever have met with a more favourable Juncture to retrieve their Losses? The Muscovites being still the very same, as they were in the Times of Charles XII, their declared Enemy, they had nothing to fear from that Quarter. Let them but recollect the famous Battle of Narva, where a handful of valiant Swedes, routed an Army of one Hundred Thousand Russians.

But you will perhaps ask, is there no Difference between the present Muscovite Troops, and those, who fought the Battle of Narva? There is, I must own, some, but let us only examine, wherein it consists. The present Russian Soldiers are better cloathed, and provided with better Arms than in the last War; but they are, in every other Respect, still the same Men, and have neither more Courage, nor more Experience to boast of. Believe me, had the Swedes put it to the Trial, the Perdition of the Muscovites would have been inevitable. They were far from being in a Condition to oppose an Enemy, by whom they had so often been conquered, and, at the same Time, carry on a War with the Poles. You will, perhaps, object, that Part of the Troops employed at the Siege of Dantzick, and some of those who were dispersed in Poland, might have been recalled. But, Sir, that Objection can be of no weight with you. All the Muscovite Troops, which are dispersed in Poland, are highly necessary there, and, notwithstanding their large Number, would have been few enough, had not there been Divisions among the Poles themselves. You may [Page 122] again object, they had another Body of Troops in the Ukraine, which they might have recalled, and placed in the Heart of the Empire. But in this Case, how would they have been safe against the Turks and Tartars, who threatned them with an In­vasion? Let us even suppose, that they had resol­ved to recall those Troops, were they not too far di­stant from the Capital, to arrive in Time, and pre­vent its surrender to the Enemy? All these Things induce me to believe, that the Muscovites relied on the Faith of the Treaties, subsisting between them and Sweden, and, that they had been assured, that no Attempt should be made, contrary to their In­terests. They seem nevertheless to have carried their Confidence too far, and a strong Body of Troops, sent to Finland, would have contributed not a little to establish their Alliance with Sweden, and to secure their Frontiers from any Insult. But the Muscovite Ministry probably esteemed these Pre­cautions needless, and is undoubtedly ignorant, that Utcunque se res inclinat, ita ambulant foedera. They are so elate on their Prosperity, and their Vanity is so excited by a Success, only owing to Chance, that they forget their Interests in Matters of the greatest Importance. Melius, pejus, prosit, obsit, nil vident, nisi quod lubet.

I need not expatiate on the Event of this Affair, but be that as it will, it must be allowed, that the Muscovites have on this Occasion exposed their So­vereign and the whole Nation, to too great a Dan­ger. Had Sweden more narrowly watched her In­terests, Petersburg must have yielded to her su­perior Power, and none of the great Projects, for­med by the Muscovites, would have taken Place. The Admiralty of Petersburg, you know, takes Charge of whatever relates to the Russian Maritime Assairs. If therefore this Capital had fallen into the Hands of the Swedes, of what Use would not Cron­stadt, [Page 123] with all the Ships which lye there, have been to them? The taking of this City only, would, I am well assured, have been attended by the Loss of all the Conquests the Muscovites have made, and conse­quently have driven them back within those Bounds, to which it is the Interest of several Princes, if not of all Europe, to confine them. Hence you may see, what Danger the Muscovites have exposed themselves to by an unheard of Negligence, and by not foreseeing a Storm, which might have fallen upon, and overwhelmed them. Had the Admini­stration of Affairs been in the Hands of the native Muscovites, as it is of Foreigners, so notorious a Blunder would not have surprized me, and I could even have alledged the true Cause of such a Proce­dure.

I believe, I have already, in some of my former Letters, observed, that the Muscovites could never approve of any of the Regulations made by Peter the Great, their Sovereign, and that the most honourable Employments are such a Burthen to them, that they never accept of them but with the utmost Reluctance. Most of them very loudly de­clare, that the Obligation they are under, of ser­ving, be it by Sea, or Land, is only an Addition to their Slavery. In this Way of thinking, which shews their Cowardice and Indolence, they look on their Navy, and all the Conquests they have made, as the two principal Sources of all the Evils they labour under. They wish for nothing so earnestly, as a considerable Change in the State, which may subvert all the Innovations, and enable them to lead a lazy, inactive Life. Believe me, what I here advance, is far from being a Paradox, for nothing would be easier to methan to evince the Truth of it. I remember, that, during the Siege of Dantzick, itwas a general Wish, with every one, that it might not be taken. The Hatred they bear to the Foreigners, [Page 124] who formed this Project, and especially to him, who was entrusted with the Execution of it, contri­buted not a little to their being so singular in their Wishes; but the principal Object of their Desires was, for ever to quit a Country, which they great­ly abhor, and to return, into their ancient native Country, where they might offer themselves a Sa­crifice to Fire and Laziness, their favourite Idols.

You may conclude, Sir, from what I have said, how reasonably my Hopes were founded, of recei­ving from the Swedes an Opportunity of recovering my Liberty. My Disappointment must, therefore, be imputed to my evil Stars, and to the Inactivity of the Swedes. Whilst I was flattering my self with these vain Hopes, I happened to think of an Expe­dient of causing my self to be taken Notice of, and preventing my being buried in eternal Oblivion, which you will think very odd. As I was one Day leaning on my Window, with my Mind employed on a thousand various Thoughts, I saw the Czarina at a Distance, with a large Number of Attendants, passing through a Street, which must necessarily lead her close by my Prison. In order to shew my self to that Princess, and to all her Court, I leaned out of the Window, as far as ever I could, and threw up my Morning Gown, which fell into Rags, and could not but excite the Curiosity, of those, who saw it. I know not, whether the Empress perceived me, as she was in her Coach, but all her Attendants cast their Eyes on me, and viewed me very atten­tively.

This was the only Advantage I reaped from an Attempt, of which I had formed great Hopes. My Time I spent, as usual, in eating and drinking, tho always very moderately; in walking up and down my Chamber, and sometimes in reflecting seriously on my Condition. I was, at the same Time, ex­posed [Page 125] to fresh Trials, in which I stood in Need of all that Moderation which you have been frequently pleased to call Stupidity. As the Regiments of A­stracan and Ingria were on their March, and only her Majesty's Body-Guards remained in the City, they were obliged to send some Peasants to my Pri­son, who were lately sent for from their Villages, and whose rustick Deportment was highly disagree­able to me. My Philosophy was, on many Occasi­ons, of little or no Service, and I was obliged some­times to come to Blows, to keep them within Bounds. The Soldiers, who were my Guard be­fore, and who were obliged to follow their Regi­ments, were much more tractable, and civilized; but these Peasants, were all barefaced Rascals, ripe for any Villany. Hence you may form an Idea of a great Part of the Rest of the Nation. I have, however, observed some Disparity among the Peo­ple of this vast Empire. The Inhabitants of Mus­cow, and those who live within fifty Leagues of that City, are the most unsociable of Human Kind, and hardly deserve the Name of Men. As I removed from that Part of the Country, I found by Degrees the People less Rustick, more Humane, and conse­quently more fit to be ranked among Men, than the Inhabitants of Muscow, and the adjacent Places. The least barbarous of the Russians are those who live in the most remote Forests, and are, in their Actions, guided by the mere Instinct of Nature.

Besides the Inconveniencies I laboured under on Account of my new Guard, I was, at the same Time, deprived of the kind Visits of Mr. De L'Isle's Servant, who was taken with a fit of Sickness, which confined him at home. This Accident hindered me a long Time, from hearing any other News, but what my Guard and my Stewards were pleased to impart to me. Nothing afforded me greater Com­fort, in so doleful a Situation, than the Liberty I [Page 126] had of looking out at my Window, where I could view the finest Part of the City. On one Side of my Prison, I had the Prospect of a large Garden and Palace, which formerly belonged to the unfor­tunate Prince Menzikoff, and which, at present, serves as an Academy for the Cadets. I had every Day the Pleasure of seeing those young Persons per­form their Exercises; but have been since informed, that the State entirely neglects to give them an Edu­cation becoming them; and hence the Advantage, expected from that Establishment, is frustrated. The Muscovites are grosly mistaken, when they imagine, that the only Qualification requisite to make a good Soldier, and a Great Captain, is the Art of per­forming the Exercises, and knowing all the Moti­ons of military Discipline. All those, who are ar­rived to any Perfection in the military Art, have had Recourse to other Sources, and learned Rudi­ments, very different from those taught in Muscovy. The Prime Ministers have never sufficiently weighed one Point, which is, that they have always been too hasty, and endeavoured to run before they could creep, in all their new Establishments, and hence it is, that they have frequently neglected the most es­sential Matters. Instead of founding an Academy of Sciences, and educating a Body of Cadets, they ought to have established Colleges and Schools, there to have taught the grand Principles of Religi­on and Morality. There they should have begun the Reform they proposed; and, indeed, if due Care is not taken in the Education of Youth, how can the Nation possibly be extricated from that Bar­barity, in which it has been, for so many Ages, invol­ved? But I shall wave these Reflections, which are a little too serious, and perhaps not very pertinent.

Such were the Objects, that presented themselves to my View in one of the Chambers of my Prison, I come now to the other, from which I descried the [Page 127] Admiralty, and another very large Edifice, intend­ed for Her Imperial Majesty's Palace, not finish­ed, but carrying on with great Assiduity. I recei­ved the more Pleasure from the Prospect of these Buildings, as I daily saw Crowds of People there, and continual Changes in the Decorations. Though so many different Objects diverted me for a Time, yet I could not but make serious Reflections on the Causes of what I every Day beheld, and was most struck with. I was in the utmost Consternation at seeing the Admiralty, when I begun to consider, how a Nation, like the Russian, could equip and maintain so numerous a Fleet. A single Man, said I, to my self, may perform Wonders, when his Genius is such, as to qualify him for every underta­king, and he enjoys, at the same Time, a sovereign Authority. Such was Peter the Great, who, not­withstanding the insuperable Difficulties, which he could not but foresee, and actually met with, was never discouraged, but continued to pursue his Aim, even to the last Moment of his Life. His Succes­sors have endeavoured to Walk in his Steps, but with little Success. The Aversion, all Muscovites in general bear to the Sea, has always been, and ever will be, one of the greatest Obstacles to the Accomplishment of so great a Work. Those a­mong them, who have Employments in the Navy, lament their Fate, and look upon themselves as miserable Slaves, condemned to the Gallies. I leave you to judge, whether the maritime Forces of this State can possibly subsist long? I may perhaps be mistaken, but I am persuaded their Navy will fall away to nothing. It was, some Time since, on a Footing very different from what it is now. All those fine Edifices, which by that Czar's Order, were built at Cronstadt, have, by an unpardonable Neglect, already been suffered to dilapidate, and this I my self have, with some Indignation, been an [Page 128] Eye-Witness of. You will, moreover, upon an Examination of the Plan, that great Prince formed for the Building of Petersburg, find only Part of it duly executed. He proposed, in order to accustom his Subjects to Water, to open a large Number of Ca­nals through the City, and this very thing has, in several Places, been neglected. That glorious Em­peror would, during his Life, never permit any Bridge to be laid a-cross the River, or his Subjects to make use of Oars in passing over. By this, they were laid under a Necessity of learning how to ma­nage a Sail, if they wanted to go from one Part of the City to the other. These Regulations are now entirely abolished. The Admiralty I have not seen, but if I may give Credit to the Persons employed there, every Thing is in a terrible Disorder. A Report is however current in the Publick News, that they levied several thousand Seamen for this Campaign. The Baltick is not very large, and we shall consequently soon know, how they are to be employed. I shall, therefore, give Credit to all that is said about them, till we are better informed.

As for another Fleet, which is said to be intended for the Caspian Sea, I much doubt of the Truth of that Report, since there is not yet a single Vessel on that Sea. I know, that this Project was formed by Peter I. and have my self seen five or six Ships at Casan, of a particular Structure, designed for those Seas, but they are left on the Stocks, and there pro­bably they will still remain. Besides, the Seamen which were to be employed on that Occasion, were recalled to Petersburg, towards the Conclusion of 1733, and set out on their Journey at the same Time I did. Be therefore assured, Sir, that if there are, at present, any Vessels on the Caspian Sea, they are at best, only some large Barks, built after the Man­ner of the Country, and made use of for the Traf­fick of private Persons. To this I may add, that [Page 129] those Barks are so far from being fit to keep the Sea, that I have strong Reasons to doubt, whether any one of them ever sailed to Astracan. Their Structure is very uncommon, and I believe it will be somewhat new to you, if I tell you, that the Carriages in those Parts have two Poles, and the Barks two Helms. But this does not facilitate their Motion, which I my self have but too much ex­perienced.

This may give you an Idea of the Fleet on the Caspian Sea. A flourishing Commerce might, I grant, be established there: But, to bring about an Enterprize like that, the Muscovites must be less stu­pid, and the Ministry of that great Monarchy made up of abler Persons. But nothing seems more sur­prizing, than that, as they are themselves incapable of carrying on such a Commerce, they will not per­mit Foreigners to do it. The English and Dutch, it is well known, have made several Attempts to establish a Trade in this Country, but, notwith­standing the considerable Advantages the Musco­vites might have gained thereby, those Endeavours have all been fruitless. Be not, therefore, deluded, the Muscovites have no such Fleet in Asia, the Rumour is groundless, and only published with a View of imposing upon the World. But if they actually had such a Fleet, I know not the least Benefit they could receive from it. It cannot be said to be intended for Commerce, since their Trade consists only in Salt Fish, which is vended at Astra­can. Nor have we more Reason to believe, that they propose to make Use of it, in defending, in Case of Necessity, the Conquests they have made in Persia, as they can neither land on the Coasts of the Province of Kilan, nor on a great Part of those of Schirvan. The Water is too shallow on the former, and the Ground of the latter is by no Means fit for any Ship to Anchor in. It would be more [Page 130] advisable for the Muscovites to keep a good Army on Foot, in those Parts, than to have a Fleet there; for, unless they restore that Country voluntarily, it is to be presumed, that the former Possessors will not fail to surprize them, and force them to return what they have made themselves Masters of, con­trary to the Laws of Nations.

I had almost forgot to tell you, that there is, on the Caspian Sea, a Kind of small Fleet mann'd by the Subjects of the Muscovite Empire, I mean those bold and resolute Pirates, the Cosacks of Jaick, who, during the Summer Season, cruize, with a large Number of Barks; on the Eastern Coasts of that Sea. They pillage and ransack whatever they meet with; and as the Spoils these People make are their only Support, they know neither Friend nor Ally, where their Interest is concerned; nay, it frequently happens, that they have no Regard for the Muscovites, who fall into their Hands. Per­haps it is to these Barks the Muscovites have given the Appellation of a Fleet, and in that Case I can­not but agree with them, that they have one: I should only desire them to explain their Meaning more clearly, when they publish News of that Kind, and not endeavour to impose on the Publick.

I did not intend, Sir, to detain you with so long Digressions, and should be at a Loss to ac­count for my being thus tedious. Are not all these beautiful Objects, which my Chamber-Windows present to my View, the Occasion of it? But the Enquiry is hardly worth the Labour, and besides,

LETTER IX.

I Should be glad to know, what you think of my long Silence. You have undoubtedly supposed me once more lost, or at least, that I have met with some fresh Adventure. But be not uneasy, Sir, neither of these is the Case. You need only re­collect the deplorable State I have been reduc'd to, and then you'll not find it difficult to guess at the Cause. Whoever, like me, has had the Misfor­tune to swallow a large Dose of Poison, cannot ex­pect but to lead afterwards a lingring Life. I still continue weak, and am hardly able to apply my self to any Thing. I was some Days ago seiz'd with so great a Heaviness, that I thought I had lost the Use of all my Limbs. My Mind seemed on that Occasion to receive Impressions from my Body, and appeared as it were annihilated. I can­not, I assure you, conceive the Cause of these Symptoms, and very much doubt, whether the most able Physicians can account for them. But most certain it is, that they must have been pro­duced by some subtle Poison, known only to the Muscovites. But why do I tire you with this shock­ing Subject. Let us mention it no more. For I ought perhaps to think my self happy in feeling the Effects of it.

In my last, I informed you, how I diverted my self in my Prison. I spent my Time there, as I [Page 132] told you before, sometimes in making serious Re­flections on the State of my Affairs, and sometimes in considering on Means, whereby to deliver my self from my Captivity. I was at a Loss what Course to take, and knew not what to rely on, when I received Orders to prepare to appear before the Senate. This agreeable News I received on the 18th of June. Be pleased, Sir, to take No­tice of this Epoch, which, as I believe I have ob­served before, is very remarkable. Having been conducted to the Senate-Chamber, I there saw an Assembly of seven or eight Lords, all sitting round a Table, and seeming to expect me with some Im­patience. I was so far from being intimidated at the Sight of these Gentlemen, that it encouraged me to approach them without being dejected, or ex­pressing the least Submission. They gave me a very cold Reception, in a Manner seemingly per­plexed. They hardly dared to lift up their Eyes. After a Moment's Silence, one of them, who had formerly been condemn'd to the Scaffold, to leave his Head in the Hands of the Executioner, was the first, who spoke, and accosting me, told me in Italian, that, as they were informed, that I de­manded a Hearing, they had sent for me, to know what I had to alledge in my own Behalf. I an­swered, that as I saw no End of my Imprisonment, nor could conceive the Motives of so tedious and insupportable a Captivity, I had resolved, three Months before, to present a Petition, whereby I desired to be heard what I had to say in my Jus­tification. That I now re-iterated the same De­mand, and that the Justice of my Cause, and the Equity of the Assembly, removed all Doubts of not obtaining an immediate and entire Satisfaction. But replied he, what is your Design, what is it you intend to write? Nothing, answered I, but what is necessary to justify my Proceedings and [Page 133] Conduct. Could you not, said he, do this by Word of Mouth, and what induces you to desire, to do it in Writing? I told him, I was at that In­stant ready to vindicate my self, if they thought fit: But that I believed, I could represent Things to them in a clearer Light, in Writing, and that they might then make their Report of it to the Czarina, from whom I had Reason to expect im­mediate Redress. This they were obliged to put to the Vote, and to consult among themselves, what would be most proper in this Case. After having made me wait a long Time, they told me at last, I should have Necessaries for Writing, and that, the next Morning, they would receive my Plea. I returned them Thanks, and promised to begin it immediately, and be ready for the ap­pointed Hour. Being asked by one of those Gen­tlemen, whether I understood no other Language but the Italian, I answered that I was likewise versed in the French; whereupon he desired, I would likewise draw up a Copy of my Representation in that Tongue.

No sooner was I returned to my Prison, than I was supplied with all Things requisite for writ­ting, and instantly begun to draw up my two Co­pies. As I had not much Time to spare for the Completion of this Work, I was obliged to be ex­peditious, and the Length, together with the Stile of it, may give you Room to judge how great a Hurry I was in. No one appeared the next Morn­ing to fetch my Paper, nor was it sent for, till the Day following. Such are the Proceedings of the Muscovites, they act in every Thing with an unheard of Slowness, and I thought my self well off, to find, that it was not postponed for several Weeks.

I beg leave here to transcribe this Writing entire, and to send it you very near the same, as it was [Page 134] presented to the Senate, though you have, in my preceding Letters, already seen a Part of what was contained therein. I shall be glad in the Sequel to know your Opinion of it, and whether the Rea­sons I there alledge were not sufficient for my Justi­fication.

This, Sir, is the History of my Captivity; I leave you to judge, upon this Account, of the Justice of my Cause. Declare your Opinion sincerely, and tell me without Ceremony, whether you think me guilty? Ought I, do you think, to be detained in Prison, to be sent into Siberia, or to be restor'd to my Liberty. I am so well assured of your Judg­ment and Equity, and of the Evidence of the Rea­sons I here alledge, that I doubt not of your decid­ing the Matter instantly in my Behalf. I shall tell you in the Sequel the Event of this Memorial.

As I expected soon to know my Fate, after I had delivered this Writing, my Thoughts, in my Prison, were wholly employed upon procuring some safe Retreat, where I might pass my Time agreeably. Retirement and Ease were now the only Objects of my Wishes. I was in the mean Time greatly perplexed in making Choice of a Place for my future Abode. France, the finest Coun­try in the Universe, represented itself to me with most attracting Charms, but the Adventure, which [Page 148] caused my Departure from that pleasant Abode, suffered me not to satisfy my Inclination. All, I could hope for, was, to live there unknown in some retired Place, till some fortunate Event could give another Turn to the State of my Affairs. I should have formed a Project very different, had I been in a better State of Health. As I was not far distant from Poland, I should have taken the Resolution to go thither in Quest of Employment. O! with what Pleasure should I then have em­braced an Opportunity of bearing Arms against the Muscovites, my greatest Enemies! They have giv­en me Provocations more than sufficient to prompt me to a Revenge of all the bad Usage I have re­ceived from their Hands. But unhappily for me, by reducing me to a Condition, which leaves me no Room to hope ever being able to bear the Fa­tigues of War, they have deprived me of that Sa­tisfaction. My Strength could not but be ener­vated, and my Health entirely destroyed, by the Uneasiness os Mind, which they continually gave me, by the Hunger, which they obliged me to la­bour so long a Time under, and by the Poison they gave me.

I diverted my self with all these pleasing Hopes, though I was not yet assured of obtaining my Li­berty. And I had really Reason to fear, that they would propose to me to remain in Muscovy, and to serve in the Army. A Proposal of this Kind would, I confess, have involved me in a fresh Perplexity. I should, on the one Hand, have ne­ver prevailed upon my self to pass my Time in Muscovy, and a Refusal of their Offer, might, on the other, have been very dangerous. But lest I should be put to a Non-plus, in Case they should make that Proposal, I resolved to excuse my self on Account of the infirm State of my Health, which disabled me from bearing Arms.

[Page 149] This Resolution being taken, I had nothing to do but to be easy, and wait with Patience for what­ever might befal me. I shall send you many more Particulars, by the first Courier, but you must not yet expect to hear an End of my Misfortunes.

LETTER X.

MY last, without Doubt, removed all your Uneasiness on my Account, and gave you some Hopes of seeing me again very soon. I told you, at the same Time, that nothing new had befallen me. The Impatience and Concern you express, for which I cannot but reprove you, only augment my Distress, and ag­gravate my Grief. You remind me of all my for­mer and present Sufferings in Terms so pathetick, and so moving, that I cannot but be greatly affect­ed therewith. All you say of the Pleasures we have formerly enjoyed together, does not alleviate my present Misery. Forbear, I beseech you, Sir, to recall past Joys to my Mind, and cease to expatiate on my Misfortunes, and the doleful Circumstances of my Adventures.

Which of us two is the most to be pitied? Which has most Cause to wish my Liberty? The Absence of a Friend, who always had, and still retains a most tender regard for you, is, I must own, af­flicting. But, however doleful your Condition may [Page 150] be, mine is much more so. You have, at least, the Comfort of being able to ease your Mind a thousand Ways; but my Fate is very different from yours. Confined in a narrow Prison, I see no one, to alleviate my Grief, and am, at this very Time, uncertain whether I have more Grounds for Hope or Fear. You desire to know the final Term of my Miseries, as if it were in my Power to fix it. I pleased my self indeed with the Hopes of seeing them speedily ended, but an Accident, which has just happened, has in a Measure frustrated all my Designs. Give me Leave to relate this Catastrophe, and the Manner how it came to my Knowledge.

The Desire I had of being thoroughly acquainted with the Publick Affairs was one Day revived, when early in the Morning I several Times heard the Noise of Cannon. I would not however have you think it uncommon to be entertained in this Country with that Kind of Harmony. We are every Week diverted with several Discharges of the Artillery. The Revielle and Tap-tow are always expressed by firing Cannon, and the Time of re­pairing to Court is made known in the same Man­ner. A surprizing Quantity of Powder is consumed in this City. It is made use of on all Days of Re­joycing, which are here very frequent, on all Fes­tivals, and on innumerable other Occasions. It may, perhaps, be intended to stifle the terrible Noise and Uproar made at those Times by Drun­kards. But let us leave this Conjecture, and enquire into the Reasons of a Discharge of the Cannon so early. As this was neither the Reveille nor the Tap-tow, nor was it the Time of Resorting to Court, I im­mediately concluded, that some extraordinary Ac­cident must have been the Occasion of it. The Si­tuation of the Affairs of Poland, at that Time, gave me directly some Suspicion, and as I was highly concerned for those Matters, I could not be [Page 151] at Ease till I was farther informed. Above all, I feared this Event, be what it would, might pre­judice my Affairs, and, at the same Time, frus­trate all my Hopes.

The Sequel but too plainly proves how well my Fears were founded, but I was not apprized of the Matter so soon as I wished to be. In vain I asked my Guard, and begged they would inform me of what had happened. I found it impossible to get any Intelligence. I prevailed upon one of them to go and enquire, what it was; but he soon returned as wise as he went. I was very uneasy all that Day, and spent it with an Impatience I am not ac­customed to. My Corporal, who was my chief Steward, came the next Day and told me, with a smiling Countenance, that the City of Dantzick was surrendered to the Muscovites. I was thunder-struck at this News, which I could never have expected, it surprized me, and gave me very uncommon Emotions. Having, however, recovered my self a little, and taken Time to consider, I begun to doubt of the Truth of the Fact. I asked my Cor­poral, whether King Stanislaus was taken, but of this he pretended to be intirely ignorant. His An­swer served only to encrease my Uneasiness. Du­bious of the Condition, to which that Prince might be reduced, I begun to bemoan his Fate, I entreated the Corporal to go out immediately, and to pro­cure an exact Account of all the Circumstances of that great Event, and give me a Relation of what he could learn. In order to encourage him to a faithful Discharge of his Commission, I gave him some Pieces of Silver, and promised him more on his Return. But neither this little Present, nor my Promises, were prevalent enough to make him more speedy; he did not return till the next Day, when he informed me, that King Stanislaus had been taken out of a Cellar, where he lay concealed. This [Page 152] ridiculous Circumstance made me not give Credit to his News. And how could I with any Proba­bility imagine, that King Stanislaus would suffer himself to be seized in that Manner? He added, that several French-Men had been taken Prisoners, and would soon be brought to Petersburg.

Several other Circumstances he related seeming as improbable, made me suspend my Judgment upon the rest. But nothing convinced me more than a second Discharge of the Artillery, which I took for a clear Demonstration. I then no longer doubted of what had been told me. I believed, that King Stanislaus was really fallen into the Hands of the Muscovites, and that the French were made Prisoners of War. All this put me into so great a Disorder, that my Guard began to perceive it. You know how zealous I have been, and always shall be, for the Interest of France. I feared, on the other Hand, that this Disaster of the French would give some fatal Turn to my Affairs, and prove an Obstacle to my wished for Releasement. I not only found, that the Swedes were out of the Question, but likewise that the Project which I had before formed, of retiring to the House of some Foreign Minister, could not be executed without great Danger, and running the Hazard of being imprisoned for the rest of my Life. I was well enough acquainted with the Muscovites to know, to what Excess of Insolence one fortunate Event could carry them. Whilst they are in Prosperity, they neither regard the Laws of Nations, nor pub­lick Faith, nor, in short,

As I had given my Corporal a fresh Commission to enquire after all the publick News, he informed me, that the second Discharge of Artillery was, as [Page 153] well as the former, on Account of the taking of Dantzick, that the French Prisoners were arrived at Cronstadt, that the Commander in chief, and a large Number of Officers, were already arrived at Peters­burg, and lastly, that they were that Day to dine at Court. He added, that King Stanislaus was not taken, but, as it was certain, that he was still in Dantzick, he would not fail of being made Prisoner, as the French were, and that he could never find Means of escaping from the narrow Search that was made after him. I had now no longer Room, to doubt of the Truth of the greatest Part of these Cir­cumstances, tho they all appeared very strange to me. How, said I, within my self, could so strong a City as Dantzick, a Place so well defended, fall into the Hands of the Russians? Is it possible, that the French Troops could surrender themselves Pri­soners of War, and that King Stanislaus could neg­lect repairing to some Place of Safety?

The Advice, my Corporal had given me, of the Arrival of the French Officers at Petersburg, raised in me an exceeding great Desire of seeing them, and, to obtain this Satisfaction, I placed my self con­stantly at my Windows, in Hopes of seeing some one by Chance pass by my Prison. In this I hap­pened to succeed, and saw the chief of them in Her Majesty's Coach; I knew them even by their Aspect, but could not possibly distinguish any one of my Acquaintance. I met soon after with an Opportu­nity of satisfying my Curiosity. Mrs. De l'Isle's Cook being recovered from his Indisposition, paid me a Visit; I immediately asked him a Thousand Questions about the present State of Affairs, and tho he was not able to satisfy me in every Point I enquired after, yet he acquainted me thoroughly with many Things, which I was before ignorant of, and which I had not been able to learn either of my Guard, or their Corporal. He informed me that [Page 154] King Stanislaus had fortunately made his Escape from Dantzick, but that nobody yet knew what was become of him: That the French Troops, which were come to the Relief of Dantzick, had been re­pulsed, and obliged, after several fruitless Attempts, to capitulate, they not being numerous enough to render their Enterprize successful. I wished earnest­ly to know what Steps the Swedes had taken, and what passed in other Parts of Poland, but my Intel­ligencer could not satisfy my Curiosity on either of those Heads.

He confirmed, in a second Visit, his former Ad­vice, that King Stanislaus was no longer at Dant­zick, and that he was thought to be in Safety in some Part of the King of Prussia's Dominions. Tho the Situation of that Prince's Affairs appeared to me very melancholy, I could not but esteem him happy in having delivered himself from so imminent a Dan­ger, and escaped all the Pursuits of the Muscovites. I could hear nothing of the Swedes, but that they continued very peaceable, without determining in Favour of either Party, or that any one could pene­trate their real Designs. He told me the Names of the French Officers, who had been taken Prisoners, and, among others, nam'd Mons. de la Motthe, who was at the Head of them, and is an old Acquaintance of mine. I leave you to jndge, how much I lament­ed the Fate of those Gentlemen, who are thus reduced to the Necessity of giving up their Swords into the Hands of the Muscovites. Strange Fate! that Sol­diers so brave, as they, should be obliged to sub­mit to Slaves so vile! I cannot here omit the Recital of a Story, which I have heard, and appears to me very singular, if we may venture to give Credit thereto. In the first Interview the French Officers had with the Muscovite Generals, the latter, addres­sing themselves to Mons. de la Motthe, expressed a very great Surprize, that the French should attack [Page 155] their Intrenchments without a single Discharge of Cannon. To this, Mons. de la Motthe is said to have replied; that was a common Method with the French. The Muscovite Generals, if this Story be true, must certainly know very little of the present Method of making an Attnck; and for their better Instruction on that Head, it might not be amiss to send them, into Poland, some of those Carabiniers, who were at the Battle of Guastalla.

The Cook, from whom I received my Intelli­gences, informed me, moreover, that the Articles of Capitulation granted to the French Troops had been violated, and that the Marquis de Monti had, not­withstanding the sacred Character, wherewith he was invested, been put under Confinement. Had any other Nation, besides the Muscovites, been ac­cus'd of these Proceedings, I readily confess, I should not have so easily given Credit to the Report of them: But I was thoroughly acquainted with the Conduct and Policy of those Gentlemen, and not ig­norant that nothing was to them either venerable or sacred. Was not, therefore, my Censure just. When I observed before, that the Muscovites, Quaecunque Altaria tangunt, whilst flushed with Success. This may be called a glorious Beginning of a War. To break through the principal Articles of a Capitulati­on, to arrest an Ambassador, and to detain him, so long, under a rigorous Imprisonment! Are not these Things without a Precedent, in a civilized Nation? Are they so very blind, that they cannot perceive the Irregularity of their Conduct? The Time may come when they will perhaps have Rea­son to repent of it. Those, in whose Hands the Administration of Affairs in that Country is, ought, in my Opinion, to proceed with more Circumspec­tion. If they will have no Regard to the Honour of the Nation, or its Interests, they ought at least to have the Glory of their Sovereign at Heart, and not [Page 156] expose it in so flagrant a Manner. They have pre­vailed on Her Majesty, by their evil Counsels, to commit an Act of Injustice, not only unparalleled, but wholly inconsistent with her natural Candour. And what can be more vile, than to treat a brave Officer, who is only guilty by having served his Master with Fidelity, in so worthless a Manner? Have they any Thing to alledge against his Con­duct? And with what Views do they thus detain him? If I may give Credit to what I have been told at Dantzick, the Imprisonment of that Mini­ster crys for Vengeance, and this Action must be looked upon as the blackest and most unjust, that can be perpetrated. The Inhabitants of Dantzick inform me, that he kept within the Bounds of his Ministry, and ought he consequently not to meet with the Treatment prescribed, in that Case, by the Law of Nations. But let us, for a Moment, sup­pose he actually had exceeded the Bounds of his Character, must he, for that, be deprived of all Liberty? He would, in any other Country, if he had required it, have been set free, on his Parole of Honour. But the Muscovites do not act in this Manner, they obstinately persist in the Practice of their barbarous Customs, and little Regard what other Nations would do, in a parallel Case. It is accounted a Crime in the Marquis De Monti, that he shewed so great a Zeal for the Service of his Ma­ster, and was so firmly attached to the Prince, to whom he was sent. I should expatiate too much on this Affair, were I to make all the Reflections it would admit of: I proceed, therefore, to what re­lates to my self, which I intend for the Subject of this Letter.

After having exhausted my Intelligencer's whole Fund, I drew from him a Promise to visit me oft­ner, and give me an exact Account of whatever he could learn. This honest Man did really exert himself, [Page 157] on this Occasion, and was of great Service to me, during the whole Time of my Captivity. The Pleasure I received from hearing the publick News, did not, however, abate the earnest Desire I had to recover my Liberty. To my Sorrow I found, that no Answer was made to my Representation, tho it had been so long presented. The first Mention I heard of it was by my Steward, who told me, a Report was current, that I should soon be released. This News I the more readily believed, as I thought, that after I had so clearly vindicated my self, they had no farther Reason to detain me in Prison. I was afterwards informed, that my Memorial had been referred to the Czarina's Cabinet Council, and that from thence I was to expect a final Determina­tion. The Members of the Senate, as, I think, I observed before, are regarded only as mere Un­derlings, entirely under the Influence of the Mini­sters, who are Foreigners. These latter govern with an absolute Power, all is under their Management, and their Disposal; and this gave me Room to think, that from them I was to expect my Liberty.

My Affairs were retarded by the Czarina's De­parture into the Country, for the Summer-Season. Her Majesty was accompanied by the whole Court, and the Ministers of the first Rank. At this Time, I was once more obliged to remove to another Prison. I was carried to the very Place, where the Senate assembles. This removal occasioned me to remark in my Journal, that I had been led ab Herode ad Pilatum, I might have added, a Pilato ad Calvari­um: For, after all the Miseries I had undergone, I had only this last Step to take. The Motive, that induced them to remove me from my former Prison, very plainly demonstrates, how little they were con­cerned for my Life. The Members of the Senate being apprized, that the House, where they met, was in a ruinous State, thought proper to quit it, and [Page 158] to assemble in that, wherein I was confined. What think you, Sir, of this Expedient, to rid themselves of a Man, whom they had already obliged to pass per ignem & aquam, but both without Success. They probably thought, that after I had withstood Poison, endured the Fatigue of a long and toilsome Journey, laboured under Famine, and all the Mi­series, I had been exposed to, they had no other Means left of hastning my Death, than by burying me alive under the Ruins of an old decayed Build­ing. Their black Design, happily for me, proved abortive; for Providence, which had hitherto, al­most miraculously, preserved my Life, continued still favourable to me, and so disposed Matters, that what was intended to be the Cause of my Per­dition, turned to my Advantage, and served only to render my Confinement more agreeable.

I soon found my self beset, in my new Apart­ment, by all kinds of Artificers, Architects, Joyn­ers, Carpenters, Masons, and other sorts of People, who were continually going in and out of my Cham­ber. With Pleasure I saw so great a Concourse of People, which, at any other Time, would have been troublesome to me. I made frequent Enquiries, what Condition the Building was in, and whether I was not in Danger of being crushed under the Ru­ins of it: Thus I continued in constant Fear, though I was told I might depend on my Safety. I enter­tained no great Opinion of the Muscovite Architects, and the Person, to whose Direction this Work was entrusted, appeared to me not the best qualified, to judge of the Danger, I was exposed to. As he spoke Italian, I was curious to know by what Means he learnt that Language. He told me, he had travelled into Italy, and, on his Return, entered into the Service of an Italian Architect, who had instructed him both in his Language and Art. His Skill in the latter was not so great, that I could de­pend [Page 159] on his Word; I therefore examined every Part of the Building my self, and, with a Plummet in Hand, shewed my unexperienced Engineer those Places which were in the most ruinous Condition. He complyed pretty readily with my Directions, and it happened fortunately for me, that he followed them, in Regard to the Arched Roof of a large Hall, which stood in Need of Shoring: For had he executed his first Plan, and neglected the Mea­sures I pointed out to him, that Roof would certain­ly have fallen, and drawn after it the other Parts of the Building, which were all in a tottering Condi­tion.

Employments of this kind, on which I spent the best Part of my Time, afforded me a very great Pleasure. I may truly say, that the Muscovites are very ignorant of any Thing relating to Edifices of Stone, but must do them the Justice, to acknow­ledge, that they are very expert in whatever relates to Carpentry. They know the Use of no other Instru­ment, but the Axe, and this they handle with so much Dexterity, that not a single Nail is made use of in the Structure of their largest Houses. These Buildings are made of large Pieces of Timber, join­ed together, in such Manner, that, in Case of Ne­cessity, they may, without much Trouble, be loos­ened, and afterwards replaced as they were before. Hence you may easily judge, that all these Buildings are portable. Whoever is minded to remove from one part of the City to the other, immediately lays his House on Carts, and transports it, with little Expence, wherever he thinks fit. All Buildings in Muscovy are erected in this Manner, excepting some Churches, and most of the Convents of the Monks, who always take Care to be the best accommodated every where. I have even seen some fortified Cities, the Walls of which are only made of Wood. Houses of this Kind, in so rigid a Climate, as that of Mus­covy, [Page 160] may be thought to be as cold, as Ice-Houses; but I'm convinced, by Experience, of the direct con­trary, and can assure you, that they are all very warm, nay even hot to Excess. Muscovy may, in this Regard be esteemed not a cold Country, as it is generally supposed, but a Country abounding with Fire and Smoak. There is hardly a House in Russia where the Heat is not intolerable, in the Winter, as well as the Summer. We may therefore very rea­sonably conclude, that this contributes not a little to render the Muscovites lazy and sluggish.

You see, Sir, how little my Troubles hindered me from making Observations in Muscovy. I might extend them yet farther, on the Manners of the Mus­covites, as well as their Customs; but I fear, I shall engage in too many Subjects at once, and thereby neglect the principal Occurrences of my Captivity. Give me, therefore, leave to return to what more nearly concerns my self.

Whilst I employed my self in Architecture, my Steward informed me, that my Releasement was now talked of in good Earnest, and that I had no­thing to do, but to be of good Heart. Mons. de L'Isle and his Spouse sent me Word, at the same Time, that they thought my Affairs in a very good Situation, and that they did not doubt of seeing speedily my Troubles at an End. But the Joy, I conceived, at hearing this agreeable News, was of a short Duration. I was soon afterwards told, that I must not hope for any Answer to my Memorial, till her Majesty's Return. I had enough to do, to appease the first Transports into which this second News threw me, but Reason at last got the better, and gave me Resolution, patiently to expect what­ever might befal me.

I received, in the mean Time, numerous Pre­sents from Mrs. De L'Isle, who frequently sent me her Cook. This generous Lady loaded me with [Page 161] her Benefactions, and used her utmost Efforts to al­leviate the Burden of my Captivity. Her Cook, for his Part, neglected nothing that might give me a clear Insight into the most important Trans­actions of Europe. By his Means, I learned, that two notable Battles had been fought, those of Bi­tonto, and Parma, and that the Surrender of Phi­lipsburg was hourly expected. Such Successes re­joiced me extreamly. I could not, however, but secretly envy the immortal Glory, acquired by so many brave Officers of my Acquaintance. He, likewise, told me, that King Stanislaus was in Safe­ty at Konigsberg, that the taking of Dantzick had neither weakened nor dejected his Party, and that this City would be restored for a Sum of Money. I never doubted, but the Muscovites would exact exorbitant Sums from the Inhabitants of Dantzick, which I knew to be the principal Object of their Enterprize. I was informed, moreover, by the same Messenger, that all the French Officers were set out for Narva, where the Prisoners of War were guarded by two Battalions of Muscovites. An ac­cidental Thought came, on this Occasion, into my Head, which you perhaps will regard as strange and whimsical. I had been assured, that the French Troops made a Body of about two thousand Men, a Number little inferior to that of the Muscovites, by whom they were guarded: I was not unacquaint­ed with the intrepid Courage of the former, and too well convinc'd of the Cowardice of the latter, and the bad Discipline they are under. Having considered these Things, I said within my self, might not the French Prisoners find Means to cut off their Guard, to disarm and massacre them, and then to force themselves a Passage, thro the Coun­try. I was not ignorant of the Difficulty which must needs attend the Execution of that Enterprize: But the Place occupied by the French, near Narva, [Page 162] has always been fertile in extraordinary Events, and I was confirmed in my Opinion by recollecting the Retreat of ten thousand Greeks, under Xenophon. The Greeks of those Days were certainly not more valorous than the French now, and the Route these latter must take to arrive at a Place of Safety, is not by far so long as that, taken by the former. The French would thereby have acquired immor­tal Glory, and the Retreat would have gained as universal an Applause, as the World to this Day gives to the ten thousand Greeks commanded by Xenophon. Let me entreat you, before you censure this Scheme as impractible, to examine in the Maps, whether the Route, which the French must have taken to join the Troops of King Stanislaus, would have rendered the Undertaking utterly impossible. Had they exerted their Valour, and undergone some Fatigues, I am well assured they would soon have executed this important Enterprize. As for the Muscovites, by whom they were guarded, no­thing could have been more easy, than to have got rid of them, and was you as well acquainted with that Nation, as I am, you would be entirely of my Opinion. But to convince you yet more of what I here advance, permit me to add a Word or two more, of the Military State of Muscovy.

As I suppose you to be already acquainted with their Battalions and Squadrons, I shall not take Notice of either of them. They consist of a large Number of Soldiers, but of very few Officers. All these Soldiers have of late been very well cloath'd, and their Arms are pretty good, except­ing their Swords. They retain, notwithstanding this, a certain Air, which is by no Means to their Advantage, and which none of them have ever been able to shake off. They make a wretched Appearance, and are far from being dextrous. They are well enough made, very robust, and ad­vantageously [Page 163] shaped, but they are, if I may Use the Expression, lifeless Bodies which are not put in Motion, without great Difficulty. As for their Discipline, they are constantly exercised, and handle their Arms pretty well: But when they come to give Fire, their Emulation only consists, in en­deavouring to make the most Noise, without ever concerning themselves, whether they hit the Mark, or their Shot is lost.

They have always appeared to me very much embarrassed, when they perform their Evolutions.

Nothing surprizes me more, than to see what a Value they set upon their Grenadoes; for not a Day of Exercise passes, but they throw a prodigi­ous Number of them, and they take a particular Care to choose the most able Men for Grenadiers. They have hardly any Regard for their Swords, and all that I have seen, in the Hands of my Guard, during the whole Course of my Captivity, are round-pointed. I could not forbear smiling at the Manner whereby they account for this: Those pointed Swords, say they, are useless, as long as we have Bayonets. Poor, ignorant Wretches, not yet to know what Use may be made of a Sword! The Swedes have, nevertheless, formerly taught them the Benefit of this Weapon, which I wonder to find they have so soon forgot. It is not my Design here to censure this their Custom, as 'tis not very material, how they Act, provided they know, how to make an Attack, and to defend themselves.

But this is not all. The Muscovite Troops dis­cover neither Emulation, Valour, nor Conduct, Qualities, inseparable from a good Soldier. Nei­ther Officers, nor Soldiers, are ever seen to aim at distinguishing themselves by any conspicuous Acti­on. Neither one nor the other have any Motive for engaging in Military Service, but that of o­beying [Page 164] the Orders of their Sovereign. Thus have I shewn you, in few Words, what Idea we can have of the Muscovite Troops. I have formerly told you their Number, let us now therefore exa­mine what regards their Maintenance.

The Apparel of the Muscovite Troops is pretty good, but their Pay is very bad. Those, who are garrisoned at Petersburg, have only an Allowance of Bread, and about fifteen French Deniers per diem. Those, who are in the Inland Countries, are obli­ged to be contented with only seven or eight De­niers, a very poor Pay indeed. The Allowance of the Officers is likewise, very moderate, and far from being sufficient to enable them to keep a tolerable Table. However trifling this their Pay may seem, it suffices nevertheless for them, and a larger Salary would be needless. The Muscovites are content with a very little. Their ordinary Food is only Bread, with a little Salt, and some Water. When they have no Bread, they eat Pease, Beans or Vegetables. They are out of Danger of being starved with Hunger, for if they are destitute of Bread, Meat and Pulse, they can browse upon Grass, and eat all kind of Roots, without the least Inconvenience attending it. Bodies so robust might form excellent Troops, were it possible to inspire them with other Souls, and other Minds. The Horses in Muscovy are endued with very near the same Qualities as the Men; for they feed upon whatever they meet with, and are not the less vi­gorous.

Hence you may judge, how easily a good Ge­neral, at the Head of the Muscovite Troops, might support his Army; he would neither stand in need of Bread, nor Cattle; a few Pulse, some Herbs and Roots would be more than sufficient, and these Provisions may be had every where, with little Trouble and Expence. 'Tis happy for the neigh­bouring [Page 165] Nations, that those Troops will never be able to render themselves formidable, and though their Fame in Europe is at present very great, yet the Time will come, when their Weakness and Im­potence will be universally known. There are not wanting those, who for some Time past have en­tertain'd too favourable an Opinion of this Nation. There was hardly a single Muscovite Soldier, be­fore the Siege of Dantzick, who had ever seen a Musket fired, and the World has nevertheless load­ed them with Praises, which they by no Means de­serve. People may entertain what Notion they please of these Soldiers, but I should be glad to see their Performances in a Battle, and till then, I shall hardly be inclined to bestow any Encomiums on them. I believe, they may stand their Ground, for a Time, for they are sturdy enough; but, at the same Time, it is more than probable, they will not be for fighting. Peter I. after the Battle of Narva, where all his Army was routed, was thoughtful of an Expedient to hinder his Troops from taking to their Flight, but could find no better than that of forming a kind of second Line, behind each Battalion and Squadron, whom he strictly enjoined, to fire upon every one, that should be so cowardly as to retreat. This Pre­caution will, in all Probability, be still made Use of, to force their Soldiers to stand their Ground, and not be so easily broken. When they see themselves between two Fires, they may some­times perhaps be obliged, to make a Virtue of Ne­cessity. But can you imagine, that Troops, who stand in Need of such a Spur, can ever fight with Courage and Vigour. I much doubt, or believe rather, that these poor Muscovites, seeing themselves between two Fires, will rather submit to be mas­sacred and cut to Pieces, without making any great Resistance. But instead of detaining you with [Page 166] these Conjectures, let us rather examine the great Exploits performed by these Troops, since their coming into Poland.

In my Passage through Dantzick I was informed, as I believe I told you before, that the Muscovites had not distinguished themselves by any one con­spicuous Action, during the Siege of that City. This is so true, that in the Course of six or seven Months, they could not even gain the Outworks of the Place, though they are at some Distance from the Town, and only fenced with Pallisedoes. What valiant Deed have they rendered themselves famous by, since the Surrender of that City? They have pursued, and endeavoured, by Force, to re­duce the Troops, who followed the Party of King Stanislaus; but hitherto their Efforts have been fruitless. The Troops of King Stanislaus, which the Muscovites attempted to overthrow, hardly de­serve the Name of regular Troops. The Musco­vites, on the contrary, had, in diverse Places, se­veral large Bodies of Troops, in the Field, which were more than sufficient, for a greater Enterprize. The Troops of King Stanislaus, notwithstanding this, keep their Ground in Poland, traverse the whole Country, in the very Sight of the Russian and Sax­on Armies, intercept their Convoys, and have in­sulted, and even beat their Enemies in several Skir­mishes. Hence you may judge, what the Event would have been, if a Body of about fifteen thou­sand French Foot, had joined the Polish Cavalry. The Muscovites would, beyond all Doubt, have soon be enrouted, and the Poles might justly have said,

[Page 167] What I here assert would infallibly have hap­pened, and we should soon have seen the Musco­vites under a Necessity of evacuating Poland. A General who is but never so little acquainted with the Russian Troops, would meet with no great Dif­ficulty in subduing them. He need only to attack and press upon them vigorously, without giving them Time to recollect themselves, and then harrass them by Marches, and Counter-Marches, which would infallibly draw them into several Blunders. Let them but be fatigued and tired out, with conti­nual Motion, Day and Night, for some Time, and you may depend upon seeing these Grass-Eat­ers, at other Times so vigorous, lye sprawling on the Ground, and giving way to all-powerful Sleep. There is not a Nation in the World, that require more frequent and longer Sleep than the Musco­vites. I am sure, that if after they have been thus kept in Motion, an Enemy should fall upon and surprize them, he would find them all in a profound Sleep. As they know their Infirmity in this Re­spect, they commonly take Care, to fortify their Entrenchments sufficiently, or to gain some advan­tageous Post. The Conduct of a General consists, therefore, in this Case, in dislodging and decoying them into a Place, where they may be attacked; after which, nothing farther is requisite, than to advance towards them briskly, with Sword in Hand, to attack them vigorously, and to fall upon them, without regarding their first Fire. And, in this Manner, they are certainly routed, beyond a Possibility of rallying. But I have detained you long enough on this Subject; and I likewise, hear a Dis­charge of Artillery, which probably proclaims the Czarina's Arrival. Rejoice with me, who am on the Point of seeing my Miseries, and my Adven­tures at an End. My next Letter will bring you nothing but agreeable Tidings. What a Happi­ness [Page 168] it will be to me, to quit a Country in which I have endured innumerable Troubles and Missor­tunes! I now please my self with the Hopes of finding soon some agreeable Solitude, where I may

LETTER XI.

BEFORE I begun to write this Letter, I intended only to advise you, that I was freed from my Captivity, and upon the Point of quitting Muscovy. Upon second Thoughts, I altered my Design, and believed it proper to continue the History of my Captivity, and to inform you of the Issue of my Adventures. The Perusal of this last Letter will, perhaps, give you Cause to be surprized at the Constancy, with which I have undergone so many different Trials, as would, perhaps, have thrown any one, but my self, into Despair; I have many a Time earnestly wished you an Eye-Witness of the Evils I have struggled with, and of the Heroick Courage with which I have born them. I am not induced to speak in this Manner, either out of Presumption, or with any Design of attracting your Praises: The Fa­miliarity, you Honour me with, is such, that I may tell you my Mind without any Disguise, and you know me so well, that you cannot think me capable of deceiving you. I am not ignorant, and I think it my Duty to acknowledge, that the Hand [Page 169] of the Almighty, after having humbled me, has graciously vouchsafed me Relief, to prevent my total Fall. 'Tis the same Hand, that loosened my Chains, after having suffered me to be bound with them, and after a rigid Captivity has set me at Liberty, that, in fine, after having led me to the very Brinkof the Grave, has restored me, as it were by a Miracle, to my Health. These Calamities, which I have under­gone, seem, by a providential Disposition, to have been intended to recall me from my past Errors. Hinc omne Principium, huc refer exitum.

But to continue the Sequel of my Adventures, and leave these Reflexions. In my last I informed you, that it had been signified to me, I could not be released from Prison, and obtain my entire Liberty, till the Czarina's Return, and that, with the utmost Impatience, I waited for the happy Moment. This gave me Room to hope, that my Liberty would then, in good Earnest, be thought of. I found, nevertheless, maugre all these Promi­ses, no small Difficulty, to bring my Affairs to an End. I could not conceive how they could be so long put off, after having been in the Hands of such eminent Ministers. The Matter was not of so great Importance, but they might have been con­cluded in one Day. The only Points they had to examine, were, whether I was to be deemed a Cri­minal in Muscovy, for having had an Adventure in France, and whether I ought to be detained Prisoner, for having travelled by a fictitious Name? These were, in Reality, all the Crimes I could be accused of, and for which I had been arrested.

Whilst I was thus in Hopes every Minute of being set at Liberty, I was seized with a fresh Di­stemper, which was the more fatal, as I had not then perfectly recovered my former Strength. A certain kind of Wine, which had been given me to drink, without my perceiving immediately that it was da­maged, caused this Indisposition. I was soon re­duced [Page 170] to a very pitiful State. My Sickness was vi­olent, it increased daily, and I had no Prospect of any Remedy. Since they were so cruel, as to re­fuse me a Physician, at a Time, when I stood yet more in Need of one, I could not expect they would grant me that Favour now. After having, for some Days, endured the most exquisite Pains, I found my self at last necessitated to demand an Interpreter.

I obtained one at Length, after many Prayers and Intreaties, who came to me on the 18th of Sep­tember. Take Notice, I beseech you of this Epoch, and recollect, what I mentioned of it formerly. I thought proper to acquaint this Person with my Condition: I told him, that I had Occasion for a Physician, and should be glad, if Mr. Du Vernoi, Professor of Anatomy, might be permitted to visit me. I had the Pleasure, the next Day, of seeing Mr. Du Vernoi come into my Prison, accompanied by my Interpreter. I leave you to judge how much I rejoiced to see him. I thought my self happy in being allowed to converse with a reasonable Crea­ture, a Satisfaction, I had not enjoyed for a very long Time. His Presence only was in Part my Cure: But I represented my Case to him, and he assured me, that I should have all the Assistance I might stand in Need of. The Interpreter, who stayed with us, whilst I discoursed with this Gen­tleman, acquitted himself of his Commission, with a most surprizing Dexterity. He had doubtless been charged to hearken attentively to whatever was spoke, in Order to make his Report of it af­terwards: For, when I chanced to drop a few La­tin Words, which were unintelligible to him, he de­sired to know what I said. I satisfied his Curiosity, and even added, that I had no Secret to communi­cate to any one, and that the only Thing I had long earnestly wished for, was, to inform the Czar­ina, and her Ministers, of all my Affairs. Diffi­dence [Page 171] is really carried to too great a Height in Muscovy, even in Matters of the least Importance.

Mr. Du Vernoi retired, after a pretty long Visit, with a Promise to return, and keep me Company all the next Day. This Favour, which I little ex­pected, occasioned me to think, that I should now meet with different Treatment, and not fail of being soon set at Liberty. But these Hopes, which ap­peared so well grounded, were of a very short Du­ration. Mr. Du Vernoi, who had promised to vi­sit me the next Day, never came, and in vain I expected him the Day following; in short, I saw him no more during my Captivity. I could never be apprized by any one what could be the Cause of this Disappointment. Mr. Du Vernoi was a Gentleman of too much Discretion to mention it to me, but I could easily conceive the Motive. As I was well assured, that this celebrated Anatomist, would have performed his Promise, I soon conjectured, that he had received an Order to the contrary, of which I am persuaded for the following Reason: In the Conversation I had with him, I entered into a circumstantial Account of the Disease I had laboured under, at my Departure from Muscow, without, however, mentioning my Suspicion of having been poisoned. The Interpreter, who heard, all I said, may be presumed to have acquainted the Ministers therewith, and they being apprehensive this My­stery of Iniquity would be detected, enjoined Mr. Du Vernoi to pay me no farther Visits. To sup­ply the Want of a Physician, they sent me some Medicines, by an unknown Person. I resolved not to make Use of any of their Drugs, but to wait for my Cure from the Strength of my Constitution only. The Relief I every Day received from Mr. De L'Isle and his Spouse, and which sufficed for the best Part of my Necessities, contributed not a little to the Recovery of my Health. I may justly [Page 172] say, that to them I am indebted for my Life; for, had I not met with this Succour, from their Hands, I must infallibly have sunk under the Weight of my Miseries.

The Muscovites not only refused me what was requisite for my Health, as well as my Food, but likewise suffered me to be almost naked. This cruel Treatment obliged me once more to ask for an In­terpreter. My Request was complied with, and I desired him to remonstrate to those Gentlemen, that ‘"since the Proofs I had given of my Innocence ap­peared to them not sufficiently convincing, for my Releasement, and since the Motive of Chri­stian Charity was not strong enough to induce them to grant me the Assistance, requisite for my Health, I hoped at least, that they would so far regard the Glory of her Majesty's Name, as not to reduce me to so miserable a Condition, to be even destitute of wherewithal to cover my Na­kedness, and that, in short, they would order the Cloaths, which were in my Trunk, to be de­livered to me, for my Use."’ This Interpreter re­turned the next Morning, and, in Answer to my Desire, said, that a Present of ten Rubles had been ordered for cloathing me. Dissatisfied with this Answer, I told him, that I did not want their Mo­ney, and that, if they would not grant me my Cloaths, I begged they would send me a Taylor, whom I might order to make me what I stood in Need of. The Interpreter retired, and I saw, after this, neither a Taylor, nor my Cloaths, insomuch, that I was obliged to remain in my Prison half naked, tho the cold Season was already pretty far advanced.

It may not be improper here to take Notice, that nothing could be done without the precise Or­der of the Senate, and that consequently it is they who have been the Cause of all the bad Treatment [Page 173] I have met with. These Gentlemen were, at that same Time, once more pleased to oblige me to shift my Prison, and as they begun to feel the Cold in the new Apartment they were in, removed to their former House, which had been repaired, and sent me to that, which they left. This last Change was no Inconvenience, for I was in a larger Place, where I enjoyed a greater Tranquility.

I silently pass by a large Number of Occurrences of little Importance, as I hope, that this Letter will be the last, which I shall write to you; for I should never have done, were I to attempt an accurate Account of every Circumstance of my Captivity. I shall rather now entertain you with an Account of my Releasement, and the Means, that were made Use of to procure it. I shall with much greater Pleasure relate these Circumstances, and inform you of the happy Hour when I heard this good News, than of the Calamities I have undergone since the Reginning of my Imprisonment.

It was the 16th of October, when Word was brought me, that I should soon be set at Liberty. This News, which was certainly the most agree­able I ever received in my Life, was communi­cated to me, that Day, very early, by a German Secretary, who was accompanied by an Interpreter. He told me in the Czarina's Name, that I was released, and that a hundred Rubles had been grant­ed for my Travelling Charges. I returned these Gentlemen Thanks for the Trouble they had taken, assuring them at the same Time, that I should re­ceive whatever should be offered me, by Her Ma­jesty's Order, with a most profound Deference. They asked me then, whether I had any further Commands, to which I replied, that I desired no­thing else, but that they would prepare the neces­sary Passes for my speedy Departure. This was all the Discourse I had with those Messengers. But [Page 174] I repeated my Entreaty to the Interpreter, to pro­cure me the Key of my Trunk, in order to come at some Cloaths, that I might pay a Visit to my Friends. He promised instantly to comply with my Desire.

Here I imagine I see you congratulating me, with a smiling and satisfied Countenance, on this happy Change, but moderate, I beseech you, for some Time at least, your Transports of Joy. This News was still only an Amusement. In vain I ex­pected, during the whole Day, to see them come and open my Trunk, and discharge my Guard. I eat nothing but a Morsel of dry Bread; for as I proposed to Dine with Mr. De L'Isle, I had pro­vided nothing. The next Day I saw none but my Steward, who gave me some Victuals, without tel­ling me a Word of what had passed. At Length, on the 18th, that remarkable Epoch, I was hon­oured with a kind of Ambassy, consisting of an Interpreter, three or four Clerks, and several other Persons. The Interpreter broke Silence and said, that he brought a hundred Rubles, to give me as a Present from her Majesty. I answered, that I should receive them with a profound Respect, and that he need only lay them on the Table. This he refused to do, under Pretence, that I must first count them. To this, I replied, that it would not become me to be so scrupulous in what I received as a free Gift: But he having renewed his Instances, and told me, that he must have a Receipt, I no longer hesitated at doing what he desired. He then gave me the Key of my Trunk, which I opened in his Presence, shewing him, that there were a Sword and two Pistols. I would gladly have pre­vailed on him to discharge my Guard, but he gave me to understand, that he could not take so much upon himself, having received no Orders for that Purpose. He then asked me, what Route I in­tended [Page 175] to take, when I departed, and whether I chose to go to Dantzick, or Lubeck. I answered, that my Design was not to repair to either of those Cities, and that I should chuse to travel by Land, not by Sea. He told me, that I would not be permitted to go by Land, and that Orders had al­ready been given for my imbarking.

This Procedure appeared very singular, and even extravagant; upon which I told my Interpreter, that I would write two or three Words, to beg, that this Order might be countermanded. He told me, that he could not take any Writing from my Hands. I desire then, said I, you would tell those who sent you, that I little value my Liberty, if it cannot be granted me, but on Condition of my go­ing to Sea, in the infirm State of Health I am re­duced to, and in so advanced a Season, that my Life would be endangered by such a Voyage, which I could never believe to be her Majesty's Intention. Whilst I was thus discoursing with him, he took Occasion to ask, what induced me to re­fuse a Post in the Russian Army. I perceived by the Manner, wherein he asked this Question, that it was only to pump me, I, therefore, gave him no other Reply, than that I did not desire any Em­ployment, and that my Sickness had rendered me incapable of Service. This last Question gave me very great Uneasiness, for I should have been ve­ry sorry, to be obliged to remain in Muscovy. But thus our Conversation ended.

In this Manner I was set at Liberty, as they called it, though I was still accompanied by my Guard, of whom one had always his Sword drawn. My Steward came soon after the Interpreter was gone, and told me, that I must no longer expect to be dieted as I had been, but must provide my self with all Necessaries. I was, at first, concerned at this News, but, when I considered, that Mr. [Page 176] De L'Isle and his Lady would not fail to continue their kind Assistances, I resolved to acquaint them with all that had passed, and beg they would fa­vour me with a Visit. My Steward, who under­took to carry this Message himself, apprized them of my Desire, and they soon came to see me.

This Interview made me forget all I had suffered in Muscovy. I then recollected all the Tokens of Friendship I had received from those generous Per­sons, in order to express my grateful Acknow­ledgments. I was so touched with a Sense of their Benefactions, that I could not forbear shedding some Tears. They both answered the Protestations I made, in Terms, which still augmented my Ten­derness. After the first Transports of Joy, which Hearts susceptible of a real Friendship always feel on the like Occasions, Mrs. De L'Isle was thought­ful of giving me fresh Marks of her Benevolence. As she knew, that I was on the Point of undertaking a long and fatiguing Journey, she desired to see the few Cloaths they had left me, and having found my Linnen in a frightful Condition, she sent the great­est Part of it to her House to be mended, that it might serve me during my Journey. Could Friend­ship be carried to a greater Height? But what far­ther Kindness did not she shew me, even till the ve­ry Moment of my Departure! She paid me many charitable Visits, provided me with Diet, and all other Necessaries, and in short, omitted Nothing, wherein she could be in the least serviceable to me. Having been informed, that I eagerly wished, to know what had passed in Europe during my Pilgri­mage and Captivity, to satisfy my Curiosity on that Head, she found Means of conveying to me all the News-Papers. The Service she did me, on [Page 177] that Occasion, was one of those, of which I was most truly sensible.

This first Visit was pretty long, and they came the very next Day again, accompanied by Mr. Du Vernoi. I told this Gentleman, that I did not, in the least, doubt but he would have continued to visit me, had he not been forbid, and that I thought my self never the less oblig'd to him. They spent great Part of that Day in my Chamber, and no­thing could be a greater Satisfaction to me, than an Opportunity of conversing with so agreeable Company, after having been, during the Space of more than a Year, as it were deaf and dumb. I might then very justly say: Verba intermissa re­tento. Not a Day passed but they visited me, and especially Mrs. De L'Isle, who gave me each Time some new Marks of her Benevolence.

Nothing hindered the Completion of my Hap­piness, but the Resolution that had been anew taken, to oblige me to go away by Sea. The Weather happened luckily for me to be very frosty at the Time of my intended Departure, insomuch, that those who had already laid out my Way, were obliged to change their first Design, and to grant what I had so earnestly desired. The River was in a few Days frozen up, and the Way to Croon­stad, which I was to have taken, was no longer practicable. Providence seemed designedly to frustrate all the wicked Designs of my Enemies, and to perform continual Miracles in my Behalf. Nemo tam pater quàm Deus.

Pleased with the Change, which had happened, I thought of nothing more than making the neces­sary Preparations for my Departure. I only feared, the Muscovites would find some Pretence or other for laying fresh Obstacles in my Way. They had deceived me so often, that I could no longer de­pend on their Word. And, indeed, though it [Page 178] had already been declared to me, in her Majesty's Name, that I was at Liberty, and that, to defray the Expence of my Journey, the Sum of 100 Ru­bles had been given me, I was still confined in my Prison, and continued to be under the Inspection of a Guard, who watched all my Steps. I could not, I confess, conceive the Cause of this Proceed­ing: I was told, on the one Hand, that I was en­tirely released, and my Guard, on the other Side, received strict Orders, not to let me go out of their Sight. I looked upon the Liberty they had given me to make use of my Sword and Pistols, as a Snare, laid for me, to draw me into some Quar­rel, that they might have a fresh Pretence, to de­tain me in Prison. They sent, besides, many People into my Prison, and especially my late Stew­ard, to persuade me to enter into Service in the Czarina's Troops. These Persons I looked upon as so many Spies, whom I had Reason to distrust. However, not to provoke their Rage, I alledged the same Excuses, which I had before made to the Interpreter, without expressing the least Discontent at the Usage I had received. They thought, per­haps, that, since I came into Muscovy with a View of procuring some Post in the Army, I should not refuse to accept of an advantageous Offer. But these Gentlemen were grossly mistaken, I should rather have chosen to spend the Residue of my Days in a Desart, than to live among them. This may perhaps be the Effect of Prejudice, but I look up­on Muscovy as a Place of Banishment, where some few Foreigners are the only sociable Creatures, that are to be met with.

Such was the Situation of my Affairs, when Mr. De L'Isle and his Wife, who still continued to vi­sit me, invited me to dine with them, and spend a Day at their House. They probably knew, that Favour would not be denied me, and that I should [Page 179] obtain it without any Difficulty. I therefore made the Request, and found it immediately complied with. My former Steward, with several others, were ordered, the first Day of my going abroad, narrowly to watch my Steps. Just before I went out of my Prison, I told him, that I hoped I might now have a Barber, and not be at the Trouble of shaving my self. To this he replied, that he knew not whether I could be allow'd one, but that he would go and enquire. At his Return, he told me, I might be shaved, but must leave my Sword in my Chamber. I obeyed, and went to Mr. De L'Isle's, where I had the Pleasure of spending the rest of the Day.

I cannot express the Joy, with which I was re­ceived in that House, where even the Servants en­deavoured to outvie each other in rendring me their Services. I had, that Day, no Cause to com­plain of the Behaviour of my Guard, but they af­terwards carried their Insolence to such an Excess, that I resolved to go out no more. At the same Time, I acquainted the Ministers with all that had passed, declaring, that I chose rather to continue in my Prison, than to be thus exposed to the abu­sive Treatment of my Guard, who had not the least Regard for me, and behaved as disrespectfully to the Persons, to whose Houses I was invited. As I received no Answer, I chose to remain quietly in my Chamber, 'till I could obtain Leave to go abroad alone. Orders were a few Days after given to my Guard to sheath their Swords, and to with­draw into my Anti-Chamber. This was the first Time, during a whole Year, that I had been alone, without any one to inspect my Actions. It is some­what uncommon, that a Person, confined to a nar­row Prison, should so ardently wish to be deprived of all Company: But this was, nevertheless, my Case; for an entire Solitude was to me much more agree­able, [Page 180] than to be always infested with the Company of those Animals.

All necessary Preparations were, in the mean Time, made for my Journey, and nothing farther was wanting for my Departure, but the Passes they had promised me. Some Papers, which I had been robbed of at Casan, were still in the Hands of the Muscovites. But they were not so very momen­tous, as to give me any Uneasiness. I had already, for several Days, made pressing Instances for Leave to depart, but having met with no Answer, I wrote a short Memorial, wherein ‘"I remonstrated to those Gentlemen, that a longer Stay would put me to greater Expences, and that I should be thereby reduced to a Want of Money for my Journey. I likewise begged, that they would procure me Passes from the Ministers of those Princes, through whose Dominions I was to pass, in Order to return to Italy. I desired, in the last Place, that they would restore my Pa­pers, and, if they thought, that the short Journal from Petersburg to Casan contained any Thing mysterious, they were welcome to keep it. I said the same with Regard to another Paper, in which I had made several Observations on the Wolga, and told them, that they were extracted from Olearius."’ After I had finished this Me­morial, I would have given it to an Interpreter, who came for a fresh Receipt for the 100 Rubles, which the Czarina had presented me with. But he refused to receive it, and I was obliged to tell him the Contents of it. I was too well acquainted with the Muscovites, to be in the least surprized at this Procedure, I easily guessed at the Inducements they had not to hear me. Give me Leave to acquaint you with this whole Affair, which is of no great Honour to these Gentlemen.

[Page 181] You may remember, I told you before, that I had been robbed of Part of those Cloaths and Ef­fects, which were locked up in my Trunk. In or­der therefore, to prevent my coming to any Ex­postulation on that Head, they thought proper to forbid every Body to receive any Representation or Writing from my Hands. They supposed, with­out Doubt, that the Sum given me, was more than sufficient to make good the Loss I had sustained, by what had been taken from me. But they were strangely mistaken, for the Damage was very con­siderable. This, Sir, was the only Motive, that induced them not to give Ear to me, and to re­fuse the Acceptance of any Papers I might offer. Such is the Treatment, a Stranger is to expect in Muscovy, where it is a very difficult Matter to pro­cure Justice. But I was their Pastime, on many other Occasions, and I may truly say, that I was their Victim, from the first Hour of my Captivi­ty, till the Moment of my Departure. Besides the many Instances I have given you of this, I beg leave to mention one more.

More than a Month had passed since it had been signified to me, that I was at Liberty, and yet Icould not be permitted to quit the Country. This Slow­ness of proceeding made me very uneasy, and gave me some Suspicions. I feared a Proposal of staying in Muscovy, and was not ignorant of the Danger that would attend a Refusal of an Offer in their Troops.

On the 22d of November, it was at last told me, I might set out directly. This Message was brought me by my former Steward, who at the same Time asked me how many Horses I would have. I told him, that I should have Occasion for four, but was resolved not to go, till I had received my Writings, and the necessary Passes. An Interpre­ter came, the next Day, to bring me 50 Rubles, [Page 182] which he had been ordered to give me, and assu­red me, that the following Day was fixed upon for my Departure. I answered, that the Sum, which the Czarina had already been pleas'd to send me, was sufficient to defray the Expence of my Jour­ney, but when he replied, that he offered me this farther Sum by Her Majesty's Order, I could not but accept of it, with Deference, and give him a Receipt for it. I had too great a Veneration for the Name of the Czarina, not to receive most submis­sively whatever could be offered me by her Orders; otherwise, I assure you, I should have flatly refus'd this Money, as I was not destitute of wherewithal to supply all my Wants.

As I no longer doubted of going the next Day, after the Assurances I had just before received, I gave immediate Notice thereof to Mr. De L 'Isle, and his Spouse, who came directly with Mr. Du Vernoi, to spend the Day with me. Though I had now Reason to think my self at the Height of my Wishes, yet my parting from them very much af­fected me. The Regret with which I left Mr. De L'Isle and his Spouse, was the greater, as I had no Hopes of ever seeing them again, nor of giving them any Tokens of my Friendship and Acknow­ledgement. Mrs. De L'Isle, not satisfied with the Favours she had till then bestowed on me, would again furnish me with a large Quantity of Provisions.

Every Thing was ready for my Departure, the next Day, which was the 24th, when a Messenger came and told me, that I must still wait till the 26th, which was to be the Day of my entire Deli­verance. My Papers were sent me at Ten in the Morning, but they retained Part of them, with the Journal, I mentioned above. I was then asked, when I intended to set out, and, having answered, the sooner the better, they said they would go and fetch the Horses. As for the Passes which I had [Page 183] so often demanded, they promised indeed, that I should have them, but never performed their Pro­mise. Was not this an Instance of crying Injustice, thus to oblige a Man to travel without a Pass, in the Situation which the Affairs of Europe were then in? Their being themselves so scrupulous on that Head, makes me the more astonished at it, for if a Stranger happens unfortunately to come into their Country, without being provided with one, he is sure to be exposed to Slavery for several Years. The only Pass I could obtain was in the Muscovite Language, and you shall soon see, what Terms it was conceived in. But I must leave this Subject, and proceed to an Account of my Journey.

I set out from Petersburg at four o' Clock, in a Sled, and took the Road for Narva, from whence having continued my Journey, with Speed and Suc­cess, I arrived at Riga, on the third of December, in the Afternoon. The Person who had been ap­pointed my Guide, carried me to the House of General Felkersham. That Gentleman gave me a very kind Reception, and treated me in a Manner, that shewed the Difference between a German and a Muscovite. After the first Compliment, he told me, that I need only appoint the Time, when I intended to continue my Journey, and he would give the necessary Orders. I replied, that I was en­tirely dependant on his Pleasure, but since he was so kind as to give me my Choice, I begged he would let me depart as soon as possible. He an­swered in the most obliging Terms, that I might go instantly, if I pleas'd, but that he hoped, I would, at least, honour him with my Company that Night. I signified to him, that I was not in a Condition to accept so kind an Offer, and being very weary, begged he would permit me to look out for a Lodging, that I might immediately go to Rest. After having renewed his Intreaties, [Page 184] he suffered me to go, and by his Order I was lodg'd in a House near his, where he sent me a very ele­gant Supper. Every Thing was prepared for my Departure the next Morning. As I had no Time to lose, I repaired immediately to the General, to take my Leave of him, and to express my most grateful Acknowledgments. He introduced me in­to his Lady's Apartment, to drink a Dish of Tea. I there found two very beautiful and accomplished Ladies, which made me not a little ashamed, to appear in their Presence, in a Dress little better than that of a Savage. After having breakfasted, I I retired, very well satisfied with the Reception I had met with.

I then set out with a Secretary, a well-bred Man, who had Orders to accompany me as far as the Confines of Livonia. So great a Thaw had hap­pened, that in crossing the Dwina, I found the Wa­ter a Foot deep above the Ice, insomuch that I tra­velled that Day more by Water, than by Land. I lay by that Night, and when I was about to de­part, the next Morning, Mr. Secretary, in a very polite Manner, addressed himself to me, and paid me a Muscovite Compliment, which he had proba­bly been charged with. He delivered to me a German Pass, and told me, that, by Her Majesty's Order, he gave me Notice, I was now entirely at Liberty, but that I was forbid ever to set Foot in the Muscovite Dominions again. At first, this Compliment greatly enraged me, but I had a suffi­cient Command over my Passion, to moderate it, and not to give him the Answer it deserved. I only told him, that they had Room to think such a Prohibition needless, but since it had been thought necessary, he might assure his Masters, that the Czarina's Orders should be punctually observed.

What think you, Sir, of this last Step? Was this a Compliment to make to a Man, whom they [Page 185] had found as innocent as a Lamb? I ought to have informed those Gentlemen, that, if it should ever be my Fate to come into their Country again, it should be in so good Company, that they would find it a little more difficult to seize my Sword, than at my Arrival at Casan, and that I never in­tended to appear again in Muscovy, unless it was with Fire and Sword. But am I not to blame, to wish them Harm? Was it not a great Favour to permit me thus to go out of their Country, and did I not quit it at an easy Rate, after having been in Danger of being shut up and buried there for Life? For, by the Muscovite Politicks, a Man is to be irretrieveably undone, after they have proceeded so far, as to abuse him, as they had done me, with­out a just Pretence; unless they would endeavour to detain him by such kind Treatment as might make him forget all that is past. They have therefore not used me with that Rigour, which is prescribed by their Politicks, and I ought consequently to ac­knowledge my self obliged to them. I am not less beholden to them for suffering me to depart: For the Life, I could have led in Muscovy, I should have esteemed as a continual Death. They proba­bly thought, that an Italian could never pardon them for the bad Usage he had received from their Hands, and, following the Maxims of a salutary Policy, they chose rather to have an Enemy with­out Doors, than in their own Country. They judged it perhaps likewise improper, to detain a Man, who would not be governed by their Plea­sure, though a Slave, and who might some Time or other find Access to a Person, from whom they carefully conceal those Things, which she ought to be best acquainted with. To all these Motives may be added, that the Muscovites are already burthened with many Strangers, whom they mortally hate, and that they are very unwilling to see any more settled [Page 186] among them. But be that as it will, I am resolv­ed to forget them, and to abandon them to their own Remorse; if they are capable of having any.

Here I should conclude my Letter, and the Re­cital of my Adventures; for, since the Muscovites will not be farther mentioned, you must not expect to hear any Thing extraordinary, or that may ex­cite your Curiosity. But, Restabat Fatis aliquid, of which I must give you an Account.

After having left my Secretary, I proceeded to Mittau, the Capital of Courland, where I was oblig­ed to stop. As I found it impossible to travel any farther in a Sled, because of the Thaw, I was necessitated there to hire a Wheel-carriage. I got one made after the Manner of the Country, to car­ry me as far as Memmel, the first City in Prussia. In this Journey I met with diverse Adventures. The first of these appears somewhat Romantick, but is nevertheless very true. Being arrived, the first Day, towards the Evening, at an Inn, which was the only one, in a vast Forest, I was going in­stantly to Bed, without my Supper, the House not affording any Thing. No sooner was I gone into my Chamber, than I heard a great Noise at the Door of the House, and fancied I heard some­body speak French. I went out immediately, and having asked whether I had not heard French spo­ken, I was answered in the Affirmative. I then addressed my self to these Strangers, saying, Come in, Gentlemen, this indeed is a very bad Inn, you will find nothing to eat here, but you will meet with a Person, who will be very glad of your Company. I saw, at the same Time, a Man of a graceful Aspect entring, but as he had a large Cap on, I could not well distinguish his Face. When we paid each other our mutual Compliments of Ci­vility, I thought I heard a Voice, well known to me, and mine had the same Effect on him. Af­ter [Page 187] having view'd each other attentively, we both recollected our selves, and embraced one another, not without being struck with Surprize, at meeting in this Place. This Accident seemed to give him some Disquiet, for he had strong Reasons, not to discover himself to any Body. He begged I would entirely forget his Name, after which we discours­ed together, and had many Subjects to entertain each other upon.

I asked him several Questions very pressingly, and he satisfied my Curiosity in many Points. He happened, fortunately for me, to have some good Provisions, which furnished us a comfortable Sup­per, and then we went to Rest. As he came from the same Country, which I had just before left, and intended to go the same Way, which I took, we set out together the next Morning, and put up at the same Inn at Night. When I, however, per­ceived, that he could not recover from his first Uneasiness, and found, besides, I was a Burden to him, I resolved to wish him a good Journey, and parted with him the more willingly, as my Hor­ses, being not so good as his, could hardly keep Pace with him.

You expect perhaps some farther Account of this Adventure, but I am tied down to Silence, and will perform the Promise I made of inviolable Se­crecy; which, if I should not, I must unavoidably inform you of certain Matters, which are still of too great Importance. An Adventure very diffe­rent from this, will be better worth your Notice, by which you may see, what a Man must expect, who has once begun to be unfortunate.

The tenth Day a general Thaw ensued, and the Roads were extreamly bad. Having met with Places, that appeared very dangerous, I sent my Postilion to sound them, and he found that they could not be passed with Safety. We went a great [Page 188] way about in Search of another Passage. My Guide, who thought he had found a good one, led me into a kind of Pit, the only one, perhaps, in the whole Country, in which we were almost bu­ried, with our Horses and Carriage. It was not without great Difficulty we got out, and it was a singular good Fortune, that we did not lose our Lives by this Accident. To suffer Shipwreck by Sea, to be cast away in a Lake, or in a River, are Things common: Accidents of that Kind hap­pen daily: But to meet with that Misfortune by Land, in the midst of arable Ground, this can ne­ver happen to any one, but him, who Minxit in patrios cineres.

In this Condition, I was obliged to travel, four or five Hours-Journey, before we came to an Inn. That we came to was tolerably good, and I was obliged to stay there three Days to cleanse my self. My Goods were all entirely spoiled, and especially my Writings, which I regretted more than all the rest. I arrived, however, the 15th at Memmel, where I was obliged to take a Sled to go to Konigs­burg. There could not possibly be a worse Way than this proved. The Ice was in many Places cracked, and sometimes so covered with Water, that it was not possible to get forwards. I never, in my Life, had so painful and fatiguing a Journey; and I cannot better compare the Danger I was in, than to that of being obliged to stand one's Ground, against a Battery of well-placed Cannon. Never­theless, the same Supreme Being, who, for some Time, had only laid a heavy Burden upon me with one Hand, to relieve me with the other, conducted me safe to Konigsburg, the last Day of the Year 1734.

When I came into the City, I found I was a Spectacle to every Body; for I pretty much resem­bled either the Prodigal Son, or some Fugitive Slave. I was carried before General Cat, who [Page 189] doubtless perceived the Confusion I was in, to ap­pear before him, in that Equipage, and, therefore, was so good to dispatch me immediately. I took my Lodging in the first Inn I came at, and, at my Entrance into it, offered up my Prayers to Heaven, to vouchsafe me some Rest from my La­bour.

Being arrived at Konigsburg, I thought it was now out of the Power of the Muscovites to give me any new Uneasiness: But I found my self mistaken, and met with a fresh Instance of their Malice and Baseness. The Case was this. I have already told you, that at my Departure from Petersburg, I required several Passes, which were refused me, and that they only gave me one in the Muscovite Tongue. At Riga, they gave me another in Ger­man, of which I understood as little as of the former. When I came before General Cat, at Petersburg, I shewed him these Passes; and notwithstanding the powerful Reasons which might have induced him to make me pass a strict Examination, he took no Notice of the Passes, but gave me Leave to go and repose my self.

The next Morning, I gave them to my Land­lord, who had Orders to demand them from me, and to examine them. What he did with them, I know not; but when he returned them, he asked me if I knew their Contents; upon which, telling him, I was wholly ignorant thereof, he promised to get them translated for me. He soon returned with the Translations; but how great was my Surprize, when casting an Eye upon them, I found, that the Muscovites, not contented with having forbid me, by the Mouth of their Secretary, ever to set-Foot into their Dominions again, had even inserted the same Compliment in their Passes. Tho' a long Cap­tivity, [Page 190] and other ill Usage I had already met with, in Muscovy, had accustomed me to bear every Thing patiently, it was impossible for me to put up quietly with this. I had Reason to fear, that General Cat, after having seen the Contents of these Passes, might take me for a Person who had been guilty of some enormous Crime in Muscovy, and had been shamefully banished for it. This lay the heavier upon me, as I was very much tired, and withal, in Want of Money, and, therefore, un­der a Necessity of making some Stay at Konigsburg. All my Thoughts were taken up with this prepos­terous Event, which struck at my Reputation. From this Moment I forgot all the other Evils I had suffered, the Dangers I had been exposed to, the Captivity I had undergone, the Indignities which had been offered me; nay, the very Prison it self, which had brought me to the Brink of the Grave; all this, I say, was as nothing to me, in Comparison with the melancholly State I was now reduced to. I want Terms to express the Vileness of this Action.

With this extraordinary Catastrophe, I shall fi­nish the Narrative of my Adventures. The Com­pliance which is due to the great Intimacy and Friendship that is between us, has engaged me in it: But for a fuller Account of them, I must reserve it till I have the Happiness of embracing you. I am now, Dear Sir, just upon my Departure to be with you, since you invite, and so earnestly press me to it. I shall once more give my self up to the Mercy of an Element, which seems to threaten me with new Misfortunes. Heaven sure is pro­voked against me, and I fear that