M r. Pope.

Kneller pinx 1722. Parr sculp.

Mr. POPE's Literary Correspondence.

VOLUME the SECOND.

With LETTERS To, and From,

  • Lord SOMERS.
  • Lord HARRINGTON.
  • Lord PARKER.
  • Bishop ATTERBURY.
  • Judge POWYS.
  • Mr. DRYDEN.
  • Mr. Secretary HARLEY.
  • Mr. Secretary ADDISON.
  • MATTHEW PRIOR, Esq
  • Mr. STEELE, &c.

LONDON: Printed for E. CURLL, in Rose-Street, Covent-Garden, M.DCC.XXXV.

TO THE READER.

WE presume we stand not in need of any more Apology to the Reader for THIS Publication, than we did for the LAST; for we hereby declare, that Mr. POPE, E.P. P.T. and R.S. are ALL out of the Question.

Mr. CURLL is the sole Editor of this Volume, and it Is,, what the former Was, a Collection of what has been printed, and a Compilation from Original Manuscripts; but not stollen, either from Twickenham, Wimpole, or Dover-street; but at the last Place, while Mr. Pope was dangling, and making Gilliver and Cooper his Cabinet-Coun­sel, away goes Mr. CURLL, on the 12th Day of June, in the Year of our Lord God 1735, and, by the Assistance of that Cele­brated Artist Mr. Rijsbrack, takes a full [Page v] View of our Bard's Grotto, Subterraneous Way, Gardens, Statues, Inscriptions, and his Dog BOUNCE. An Account of some of them are hereunto subjoined. And a Prospect of Mr. Pope's House, from the Surrey Side, will be shortly exhibited, in a very curious Print, engraven by the best Hands.

We have not any thing farther to add in this Place, Mr. CURLL himself having opened the Work, and fully made good his Promise, to the Lords, of being a Match for Mr. Pope in Prose. And he may really say, in regard to all the Attacks which have been made upon him, by this petulant little Gentleman, especially the last, ‘VENI VIDI VICI.’

PHILALETHES.
LONDINI, 14 Julii, Die Natali, 1735.

TO Mr. POPE.

SIR,

THAT great Philosopher, and Honour of the English Nation, the Lord Chancellor Bacon, * gives it us as his Opinion, ‘'That Deformed Persons are commonly even with Nature, for as Nature hath done ill by them, so do they by Nature, being for the most part (as the Scripture saith) void of natural Affection, and so they have Revenge of Nature. Certainly, there is a Consent between the Body and the Mind, and where Nature erreth in the one, she ventureth in the other;— Ubi [Page vi] peccat in uno, periclatur in altero. But because there is in Man an Election touch­ing the Frame of his Mind, and a Ne­cessity in the Frame of his Body; the Stars of natural Inclination are sometimes obscured by the Sun of Discipline and Virtue: Therefore it is good to consider Deformity, not as a Sign which is more deceivable, but as a Cause which seldom faileth of the Effect. Whosoever hath any thing fixed in his Person that doth induce Contempt, hath also a perpetual Spur in himself, to rescue and deliver himself from Scorn. Therefore all De­formed Persons are extreme Bold. First, in their own Defence, as being exposed to Scorn; but in Process of Time, by a Ge­neral Habit. Also it stirreth in them In­dustry, and especially of this kind, to watch and observe the Weakness of others, that they may have somewhat to repay. Again, in their Superiors, it quencheth Jealousy towards them, as Persons that they think they may at Pleasure despise; and it layeth their Competitors and Emu­lators asleep, as never believing they should be in a Possibility of Advance­ment, till they see them in Possession; so that upon the Matter, in a great Wit, Deformity is an Advantage to rising; Kings in antient Times (and at this present in [Page vii] some Countries) were wont to put great Trust in Eunuchs; because they that are envious towards All, are more obnoxious and officious towards One. But yet their Trust towards them hath rather been as to good Spyals, and good Whisperers, than good Magistrates and Officers; and much like is the Reason of Deformed Persons. Still the Ground is, they will, if they be of Spirit, seek to free themselves from Scorn, which must be either by Virtue or Malice; and therefore, let it not be marvelled, if sometimes they prove ex­cellent Persons; as was Agesilaus, Zanger the Son of Solyman, Aesop, Gasca, Presi­dent of Peru; and Socrates may go like­wise amongst them; with others.'’

His Lordship observes, that these Men were Instances of the most exalted Virtue; but I wish I was not obliged to say, that You are a Precedent of the most depraved Vice. For a Demonstration of which, I shall regularly proceed, viz.

You very well know, Sir, that in the Year 1717, when the Court-Poems, ( viz. The Basset-Table, The Toilet, and The Drawing-Room) were published, upon your sending for me to the Swan-Tavern in Fleet­street, in Company with Mr. Lintot, and en­quiring into the Publication of that Pam­phlet, I then frankly told you, that those [Page viii] Pieces, were by Mr. Joseph Jacobs, a Dis­senting Teacher, given to Mr. John Old­mixon, who sent the same to be published by Mr. James Roberts in Warwick-Lane; and that my Neighbour Mr. Pemberton, and myself, had each of us a Share, with Mr. Oldmixon, in the said Pamphlet. For this you were pleased to treat me, with half a Pint of Canary, antimonially prepared; for the emetic Effects of which, it has been the Opinion of all Mankind, you de­served the Stab. My Purgation was soon over, but yours will last (without a timely Repentance) till, as the Ghost says in Ham­let; with all your Imperfections on your Head you are called to your Accompt; and your Of­fences purged by Fire. Yet notwithstanding your Behaviour to me, in turning this Mat­ter into Ridicule, and making me the Sub­ject of several of your Libels, all which I have equally despised, I made you an Offer of Reconciliation, tho' You yourself was the Aggressor. *

You were by me acquainted, that you had disobliged a Gentleman, the Initials of whose Name were P.T. who to shew his Resentment, was resolved to publish a large Collection of your Letters. To this [Page ix] you thought fit, suitable to your former Behaviour, to return me a very imperti­nent and false Answer, (in the Grubstreet Journal, Daily Journal, and Daily Post Boy) that you believed the whole to be a Forgery, and should not trouble yourself at all about it. In the last of which Papers, on the 5th of April, I gave you a full Re­ply, to which it was not in your Power to rejoin. What Steps were afterwards taken in this Affair, I shall impartially relate.

P.T. (from whom I had not heard in two Years before) wrote me a Letter, that you should soon be convinced of your Mi­stake, and being indisposed himself, ap­pointed R.S. to be his Agent. An Ac­count of which whole Transaction I have laid before the Public in the Initial Correspon­dence. *

On the 12th of May last I published the said Collection of your Letters, and on the same Day, upon your being told by a Gen­tleman, who saw you in the Court of Re­quests at Westminster, that it was pretty plain the Letters published were no Forgeries; you very pertly reply'd, so much the worse. [Page x] But this, by the bye, Sir, was owning them to be Genuine.

Upon your Complaint to some Lords * (whom you make Patrons to the Abuse of others) it was owing that the Books were seized, and not to the Advertise­ment, which was but the Shoeing-Horn to your groundless Resentment against me. But you have met a Second Defeat before that most August Assembly, as you did in your first Attack, relating to the Duke of Buckingham's Works.

Therefore, confess you have a Tartar caught,
Be, once, sincere; and frankly own your Fault.

You say, Sir, It will be but Justice to you, to believe, that nothing more is yours than what you have owned, notwithstanding all that hath been publish'd in your Name, or ad­ded to your Miscellanies since 1717, by any Bookseller whatsoever. †

[Page xi]
Awake! Dear Poet! leave all meaner things
To low Ambition, and the Pride of Kings.
Let us (since Life can little more supply
Than just to look about us, and to die)
Expatiate free—
O! while along the Stream of Time, thy Name
Expanded flies, and gathers all its Fame,
Say, shall my little Bark attendant sail,
Pursue the Triumph, and partake the Gale?
And shall thy Verse to future Age pretend,
Thou wert Curll 's Enemy, but Now his Friend?
That urg'd by thee, He turn'd the tuneful Art
From Sounds to Things, from Envy to the Heart;
For Wit's false Mirror held up Nature's Light;
And prov'd the Air of Lying * was not Right;
That Virtue only makes our Bliss below;
And all our Knowledge is Ourselves to know. †

But to return, Sir, you say I was first threaten'd and afterwards punish'd for printing [Page xii] the Court Poems. * Pray who gave you the Authority of Punishing? remember only, that now is my turn to Punish, and if I have not the Spleen of a warpt Poet, or a Scots Medicaster, I will find some other Prescription that shall, once more, as Shake­speare says, harrow up your Soul.

To believe nothing is yours, but what you own, would be merely ridiculous. Did you not deny the Dunciad for seven Years? Did you not offer a Reward of three Guineas, by an Advertisement in the Post-Man, to know the Publisher of your Ver­sion of the First-Psalm? And when you were inform'd, did you ever pay the Pre­mium? Did you not publish the Worms yourself, and leave out the Foecundifying Stanza? And do you own any of these in the Preface to the second Volume of your Works. In short, Sir, your Conduct as to your Poetical Productions, is exactly of a Piece with what I once met with at the Old Bailey. A most flagrant Offender was put upon his Tryal for a notorious Theft, and by his egregious Shuffling, he put Mr. Recorder Lovel into a violent Pas­sion. Sirrah, says he, you have got a Trick of Denying what you ought to own; and of owning what you might as well deny. [Page xiii] An' please your Honour, quoth Culprit, that's the Way not to be hang'd. However im­pudent Jack was tuck'd up, by a fresh Fact proved upon him that very Sessions.

Thus if with small, great Things may be compar'd,
Kind Fate, at length, may wait on Thief and Bard.

As to the Publication of your Letters, a State Decypherer has assured me, that by a Transposition of Initials the Plot is unra­velled, ex. gr. P.T. is Trickster Pope, R.S. is Silly Rascal, to sell imperfect Books, and then cry out Whore first. Pray, most sincere Sir, how could either P.T. or R.S. come by the Letter I wrote to You, if A.P. R.S. and P.T. were not all of a Clan. Risum teneatis amici?

Who was it play'd the Gardener, (sure it could not be honest Searle *) in Lopping some Branches, Inoculating others, and Transplanting a large Shoot from one of your Letters to Mr. Cromwell, and Graffing it upon Mr. Walsh's Stock?

Refrain the Path that leads to Evil;
Tell the plain Truth, and shame the Devil.

[Page xiv] Ananias and Saphyra felt the Divine Vengeance for one Lye; what then do your Confederates expect, or justly ought to dread, for so many as have been told about the Publication of your Letters?

The Plot is now discover'd: Lawton Gilliver has declared that you bought of him the Remainder of the Impression of Wycherley's Letters, which he printed, by your Direction, in 1728, and have printed Six Hundred of the additional Letters, with those to Mr. Cromwell, to make up the Volume.

Yet still it must be given out that a Nobleman has been robbed, and his inno­cent Servant must be discarded, to support Your most flagrant Falshood. This, Sir, is Eating Shame and Drinking after it. There­fore, if you have any Remorse of Con­science, take Dr. Arbuthnot's Last Advice, Study more to Reform than Chastise; and begin with making yourself the Precedent.

Let various Painters * draw your outward Part,
But Human Pencils cannot shew the Heart.

[Page xv] I shall take my Leave of you at present, and only acquaint the Public, under your Cover, that this Volume contains the Re­mainder of your Correspondence with Mr. Cromwell, and your Submission to Mr. Den­nis: Some other Pieces, which if you speak Truth you cannot Deny, tho', as yet, you have not had the Candour to Own. Every thing herein attributed to Bishop Atterbury is genuine; and the Performances of the other Gentlemen will subsist by their intrinsic Merit.

I have large Materials towards a Third Volume, and if, Sir, notwithstanding our present Bickerings, you will be so kind to favour me with any Assistance, it shall be gratefully acknowledged, by,

SIR,
Your Humble Servant, E. CURLL.

P.S. My Bookbinder, J. Jackson in Pall-Mall, told me, he had Your Leave to sell the Pyrated Edition of your Letters; for which Reason neither He, nor Dodsley, shall sell mine. Once more,

Yours, &c. E.C.

A True NARRATIVE of the Method by which Mr Pope's Letters have been published.

IT has been judged, that to clear an Af­fair which seemed at first sight a little my­sterious, and which, tho' it concerned only one Gentleman *, is of such a Con­sequence, as justly to alarm every Person in the Nation, would not only be ac­ceptable as a Curiosity, but useful as a Warning, and perhaps flagrant enough as an Example, to induce the LEGISLATURE to prevent for the future, an Enormity so prejudicial to every private Subject, and so destructive of Society itself.

This will be made so plain by the ensuing Papers, that it will scarce be needful to attend them with any Reflexi­ons, more than what every Reader may make.

In the Year 1727, Edmund Curll, Bookseller, publish­ed a Collection of several private Letters of Mr Pope to Henry Cromwell, Esq which he obtained in this Manner.

Mr Cromwell was acquainted with one Mrs Thomas, to whom he had the Indiscretion to lend these Letters, and who falling into Misfortunes seven Years after, sold them to Mr Curll, without the Consent either of Mr Pope or Mr Cromwell †. [See the Letters in the Preface to Vol. I.]

This Treatment being extreamly disagreeable to Mr Pope, he was advised to re-call any Letters which might happen to be preserved by any of his Friends, particularly those written to Persons deceased, which would be most subject to such an Accident. Many of these were returned him.

Some of his Friends advised him to print a Collection himself, to prevent a worse; but this he would by no means [Page ii] agree to †. However, as some of the Letters served to revive several past Scenes of Friendship, and others to clear the Truth of Facts in which he had been misrepresented by the common Scriblers, he was induced to preserve a few of his own Letters, as well as of his Friends. These, as I have been told, he inserted in Two Books, some Originals, others Copies, with a few Notes and Extracts here and there added. In the same Books he causes to be copied some small Pieces in Verse and Prose, either of his own, or his Correspondents; which, tho' not finished enough for the Public, were such as the Partiality of any Friend would be sorry to be deprived of.

To this Purpose, an Amanuensis or two were employed by Mr Pope, when the Books were in the Country, and by the Earl of Oxford, when they were in Town.

It happened soon after, that the Posthumous Works of Mr Wycherley were published, in such a Manner, as could no way increase the Reputation of that Gentleman, who had been Mr Pope's first Correspondent and Friend; and several of these Letters so fully shewed the State of that Case, that it was thought but a Justice to Mr Wycherley's Memory to print a few, to discredit that Imposition. These were accordingly transcribed for the Press from the Manuscript Books above-mentioned.

They were no sooner printed but Edmund Curll looked on these too as his Property; for a Copy is extant, which he corrected in order for another Impression, interlin'd, and added marginal Notes to, in his own Hand *.

He then advertised a-new the Letters to Mr Cromwell, with Additions, and promis'd Encouragement to all Per­sons who should send him more ‖.

This is a Practice frequent with Booksellers, to swell an Author's Works, in which they have some Property, with any Trash that can be got from any Hand; or where they have no such Works, to procure some. Curll has in the same manner since advertised the Letters of [Page iii] Mr Prior, and Mr Addison. A Practice highly deserving some Check from the Legislature; since every such Adver­tisement, is really a Watch-word to every Scoundrel ‖ in the Nation, and to every Domestic of a Family, to get a Penny, by producing any Scrap of a Man's Writing, (of what Nature soever) or by picking his Master's Pocket of Letters and Papers.

A most flagrant Instance of this kind was the Adver­tisement of an intended Book, called Gulliveriana Secunda; where it was promis'd, ‘"that any Thing, which any Body should send as Mr Pope's, or Dr Swift's, should be printed and inserted as Theirs."’

By these honest means, Mr Curll went on increasing his Collection ‡; and finding (as will be seen hereafter) a farther Prospect of doing so, he retarded his Edition of Mr Cromwell's Letters, till the 22d of March, 1734-5, and then sent Mr Pope the following Letter, the first he ever received from him **.

SIR,

TO convince you of my readiness to oblige you, the Inclosed is a Demonstration. You have, as he says, disobliged a Gentleman, the initial Letters of whose Name are P.T. I have some other Papers in the same Hand re­lating to your Family, which I will show you if you de­sire a Sight of them. Your Letters to Mr Cromwell are out of Print, and I intend to print them very beautifully in an Octavo Volume. I have more to say than is proper to write, and if you'll give me a Meeting, I will wait on you with Pleasure, and close all Differences betwixt you and your's

E. CURLL.
Rose-street, 22 March, 1735.

P.S. I expect the Civility of an Answer or Message.

[Page iv] The Inclosed were two Scraps of Paper, supposed to be P.T.'s (a feigned Hand) the first containing this Adver­tisement.

‘LEtters of Alexander Pope, Esq and several eminent Hands. From the Year 1705, to 1727. Contain­ing a Critical, Philological, and Historical Correspon­dence, between him and Henry Cromwell, Esq William Wycherley, Esq William Walsh, Esq William Congreve, Esq Sir William Trumbull; Sir Richard Steele; E. O— Mr Addison; Mr Craggs; Mr Gay; Dean Swift, &c. with several Letters to Ladies; to the Number of Two hundred. N.B. The Originals will be shewn at E. Curll's when the Book is publish'd.’

The other Paper was a Scrap of some Letter in the same Hand, which expressed ‘"a Dissatisfaction at Curll for not having printed his Advertisement."’—What more cannot be seen, for the rest is cut off close to the Writing.

Mr Pope's Friends imagin'd that the whole Design of E. Curll was to get him but to look on the Edition of Cromwell's Letters, and so to print it as revis'd by Mr Pope *, in the same manner as he sent an obscene Book to a Reverend Bishop, and then advertis'd it as corrected and revis'd by him †. Or if there was any such Proposal from [Page v] P.T. Curll would not fail to embrace it, perhaps pay for the Copy with the very Money he might draw from Mr P— to suppress it, and say P.T. had kept another Copy. He therefore answer'd the only way he thought it safe to correspond with him, by a public Advertisement in the Daily Post-Boy [ Daily Journal, and Grub-street Journal].

E. Curll return'd an impertinent Answer ‖ in the same Paper the next Day, denying that he endeavour'd to corre­spond with Mr P. and affirming that he wrote by Directi­on, but declaring that he would instantly print the said Col­lection. In a few Days more he publish'd the Advertise­ment of the Book as above, with this Addition, ‘" E.C. as before in the like Case, will be faithful."’

He now talk'd of it every where, said ‘"That P.T. was a LORD ‡, or a PERSON of CONSEQUENCE, who printed the Book at a great Expence, and sought no Profit, but Revenge on Mr Pope, who had offended him:"’ particularly, ‘"That some of the Letters would be such as both Church and State would take Notice of; but that P.T. would by no means be known in it, that he never would once be seen by him, but treated in a very secret Manner."’ He told some Persons that sifted him in this Affair, ‘"That he had convers'd only with his Agent, a Clergyman of the Name of Smith, who came, as he said, from Southwark."’ With this Person it was that Curll transacted the Affair, who before all the Letters of the Book were deliver'd to Curll, in­sisted on the Letters of P.T. being return'd him, to se­cure him from all possibility of a Discovery, as appears from a following Letter.

Mr Pope, on hearing of this Smith, and finding when the Book came out, that several of the Letters could only have come from the Manuscript Book before-mentioned, publish'd this Advertisement.

‘WHEREAS a Person who signs himself P.T. and another who writes himself R. Smith, and passes for a Clergyman, have transacted for some time past with [Page vi] Edm. Curll, and have in Combination printed the Private Letters of Mr Pope and his Correspondents [some of which could only be procured from his own Library, or that of a Noble Lord, and which have given a Pretence to the pub­lishing others as his which are not so, as well as interpo­lating those which are;] This is to advertise, that if either of the said Persons will discover the whole of this Affair, he shall receive a Reward of Twenty Guineas; or if he can prove he hath acted by * Direction of any other, and of what Person, he shall receive double that Sum.’

Whether this Advertisement, or the future Quarrel of Curll and Smith about Profits produced what followed, we cannot say, but in a few Days the ensuing Papers, being the whole † Correspondence of P.T. and Edm. Curll, were sent to the Publisher, T. Cooper, which we shall here lay before the Reader.

There appear but two Letters from P.T. till one of April the 4th, which must be in 1735, as it relates plain­ly to Mr Pope's Advertisement in answer to Curll's Letter to him of March 22d.

I.

April 4.

I Saw an Advertisement in the Daily Advertiser, which I take to relate to me. I did not expect you of all Men would have betray'd me to 'Squire Pope; but you and he both shall soon be convinc'd it was no Forgery. For since you would not comply with my Proposal to adver­tise, I have printed them at my own Expence, being ad­vis'd that I could safely do so. I wou'd still give you the Preference, if you'll pay the Paper and Print, and allow me handsomely for the Copy. But I shall not trust you to meet and converse upon it [after the Suspicion I have of your Dealings with Master P.] unless I see my Adver­tisement of the Book printed first, within these four or five Days. If you are afraid of Mr P. and dare not set your Name to it, as I propos'd at first, I do not insist thereupon, so I be but conceal'd. By this I shall de­termine, [Page vii] and if you will not, another will. It makes a Five Shilling Book. I am

Your Servant. P.T.

II.

SIR,

I Should not deal thus cautiously or in the Dark with you, but that 'tis plain from your own Advertisement, that you have been treating with Mr Pope.

III.

I Still give you, Sir, the Preference. If you will give me 3 l. a Score for 650 [each Book containing 380 Pages 8vo.] and pay down 75 l. of the same, the whole Impression shall be your's, and there are Letters enough remaining (if you require) to make another 30 Sheets 8 vo. a Five Shillings Book. You need only answer thus in the Daily Post, or Advertiser, in four Days—[ E.C. will meet P.T. at the Rose Tavern by the Play-House at seven in the Evening, April 22d.] and one will come and show you the Sheets.

Mr CURLL's Answers.

April 29, 1735.
SIR,

I Have not ever met with any thing more inconsistent than the several Proposals of your Letters. The first bearing Date Oct. 11th, 1733, gives some Particulars of Mr Pope's Life, which I shall shortly make a public Use of, in his Life now going to the Press.

The second of your Letters of Nov. 15th, 1733, in­forms me, That if I would publish an Advertisement of a Collection of Mr Pope's Letters in your Custody, the Originals should be forthwith sent me, and for which you would expect no more than what would pay for a Tran­script of 'em.

In your third Letter of the fourth Instant, you ground­lessly imagine I have attempted to betray you to Mr Pope; say, you have printed these Letters yourself, and now want to be handsomely allow'd for the Copy, viz. 3 l. a Score, which is 2 l. more than they cost printing; appoint a Meeting at the Rose on the 22d Instant, where I was to [Page viii] see the Sheets, dealing thus, as you truly call it, in the Dark.

April 21, You put off this Meeting, fearing a Surprize from Mr Pope. How should he know of this Appoint­ment, unless you gave him Notice? I fear no such Be­settings either of him or his Agents. That the paying of Seventy five Pounds would bring you to Town in a Fortnight, would I be so silly as to declare it. By your last Letter, of last Night, a Gentleman is to be at my Door at 8 this Evening, who has full Commission from you.

You want seventy five Pounds for a Person you would serve; that Sum I can easily pay, if I think the Purchase would be of any Service to me. But in one Word, Sir, I am engaged all this Evening, and shall not give myself any further Trouble about such jealous, groundless, and dark Negotiations. An HONOURABLE and OPEN DEALING is what I have been always used to, and if you will come into such a Method, I will meet you any where, or shall be glad to see you at my own House, other­wise apply to whom you please.

Your's, E.C.
For P.T. or the Gentleman who comes from him at eight this Evening.

This appears to be the first time Curll had any personal Conference with R. Smith the Clergyman.

To the Reverend Mr *** (Smythe.)

SIR,

I Am ready to discharge the Expence of Paper, Print, and Copy-Money, and make the Copy my own, if we agree. But if I am to be your Agent, then I insist to be solely so, and will punctually pay every Week for what I sell, to you.

Answer to P.T's of May 3.

SIR,

YOU shall, as all I have ever had any Dealings with, have, find a JUST and HONOURABLE Treatment from me. But consider, Sir, as the Public, by your Means [Page ix] entirely, have been led into an Initial Correspondence be­twixt E.C. and P.T. and betwixt A.P. and E.C. the Secret is still as recondite as that of the Free-Masons. P.T. are not, I dare say, the true Initials of your Name; or if they were, Mr Pope has publickly declar'd, That he knows no such Person as P.T. how then can any thing you have communicated to me, discover you, or expose you to his Resentment?

I have had Letters from another Correspondent, who subscribes himself E.P. which I shall print as Vouchers, in Mr Pope's Life, as well as those from P.T. which, as I take it, were all sent me for that Purpose, or why were they sent at all?

Your Friend was with me on Wednesday last, but I had not your last till this Morning, Saturday, 3d May, I am, Sir,

Your's, E.C.

P.S. What you say appears by my Advertisement in relation to Mr Pope, I faithfully told your Friend the Cler­gyman. I wrote to Mr Pope, to acquaint him that I was going to print a new Edition of his Letters to Mr Crom­well, and offer'd him the Revisal of the Sheets, hoping likewise, that it was now time to close all Resentments, which, on HONOURABLE TERMS, I was ready to do. I told him likewise I had a large Collection of others of his Letters, which, from your two Years Silence on that Head, I thought was neither unjust nor dishonourable.

—I Cannot send the *Letters now, because I have them not all by me, but either this Evening or To-mor­row, you shall not fail of them, for some of them are in a Scrutore of mine out of Town, and I have sent a Messenger for them, who will return about three or four this afternoon. Be not uneasy, I NEVER BREAK MY WORD, and as HONOURABLE and JUST Treatment shall be shewn by me, I shall expect the same Return.

[Page x]The Estimate and Letters you shall have together, but I desire the Bearer may bring me fifty more Books. Pray come to Night if you can.

I am faithfully your's, E. CURLL.
For the Rev. Mr Smythe, (half an Hour past Ten.)
*
P.T.'s Letters to Curll.
↵

Curll was now so elated with his Success, the Books in his Hands, and, as he thought, the Men too, that he raised the Style of his Advertisement, which he publish­ed on the 12th of May, in these Words in the Daily Post-Boy.

‘THIS Day are published, and most beautifully printed, price five Shillings, Mr Pope's Literary Correspon­dence for thirty Years; from 1704, to 1734. Being a Collection of Letters, regularly digested, written by him to the Right Honourable the late Earl of Halifax, Earl of Burlington, Secretary Craggs, Sir William Trumbull, Honourable J.C. General ****, Honourable Robert Digby, Esq Honourable Edward Blount, Esq: Mr Addi­son, Mr Congreve, Mr Wycherley, Mr Walsh, Mr Steele, Mr Gay, Mr Jarvas, Dr Arbuthnot, Dean Berkeley, Dean Parnelle, &c. Also Letters from Mr Pope to Mrs Arabella Fermor, and many other Ladies. With the respective Answers of each Correspondent. Printed for E. Curll, in Rose-street, Covent-Garden, and sold by all Booksellers. N.B. The Original Manuscripts (of which Affidavit is made) may be seen at Mr Curll's House by all who desire it.’

And immediately after he writes thus to Smith.

May 12, 1735.
SIR,

YOUR Letter written at two Afternoon on Saturday, I did not receive till past ten at Night. The Title will be done to Day, and according to your Promise, I fully depend on the Books and MSS. to-morrow. I hope you have seen the Post-Boy, and * approve the Man­ner of the Advertisement. I shall think every Hour a long [Page xi] Period of Time 'till I have more Books, and see you, be­ing, Sir,

Sincerely your's, E. CURLL.
(For the Reverend Mr Smythe,)
*
By this it appears, it was of Curll's own drawing up, which he deny'd before the Lords. [This is False. Mr Curll told the Lords he copied the Ad­vertisement, and returned the Original. This R.S. knows to be True.]
↵

But the Tables now begin to turn. It happened that the Bookseller's Bill (for so it was properly called, tho' inti­tuled, An Act for the better Encouragement of Learning) came on this Day in the House of Lords. Some of their Lordships having seen an Advertisement of so strange a Nature, thought it very unfitting such a Bill should pass, without a Clause to prevent such an enormous Licence for the future. And the Earl of I—y having read it to the House, ob­served further, that as it pretended to publish several Let­ters to Lords, with the respective Answers of each Corre­spondent, it was a Breach of Privilege, and contrary to a standing Order of the House. Whereupon it was order'd that the Gentleman-Usher of the Black Rod do forthwith seize the Impression of the said Book, and that the said E. Curll, with J. Wilford, for whom the Daily Post-Boy is printed, do attend the House to-morrow. And it was al­so order'd that the Bill for the better Encouragement of Learning, be read a second time on this Day Sevennight. By THIS INCIDENT THE BOOKSELLERS BILL WAS THROWN OUT *.

May 13, 1735.

The Order made Yesterday upon Complaint of an Adver­tisement in the Post-Boy, of the Publication of a Book in­tituled Mr Pope's Literary Correspondence for thirty Years past, being read, Mr Wilford the Publisher, and Mr E. Curll, were severally called in and examined, and being withdrawn,

Order'd, That the Matter of the said Complaint be refer'd to a Committee to meet to-morrow, and that E. Curll do attend the said Committee. And that the Black Rod do attend with some of the said Books.

May 14. P.T. writes to Curll, on the unexpected Incident of the Lords, to instruct him in his Answers to their Examination, and with the utmost Care to con­ceal himself, to this effect.

[Page xii] ‘THAT he congratulates him on his Victory over the Lords, the Pope, and the Devil; that the Lords could not touch a Hair of his Head, if he continued to behave boldly; that it would have a better Air {inverted †}in him to own the Printing as well as the Publishing, since he was no more punishable for one than for the other; that he should answer nothing more to their Interrogatories, than that he receiv'd the Letters from different Hands; that some of them he bought, others were given him, and that some of the Ori­ginals he had, and the rest he should shortly have. P.T. tells him further, That he shall soon take off the Mask he complains of; that he is not a MAN OF QUALITY (as he imagined) but one conversant with such, and was con­cern'd particularly with a noble Friend of Mr Pope's, in preparing for the Press the Letters of Mr Wycherley; that he caused a Number over and above to be printed, having from that time conceived the Thought of publishing a Volume of P's Letters, which he went on with, and order'd, as nearly as possible, to resemble That Impression. But this was only in ordine ad, to another more material Vo­lume, of his Correspondence with Bishop Atterbury, and the late Lord Oxford and Bolingbroke. And he confesses he made some Alterations in these Letters, with a View to those, which Mr Curll shall certainly have, if he behaves as he directs, and every way conceals P.T.’

We have not this Original Letter, but we hope Mr Curll will print it *; if not, it can only be for this Reason, That it preceeded their Quarrel but one Day †, it proves the Letters of Bishop Atterbury, Lord Bolingbroke, &c. cannot be in Curll's Hands, tho' he has pretended to ad­vertise them ‖.

The next Day Curll answers him thus.

For the Reverend Mr Smythe.

Thursday 9 Manè, 15th May, 1735.
Dear Sir,

I Am just again going to the Lords to finish Pope. I de­sire you to send me the Sheets to perfect the first fifty Books, and likewise the remaining three hundred Books, and pray be at the Standard Tavern this Evening, and I will pay you twenty Pounds more. My Defence is right, I only told the Lords, I did not know from whence the Books came, and that my Wife received them. This was strict Truth, and prevented all further Enquiry. The Lords declar'd they had been made Pope's Tool. I put my­self upon this single Point, and insisted, as there was not any Peer's Letter in the Book, I had not been guilty of any Breach of Privilege.— Lord DELAWAR will be in the Chair by ten this Morning, and the House will be up before three.—I depend that the Books and the Im­perfections will be sent, and believe of P.T. what I hope he believes of me.

The Book was this Day produc'd, and it appearing that, contrary to the Advertisement *, there were no Let­ters of Lords contained in it, and consequently not falling under the Order of the House, the Books were re-deliver'd.

At the same time Curll produc'd, and shew'd to seve­ral of the Lords the foregoing Letter of P.T. † which seems extraordinary, unless they had begun to quarrel a­bout Profits before that Day. But after it, it is evident from the next Letter, that they had an Information of his Willingness to betray them, and so get the whole Impres­sion to himself ‖.

To the Reverend Mr Smythe.

Rose-Street, past three, Friday 16 May, 1735.
SIR,

1. I Am falsely accus'd, 2. I value not any Man's Change of Temper; I will never change MY VERACITY for Falshood, in owning a Fact of which I am innocent. [Page xiv] 3. I did not own the Books came from a-cross the Water, nor ever nam'd you, all I said was, that the Books came by Water. 4. When the Books were seiz'd I sent my Son to convey a Letter to you, and as you told me every body knew you in Southwark, I bid him make a strict Enquiry, as I am sure you wou'd have done in such an Exigency. 5. Sir I HAVE ACTED JUSTLY in this Affair, and that is what I shall always think wisely. 6. I will be kept no longer in the dark: P.T. is Will o' the Wisp; all the Books I have had are imperfect; the first 50 had no Titles nor Prefaces, the last five Bundles seiz'd by the Lords contain'd but 38 in each Bundle, which amounts to 190, and 50, is in all but 240 Books. 7. As to the Loss of a future Copy, I despise it, nor will I be concern'd with any more such dark suspicious Dealers. But now, Sir, I'll tell you what I will do; when I have the Books per­fected which I have already receiv'd, and the rest of the Impression, I will pay you for them. But what do you call this Usage? First take a Note for a Month, and then want it to be chang'd for one of Sir Richard Hoare's—My Note is as good, for any Sum I give it, as the BANK, and shall be as punctually paid. I always say, Gold is better than Paper, and 20 l. I will pay if the Books are perfect to-morrow Morning, and the rest sent, or to Night is the same thing to me. But if this dark Converse goes on, I will instantly reprint the whole Book, and as a Supplement to it, all the Letters P.T. ever sent me, of which I have exact Copies; together with all your Originals, and give them in upon Oath to my Lord-Chancellor. You talk of Trust; P.T. has not repos'd any in me, for he has my Money and Notes for im­perfect Books. Let me see, Sir, either P.T. or your­self, or you'll find the Scots Proverb verify'd:

Nemo me impune lacessit.
Your abus'd humble Servant, E. CURLL.

P.S. Lord O—, and Lord Delaware, I attend this Day. I'll Sup with you to Night. Where Pope has one Lord, I have twenty *.

*
This P.S. as Cooper printed it, contradicts itself. Mr Curll called at Lord Delawar's House, and found him and Lord Cowper gone to Holland. And that Evening Mr Curll had the Honour to spend with Lord Haversham. As to Lords, Mr Curll might have double his Number.
↵

[Page xv] Mr Curll, just after, in the London Daily Post: or, Gene­ral Advertiser, printed an Advertisement, that he would publish all the Letters sent him by E.P. P.T. and R.S.

To which in two Days his Correspondents return'd the following Answer:

TO manifest to the World the Insolence of E. Curll, we hereby declare that neither P.T. much less R.S. his Agent, ever did give, or could pretend to give any Title whatever in Mr Pope's Letters to the said E. Curll, and he is hereby challeng'd to produce any Pretence to the Copy whatsoever.—We help'd the said E. Curll to the Letters, and join'd with him, on condition he should pay a certain Sum for the Books as he sold them; accordingly the said E. Curll received 250 Books which he sold (Perfect and Imperfect) at five Shillings each, and for all which he never paid more than ten Guineas, and gave Notes for the rest which prov'd not Negotionable. Besides which, P.T. was persuaded by R.S. at the In­stigation of E. Curll, to pay the Expence of the whole Impression, viz. 75 l. no part whereof was re-paid by the said Curll. Therefore every Bookseller will be indemni­fy'd every way from any possible Prosecution or Mo­lestation of the said E. Curll, and whereas the said E. Curll threatens to publish our Correspondence, and as much as in him lies, to betray his Benefactors, we shall also publish his Letters to us, which will open a Scene of Baseness and foul Dealing, that will sufficiently show to Mankind his Character and Conduct †.

  • P.T.
  • R.S.
May 23, 1735.
†
To this Mr Curll replied, in the Daily Post-Boy of May 27, viz. Gen­tlemen, The Scurility of your Advertisement I despise; Falshood under your own Hands I shall here prove upon you; and as to your Scandal in affirming that my Notes proved not Negotiable, I will take proper Measures. It is de­clared, that neither P.T. much less R.S. his Agent, ever did give, or could pretend to give, any Title whatever, in Mr Pope's Letters to Mr Curll, and he is challenged to produce any Pretence to the Copy whatsoever. P.T. in his first Letter to Mr Curll, writes thus; To shew you my Sincerity and deter­minate Resolution, these Letters shall be sent you, they will make a four or five Shilling Book, yet I expect no more than what will barely pay a Transcriber, that the Originals may be preserved in your Hands to vouch the Truth of them. Your's, P.T. P.S. I would have you add to them what you formerly printed of those to Mr Cromwell. In a Letter from R.S. to Mr Curll, he thus writes. Sir, my Cousin (P.T.) desires you will get 600 of the Titles printed with all Expedition; and assures you, that no Man whatsoever shall vend a Book but yourself, for you shall have the whole Impression to be sure. I shall leave it to your Generosity to consider me for the Copy. I am, your Friend and Servant, R.S. On Monday the 12th Instant, Mr Curll, published these Letters, tho' he had but 50 Books, and those wanting Titles and Prefaces: But the same Day at Noon R.S. sent for Mr Curll to the Standard Tavern in Leicester-Fields, where Mr Curll paid him 30 l. (in Cash 10 l. by a negotiable Note, payable in a Month, 15 l. and a conditional Note for 5 l.) for which R.S. gave a Receipt to Mr Curll in full for 300 Books, delivering then by two Porters, five Bundles of 38 Books in each, making 190, which he said came by Water, and they were sent to Mr Curll's House, and his Wife received them in his Absence. Mr Curll having had in all but 240 Books, tho' a Receipt given for 300, and the last 190 all delivered imperfect. I therefore desire to know, if this does not open a Scene of Baseness and foul Dealing, that sufficiently shew to Mankind the Cha­racters and Conduct of P.T. and R.S.? I shall say no more till I publish the whole of their Transactions upon Oath. E. Curll.
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[Page xvi]The Effects of this Quarrel has been the putting into our Hands all the Correspondence above; which having given the Reader, to make what Reflections he pleases on, we have nothing to add but our hearty Wishes, (in which we doubt not every honest Man will concur) that the next Sessions, when the BOOKSELLERS BILL shall again be brought in, the Legislature will be pleas'd not to extend the Privileges, without at the same time restraining the Licence, of Booksellers. Since in a Case so notorious as the printing a Gentleman's PRIVATE LET­TERS, most Eminent *, both Printers and Booksellers, conspired to assist the Pyracy †, both in printing and vending the same.

P.S. We are inform'd, that notwithstanding the Pre­tences of Edmund Curll ‖, the Original Letters of Mr Pope, with the Post-Marks upon them, remain still in the Books from whence they were copy'd, and that so many Omissions and Interpolations have been made in this Publication, as to render it impossible for Mr P. to own them in the Condition they appear ‡.

THE Initial Correspondence: OR, ANECDOTES OF THE LIFE and FAMILY OF Mr POPE.
[Page]ANECDOTES OF THE LIFE and FAMILY OF Alexander Pope, Esq

Who can shame P—? break all his Cobwebs thro,
He spins the slight self-pleasing Threads anew:
Destroy his Lies, or Sophistry, in vain,
The Creature's at his dirty Work again;
Thron'd in the Centre of his base Designs;
Proud of extending his vain-glorious Lines.
Epist. to ARB.
His own Example strengthens all his Laws,
He is that petulant, poor-wretch he draws.
Ess. on Crit.

IT is a very just Observation, made by a late impartial Bio­grapher, * that those Persons, who have been most industrious in handing down to Posterity the Memorials of other Men, have gene­rally had the Misfortune to be neglected themselves. Unwilling that so hard a Fate should befal a Man who so little de­serves [Page 4] it, I was glad to embrace any oppor­tunity rather than trust a Thing of such Consequence to Hereafter; and I have this Satisfaction (how uncommon soever it may be thought to give an Account of a Man in his Life-time) that I have preserved some Memorials of an indefa­tigable Gentleman now living, which an able pen may improve greatly to his Ho­nour when dead.

With this View then I shall begin my Labour with the Account Mr Pope has given us of himself; and proceed to other Authorities to which I shall all along refer.

E. CURLL.

MR ALEXANDER POPE was born in Cheapside, London, on the 8th Day of June, in the Year 1688; so that one Week produced both Pope and the Pretender. Memorable Aera!

His Parents, being of the Roman Ca­tholic Persuasion, educated him by a pri­vate Tutor, of whom he learned Latin and Greek at one and the same time.

He passed through some Seminaries with little Improvement till twelve Years of Age, after which he perfected his Studies by his own Industry. *

So early a Propensity had he to the Mu­ses, that among several other pretty Poeti­cal Productions, he sent his Friend Mr Cromwell An Ode on Solitude, written when he was not twelve Years old †. And be­fore this time, he had severely satirized his School-Master, as appears from the fol­lowing Original Letter, viz.

To Mr CURLL.

March 27, 1733.
SIR,

IN pursuance to your Advertisement de­siring such Accounts of Mr Pope as his Deserts demand, I send you these Anecdotes, the Truth of which I can testify (and will, if called upon) as having been his School­fellow my self at the time.

The fact is very remarkable, as it is a proof of that natural spleen which consti­tutes his Temperament, and from which he has never deviated in the whole course of his Life.

The last School he was put to, before the twelfth Year of his Age, was in De­vonshire-Street near Bloomsbury, there I also was, and the late Duke of Norfolk, at the same time. It was kept by one Bromley, a Popish Renegado, who had been a Par­son, and was one of King James's Con­verts in Oxford, some Years after that Prince's Abdication; * he kept a little Se­nary, till upon an advantagious offer made [Page 7] him, he went a Travelling-Tutor to the present Lord Gage.

Mr Alexander Pope before he had been four Months at this School (or was able to construe Tully's Offices) employed his Muse in satirizing his Master. It was a Libel of at least one hundred Verses, which a Fellow-Student having given information of, was found in his pocket, and the young Satirist was soundly whipp'd, and kept a Prisoner to his Room seven days; where­upon his Father fetch'd him away, and I have been told, he never went to School more.

How much past Correction has wrought upon him, the World is Judge; and how much present Correction might, may be collected from this sample. I thought it a curious Fact, and therefore it is at your service, as one of the Ornaments of this excellent Person's Life.

Your's, &c. E.P.
*
His Name was William Bromley, Son of Henry Brom­ley, of Holt in Worcestershire Esq He was entered a Gen­tleman-Commoner of Christ-Church-College, Oxon, 1673. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. p. 1063. Vol. II. Edit. ult.
↵
Thursday Oct. 11, 1733.
Mr CURLL,

UNderstanding you propose to write the Life of Mr Pope, this is only to inform you I can send you divers Memoirs which may be serviceable, if your design be really to do him neither Injustice nor shew him Favour.

I was well acquainted with his Father, and with the first part of his own Life, tho' since he hath treated me as a Stran­ger.

It is certain some late Pamphlets are not fair in respect to his Father. He was of the younger Branch of a Family in good repute in Ireland, and related to the Lord Downe, formerly of the same Name. He was as he hath told Me himself, [and he was very different from his Son, a modest and plain honest Man] a Posthumous Son, and left little provided for, his elder Bro­ther having what small Estate there was, who afterwards studied and died at Ox­ford. He was put to a Merchant in Flan­ders, and acquired a moderate Fortune by Merchandize, which he quitted, at the Re­volution, in very good Circumstances, and retired to Windsor-Forest, where he pur­chased a small Estate, and took great de­light [Page 9] in Husbandry and Gardens. His Mo­ther was one of the seventeen Children of William Turnor, Esq formerly of Burfit-Hall in the *** Riding of Yorkshire. Two of her Brothers were killed in the Civil-Wars.

This is a true Account of Mr Pope's Family and Parentage; * of his Manners I cannot give so good a one: yet, as I would not wrong any Man, both ought to be true; and if such be your Design, I may serve you in it, not entering into any thing, in any wise libellous.

P.S. You may please to direct an Answer in The Daily Advertiser, this Day se'ennight, in these Terms. E.C. hath received a Letter and will comply with P.T.

Your's, P.T.
*
The Oxford Antiquary informs us, that, Thomas Pope, the young Earl of Downe, died in St. Mary's Parish in Oxford, 28 Dec. 1660, aged 38 Years leav­ing behind him one only Daughter named Elizabeth, who was first married to Henry-Francis Lee of Dich­ley in Oxfordshire, and afterwards to Robert Earl of Lindsey. The Earldom of Downe, went to Thomas Pope, Esq his Uncle, who, likewise, leaving no Male-Issue, the Estate went away among Three Daughters; the Second of whom was married to Sir Francis North, afterwards Lord North of Guilford. Both these Earls of Downe were buried at Wroxton, near Banbury, in Oxfordshire with their Ancestors. [See Wood's Athen. Oxon. Vol. II. pag. 543, Edit. ult.]
↵

[Page 10] Notice was accordingly given, at the time appointed, in the Daily Advertiser, upon which was sent the following Letter, viz.

To Mr CURLL.

Nov. 15, 1733.
SIR,

I Troubled you with a Line some time since, concerning your design of the Life of Mr Pope: to which I desired your Answer in the Daily Advertiser of Thursday the 18th. Inst. Oct. I do not intend my self any other Profit in it, than that of doing Justice to, and on, that Person, upon whom, Sir, you have constantly bestowed some Care, as well as Pains in the Course of your Life; and I intend him the like for his Conduct towards me.

A propos, to his Life, there have lately fal­len into my hands a large Collection of his Letters, from the former part of his Days till the Year 1727, which being more con­siderable than any yet seen, and opening very many Scenes new to the World, will alone make a perfect and the most Au­thentic Life and Memoirs of him that could be.

To show you my Sincerity and deter­minate Resolution of assisting you herein, [Page 11] I will give you an Advertisement which you may publish, if you please, forthwith; and, on your so doing, the Letters shall be sent you. They will make a four of five Shilling Book; yet I expect no more than what will barely pay a Transcriber, that the Originals may be preserved in mine, or your Hands, to vouch the Truth of them.

I am of opinion these alone will contain his whole History (if you add to them, what you formerly printed of those to H. Cromwell, Esq); but you must put out an Advertisement, for otherwise I shall not be justified, to some people who have in­fluence, and on whom I have some De­pendance; unless it seem to the public Eye as no entire Act of mine. But I may be justified and excused, if, after they see such a Collection is made by you, I acknow­ledge I sent some Letters to contribute thereto.

They who know what has passed betwixt Mr Pope, and Me formerly, may otherwise think it dishonourable I should set such a Thing a-foot. Therefore print the Ad­vertisement I here send you; and you shall instantly hear from, or see me.

Adieu. P.T.

[Page 12] The old Gentleman, P.T. not calling upon me, I did not put the Advertisement, into any News-Paper, and this whole Transaction lay dormant near two Years. But upon regulating some Papers in my Scritoire, about the Close of March 1735, this Advertisement came to my Hands, and reflecting within my self that the Re­sentment between Mr Pope and me, tho' from the first ungenerously taken up by him, had continued much too long, being al­most eight Years, I was willing to lay hold of an Opportunity for proposing an Ac­commodation. Accordingly, I wrote to Mr Pope and inclosed the abovementioned Advertisement in the Hand-writing of P.T. and desired his Answer which he thought fit in a very ungentleman-like Manner to return me in three Papers, viz the Grub-Street Journal. The Daily Journal, and the Daily Post-Boy; in the last of which I replied April 5th. *

Upon this Incident, P.T. renewed his Correspondence, and sent me word he had seen an Advertisement of Mr Pope which related to him, and that Mr Pope should soon see the Collection of Letters published, for that, upon my not advertising them he [Page 13] had been persuaded to print them himself, and offered me the refusal of the Impression, his Demands for which were 75 pounds, and added, that a Person should meet me at the Rose Tavern in Bridges-Street, and bring me, at a Day appointed, one of the Books in sheets. But on the Day appointed I received a Countermand, that he thought he had lost his Wits by making such an Appointment, and seemed in a terrible Pa­nic lest Mr Pope should send some of his Twickenham-Bravoes, to assault us; but how Mr Pope was to know of this Meeting is the Cream of the Jest. I sent him word that I commiserated his fears, but as to my own part, I did not at all dread any Assassination whatever from Mr Pope, even tho' it were a Poetical One. To this P.T. rejoined, that a Gentleman should call at my House precisely at eight in the Evening in a Week's Time; but in the Interim I received the following Letter, viz.

To Mr CURLL.

May 3, 1735.
SIR,

P.T. will send you 50 Books, [all but the Title, which you may order as you please, and therefore was not wrought] [Page 14] in five or six Days time, and you may pay for them as you propose at the Week's end: It will be left to your Honour (to shew you my Intentions are honourable).

You may therefore advertise as you propose, five or six Days together, that the Book will be published by you the 12th instant.

Your Servant, P.T.

Accordingly on the 7th of May, R.S. a short, squat Man came to my House not at 8 but near 10 at Night. He had on a Clergyman's Gown, and his neck was surrounded with a large, Lawn, Barrister's Band. He shewed me a Book in sheets, almost finished, and about a Dozen origi­nal Letters, and promised me the whole at our next meeting; and the next Day I received the following Note from P.T. and a Letter from R.S. viz.

To Mr CURLL.

SIR,

YOu see I leave all to your own Pru­dence, and you now see I trust your Honour as to Price, &c. which settle [Page 15] with the Bearer against the Week's end: [for Out they must come now forthwith] I doubt not you'll return my Letters, and we must by no means seem to use Pope with Disregard, but rather commend, &c. lest, by any Circumstances I writ to you, the Publisher be detected.

Yours P.T.

The Clergyman you saw will bring you the Books, to whom I insist you will deliver my former Letters concerning Mr Pope, whom I must be concealed from, and he tells me you had written an Advertisement of Mr Pope's Life, in which if you insert any one Circumstance of what I told you in a private Letter, I shall be discovered and exposed to his Resentment. I insist on your Honour in returning them therefore.

You may do as you please your self in relation to the References to CROMWELL's Letters, and therefore you may add any such Advertisement to the Title of the Book it self, for I do not thoroughly un­derstand you, as to that. P.T.

To Mr CURLL.

May 8, 1735.
Dear Sir,

PLease to send by the bearer the Title and the Preface, and an Estimate, and the Papers you promised me last Night; I mean the Letters. The Printer is drawing out the Sheets, and you shall have the rest with Expedition. If I should get off my Engagement for this Evening, leave Word where I shall meet you. I am,

Your Friend and Servant, R. SMYTHE.

P.S. The old Gentleman is vastly pleas'd at our Meeting last Night: don't fail to send by the Bearer the Letters. I shall have great News, and good, to tell you Friday to both our Advantage.

Two a Clock Saturday May 10, 1735.
Dear SIR,

MY Cousin desires you will get 600. of the Titles printed with all Ex­pedition, and assures you that no Man [Page 17] whatsoever shall vend one Book but your self, for you shall have the whole Im­pression to be sure. He says Tuesday. I am,

SIR, Your Friend and Servant, R.S.

P.S. Why don't you advertise.

12, May 1735.
SIR,

YOU see how earnest P.T. is to have these Books out, therefore you will re­ceive by the Bearer some Titles. By one a-Clock, you shall have more Books; but he must insist on some Money to pay the Printer. The Number I shall bring you will be near 200, be at home at 12, for I may get them before. I am,

Your Friend and Servant, R.S.

[Page 18] According to the Request herein, I staid at home; and, about one o'Clock, R.S. sent for me to the Standard Tavern in Leicester-Fields, where I paid him ten pounds, and gave him a negotiable Note for fifteen pounds, payable in a Month, as he desired.

We had not been together half an hour, before two Porters brought to the Tavern five Bundles of Books upon a Horse, which R.S. told me came by Water. He ordered the Porters to carry them to my House and my Wife took them in. They contained but 38 Books in each bundle making in the 5 Bundles 190 Books (all wanting the Letters to Mess. Jarvas, Digby, Blount and Dr Arbuthnot's Letter). But he said they contained 50 in each Bun­dle, which with 50 I had before (without Titles or Prefaces,) made 300, and gave me the following Receipts.

May 12, 1735.

‘Then receiv'd of Mr Curll ten pounds on Account, by me R. SMYTHE.’

‘Receiv'd at the same Time a Note of hand of Fifteen pounds, one Month after date, which when paid is in full for three Hundred Books, by me R. SMYTHE.’

[Page 19] N.B. He had a conditional Note of mine besides, payable on Demand, for five pounds.

E. CURLL.

About two a Clock, on the very Day of Publication, the 12th Instant, all the Books that were in my Custody were seized by a Warrant from the House of Lords, and my self, and Mr John Wilford, Publisher of the Post-Boy, were both ordered to attend their Lordships, the next Day; which we did accordingly. Mr Wilford, and the Prin­ter of the Post-Boy, whom he brought with him, were upon Examination dischar­ged. But the Lords Resolving themselves into a Committee, I was ordered to at­tend the next Day.

At my Return home I found the fol­lowing Letter from. R.S.

To Mr CURLL.

13 May 1735.
SIR,

AS SOON as I heard of our Misfor­tune of the Books being seiz'd, I posted away to P.T. he said he found his great Caution was but necessary: but tho' he knew Mr Pope's Interest with the Great, he apprehended only his personal Re­venge, or a Chancery Suit; (knowing he would spare no Cost to gratify his Re­venge) [Page 20] he said, if you had been more cautious, than to name Lords in your Advertisement, this could not have hap­pen'd; but since it has happen'd, you shall not only find him punctual, but Gene­rous. He immediately sent me with Money to pay off the Printer, and I have the whole Impression in my hands: I then found that the Rogue had deliver'd your last Parcel imperfect: but I will bring you both those Sheets, and the whole Impression, the very first day they can be safely deliver'd you.

P.T. says he never intended any more Advantage, but meerly not to be out of pocket. (Except you had been willing to gra­tify me a little), but now he will be Just, and act handsomely to you, tho' ever so much to his own Loss: provided you keep secret our whole Transaction—As it is plain that Pope's whole Point is only to suppress the Books, and find out who gave the Letters. You will intirely disappoint him in both, if, whatever Questions the Lords ask, you will answer no more than thus: that you had the Letters from different Hands, some of which you paid for, that you printed these as you did Mr Cromwell's before, without Mr Pope's ever gainsaying it; and that as to the Originals, many you can [Page 21] shew now, and the rest you can very speedily.

It is well that an Accident hinders you at present from the Originals, which now, they would seize. P.T. thinks it was indiscreet to advertise the Originals so very quick as the first Day, until you ac­tually had them, which by his own fal­ling ill, he cou'd not come at so soon in the place where they lay.

The Lords cannot stop the Books above two or three Days, if at all.

And P.T's wonderful Caution as it hap­pens, will enable you to sell them what­ever Orders they may make. For he, apprehending Injunctions in Chancery might suppress the Book, had already prin­ted another Title and Preface, which throws the Publication intirely off you, and might be safely vended even in that Case.

In short, if you absolutely conceal all that has passed between P.T. Me, and Your self, you win the old Gentleman for ever. For his whole Heart is set upon publishing the Letters, not so much for this Volume as, in Ordine ad to much more important Correspondence that will follow, viz. with SWIFT, late Lord OX....D Bp. ROCHESTER, and Lord BOL.

[Page 22] You shall hear soon from me. I hope this will be quickly over. I re­main,

Your Faithful Servant, R. SMYTHE.
14 May.
SIR,

WE heartily congratulate you on your Victory over the Lords, the Pope, and the Devil: for we have sure Information, that the Books will be restor'd to you either this day, or to morrow—The old Gentleman is charm'd with your Be­haviour yesterday; only thinks it wrong that he hears you own'd the Books were sent to your Wife by an unknown Hand.—This may induce Enquiry and Suspicion of some dark Transaction; and be thought shuffling. The Lords will think you more sincere, and 'twill have a betrer Air, to say, you had the Originals and Copies from different Hands, and that some you paid for, some were given you, and you printed them in your own Right.—You can suffer no more for printing than for publi­shing [Page 23] them, and the Lords can't touch a Hair of your Head.

All that P.T. can apprehend is that Pope may obtain an Injunction in Chan­cery, against E. Curll by Name, not­withstanding which, those Books may be selling, which have not your Name, with the Preface which he provided for that Pur­pose.

And you cannot but observe when you read that Preface, that at the same Time, that it makes you not Publisher, it yet proves your Right to Cromwell's Letters.

This is as lucky as can be, and Pope cannot obtain an Injunction without own­ing himself, in the Bill, Author of the Let­ters, which will serve you to prove the Let­ters genuine.

If you observe all the old Gentleman's Directions you will soon be fully acquaint­ed both with his Person and Designs; in the mean Time, to shew you he will take off the Mask, and clear the Mysterium magnum you complain of, I have his Leave to tell you these things which he would have, writ to you himself, but [Page 24] that his Arm is now disabled by the Rheumatism.

He is no Man of Quality, but conversant with many, and happening to be concern'd with a noble Lord (a Friend of Mr Pope's) in handing to the Press his Letters to Wy­cherley, he got some Copies over and above. This Incident put first into his Head the Thought of collecting more, and afterwards finding you did not comply in printing his Advertisement, he went on with it by him­self. Found Cromwell's Answers in the same Lord's Possession, with many others, which he printed as near as possible to correspond with the Letter and Paper, &c.

The Observations he made in some Pa­ragraphs &c. were necessary, the same things being repeated in other Letters, either of this or the next Volume, particu­larly the Original of the Letter to Mr Walsh is in his Hand.

I hope to have some of his Originals when we meet. The Books that Rascal sent imperfect, you shall have perfected on your first Desire by a Line to Dicks; in which you are disir'd to send us Word of what you now think of the Honour and Candour of

Your faithful Friend. P.T.
15 May, Thursday 5 a Clock.
SIR,

YOU are happily got off, to my ex­treme Pleasure, I take the first Mi­nute I hear of your Acquittal to tell you, from certain Information, that ***** ( Pope's Friends) particularly *** wou'd have done any sort of illegal Injustice to have come at you, even to Imprisonment and Confiscation of the Books. It was wholly owing to *****************, that your are defended in your Rights: and it will be but common Gratitude in you (as well as may possibly, nay certainly, recommend you to their Patronage) to take the first Opportunity to return them your public Thanks. The Coach waits, and I am going with this joyful News to the old Gentleman, and to have his Or­ders for what he promis'd, is the Reason I cannot possibly see you this Night. I am,

Your's most sincerely, R. SMYTHE.
May 17.
SIR,

I Have seen P.T. from whom I hop'd to have had the MSS. But I found him in a very different Humour from what I left [Page 26] him. He says you did not follow the In­structions he sent you, in not owning the Printing; which tho' in your Letter you seem to think nothing, yet joyn'd to your having own'd to others, that you had them from a-cross the Water, was al­most all that you could discover. Yet further, we are certainly inform'd that you have nam'd me as the Hand that convey'd them. This you've said, that I was a Clergyman belonging to C. Church in Southwark. Judge you whether we can think of you as you've Reason to think of us, whether this be honourable Usage, after you had known what P.T. had done, and what a Sum he paid to get you the whole Impression. P.T. had Reason to think you would betray him assoon as you had it. Judge too if you have done wisely, to hazard, by your blabbing, the Loss of a future Copy of immense Value, which I much doubt he will ever let you have. He has positively enjoyn'd me not to trust my self with you till better Assurance: and the best way for my Part that I know you can give any Assurance is, to send the 20 pound first, to Dicks Coffee-House, in a Note on Mr Hoare, by 10 to-morrow morning; and to show P.T. that you trust him as absolutely in that small Sum, as he has [Page 27] done you in a much greater. As soon as you do this (and not before) he'll send all the things you desire, which I believe he would never have done after your naming me, and coming so near, as Southwark, but for his being so earnest to have the Book publish'd.

In one Word he has put it upon this Test.

I am sorry you have given him this Occasion of Distrust. I wou'd be glad to do you a good Office with him; but I fear you've done me a bad one in na­ming me. I am,

Yours, R.S.

Your Answer ought to be very satisfactory.

19 May, 1735.
SIR,

I Will bring you the Remainder of the Impression Thursday Evening. For I am really tir'd with this capricious Tem­per of the old Gentleman, he suspects his own shadow; I shall leave it to your Generosity to consider me for the Copy. I am just sent for to him, and am told he's in good Humour. I have but just time to tell you,

I am, Your Friend and Servant, R.S.

APPENDIX.

No. I. WHEREAS E.C. Bookseller, has written to Mr P—, pretending that a Person, the Initials of whose Name are P.T. hath offered him to print a large Collection of the said Mr P—'s Letters, to which E.C. re­quires an Answer: This is to certify, that Mr P— having never had, nor intending ever to have, any private Correspondence with E.C. gives his Answer in this Manner: That he knows no such Person as P.T. that he thinks no Man has any such Collection; that he believes the whole a Forgery, and shall not trouble him­self at all about it.

No. II. WHEREAS A.P. Poet, has certified in the Daily Post-Boy, that he shall not trouble himself at all about the Publication of a large Collection of the said Mr P—'s Let­ters which P.T. hath offered E.C. to print. This is to certify, that Mr C. never had, nor intended ever to have, any private Correspon­dence [Page 29] with A.P. but was directed to give him Notice of these Letters. Now to put all For­geries, even Popish ones, to flight; this is to give Notice, that any Person, (or, A.P. him­self) may see the ORIGINALS, in Mr P—'s own Hand, when printed. Initials are a Joke; Names at length are real.

No longer now like Suppliants we come,
E.C. makes War, and A.P. is the Drum.

WHEREAS a Person who signs himself P.T. and another who writes himself R. Smith, and passes for a Clergyman, have transacted for some time past with Edm. Curll, and have in Combination printed the Private Letters of Mr Pope and his Correspondents [some of which could only be procured from his own Library, or that of a noble Lord, and which have given a Pretence to the publishing others as his which are not so, as well as interpolating those which are;] This is to advertise, that if either of the said Persons will apply to Mr Pope, and discover the whole of this Affair, he shall receive a Reward of Twenty Guineas; or if he can prove he hath acted by Direction of any other, and of what Person, he shall receive double that Sum.

WHEREAS it is promised in Mr Pope's Name (in the Daily Post-Boy) that Twen­ty Guineas shall be paid to a Person who signs [Page 30] himself P.T. to discover R.S. or Forty Gui­neas shall be paid to R.S. if he will discover P.T. or any body else who was in the Con­federacy of publishing Mr Pope's Letters. This is to give Notice, that another Person who writes himself E.P. was likewise concern­ed with Edm. Curll in the said Important Confederacy, who have all jointly and seve­rally agreed to oblige Mr Pope, if he will make it better worth their while, and let E. Curll print his Works for the future; who hereby promises, in Justice to all the Purcha­sers of the said Mr. Pope's Letters bought of him, to deliver this Week gratis, the Letters to Mr Jarvas, Mr Digby, Mr Blount, and Dr Arbuthnot, which were wanting in all the Co­pies seized. And in a Month will be also published, Letters Political and Familiar, by Mr Prior, Mr Addison, Mr Pope, Sir Richard Steele, &c. being the Second Volume of Lite­rary Correspondence, &c. Printed for E. Curll.

Rose-street, Convent-Garden, May 22, 1735.

To the most Noble and Right Honourable the PEERS of Great-Britain.

My Lords,

THIS Day se'ennight I was in the same Jeopardy as Mr Dryden's Hind.

Doom'd to Death, tho' fated not to die.

But, till the Hour of my Death, I shall with the most grateful Acknowledgements always re­member [Page 31] both the Justice and Honour your Lordship's have done me on this Occasion.

Prevarication, my Lords, is a noted Finesse of the Society of Jesus; Mr Pope says, in one of his Letters, that an Evasion is a Lye guarded; but in another to Mr Wycherley, he thus writes, pag. 24, 25. ‘" I am sorry you told the Great Man, whom you met in the Court of Requests, that your Papers were in my Hands: No Man alive shall ever know any such thing from me; and I give you this Warning be­sides, that tho' your self should say I had any way assisted you, I am notwithstanding re­solved to deny it."’ An excellent Proof This of the Modesty of Alexander Pope of Twickenham, Esq

Now, my Lords, to Matter of Fact, I shall this Week publish a new Edition of Mr Pope's Literary Correspondence, &c. wherein the Letters to Mr Jarvas, Mr Digby, Mr Blount, and Dr Arbuthnot (which were wanting in all the Co­pies seized by your Lordship's Order) shall be by me delivered gratis. And as I am resolved to detect, if possible, the Contrivers of this gross Imposition upon your Lordships. I will, by way of Supplement, print all the Let­ters I have received from E.P. P.T. and R.S. with some other Correspondences which, as Mr Bays says, shall both Elevate and Sur­prize the Public.

I have engraven a new Plate of Mr Pope's Head from Mr Jarvas's Painting; and like­wise intend to hang him up in Effigy for a Sign to all Spectators of his Falshood and my [Page 32] own Veracity, which I will always maintain under the Scots Motto; ‘Nemo me impune lacessit.’

E. CURLL.

To the BOOKSELLERS.

Gentlemen,

BEING informed that there are clandesti­nely sent to Mess. Innys and Manby some Copies of Mr Pope's Letters, this is to give both Them and you Notice, that if They, or any Person whatsoever, sell one Copy of the said Letters, but what comes from me, I will take Reprisals on their Copies. Farther, my new Edition will have considerable Additions never before printed, with Cuts of the most emi­nent Persons, which I will sell you cheaper; therefore use me as you would be used your­selves. The Person who complains of me shall be by me used as he deserves.

E. CURLL.
Rose-Street, 22 May 1735.
POSTSCRIPT.

The Blanks in Smythe's Letter of May 15th I could not let pass; his Reflections were so gross upon the Lords in general, and one noble Peer in particular. But this whole Transaction, with some others relating to Mr Pope, I will lay before the House at their Meeting. June 20, 1735.

E. CURLL.

TO Mr EDMUND CURLL, BOOK SELLER, IN ROSE-STREET, NEAR COVENT-GARDEN.

SIR,

I Having long lain under Mr Pope's Displeasure, am thinking now of making my Peace with him; and, as I have had Obli­gations to you, I am desirous that you should be included in the Treaty. I have written here my Submission to him (which is in the Way of my Calling), and if you please to print it (which is in the Way of your's), I hope, whatever becomes of me, you may receive some Benefit from it. I am,

Your obliged and most humble Servant, The AUTHOR.

The 17th Epode of HORACE Imitated.
A PALINODY to Mr POPE, by one of the Heroes of the DUNCIAD, occasion'd by his Epistle to Dr Arbuthnot.

FOrbear, Canidius, O stop the Source,
I feel your a Slaver and I dread it's Force.
[Page 38] From it's full Torrent I for Safety fly
To your good Nature, sad Extremity!
And beg, by all that moves you to relent,
You would forgive b altho' I do repent.
By c th' Epitaph'd Remains of your John Gay,
By the dear Manes of your d joint-writ Play,
By th' awful Dust in which sad Lawton views,
Some mould'ring Children of your fruitful Muse,
[Page 39] In private mourn'd but publickly deny'd,
By You their wary Sire, because they dy'd;
By all good friendly Souls in Peace dismiss'd,
By those fore-Buttocks, which You suck­ing kiss'd,
I here conjure You wou'd some Pity take,
Th' impending Lines from Your lank Dewlaps shake,
Your dire contaminating Flow give o'er,
Beseech'd, and spit and spawl on me no more.
Or (if You can) more generously act
And with your e Silver Bell one Dunce retract.
Your English Laelius by Petition meek,
Could make his Rival soft Forgiveness speak,
Against whose Force he once durst proud­ly stand,
Leading to prosp'rous War his chosen Band;
Great Souls inspir'd by Knowledge of the Chace,
The monosyllabic West-Saxon Race.
Vanquish'd at last by a superiour shaft
He su'd for Grace: the Victor mildly laugh'd,
Forgave, and made him Warden of his Craft. f
[Page 41] Deep wounded Finch his Murd'ress * cou'd forgive,
He sigh'd tow'rds Newgate, and he bid her live.
Ev'n Women have forgiv'n! offended Con,
Her Justice satisfy'd, wish'd all undone,
And melting took, assur'd from farther Harms,
Her mastigated Knight unto her Arms.
O much belov'd by those who truly hate
Their Oaths, and King, and Ministers of State,
Can Sins in scrib'ling no Remission find?
No Length of Time appease your anger'd Mind?
[Page 42] gIn Tickling, Braying, Dozing, Chat­tering,
In Starving, Spouting, Diving, every thing,
That Bile suggests bedunc'd, bepiss'd, be­mir'd,
Thro' all poetic Vengeance dragg'd and tir'd
I hop'd at last for Rest, but hop'd in vain;
You write afresh and revel in my Pain,
Epistles into new Invectives turn,
Court my Resentment, at my Friendship spurn,
[Page 43] On my h few Meals your cruel Satire wreak,
iShut your own Door and my poor k Windows break.
What would You have? See trembling I am brought
To own (what once indeed I little thought)
My Head, nay any Head as well as mine,
Without your Licence cannot write a Line;
And, if you please, I here consent to plead
My careless Parents taught me not to read.
Say if all this can't pacify your Ire,
What other Expiation you require
[Page 44] I shall most readily the Task fulfil,
Not B—t's self more plyant to your Will:
Whether for Sacrifice your Rigour looks,
An Hecatomb of hated Critics Books;
Or else would have my yet unflatt'ring Lays,
Reluctant turn'd to celebrate your Praise.
I'll sing the Man who, out of high good Nature,
His gentle Genius sooth'd in writing Satire.
I'll shew the Work l confess'd divinely penn'd,
With ev'ry Muse, and Phoebus too your Friend;
[Page 45] The great Incomprehensible explor'd
As high as human Thought yet ever soar'd;
And Man, almost inexplicable too,
Thro' all his mazy Depths pursu'd by You;
His secret Vices drawn to public Sight,
His Virtues plac'd in most inchanting Light.
Then, to evince how You those Vir­tues rate,
I'll mark how You your Morals de­dicate
To pious St John's Name immaculate.
From thence I'll shew your natural Tran­sition
To Sober Advice for casual Fruition *.
[Page 46] Farther to testify my Complaisance
I'll vouch each Paradox you shall ad­vance.
The Man's a Fool, I'll echo to your Voice,
Who living with the Fair no Fame destroys,
Nor other m Beauties than his Wife enjoys.
Clean Courtiers shall with n Stinks the Sense offend,
And Twick'nam-Monks Perfumes from Flan­nel send.
[Page 47] oBeauty shall shock, the contrary shall please,
And fifty Painters for it's Picture teaze.
Despised Innocents shall carry Stings, p
Mad Dogs shall fawning lick, q and Buggs have Wings. r
CANIDIUS's ANSWER.
In vain You cry to One who careless hears.
Go, you're a Dunce, an Ass, prick up your Ears.

CURLL Triumphant; AND POPE Out-witted.

I.
POPE, meditating to disgrace
Those, whom his Satire jeers,
Not long since to a wildgoose chace
Entic'd Great-Britain's Peers.
II.
He led 'em to pursue a Wight
Egregious— Curll his name,
Who not surpriz'd, and in no Fright,
By this pursuit reap'd Fame,
III.
He undeceiv'd the Nobles all,
More cou'd he wish or hope?
While Pope had thus contriv'd his Fall,
He triumph'd over Pope.
IV.
The Vomit foul, the Dunciad keen,
Vex'd Curll—but all admit,
Tho' Pope twice shew'd he had most spleen
Curll once has shewn most Wit.

LETTERS TO HENRY CROMWELL, Esq

LETTER I.

April 25th. 1708.
SIR,
THIS Letter greets you from the Shades;
(Not those which thin unbody'd Shadows fill,
That glide along th' Elysian Glades,
Or skim the flow'ry Meads of Asphodill:)
But those, in which a learned Author said,
Strong Drink was drunk, and Gambols play'd
And two substantial Meals a Day were made.
[Page 2] The Bus'ness of it is t' express,
From me and from my Holiness,
To you and to your Gentleness,
How much I wish you Health and Happi­ness;
And much good News, and little Spleen as may be;
A hearty Stomach, and sound Lady;
And ev'ry Day a double Dose of Coffee,
To make you look as sage as any Sophy.

For the rest I must be content in plain Prose to assure you, that I am very much oblig'd to you for the Favour of your Let­ter▪

But if I may be allow'd to object against any thing you write (which I must do, if it were only to be even with you for your Se­verity to me) it shou'd be that Passage in your's, where you are pleas'd to call the Whores of Drury-lane, the Nymphs of Drury. I must own it was some Time be­fore I could frame to my self any plausible Excuse for this Expression; but Affection (which you know, Sir, excuses all Things) at last furnish'd me with one in your Justi­fication; which I have here sent you, in Verse, that you may have at least some Rhyme to defend you, tho' you shou'd have no Reason.

If Wit or Critic blame the tender Swain,
Who stil'd the gentle Damsels in his Strain
The Nymphs of Drury, not of Drury-lane;
Be this his Answer, and the most just Ex­cuse—
' Far be it, Sirs, from my more civil Muse,
' Those loving Ladies rudely to traduce.
' Alleys and Lanes are Terms too vile and base,
' And give Ideas of a narrow Pass;
' But the well-worn Paths of the Nymphs of Drury
' Are large and wide, Tydcombe and I assure ye.

I made no question but the News of Sa­pho's staying behind me in the Town wou'd surprize you. But she is since come into the Country, and to surprize you more, I will inform you, that the first Person she nam'd when I waited on her, was one Mr Crom­well. What an Ascendant have you over all the Sex, who could gain the Fair-one's Heart by appearing before her in a long, black, un­powder'd Perriwig; nay, without so much as the very Extremities of clean Linnen in Neckcloth and Cuffs! I guess that your Friend Vertumnus, among all the Forms he assum'd to win the good Graces of Pomona, never took upon him that of slovenly Beau. [Page 4] Well, Sir, I leave you to your Meditations on this Occasion, and to languish unactive (as you call it).

But I find I have exceeded my Bounds, and begin to travel on the Confines of Im­pertinence. However, to make you amends, I shall desire Mr Wycherley to deliver you this Letter, who will be sure in less than a Quarter of an Hour's Conversation with you, to give you Wit enough to attone for twice as much Dulness as I have troubled you with. Therefore I shall only give my Respects to some of our Acquaintance, and conclude.

To Baker first my Service, pray;
To Tydcomb eke,
And Mr Cheek;
Last to yourself my best Respects I pay,
And so remain, for ever and for ay.
SIR,
Your affectionate humble Servant, A POPE.

LETTER II.

Nov. 30th, 1709.
SIR,

ABOUT the Time that Mr Wycherley came to London, I troubled you with a Letter of mine, in hopes of prevailing with you to continue, the Favour of your's. But I now write, to convince you that Si­lence is not always the surest Guard against Impertinence: I have too great a Sense of those many Civilities receiv'd from you, to desist from expressing it, till I receive more: For you not only have acquainted me with many of my Errors in scribbling, but with some in my Conduct; and I owe to you the Knowledge of Things infinitely more of Concern to myself, than any thing of mine can be to others. The Advantage I have obtain'd from both might endanger your be­ing put upon an endless Trouble of criti­cizing on the rest of my Faults, and there­fore you have reason to make some delay with those now under your Examination. Tho' I never cou'd expect you shou'd once look up­on them, but when you were perfectly at Leisure; yet so much Assurance your for­mer Kindness had given me, that I was un­der some Apprehensions for your Health, on [Page 6] the Score of your Silence; and I desir'd Mr Wycherley to inform me on that Sub­ject; which he did not, either through For­getfulness, or else believing I shou'd be soon in Town. And I had certainly been there before this Time, had it been in my Pow­er to comply with his most obliging Invi­tation, and my Desires of seeing him and you. But since I find I must not hope for that Satisfaction till after Christmas, I en­treat you will not, in the mean time, let me be so unhappy as to doubt of your Wel­fare; which is the sole Business of this Let­ter, that (to make you some amends for the unconscionable Length of my last) shall not add a Word more but that which I hope you will ever believe, that I am,

Dear SIR,
Your most oblig'd and most humble Servant, A. POPE.

P.S. Pray continue to assure Mr Wycher­ley of my real Affection for, and Service to, him, and let him know I writ to him two Posts since. You will likewise oblige me by giving my Service to Mr Betterton when you see him, who (I am afraid) is not well, not having seen his Name among the Actors in the public Advertisements.

LETTER III.

December 15, 1709.
Dear Sir,

I Receiv'd the Favour of your kind Letter, wherein I find you have oblig'd me be­fore I expected it, in reviewing the Papers I sent you; I have been ask'd, I believe twenty times, by Sir William Trumbull for a Sight of that Translation, but have de­ferr'd it till I cou'd supply the blank Spa­ces I left in the fair Copy, by your Ap­probation. If therefore you will send it inclos'd to Mr Thorold the Tobacconist in Duke-street, to be sent me by the Coach, as soon as you can conveniently; it will come very opportunely; since I find I can no longer refuse to show it to Sir William with any Decency. I am mightily pleas'd with your Objection to my attributing Friendship to Dogs, yet think the Want of Equality is no Obstacle to the Friend­ship of some Country Gentlemen of my Acquaintance, with theirs▪ I am extreamly impatient to enjoy your agreeable Conver­sation, and to let you know how much I prefer it to any here, where indeed Dogs and Men are much on a Level, only the first have more Good-nature and more Sa­gacity. If I were not at this instant very [Page 8] much afflicted with the Head-ach, I would offer a few more Considerations in Behalf of the fourlegg'd Part of the Creation. But I will only add one Word, that you and I will never disagree about Dogs, or any Thing else, for I am with very much Esteem, and ever will be,

SIR,
Your most faithful Friend, and humble Servant, A. POPE.

P.S. I design to write to Mr Wycher­ley by this Post, in Answer to the most kind and friendly Letter I ever receiv'd. I shall never be unhappy or melancholy in the Country, as long as he and you will oblige me with your Letters.

LETTER IV.

June 10th. 1711.
Dear Sir,

I WAS extreamly concern'd to leave you ill when I parted from the Town, and desir'd Mr. Thorold to give me an Ac­count of the State of your Health by the [Page 9] next Coach: He omitted to do it, and I have been since at Mr Englefyld's till yes­terday, when I receiv'd the ill News that you continu'd ill, or much as I left you: I hope this is not true, and shall be very uneasy in my Fears for your Health till I have a farther Account from yourself, which I beg you not to defer. I hope the Air of this Forest may perfectly recover you, and wish you wou'd to that end try it sooner than the End of the Month; if you desire Mr. Thorold, he will at a Day's Warning take a Place for you. My Father joins in this Request, and Mr Englefyld is overjoy'd with the Hopes of seeing you at his House. When I have your Company I can­not but be well, and hope from the Know­ledge of this, that you can't be very ill in mine. I beg you to believe no Man can take a greater Interest in your Welfare, or be more heartily affected towards you than my self; who am with all the Esteem and Tenderness of a Friend,

Dear SIR,
Your faithful Humble Servant, A. POPE.

LETTER V.

June 25th. 1711.
Dear Sir,

IF my Letter pleas'd you, your's overjoy'd me; and I expect impatiently your kind Visit: A little Room and a little Heart are both at your Service, and you may be se­cure of being easy in 'em at least, tho' not happy. For you shall go just your own Way, and keep your own Hours, which is more than can be done often in Places of greater Entertainment.—As to your Let­ter of Critical Remarks on Dryden's VIR­GIL, I can only say, most of what you ob­serve are true enough, but of no great Consequence (in my Opinion at least) Li­ne 250. And sanctify the Shame—seems to me very beautiful: and so does— 'tis dou­bly to be dead. Line 946. And bandy'd Words still beat about his Ears,—This I have thought gross as well as you; I agree with you that the 993 d Line (And clos'd her Lids at last in endless Night)—is con­tradictory to the Sense of Virgil, for so, as you say, Iris might have been spar'd. And in the main, 'tis to be confess'd that the Translator has been freer with the Cha­racter of Dido than his modest Author wou'd allow. I am just taking Horse to see a [Page 11] Friend five Miles off, that I have no little Visits abroad to interrupt my Happiness at Home when you are here. So that I can but just assure you, how pleas'd I am in the Expectation of it, and how sincerely I shall ever be,

Dear SIR,
Your most oblig'd and affectionate Servant, A POPE.

P.S. Pray bring a very considerable Number of Pint Bottles with you; this might seem a strange odd Request, if you had not told me you wou'd stay but as many Days as you brought Bottles; there­fore you can't bring too many, tho' we are here no Drunkards. 'Tis a fine thing to have a learned Quotation for ev'ry Occasion, and Horace helps me to one now.

—Non ego te meis
Immunem meditor tingere poculis,
Plena dives ut in domo. Ode 12. l. 4.

[Page 12]And to another,

Ep. 5. l. 1

.

Haec ego procurare & idoneus imperor, & non
Invitus, ne turpe toral, ne sordida mappa
Corruget nares—

And once more Sat. 2. l. 2.

—bene erit, non piscibus urbe petitis
Sed pullo atque haedo; tum pensilis uva se­cundus
Et nux ornabit mensas, cum duplice ficu.
Nil mihi rescribas, attamen ipse veni.

P.S. Mr Lintot favour'd me with a Sight of Mr Dennis's Piece of fine Satire * before 'twas publish'd; I desire you to read it, and give me your Opinion, in what Manner such a Critic ought to be answer'd?

LETTER VI.

Dear Sir,

I SEND this only to let you know how much our whole Family desire to hear of your safe Arrival in London, and the Continuance of your Health: You have, without Compliment, oblig'd us all so much by your Friendly Acceptance of so poor an Entertainment here, that you cou'd by [Page 13] nothing have oblig'd us more, but by staying longer. But I take so short a Vi­sit only as an earnest of a more kind one hereafter; as we just call upon a Friend sometimes only to tell him he shall see us again.—All you saw in this Country charge me to assure you of their humble Service, and the Ladies in particular, who look upon us but as plain Country-Fel­lows since they saw you, and heard more civil Things in that Fortnight, than they expect from the whole Shire of us, in an Age. The Trophy you bore away from one of 'em, in your Snuff-box, will doubtless preserve her Memory, and be a Testimony of your Admiration, for ever.

As long as Mocha's happy Tree shall grow,
While Berries crackle, or while Mills shall go;
While smoaking Streams from silver Spouts shall glide,
Or China's Earth receive the sable Tide;
While Coffee shall to British Nymphs be dear;
While fragrant Steams the bended Head shall chear;
Or grateful Bitters shall delight the Taste,
So long her Honour, Name, and Praise, shall last!

Pray give my Service to all my few Friends, and to Mr Gay in particular. Fare­wel, [Page 14] that is, drink strong Coffee. In­gere tibi calices, amariores. I am, with all Sincerity,

Dear SIR,
Your most faithful Friend, and humble Servant, A. POPE.
July 15th, 1711.

LETTER VII.

Dear Sir,

I Receiv'd your most welcome Letter, and am asham'd you shou'd seem to give us Thanks, where you ought to assure us of Pardon, for so ill an Entertainment. Your heroic Intention of flying to the Relief of a distressed Lady, was glorious, and noble; such as might be expected from your Character, for as Chaucer says (I think)

As noblest Metals are most soft to melt,
So Pity soonest runs in gentle Minds.

[Page 15] But what you tell me of her Relations Account of the State of her Mind, is not to be wonder'd at. 'Tis the easiest Way they have to make some seeming Excuse for a shameful Indolence and Neglect of afflicted Virtue, to represent it as willing to suffer, and endure the Cross. Alas, Sir! These good People of large Estates, and little Souls, have no mind to ease her, by bear­ing it off her Shoulders by a generous Assistance! OUr Saviour himself did not refuse to be eas'd of the Weight of Part of his Cross; tho' perhaps Simon of Cyrene might alledge to the Jews that 'twas Christ's Desire to bear it all himself; and he, for his Part, might be willing to go quietly on his Journey, without the Trouble.—

Be pleas'd to assure Mr Ballam of my faithful Service: I can never enough esteem a Zeal so ardent in my Concerns, from one I never cou'd any Way oblige, or induce to it. 'Tis an Effect of the purest, most disinterested Strain of natural Good-humour in the World. Pray at your Leisure return me those Papers in my Hand which you have, and in Mr Wycherley's, and favour me as often as you can with your Letters, which will ever be the most entertaining Things I can receive in your Absence.—All those fine Persons you mention return you their humble Service—The Fate of [Page 16] the Berry moves at once my Compassion, and Envy: It deserves an Elegy; but who besides Catullus and Voiture can write a­greeably upon Trifles? My humble Ser­vice to the Lady in the Clouds, where if I am once so happy as to be admitted, I will not be put off like Ixion, but lay hold on the real Juno. I am, most seriously,

Dear SIR,
Your most oblig'd and most affectionate Servant and Friend. A. POPE.
July 24, 1711.

To Mr LINTOT, Bookseller.

Aug. 4, 1713.
Mr LINTOT,

MR Addison desired me to tell you, that he wholly disapproves the Manner of treating Mr Dennis in a little Pamphlet, by way of Dr Norris's Account *. When he thinks fit to take notice of Mr Dennis's Objections to his Writings †, he will do it in a way Mr Dennis shall have no just Reason to complain of. But when the Papers abovementioned were of­fered to be communicated to him, he said, he could not, either in Honour or Con­science, be privy to such a Treatment, and was sorry to hear of it. I am,

SIR,
Your very humble Servant, RICHARD STEELE.

Mr POPE to Mr DENNIS.

May 3, 1721.
SIR,

I Called to receive the two Books of your Letters * from Mr Congreve, and have left with him the little Money I am in your Debt. I look upon my self to be much more so, for the Omissions you have been pleased to make in those Letters in my Favour, and sincerely join with you in the Desire, that not the least Traces may remain of that Difference between Us which indeed I AM SORRY FOR †. You may therefore believe me, without either Ce­remony or Falseness,

SIR,
Your most obedient humble Servant, A. POPE.

Mrs THOMAS to Mr CURLL.

SIR,

BEing informed by a Person of great Worth and Quality that you design­ed to publish a Collection of Original Let­ters, &c. from the best Hands since the Restauration, I here therefore transmit some very good ones which I am possessed of, that I may contribute my little Mite there­to. And I am the more encouraged to pursue my first Intentions of sending you the inclosed Papers, especially those from Mr Dryden, (from the great Usefulness of such an Undertaking) who, notwithstand­ing he was the Honour and Ornament of his Country; yet, misled by the Vices of that Age, had been too great a Libertine in many of his Writings; but dearly did he repent of it before he died (as certainly all must who have but even the Princi­ples of Natural Religion, when they come to take a serious View of Eternity) he was continually bewailing the Impossibility of calling in all his Works, and making a thorough Reformation, and therefore took all Opportunities of deterring others from treading in his Steps; nay, some­times his Zeal carried him so far as to [Page 20] chide, even when there was no Occasion, as witness one of his Letters to me, who had desired his Correction of some Ver­ses, and had innocently said they were written in Imitation of Mr Behn's Num­bers. I own I was pleased with the Ca­dence of her Verse, tho' at the same Time I no ways approved the Licentious­ness of her Morals. But you will see how severe he is upon me for it; and I am very certain if he had lived but a few Months longer, he would have pub­lished a Treatise by Way of Recantation; which, as he often used to say, was the only Method whereby he could redeem his Crime, and prevent a growing Evil.

Sir, if you think the private Thoughts of this Great Man may be useful to the Public, and worthy a Place in your Col­lection, they are freely at your Service, from,

Your sincere Friend, E.T.
June 16th 1726.

LETTERS OF Mr DRYDEN TO CORINNA *.

MADAM,

THE Letter you were pleased to direct for me, to be left at the Coffee-house last Sum­mer, was a great Honour; and your Verses † were, I thought, too good to be a Woman's; some of my Friends, to whom I read them, were of the same Opinion. 'Tis not over gallant, I must confess, to say this of the fair Sex; but most cer­tain [Page 22] it is, that they generally write with more Softness than Strength. On the con­trary, you want neither Vigour in your Thoughts, nor Force in your Expressions, nor Harmony in your Numbers, and me­thinks I find much of ORINDA * in your Manner (to whom I had the Ho­nour to be related, and also to be known). But I continued not a Day in the Ignorance of the Person to whom I was obliged; for, if you remember, you brought the Verses to a Bookseller's Shop, and enquired there, how they might be sent to me. There happened to be in the same Shop a Gentleman, who hearing you speak of me, and seeing a Paper in your Hand, imagined it was a Libel against me, and had you watched by his Servant, till he knew both your Name, and where you lived, of which he sent me word immediately. Tho' I have lost his Letter, yet I remember you live some where about St Giles's †, and are an only Daughter. You must have passed your Time in reading much better Books than mine; or otherwise you could not have arrived to so much Knowledge as I find [Page 23] you have. But whether Sylph or Nymph I know not; Those fine Creatures, as your Author Count Gabalis * assures us, have a mind to be christened, and since you do me the Favour to desire a Name from me, take that of CORINNA if you please; I mean not the Lady with whom OVID was in Love, but the famous Theban Poe­tess, who overcame PINDAR five Times, as Historians tell us. I would have call'd you SAPHO, but that I hear you are handsomer. Since you find I am not alto­gether a Stranger to you, be pleased to make me happier by a better Knowledge of you; and instead of so many unjust Praises which you give me, think me only worthy of being,

MADAM,
Your most humble Servant, and Admirer, JOHN DRYDEN.

LETTER II.

MADAM,

THE great Desire which I observe in you to write well, and those good Parts which God Almighty and Nature have bestowed on you, make me not to doubt that by Application to Study, and the Reading of the best Authors, you may be absolute Mistress of POETRY. 'Tis an unprofitable Art, to those who profess it; but you, who write only for your Diversion, may pass your Hours with Plea­sure in it and without Prejudice, always avoiding (as I know you will) the Li­cences which Mrs Behn allowed herself, of writing loosely, and giving (if I my have leave to say so) some Scandal to the Mo­desty of her Sex. I confess, I am the last Man who ought, in Justice to arraign her, who have been myself too much a Libertine in most of my Poems, which I should be well contented I had Time either to purge, or to see them fairly burn­ed. But this I need not say to you, who are too well born, and too well principled, to fall into that Mire.

[Page 25] In the mean Time, I would advise you not to trust too much to VIRGIL 's Pa­storals; for as excellent as they are, yet THEOCRITUS is far before him, both in Softness of Thought, and Simplicity of Expression. Mr Creech * has translated that Greek Poet, which I have not read in English. If you have any considerable Faults, they consist chiefly in the Choice of Words, and the placing them so as to make the Verse run smoothly; but I am at present so taken up with my own Studies, that I have not Leisure to descend to Particulars; being, in the mean time, the fair CORINNA 's

Most humble and most faithful Servant, JOHN DRYDEN.

P.S. I keep your two † Copies till you want them, and are pleased to send for them.

LETTER III.

Fair CORINNA,

I Have sent your Poems back again, after having kept them so long from you: By which you see I am like the rest of the World, an impudent Borrower, and a bad Pay-master. You take more Care of my Health than it deserves; that of an old Man is always crazy, and at present, mine is worse than usual, by a St An­thony's Fire in one of my Legs; tho' the Swelling is much abated, yet the Pain is not wholly gone, and I am too weak to stand upon it. If I recover, it is possible I may attempt Homer's Iliad: A Specimen of it (the first Book) is now in the Press, among other Poems of mine, which will make a Volume in Folio, of twelve Shillings Price *; and will be published within this Month. I desire, fair Author, that you will be pleas'd to continue me in your good Graces, who am with all Sincerity and Gratitude,

Your most humble Servant, and Admirer, JOHN DRYDEN.
Friday, December 29th 1699.

Mr CHARLES DRYDEN to CORINNA.

MADAM,

NOtwithstanding I have been seized with a Fever ever since I saw you last, I have this Afternoon endeavoured to do my self the Honour of obeying my Lady Chudleigh's Commands. My Fever is still increasing, and I beg you to peruse the following Verses according to your own Sense and Discretion, which far surpasses mine in all Respects. In a small Time of Intermission from my Illness I wrote these following, viz.

MADAM,
HOw happy is our British Isle to bear
Such Crops of Wit and Beauty to the Fair?
A female Muse each vying Age has blest;
And the last Phoenix still excels the rest:
But you, such solid Learning add to Rhymes,
Your Sense looks fatal to succeeding Times;
Which rais'd to such a Pitch, o'erflows like Nile,
And with an after Dearth must seize our Isle.
[Page 28] Alone, of all your Sex, without the Rules,
Of formal Pedants, or the noisy Schools.
(What Nature has bestow'd will Art sup­ply)
Have trac'd the various Tracks of dark Phi­losophy.
What happy Days had wise Aurelius seen,
If, for Faustina, you his Wife had been!
No jarring Nonsense had his Soul opprest;
For he, with all he wish'd for, had been blest.

Be pleased to tell me what you find amiss, or correct it yourself, and excuse this Trou­ble from,

MADAM,
Your most humble and most obedient Servant, CHARLES DRYDEN. *

LETTERS OF Mr ADDISON.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER at Paris.

Whitehall, Aug. 12, 1707. O.S.
My LORD,

MR WALPOLE is lately arrived from Mr Stanhope, and has brought with him the Treaty of Commerce conclu­ded with the King of Spain. I believe the Envoy will be here himself this Winter, his Presence being perhaps necessary in case a certain Earl should raise any Uneasinesses in the House of Lords. Our Merchants are very angry at their late Losses on the Russia Fleet, and pretend the Enemy must have had Advices of the Convoy's Orders, to meet them in so critical a Juncture; but it seems the Orders were such as the Merchants themselves desired. Our Wagers on Toulon are sunk, but we still think the Odds are for us. The Duke of Devonshire * is dan­gerously [Page 30] gerously ill of a Retention of Urine, which will prove fatal unless very suddenly re­medied.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To the same.

Whitehall, Aug. 18, 1707. O.S.
My LORD,

WE had yesterday a Lisbon Mail, in which we received Letters from Barcelona of June the 9th. They all tax very much the French Generals for not having made more use of their Victory at Almanza, which, till the coming away of those Letters, had been followed by very insignificant Success. This had given our Forces time to recover themselves, and to take all the necessary Precautions for the Defence of Catalonia, where the People appeared firm to the Austrian Interest; and the more so, since they saw by the Treatment of the Valentians and Arrage­nians, what they were to expect in case of Conquest. The Lisbon Letters gives us hopes of retaking Moura and Serpa, tho' we are afraid our four English Regiments [Page 31] may suffer much before them, not being seasoned to the Heats of the Country, which are at present in their greatest strength. The Parliament of Ireland seems very much pleased with their new Lord Lieutenent *.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To Mr COLE at Venice.

Whitehall Sept. 16, 1707.
SIR,

MR Stepney died yesterday at Chelsey, and will be buried in Westminster Abbey. I need not tell you how much he is lamented by every body here. He has left Mr Prior a Legacy of 50 Pounds: to my Lord Halifax a Golden Cup and a hundred Tomes of his Library: the rest of it is to go to Mr Lewis: and a Silver Ewer and Bason to Mr Cardonnel. His Estate is di­vided between his two Sisters. The best part of it lies in the Treasury, which owes him 7000 Pounds. The Observator in Dead †.

J. ADDISON.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER at Paris.

Whitehall, Oct 7, 1707.
My LORD,

THE Earl of Sunderland is now at New-Market, and will return with Her Majesty on Friday next. I have been with Sir Charles Hedges, to ask him for a Draught of a Treaty of Commerce with the Re­public of Venice; but he does not remember that ever he had any such in his Hands. I have therefore sent to Mr Palmer on the same Subject; who, with two or three other Venetian Merchants, brought me the Project of a Treaty, which they desired me to read to my Lord Sunderland, upon his Return from New-Market, in Order to have it laid before the Queen and Cabinet, to be examined and transmitted to your Lordship, with proper Instructions. In the mean Time I am ordered to send a Copy of it to your Lordship, that you may please to consider it, and, if you think fit, may have time to give your Opinion on any Part of it. Our Forces designed for Portugal are ready to sail with the first fair Wind.

I am &c. J. ADDISON.

To Mr COLE, at Venice.

Whitehall, Oct. 31, 1707.

YEsterday we had News that the Body of Sir Cloudesly Shovel was found on the Coast of Cornwall. The Fishermen who were searching among the Wrecks, took a Tin Box out of the Pocket of one of the Carcasses that was floating, and found in it a Commission of an Admiral; upon which, examining the Body more narrowly, they saw it was poor Sir Clou­desly. You may guess the Condition of his unhappy Wife, who lost, in the same Ship with her Husband, her two only Sons by Sir John Narborough. We begin to despair of the two other Men of War, and the Fireship, that engaged among the same Rocks.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER, at Paris.

Cockpit, July 23, 1708.
My LORD,

I Make bold to congratulate your Lord­ship on the appearance of so honourable a Conclusion as your Lordship is putting to [Page 34] your Dispute with the Senate of Venice. I had the pleasure to day of hearing your Lordship's Conduct in this Affair very much applauded by some of our first Peers. We had an unlucky Business about two Days ago that befel the Muscovite Ambas­sador, who was arrested going out of his House, and rudely treated by the Bayliffs. He was then upon his Departure for his own Country, and the Sum under a Hun­dred Pounds that stopt him; and what makes the Business the worse, he has been punctual in his Payments, and had given Order that this very Sum should be paid the Day after. However, as he is very well convinced that the Government intirely disapproves such a Proceeding, there are no ill Consequences apprehended from it. Your Lordship knows that the Privileges of Ambassadors are under very little Regu­lations in England, and I believe that a Bill will be promoted in the next Parliament for setting them upon a certain foot; at least it is what we talk of in both Offices on this Occasion.

I am, &c. J. ADDISON.

To the Hon. Major DAVID DUNBAR,

1715.
SIR,

I This Morning urged to my Lord Lieu­tenant, every thing you suggest in your Letter, and what else came into my Thoughts. He told me it stopped with the Secretary, and that he would still see what could be done in it. I spoke to Sir William Saint Quintin to remove all Diffi­culties with the Secretary, and will again plead your Cause with his Excellency to­morrow Morning. If you send me word where I may wait on you about eleven o'Clock, in some Bye-Coffee-House, I will inform you of the Issue of this Matter, if I find my Lord Sunderland at home, and will convince you that I was in earnest when I wrote to you before, by shewing myself,

Your most Disinterested Humble Servant, J. ADDISON.

To the Hon. Major DUNBAR.

SIR,

I Find there is a very strong Opposition formed against you, but I shall wait on my Lord Lieutenant this Morning, and lay your Case before him as advantageously as I can, if he is not engaged in other Com­pany.

I am afraid what you say of his Grace *, does not portend you any Good.

And now, Sir, believe me, when I as­sure you I never did, nor ever will, on any pretence whatsoever, take more than the stated and customary Fees of my Office. I might keep the contrary Practice con­cealed from the World, were I capable of it, but I could not from my self. And I hope I shall always fear the Reproaches of my own Heart, more than those of all Mankind. In the mean Time if I can serve a Gentleman of Merit, and such a Character as you bear in the World, the Satisfaction [Page 37] I meet with on such an Occasion, is always a sufficient, and the only Reward to,

SIR,
Your most Obedient, Humble Servant, J. ADDISON *

* These two Letters relate to a very signal piece of Service which Mr Addison did this Gentleman in the Year 1715, when he was Secretary to the Earl of Sunderland, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. It was so great a Favour that Major Dunbar sent Mr Ad­dison a Bank-Bill of 300 l. which he would not by any means accept. After which he laid out the Money in a Diamond-Ring, which Mr Addison like­wise rejected.

Mr B—ll—s's LETTER to Mr T—r at BATH.

Aug. 1732.
SIR,

AT this Season, London ceases to be the Metropolis of Pleasure; the few of the polite World that remain here, be­come considerable by their scarceness. Va­lentine, the vainest thing alive, calls the Town his Retreat, and continues in it on­ly to preside over the Scarcity of Fools. [Page 38] Pretty Miss D— exposes her Reputa­tion to a Thousand daily Sollicitations; it is possible she may as yet retain her Vir­tue, if so, she is certainly weary of her Profession. Greatly opposite, my Friend, is the Character of the Lady you inquire after; whom I have not been able to see these six Weeks, save at her Devotions on the Sabbath, where she was too deeply (tho' most unfashionably) engaged, for me to claim any part of her Attention. I know you expect a Rapture when I speak of her, but I assure you her Virtue awes and suppresses every idle Thought; she is a Pattern to form an Angel by, and seems as tho' she would revenge on all Mankind, the devastations they have com­mitted on her Sex; nothing has appeared worthy Notice since your last; I have however sent you something that has been handed about here, I suppose intended as a Satire upon your self, you'll smile to see all the Rage of Parnassus dwindled to this gentle Hum, with which, my dear Friend, I shall conclude.

Yours &c.

To the AUTHOR * of an Epistle to Mr POPE; Occasion'd by his Epistle to the Earl of BURLINGTON.

I.
WHILE to our Second JONES 's Praise,
The Bard officiously severe,
Attempts a Monument to raise,
What Rhyming Ape in mimic Lays
Applauds the servile Sonneteer.
II.
Forgets Palladio's grand Design,
His bending Arch, his rising Pile.
Tells how Apostle Pope can shine,
And prostitutes his venal Line
To the malicious Pigmy's Smile.
III.
Thus when return'd from Powell's Show,
Mamma asks Jack what pleas'd his Eyes;
Tho' Danube's Streams in Ribbons flow
Tho' Alps rise white with Paper Snow,
To him in vain they flow and rise.
IV.
Master forgets the noblest thing,
The Hero's Strut and haughty Tone,
Raves of the Crumpt-Back Puppet-King,
His ribbald Joke, his smutty Sting,
And deifies a Punch alone.

To Mr CURLL &c.

Norwich, June 12, 1735.
SIR,

FOR your second Volume of Literary Correspondence &c. I here send you an Imitation of the FEAST of TRIMALCHIO, from Petronius Arbiter. Compare it your self with the Original, or shew it to Mr Pope, or commit it to the Flames, which you please. But, if you print it, you may say, it was design'd for the Entertainment of our present Mayor *.

Your humble Servant, The TRANSLATOR.

THE FEAST OF TRIMALCHIO, Imitaded.
From TITUS PETRONIUS ARBITER.
Convivium Sybariticum.

PRAELUDIUM.

THE present Age, by a strange Revolution of Manners great­ly resembles those Profligate, Corrupt, Debauched, Vicious, and Abandoned Times in which Titus Petronius Arbiter lived, and of which he has given so warm and lively a Description in his Satire. That part relating to the Feast of Trimalchio remained, through the Injury of Time, im­perfect, till within these Fourscore Years, when some Fragments were found which compleated the Relation; this is gene­rally [Page 43] thought to represent the Vices of Nero, who having devoted himself to the Counsels of Tigellinus, his sole Minister and Favourite, a Man of obscure Birth, and corrupt Principles, did from the highest Expectancy become a stubborn and a foolish Tyrant. There are some who think Seneca to be described under the Name of Trimalchio, others Tigellinus, in which view I shall at present take it, al­tho' it is not so probable that he was the Person intended by Petronius in that Character.

The FEAST of TRIMALCHIO.

GLUTTED with the public Di­versions, of Theatres, Amphithea­tres, and Bacchanalian Revels, we visited the most Sacred Palaces of Monarchy, and beheld with aweful Reverence, the public Banquettings of these earthly Gods! we saw the August Emperor at his Meals, and we did see the People gape as he did eat; I truly wondered that they should betray so much of the Imperfection of human Nature, to the Multitude, who by this might discover that Kings differed not at all from common Men. The Luxury of the Nation encouraged no Entertainment which we did not partake of, our Ears [Page 44] were feasted with the most wanton and las­civious Strains of Instruments and Voices, and we could perceive the Passions these Airs inspired in the Faces of an Hun­dred Beauties almost naked to the Waist; and now we purposed to retire, and enjoy a Week's Interval from the Fatigues of Pleasure, when a Slave came to inform us, that his Master, Caius Pompeius Trimal­chio invited us to a Repast, where every Man might speak his mind. He is, says the Slave, a Man of infinite Humour, and a most excellent Politician I assure you. Having drest our selves, we bid him conduct us to his Master; but in our way thither, the streets were greatly thronged with Horse­men, who had been hunting and were now returning from the Chace; I was wholly taken up with the Homage that was paid to one of the Sportsmen, and the Gran­deur of his Equipage, when Menelaus, a Nobleman and one of his Attendants, steps up to us, presenting a Gentleman, saying this is he with whom you are to dine.

He was a portly Man, somewhat Gouty, and accosted every body with an affected Smile; upon our Appearance he made an offer of alighting to receive us, when the greater part of his Retinue dismounted in an instant; some of them held his Bridle, others took hold of his Stirrup, [Page 45] the rest bent their Backs, reclined their Heads, and threw themselves into the resemblance of so many Horse-Blocks, seeming to court his Foot to tread upon their Necks, about which they wore a chain, loose and careless, to denote the pleasure they took in their Servitude. You may imagine this Submission reduced the Cavalcade to some disorder; for my part, I was quite abashed, having never seen the like, so flung my self upon the Ground, a­mongst the rest, as did my Companions, in which we were very lucky, for I afterwards understood it was a Ceremony required of every body that were to be his Guests. We were soon raised up, mounted on led Horses, and the Troop renewed it's former Order, marching re­gularly into a Court-Yard, where we dismounted; and walking to the En­trance of the Portico read this In­scription:

If any Slave shall say AYE or NO, contrary to the Will of his Master, he shall be stript of his Livery and lose his Wages.

At the entrance of the Hall was a Glass Room, which I took to be the Porter's Lodge, and admired the Contrivance, but was presently convinced of my Mistake, when raised by Pullies to the Roof, I [Page 46] discovered it to be a most stupendious Lanthorn.

We advanced to the Stair-case, where a Market-Place was described, with Slaves setting upon Benches to the right and left, to be BOUGHT and SOLD, Trimalchio hard by with a Whip and Bridle; a little farther was represented how he first learnt to spell, and beyond that was Mercury hold­ing him up by the Chin and placing him on a Throne; Fortune presented him with a Cornucopia and the three fatal Sisters, spun a Thread of Gold. He was in different places painted as a Judge, a General, and a Priest; the whole was excellently performed, and highly finished: surfeited with this fulsom Pageantry, as we proceeded, a Slave, stript of his Livery, cast himself at our feet, imploring our Protection, protesting his Fault was Inad­vertency only, that being roused from sleep, and asked a question he knew nothing of, he had said NO when he should have said YES. We were saluted by him in the Di­ning-Room with thanks for the Obliga­tion, which he told us was well bestowed, for, says he, the Wine, my Lord drinks, you shall anon find to be in the disposal of his Servants; having viewed the Side­board, the huge Piles of massy Plate, and spacious Cisterns, double gilt, on which [Page 47] Trimalchio's Arms and Name were engra­ven, and it's weight markt on each peice, we all seated ourselves, except Trimalchio, for whom the chief Place was reserved. At the striking up of a Band of Music he made his Entrance, My Friends, says he, I have business to dispatch, but came thus soon, lest my Absence should make you uneasy. Now the Servants entered sweating be­neath the ponderous Dishes, which they seemed hardly able to support; the flesh of Bulls, Calves, Sheep, Deer, and other Qua­drupeds; all Kinds of Fish and Fowl, were stewed for the Juices they contained, which, blended into one Fluid, formed a most delicious Soup. Near, in a golden Charger were an hundred mangled Vipers, buried in their own blood; in other Dishes were the Palates of Cuckows, the Rumps of Wheat-Ears, the Brains of Nightingales, Cavear of Todpoles, an Onocrotalon, the Hump of a Camel, the Proboscis of an Ele­phant, and a Sow's Paps. I knew not a seventh part of this Course; the greatest share of which was scrambled away before it could be distinctly viewed; a Slave in the Hurry threw down a golden Dish, and stooping to take it up, Trimalchio gave him a sound Box on the Ear, and ordered it to be swept out of the Room; the Sal­vers rang, and Wine went briskly round, [Page 48] when, every body said something in praise of this Service, this Applause was followed with a second, and that indifferent consi­dering the Place, the Novelty of it however drew our Attention, it was a round Table on which were placed the twelve Signs in their proper Order, upon each of which the Disposer had put some thing suitable. Upon ARIES was a Sheep's-Head; upon TAURUS, a Chine of Beef; upon GEMINI, Lamb's-Stones and Kidneys; upon CANCER, a Ducal-Coronet; upon LEO, the African-Fruit; upon VIRGO, Sausages; upon LIBRA, a Pair of Scales, in the one a Pudding, in the other a Panegyric; upon SCORPIO, a Sprat; upon SAGITTARIUS, a Hare; upon CAPRICORN, a Lobster; upon AQUARIUS, a Goose; upon PISCES, two Mullets; and in the middle, a Plate of sweet Herbs. Now Trimalchio, intreated us to be merry, called for more Wine, and larger Glasses, the Company were highly elevated, several Courses followed too nau­seous and tedious to relate. I asked one of the Guests who that Woman was, that scutled up and down the Room, her Name is FORTUNATA, says he, she is the Wife of Trimalchio, she measures her Money by the Bushel; and yet she sprang from a Dunghil not long since, no Man would have touched her with a Pair of Tongs; [Page 49] now she is his Heaven, his all in all! what she says must be truth, she's a Wagtail, a meer Shrew, a Magpye, whom she loves, she loves; and whom she loves not, she hates. Trimalchio knows not half his Income, nor extent of his Estate.

The Sun, himself, surveys it not at once, but travels for the view; a Crow can­not fly over it in a Week; he buys no­thing, yet owns the whole Town, inha­bits it all, and is himself the People. A twentieth part of his Tenants don't know their Landlord; there are Thirty Degrees amongst his Servants; he has twenty-six Domestic-Chaplains, and three Orders of his Favourites, whom he teaches to jump over a Stick; he is himself a Lover of Peace; for when the Alemains and Gauls were at war, he sent and desired to be Friends.

Upon this, another Orator arose and thus delivered himself. The World, the whole World, cannot be ignorant of the Vir­tues of our Patron CAIUS. The Govern­ment of Provinces, the high Trusts and principal Employments of Rome, are not bestowed by Favour but Merit, nothing is now considered but Integrity and Worth. What good Work is left undone? The luminous Dignitaries of the Church, the im­mortal Charges of the War, the Trade and flourishing Opulency of the People, the [Page 50] increasing Glory and Grandeur of the State! These our Romans shall record to Perpetuity, the Honours of Trimalchio, which consist not in his many eminent and great Employments, but in his transcen­dent Liberality, profound Policy, and the ardent and unextinguished Love he bears his Country, in whose uncorrupt hands we are as Counters, and what just now stood for Millions shall at his pleasure dwindle to Cyphers. We had now got our full Dose, and were grown sick of this fulsom Slave; when Trimalchio leaning on his Elbow thus spoke— This Wine, said he, is good; and Fish should swim: let's be merry, and exercise our Lungs as well as Teeth. Well, Peace be with my Master's bones, say I, who made a Man of me. You can tell me nothing which I don't know, I never was outwitted; for, I am a thorough Master of the Practicks! Here he explained the Heavens by Banquets, and shewed us the Influence of each Sign upon our Nativity. Clapping our Hands and hollooing we rang an universal Peal to his Applause, and swore all the Philosophers and Astro­logers in the World were Fools to him; upon this, he called for his Will, and or­der'd it to be read, this set the whole Fa­mily in Tears, and their howling was as grievous, as their Joy before had been ex­cessive; [Page 51] he repeated his Epitaph himself, which he assured us was of his own composing; no doubt, says he, you won­der how I became so Great! conside­ring my Age, for these Teeth I lost, when I was a Boy, and I have prospe­red ever since. I was ever bold and con­fident, because a Fortune-teller inform'd me, how long I had to live. He run on thus for a great while, when one, behind, thus whispered me. This Trimalchio, says he, is a pitiful Scoundrel, and his Re­tinue a Pack of Rascals, he became the mighty despicable thing he is, by Fawning, Wriggling, Whispering, In­triguing, Bargaining, and Backbiting; no honest Man can Eat, Drink, Sleep, or enjoy the Light of the Sun without paying an EXCISE for the support of his Luxury: as if the Gifts of Providence were at his sole Disposal. Sir, continued he, I ne­ver would wish for a better Estate, than the Property of Printing his Last Dying Speech. This Fellow's Bluntness made me smile, and the Company withdrawing to the Baths, Gito, Ascyltos, and my self, took this opportunity of stealing away, un­perceiv'd, among the Croud.

PLAUDITE.

To Colonel WILLIAM STANHOPE *

Oct. 4, 1714.
Dear SIR,

THO' after addressing two Letters to you just before, it may seem im­pertinent to trouble you so soon with a Third, yet I cannot resist the Temptation of giving you Joy upon your late Promo­tion; in which I hope you may find your Interest, as well as your Inclination gratified. While the rest of the World are making their Court, upon this Occa­sion, in Town, I am content here in the Country to read the Triumphs of my FRIENDS twice a Week in the Gazette. My Ambition at present is turned quite another Way; and all my humble Endeavours are directed to please the FAIR. There is a little Papist Villain in the Neighbour­hood, ('tis a Defect in our Language, that the Termination of the Adjective doth not mark the Gender, but you are to understand this in the Foeminine) who hath robbed me of my Heart; and I have scarce had an Hour's sound Sleep, [Page 53] except it was at Church, these two Months. I know that all this is very ridiculous; and that an HALF-PAY OF­FICER ought no more to be in Love than a COMMON WHORE. People of such Precarious Subsistence should give into no Passion that is not supported by Gain. But when INDISCRETION cheats us in the Shape of PLEASURE, who can escape the Snare? I have this Comfort still in Reserve, that, as I have an HEART entirely ENGLISH, it is odds I shall not continue Two Months longer in the same Mind. There is one Instance, however, of my Constancy, that will never, I am sure, be impeached: I wish indeed it were not clogged with the Obligations you have laid upon me, and then you would know it as much upon the Account of your Personal Merit, as any Favours you have conferred on ME, that I profess my self,

SIR,
Your most Faithful and Obedient Servant, RICHARDSON PACK.

To YOUNG LADY, who told me, the Army had no Religion; and challenged me to show her a PRAYER, that had been made by a Soldier.

MADAM,

IT was always with the greatest At­tention that I received the Honour of your Commands, and it is an equal Plea­sure to me when I am employed to exe­cute them: But the Task you imposed upon me last Night, was what, I con­fess, surprized me. In a Visit where I hoped to have been entertained as a Lo­ver, I little expected to be consulted as a Divine; nor did I believe you would have had the Curiosity, instead of heark­ening to the faithful Vows I was addres­sing to YOU, to enquire about those I made to Heaven. As St Paul became All Things to All Men, that he might gain some, so I find too (I speak it under all the Restrictions of Modesty) that a Man must become All Things to all Women, if he would pretend to succeed with any. It is an unaccountable Prejudice, that prevails of late against our PROFESSION; and particularly among the FAIR SEX, who seem to judge that Virtue and Vice [Page 55] consist rather in the Dress of a TRIBE, than the Habit of the MIND. The PRAYER I send you inclosed, (which I give you my Word of Honour, was made by a SOLDIER) will, I hope, convince you, there are some MILITARY MEN who deserve not to be Excommunicated from the Chastest DRAWING-ROOMS. I shall submit to your LADY MOTHER, whether the AUTHOR, or her CHAPLAIN, be the better CASUIST of the Two: But when the Question shall arise about a GALLANT, I beg you to believe, you'll never find one, who is with more Devo­tion than my self,

MADAM,
Your most Faithful, &c. RICHARDSON PACK.

A SOLDIER'S PRAYER.

O GOD, thou Searcher of Hearts, and Judge of all Men, before whose awful Throne we should tremble to ap­proach, did not thy Mercy make thy Justice less terrible; look down, I beseech Thee, with Favour and Compassion upon [Page 56] me, miserable Sinner! Pardon my Of­fences, and Pity my Infirmities. Be not extreme to mark my Follies: For in thy sight shall no Man living be justified. Re­member, I am but poor Dust and Ashes, the Child of Vanity, and the Sport of Passions. Without thy Aid, O Lord, all our Endeavours after Righteousness are fruitless, all our Wisdom empty Pride, all our Happiness, Delusion. Do thou en­lighten therefore my Mind, and sanctify my Heart, that I may know and practise the Things that belong to my Peace. Redeem me from the Bondage of my Sins, and raise me to the Fellowship of thy Saints. O let not the many and repeated Instances of my Guilt provoke thee to withdraw from me the Assistance of thy Holy Spi­rit. But accept of my unfeigned Re­pentance; second my Resolutions of A­mendment; and secure me from the Dan­ger of a Relapse. Particularly, O Lord, guard me from the Temptation of ******* * which I have so often committed, even after the clear Conviction, and pro­fessed Abhorrence of my own Conscience, and thereby merited thy most heavy Displeasure. Set thy Law ever before me, [Page 57] that the Terror of thy Threats may restrain me from Vice; and the Encou­ragement of thy Promises incite me to Virtue. Make my Obedience to thy Will my Delight; as well as my Duty; that I may serve thee with Purity and Truth; not by Starts only, when Afflictions may humble me, or the Eye of the World observe me; but in a Constant, Uniform, and Sincere Devotion, without Lukewarmness, without. Hyprocrisy.

After thy Spiritual Graces, in the second Place, I beg a Blessing upon my Tempo­ral Concerns. Prosper my honest Endea­vours in that Station wherein thy Pro­vidence has placed me in this World. Give me the Benefit of Health, and the Quiet of Contentment in all my For­tunes. Protect me from all open Violence or Injuries, and defend me from the Ar­rows that fly in the Dark, the Backbi­tings of a malicious, and the Flatteries of a deceitful Tongue. Bless all my Re­lations and Friends. Forgive and recon­cile my Enemies: Teach me to make a right Use of both; that the Malice of the one my awaken my Caution, and the Kindness of the other confirm my Con­stancy. Let me not live wholly unprofi­table in my Generation. Give me the honest Ambition of deserving well of as [Page 58] many as I am able. In all my Aims, Desires, and Hopes, let me consider the Dignity of my Nature, and study to pro­mote the Glory of thy Name.

Lastly, as in Duty bound, I offer up my most hearty Praise and Thanksgiv­ing for all thy Mercies and Benefits vouchsafed to me, thy unworthy Servant: For my Creation, Preservation, amidst all the Dangers with which I have been en­compassed; and for all the Comforts and Advantages of this Life: But above all, for the glorious Prospect of a better, through the Merits of thy Son, my Re­deemer. To whom with Thee and the Holy Ghost be ascribed, &c.

To Mr CURLL.

Sussex, June 20, 1735.
SIR,

NOT long since here happen'd a very agreeable Adventure. The Duchess of Richmond, and two Ladies, her Companions (greatly honour'd in being made so), had so close an Affection for each other, that nothing but Night could separate them. In the Day-time, what­ever was propos'd by one, the other two instantly complied with; and there was but one Inconvenience of which they [Page 59] complain'd: The Retiring-Room in the Garden, had but TWO Holes. To re­dress this Grievance, an ingenious Gentle­man *, made the following merry Ballad, call'd The Third Hole, which needs no farther Explanation than what will be found in the Performance it self.

Yours, &c.

THE THIRD HOLE. A BALLAD.

To the Tune of, Packington's Pound.
I.
THE GRACES were Play-fellows never asunder,
As Horace and all the old Poets agree:
This being once granted, why then 'tis no wonder,
That whene'er you saw One, you always saw Three.
[Page 60] In Bed and at Table,
Still inseparable;
Nor Mortal, nor God, to part 'em was able.
Nay even to do that, which Goddes­ses do,
If One had occasion, still went t'other Two.
II.
So in Sussex * THREE Nymphs, or three Graces, chuse whether,
(O were I but Horace, their Praises to thrill)
From Morning to Even, were always together:
And did, as we say, The same Thing in a Quill.
[Page 61] In the Park, or the Grove,
Below, or Above,
Not an Inch e'er a One, from the Other wou'd move;
One only thing griev'd 'em, and fretted their Souls,
Where there shou'd have been three, there were but two Holes.
III.
With Curt'sy full low, to the Prince of the Place,
In Terms the most moving, they jointly Petition,
By all that is sacred, beseeching his Grace,
To have some regard to their hapless Condition.
[Page 62] The Paper he read,
Then nodding his Head;
Send for Smart to come over, this Mo­ment he said;
For sure in the World, there is no Reason why,
When two Friends are sitting *, the third shou'd stand by.
IV.
The Chalk-Pit was dug, and the Mortar was made,
And Bricks, without Number, from Hampnet there came,
When our Architect soon, who well knew his Trade,
Made, by one single Fabric immortal his Name.
[Page 63] Then Harry give o'er,
Think of building no more,
Throw thy Plummet and Trowel, and Hod, out of Door;
So had done, without Question, both Archer, and Van,
Had they had but the Honour to furnish the Plan.
V.
Now all You, that these Three, of your Zeal wou'd convince,
And desire that in Pain they may never be long,
Congratulate them, and give Thanks to the Prince,
By clearing your Voices, and aiding my Song:
[Page 64] For now they may squat,
And sing, laugh, or chat,
Yet, all under One, without hind'rance do That;
And at the same Time, may their Friend­ship improve,
By what we all count, the Beginning of Love.
VI.
As for me, this same Ballad. which now I compose,
With whatever else I hereafter shall write;
Or Poem, or Letter, in Verse or in Prose,
Be the Subject what 'twill, or serious, or light:
[Page 65] Nay yet farther still,
My Intent to fulfil,
The last and the soberest Writing, my Will,
I as freely resign, as I wou'd my own Soul,
To that of the THREE, that's Your Lady­ship's HOLE.

A DECREE for Concluding the TREATY between Dr. SWIFT and Mrs. LONG. *

WHEREAS it hath been signified to us, that there is now a Treaty of Acquaintance on Foot between Dr. Swift of Leicester-fields, on the One part, and Mrs. Long of Albemarle-street, on the Other Part: And whereas the said Dr. Swift, upon the Score of his Merit, and extraordinary Qualities, doth claim the sole and undoubted Right, That all Persons whatsoever, shall make such Advances to him, as he pleases to demand; any Law, Claim, Custom, Privilege of Sex, Beauty, Fortune, or Quality, to the contrary not­withstanding.

And whereas the said Mrs. Long, humbly acknowledging and allowing the Right of the [Page 67] said Doctor, doth yet insist upon certain Privileges and Exceptions, as a Lady of the TOAST *; which Privileges, she doth alledge, are excepted out of the Doctor's general Claim, and which she cannot be­tray, without injuring the whole Body, whereof she is a Member: By which Impe­diment, the said Treaty is not yet brought to a Conclusion; to the great Grievance and Damage of Mrs. Van Homrigh, and her fair Daughter Hessy. †

And whereas the Decision of this weigh­ty Cause is refered to Us, in our Judicial-Capacity; We, out of our tender Regard to Truth and Justice, having heard and duly considered the Allegations of both Parties, do declare, adjudge, decree, and determine, That the said Mrs. Long, not­withstanding [Page 68] any Privileges she may claim as aforesaid, as a Lady of the TOAST, shall, without Essoîn or Demurr, in two Hours after the Publishing of this Decree, make all Advances to the said Doctor, that he shall demand; and that the said Ad­vances shall not be made to the said Doctor, as Un Homme sans Consequence, but purely upon Account of his great Merit.

And We do hereby strictly forbid the said Mrs. Van Homrigh, and her fair Daugh­ter Hessy, to aid, abet, comfort, to encou­rage her, the said Mrs. Long, in her Dis­obedience for the future. And in Consi­deration of the said Mrs. Long's being a TOAST, we think it just and reasonable, that the Doctor should permit her, in all Companies, to give herself the Reputation of being one of his Acquaintance; which no other Lady shall presume to do, upon any Pretence whatsoever, without his especial Leave and Licence first had and obtained.

By Especial Command, G. V. HOMRIGH.

To Mrs. ANNE LONG, at Draycot, near Chippenham, in Wiltshire.
From the Orifice of my Ink-pot, when Ja­nuary was just expiring, in the Year 1690.

BY your genteel Respite of Writing, and seeming Silence, I began to be divided with myself, whether to congratu­late your joyful Resurrection, or to condole your late ill Distemper, 'till the Transport of your obliging Lines soon resolved my Doubt.

And glad am I, my Med'cine came too late,
But why don't You your Cure communicate.

I am (altho' I say it) of a very flexible Disposition towards Reconcilements; and the rather, when conjured to it by so po­tent a Charmer as yourself. And therefore, musty Mrs. Muse, let's kiss and be Friends; [Page 70] for thy Metre (they say) exceeds more Me­dicines; and yet, I fancy, I have a Medicine that out-does thy Metre. And tho' Lerinda, perhaps, may not want it herself, yet hap­ly she may have an Opportunity of be­friending a Passion of her own creating with it: and therefore it is but requisite and civil, that she be soon supplied, to save the sweet Life of a Languisher from expiring at the Shadow of her Shoe-buckle.

To cure the Wound of LOVE. ‘TAKE 4 Ounces of Discretion, 8 of Con­sideration, 10 Grains of Jucundity, 12 Drachms of Indifferency, 6 Pounds of In­constancy, 3 Scruples of Patience, half a Handful of Hatred, 3 good Handfuls of Em­ployment, 11 Years Hebetude, 14 Years Absence, 5 Ounces of the Under-Leather of that Man's Shoes who never knew Sorrow; the constant Company of 9 Travellers, that returned home Honest: When you have obtain­ed these, boil them in your Brain 7 Months without Intermission, 'till a third Part is con­sumed; still stirring it as it boils, with that End of a NUN's Busk which is usually next to her Navel; cooling it with 7 Sighs of a forsaken-Lover's Breath: And when it is cool enough, spread it on the Skin of a discontented [Page 71] Lover's Breast who has newly hanged himself; and apply it Plaister-wise, blood-warm to your Heart. Be sure you take not off the Plaister till it comes away of itself. Probatum est.’

Well! and what say you now, Forsooth? Am not I to be trusted 24 Hours with my own Heart, think you, when I have such a pure Piece of Infallibility by me? This is a Preparative in Pickle, in Case the fair Bel­licinda should breathe out some sore Symp­toms of Severity.

O rare! now the Murder is out: And now I am thinking of Scandal, pray do you know the Man who hath caused all this Tattle about Beau Dormer's Spouse? Pray do I know the fair Lady who asks me that cunning Question? Do but see how she blushes in the very repeating it! Sure there is something more than ordinary in the Matter; my quick-scented Jealousy smells a Rat. It must be so. It is he, and can be nobody else. Now must I forgive him too, and pardon all his Insinuation, it having let me into such a happy Converse with so sweet a Scribe. I must confess, had it been my own Case, I know not how I might have been tempted into the like Enor­mity, under such powerful Charms as Le­rinda is Mistress of. However, he shall [Page 72] never make me eat the Words I have said of him; for that would be somewhat too hard upon me to do, they being written over the Steam of an Inchanted Castle.

Your Flead-Rabbit * left the Town Ye­sterday, and is gone to suck his dry Gran­dame. If he makes you not a Visit before he returns, I will pronounce him Clown of all Clowns. You seem to express a most wonderful sweet Disposition, in making the best Construction of my ill Nature. For I will still stick to my new Humour of Wo­man-hating, as Occasion shall offer: Nor expect no Cause of Prevention, except it be by a Smile from Bellicinda. What flat­tering Author is it, I wonder, whom you have so luckily stumbled upon to delude and tickle your Fancy: For,

If you the Silver were, and we the Dross,
Why did Dame Eve hop home by Weeping-Cross?
Was she not fram'd of Father Adam's Rib?
Then, by your Leave, your Author tells a Fib.

TO Mrs. LONG.

May-Day, 1704.
My Dearst LONGY,

ACcept the Product of a two Hours Walk by Severn Side; had the Sub­ject been better handled, I know there are some Thoughts in it would please you: But since you are humbly contented with dull Friends, you must e'en take up with dull Poetry. My chief Reason for writing it, was to convince you, that I was out of the Spleen; and in the best Manner I could, to shew my Gratitude, for your not resent­ing my Impertinencies whilst I was in it. How unequally does Fate dispose of our Intentions and Actions! Poor Peggy desired a fine Thing, to put in her Table Book, and hers is yet to be thought on: You did not think it worth while to ask for one, and, [Page 74] lo! It is come unlooked for, and perhaps, unwelcome. It is unreasonable to trouble thee with an Inundation of ridiculous Stuff, both in Verse and Prose, all in one Day; therefore, in mere Pity to thee, I end with the old, disagreeable Assurance, of being, &c.

To the Honourable Lady Mary Chambers.

MADAM,

THat imaginary Creature, which your Ladyship is pleased to call my Muse, no less than the real Charmer of my Heart, which I must not name, is alike unkind to me upon all Occasions.

All Apollo's Sisters hate me, from Diana to the Nine who inspire us; so that your Ladyship may readily conclude, I am in a very fair Way, either to be a Poet, or Happy.

Sir William, * that Christian Hero, who cannot indure a Turk, and wishes heartily for another Holy-War, to be at them, hum­bly presumes to advise the Lady Betty not to trust herself among Infidels, and to have no­thing to do out of Christendom.

In the Midst of his Concern for her, be­ing a gallant Knight, he flew out into Rap­tures: [Page 76] My bad Memory has recovered a few of them, which I here send your Ladyship.

Why shou'd the charming Galatea shun
The bleeding Conquests which her Eyes have won?
O! stay, and give us yet a gentler Fate;
For Absence is more cruel than your Hate.
Love in those Eyes so absolutely reigns,
We're Slaves by Choice, nor wish to quit our Chains;
Vain of our Wounds, and proud to be undone,
We wou'd not from the glorious Ruin run.
Her Charms, the Limits of an Isle disdain,
And spread a pow'rful Empire o'er the Main,
Shall she to barb'rous Coasts from hence re­move,
And melt their Tyrant Hearts with Flames of Love?
To punish haughty Slaves who proudly dare
Triumph o'er Beauty, and insult the Fair.
Ev'n He, * whose Nod a Thousand Beau­ties wait,
And wishing, silently, expect their Fate;
[Page 77] Aw'd by her Charms, shall a just Vengeance meet,
And lie a Slave despairing at her Feet.
But, O! bright Nymph, let not a long Re­turn,
Make wretched We, your tedious Absence mourn.
Let then the barb'rous Nations soon restore
Fair Galatea to the British Shore:
Else they expect in vain the War should cease,
And England's Moderator signs, in vain, the PEACE.

A RECEIPT To Make SOUP. ††

TAKE a Knuckle of Veal,
(You may buy it, or steal)
In a few Pieces cut it,
In a Stew-Pan put it.
Salt, Pepper, and Mace
Must season this Knuckle,
And what's join'd to a Place, *
With other Herbs muckle.
That which killed King Will. †
And what never stands still, ‡
Some Sprigs of that Bed ‖
Where Children are bred:
[Page 79] This, much you may mend, if
Both Spinage and Endive,
And Lettice and Beet,
With Marigolds meet,
Put no Water at all,
For it maketh Things small,
Which left it should happen,
A close Cover clap on.
Put in Pot of Wood's Metal, *
(That's a boiling hot Kettle)
And there let it be,
(Mark the Doctrine I teach)
About—let me see,
Thrice as long as I preach:
So skimming the Fat off,
Say Grace with your Hat off;
And then with what Rapture
Will it fill Dean and Chapter?
The Right Reverend BISHOP ATTERBURY.

M. [...] Gucht sculp

[Page]LETTERS OF Bishop ATTERBURY TO Mr. POPE.

Paris Nov. 23, 1732.
Dear SIR,

YOU will wonder to see me in Print; but how could I avoid it? The Dead and the Living, my Friends and my Foes, at home and abroad, call upon me to say something; and the Reputa­tion of an History, which I, and all the World value, must have suffered, had I continued silent. I have printed here, in hopes that somebody afterward may venture to reprint in England, notwithstanding those two frightening Words at the Close of it. * [Page 2] Whether that happens or not, it is fit you should have a Sight of it, who I know will read it with some degree of Satisfaction, as it is mine, tho' it should have (as it really has) nothing else to recommend it. Such as it is, Extremum hoc munus morientis habeto; For that may well be the Case, considering that within a few Months I am entring in­to my Seventieth Year; after which, even the Healthy and the Happy cannot much de­pend upon Life, and will not, if they are wise, much desire it. Whenever I go, you will lose a Friend, who loves and values you ex­tremely, if in my Circumstances I can be said to be lost to any one, when dead, more than I am already whilst living. I expected to have heard from you by Mr. Morice, and wondered a little that I did not; but he owns himself in a Fault, for not giving you due Notice of his Motions. It was not amiss that you forbore writing to me on a Head, wherein I promis'd more than I was able to perform. Disgraced Men fancy sometimes, that they preserve an Influence, where, when they endeavour to exert it, they soon see their Mistake. I did so, my good Friend, and acknowledge it under my Hand. You sounded the Coast and found out my Error, it seems, before I was aware of it; but enough on this Subject.

[Page 3] What are you doing in England to the Ho­nour of Letters? and particularly what are you doing? Ipse quid audes? Quae circum­volitas agilis Thyma? Do you pursue the moral Plan * you marked out, and seemed sixteen Months ago so intent upon? Am I to see it perfected ere I die? And are you to enjoy the Reputation of it while you live? Or do you rather chuse to leave the Marks of your Friendship, like the Legacies of a Will, to be read and enjoy'd only by those who survive you? Were I as near you as I have been, I should hope to peep into the Manuscript before it was finished. But alas! there is and will ever probably be, a great deal of Land and Sea between us. How many Books have come out of late in your Parts, which you think I should be glad to peruse? Name them: the Catalogue, I believe, will not cost you much Trouble. They must be good ones indeed to challenge any Part of my Time, now I have so little of it left. I, who squandred whole Days heretofore, now hus­band Hours, when the Glass begins to run low, and care not to mis-spend them on Trifles. At the End of the Lottery of Life, our last Minutes, like Tickets left in the [Page 4] Wheel, rise in their Valuation. They are not of so much worth, perhaps, in them­selves, as those which preceded, but we are apt to prize them more, and with Reason. I do so, my dear Friend, and yet think the most precious Minutes of my Life are well employ'd, in reading what you write. But this is a Satisfaction I cannot much hope for, and therefore must betake myself to others, which are less entertaining. Adieu, Dear Sir, and forgive me engaging with one, whom you, I think, have reckoned among the Heroes of the Dunciad. It was necessary for me either to accept of his dirty Challenge, or to have suffer'd in the Esteem of the World by declining it. My Respects to your Mother; I send a Paper for Dean Swift, if you have an Opportunity, and think it worth your while to convey it. My Country at this Di­stance seems to me a strange Sight, I know not how it appears to you, who are in the midst of the Scene, and yourself a Part of it; I wish you would tell me. You may write safely to Mr. Morice, by the honest Hand that conveys this, and will return into these Parts before Christmas; sketch out a rough Draught of it, that I may be able to judge, whether a Return to it be really eligible, or whether I should not, like the Chymist in the Bottle, upon hearing Don Quevedo's Account [Page 5] of Spain, desire to be corked up again. After all, I do and must love my Country, with all its Faults and Blemishes; even that Part of the Constitution, which wounded me un­justly, and itself thro' my Side, shall ever be dear to me. My last Wish will be like that of Father Paul, Esto perpetua; and when I die at a Distance from it, it will be in the same manner as Virgil describes the expiring Peloponnesian,

Sternitur, & dulces moriens reminiscitur Argos.

Do I still live in the Memory of my Friends, as they certainly do in mine? I have read a good many of your Paper Squabbles about me, and am glad to see such free Conces­sions on that Head, tho' made with no View of doing me a Pleasure, but merely of loading another.

I am, &c. FR. ROFFEN.

Bishop ATTERBURY's VINDICATION.

Paris, Oct. 26, 1731.

I HAVE lately seen an Extract of some Passages in Mr. Oldmixon's History of England. The first of them is said to be taken from his Preface to that History, page 9. and runs in these Words.

'I have, in more than one Place of this History, mentioned the great Reason there is to suspect, that the History of the Rebellion, as it was published at Oxford, was not entirely the Work of the Lord Clarendon; who did indeed write an Hi­story of those Times, and, I doubt not, a very good one; wherein, as I have been (I believe) well inform'd, the Characters of the Kings, whose Reigns are written, were different from what they appear in the Oxford History, and its Copy, Mr. Echard's. I speak this by Hear-say, but [Page 7] Hear-say from a Person superior to all Su­spicion, and too illustrious to be named, with­out Leave.'

'I also humbly refer it to the Decision of another very honourable Person, whe­ther there is not, to his Knowledge, such an History, in Manuscript, still extant; and to a Reverend Doctor, now living, whether he did not see the Oxford Copy, by which the Book was printed, altered, and interpolated, while it was at the Press.'

'To which I must add, that there is now in Custody of a Gentleman of Di­stinction, both for Merit and Quality, * a History of the Rebellion, of the first Folio Edition, scored, in many Places, by Mr. Edmund Smith, of Christ-Church, Oxon, Author of that excellent Tragedy, Phaedra and Hippolytus; who himself al­ter'd the Manuscript History, and added what he has there marked, as he confes­sed with some of his last Words, before his Death. These Alterations, written with his own Hand, and to be seen by any one that knows it, may be published, on another Occasion, with a farther Ac­count [Page 8] of this Discovery. In the mean time, for the Satisfaction of the Public, I insert a Letter, entire, which I received since the last Paragraph was written.'

To Mr. ******* *

SIR,

'ACcidentally looking on some of the Sheets of your History of England, during the Reigns of the Royal House of Stuart, at the Bookseller's, I find that you mention the History of Lord Claren­don, wherein you justly question the Ge­nuineness of that Book: In order to put the Matter out of doubt, I here send you the following Account.'

'Mr. Edmund Smith, a Man very well known to the learned World, came down to make me a Visit at *** about June, 1710, where he continu'd till he died, about six Weeks after.'

'As our Conversation chiefly ran upon Learning and History, you may easily think that Clarendon's was not forgotten: Upon mentioning that Book, he frankly told me, that there had been a fine Hi­story [Page 9] written by Lord Clarendon, but what was published under his Name was only Patchwork, and might as properly be call'd, the History of AL-SMALL- and ATTERBURY: For, to his Knowledge, 'twas alter'd; nay, that he himself was employ'd by them to interpolate and alter the Ori­ginal.'

'He then asked me, whether I had the Book by me? If I had, he would con­vince me of the Truth of his Assertion, by the very printed Copy: I immediately brought him the Folio Edition; and the first Thing he turned to was the Cha­racter of Mr. Hampden, where is that Expression: He had a Head to contrive, a Heart to conceive, and a Hand to execute any Villany. * He then declared, it was foisted in by those Reverends. Sir, I have only to add this, that he not only under­lined this Passage, as a Forgery, but gave, during the short Time he lived with me, [Page 10] the same Remark to some Hundreds more.'

I am, SIR, &c. *
*
Oldmixon.
↵
*
The Words are much softer in the History, where, in­stead of a Heart to conceive, we find, a Tongue to persuade; and instead of the Word Villany, that of Mischief; as the Citation is, in another Part of this Extract, truly made. The unknown Writer of this Letter, while he is charging others with the Crime of falsifying Lord Clarendon's History, should have taken care to stand clear of it himself.
↵
*
George Duckett.
↵

In a second Passage, said to be taken from page 227. of the History itself, Mr. Old­mixon is represented as expressing himself thus.

'In the Character of this great and ex­cellent Man, Mr. Hampden, which we could wish had escaped his (Lord Cla­rendon's) Drawings, or the Drawings of those clumsey Painters, into whose Hands his Work fell, there is something so very false and base, that such Coin could only come from a College Mint. (In a word, what was said of CINNA might well be ap­ply'd to HAMPDEN; he had a Head to con­trive, and a Tongue to persuade, and a Hand to execute any Mischief. His Death, therefore, seemed to be a great Deliverance to the Nation.)'

'There are not Words to express the Infamy of this Slander and Imposture, nor the unparallel'd Wickedness of those Doctors, who foisted so horrid a Reflection into that Character. The Person who did it was [Page 11] Mr. Edmund Smith, of Oxford, Author of Phaedra and Hippolytus, a Tragedy; who, at his Death, confessed to the Gen­tleman, in whose House he died, that, among a great Number of Alterations and Additions, which he himself made, in the History of the Rebellion, by Order of Doctor ALDRICH, Doctor ATTERBURY, and Doctor SMALLRIDGE, successive Deans of Christ-Church, this very saying of CINNA, apply'd to Mr. Hampden, was one; and when he read it to one of those Doctors, he clapped him on the Back, and cry'd, with an Asseveration, It will do. The Confes­sion Mr. Smith made, and the Remorse he expressed for being concerned in this Imposture, were his last Words.'

A great Part of the first of these Passages, including the Letter, is translated verbatim into French, and published in a Journal, entitled, Bibliotheque Raisonnée des Ouvrages des Savans de l'Europe, pour les Mois de Ju­illet, Aoust, Septembre 1730. Tome 5 me, 1 re Partie. A Amsterdam, chez les Westeins & Smith 1730. Art. 5. Page 154, &c.

After which the Journalist adds the fol­lowing Reflection.

‘ Cette decouverte fait peu d'honneur auxtrois Theologiens qui sont nommez dans la Let­tre, & qui ont pourtant tenu un grand rang dans [Page 12] l'Angleterre, & dans la Republique des Let­tres. Comme Mr. ATTERBURY, ci-devant Evesque de Rochester, l'un des trois est encore vivant, il ne sera pas apparemment insensible a une accusation si grave; & le Public at­tend de lui les eclaircissemens que l'interest seul de sa reputation semble en exiger. S'il se tait, dans cette rencontre, il n'y a point de doute que la falsification est prouvée; & quand mesme il ne ce tairoit pas, il faut que les eclair­cissemens soient bien forts pour detruire ces faits.’

‘ This Discovery does little Honour to the three Divines named in the Letter, &c. As Mr. ATTERBURY, heretofore Bishop of Rochester, one of the Three, is still living, he will not probably be insensible of so grievous an Ac­cusation; and the Public expects from him such Accounts of it, as even the Interest of his own Reputation seems to require. If he is silent on this Occasion, there can be no doubt, but that the Falsification is proved; and should he not be silent, what he shall say, to clear up this Matter, must be very strong, to destroy the Credit of such a Testimony.’

Being called upon in this public Man­ner, I myself obliged to declare, that the foregoing Account, in all its Parts, as far as I am any ways concerned, is entirely [Page 13] false and groundless; for I never saw my Lord Clarendon's History in Manuscript, ei­ther before, or since the Edition of it; nor ever read a Line of it, but in Print. It was impossible, therefore, that I should deal with Mr. Smith in the Manner repre­sented, with whom (as far as I can recol­lect) I never exchanged one Word in all my Life; and whom I know not that I ever saw, till after the Edition of that Hi­story. If therefore he expressed himself to this Purpose, in his last Moments (as I charitably hope he did not) he wronged me extremely, and died with a Lie in his Mouth.

This Vindication of the Truth and my­self, is necessary, since I happen to survive the two other worthy Persons mentioned. Were they alive, they would, I doubt not, be equally able and ready to clear themselves from so foul an Aspersion. As to one of them, Dr. Smallridge, the late Bishop of Bristol, no Suspicion of this kind can possibly rest on his Memory, because he was not any ways concerned in preparing that History for the Press; but as much a Stranger to the Contents of it, as I myself was, till it came forth in Print. I speak with the more Assurance on this Head, be­cause my great Intimacy with him, as my Contemporary, both at Westminster and Christ-Church, gave me all the Advantages [Page 14] requisite towards knowing the Truth of what I say: With Dr. Aldrich, the third Person accused, I was acquainted more at a distance: However, being called upon in the Manner I am, I will add also what has come to my Knowledge, with regard to the Share He and Others had in the Publi­cation of that History.

The Revising of the Manuscript (writ­ten, as I have heard, not very correctly) was committed to the Care of Bishop Sprat, and Dean Aldrich, by the late Earl of Ro­chester, who himself also assisted in that Re­visal, from the Beginning to the End of the Work: So that any Changes, made in it, must have had the Consent of those three Persons. They were Men of Probity and Truth, and incapable of conspiring in a De­sign to impose on the Publick. I can cite nothing, that is material in this Point, from the Mouth of the Earl, with whom I rarely conversed; but the Bishop and the Dean, to whom I severally succeeded in the Deaneries of Christ-Church and West­minster, and in the See of Rochester, have occasionally more than once assured me, that no Additions whatsoever were made to the Manuscript History: And even the Earl, in his Preface to the first Volume (for His I take it to be, tho' no Name is af­fixed to it) has publickly protested his In­nocence [Page 15] in this respect, where he declares, that They who put forth the History (he means himself and his Brother, as ap­pears from what follows) durst not take upon them to make any Alterations in a Work of this Kind, solemnly left with them to be pub­lished, whenever it should be published, as it was delivered to them.

Could he, and the two other Persons by him employed, be supposed to have made any Additions, notwithstanding such Assu­rances to the contrary, yet their good Sense (if not their Integrity) would have pre­vented, at least, their re-touching those Characters, which are allowed to be the most distinguished and beautiful Part of the Work, and to have something of Ori­ginal in them, that is not to be imitated. The After-strokes of any less able Pencil, intermix'd with those of the first Masterly Hand, would soon be discovered: And yet I am persuaded, the most discerning Eye can find out no Traces of such a Mixture; no, not in the Character of Mr. Hampden, even in those Words, at the Close of it, against which Mr. Oldmixon so warmly de­claims: They are perfectly in the Style and Manner of my Lord Clarendon; they contain nothing new in them, but only sum up, in short, what he had scattered through different Parts of the two first Volumes. Let the Reflections there made be never so [Page 16] severe, they may naturally be supposed, in the Warmth of Composure, to have come from the Pen of an Historian, who had himself with Zeal opposed Mr. Hampden's Measures, and both seen and felt the sad Consequences of them: But that the Edi­tors of his History, no ways concerned in those Transactions, should, 60 Years after­wards, coolly and deliberately make such a needless Insertion, is not to be imagined.

The Complaint, on this and other Heads, should have been brought against these Editors, while it was capable of be­ing thoroughly examined; at present, it comes a little too late, unless it were better supported: Their very Characters, to those who knew them, and the Nature of the Evidence, to those who did not, will be judged a sufficient Confutation of it: For, pray, what is this Evidence? It consists in an Hear-say from a Person, superior to all Suspicion, it seems, but too illustrious to be named: In an Appeal to another very honour­able Person, to a Reverend Doctor now liv­ing, and to a Gentleman of Distinction, both for Merit and Quality; none of whose Names are thought fit to be owned: The only one produced in the Case, is that of Mr. Smith, the Author of an excellent Tra­gedy; but certainly not an Author of Rank and Weight enough to blast the Credit of [Page 17] such an excellent History: Of what Use can this Testimony be to his Purpose (even supposing the Account of it exact) when it is undoubtedly false, as to two of the three Persons it is levelled at, Dr. Small­ridge and myself: and may therefore be justly presumed alike false, as to the third, Dr. Aldrich? Mr. Smith appears to have been so little in the Secret of the Edition of that Book, as not to have known even the Hands thro' which it passed; and is not therefore to be rely'd upon in his Ac­counts of any other Circumstances relating to it, especially with regard to Dr. Aldrich, his Governor at Christ-Church; for whom his Personal Aversion, and the true Reasons of it, are too well understood to need ex­plaining. I forbear saying any thing harsh of one, not able to answer for himself; but many, now alive, who knew them both, know how improbable, and altoge­ther incredible it is, that Mr. Smith should have had the least Share in Dr. Aldrich's Confidence, on so nice, or, indeed, on any Occasion. The Gentleman, who seems to be convinced of the Truth of Mr. Smith 's Assertions, by his having pointed out and underlined the Passages, in Print, which he said he was employ'd (by the three succes­sive Deans) to interpolate and alter, in Ma­nuscript, must surely have been very wil­ling [Page 18] to be convinced; otherwise, he would not have taken a mere Assertion for a Proof, in such a Cause, and from such a Person. The Story of this Death-bed Declaration slept for about twenty Years; near thirty have passed since the History of the Re­bellion was published (I mean the first Part of it) and not a few, since the Death of every Person that either was, or is falsly said to have been, concerned in that Publica­tion, myself only excepted. I might, pro­bably, at the Distance of Montpelier, where I was when Mr. Oldmixon wrote, never have heard of what he lays to my Charge (Intel­ligence of that kind being, as he knows, not very open to me) or, should it reach me, I might yet, in my present Circumstances, be supposed not over-sollicitous to appear in the Disproof of it. The Delay of the Accusation therefore, if without Design, was not without its Advantages; and had it been deferred a little longer, till I was not only out of the Way, but out of the World, it had had a still fairer Chance to­wards being uncontradicted, and conse­quently credited. I have lived to hear this idle Tale, and to bear witness against it: There is no Vanity in hoping, that, old as I am, I shall outlive the Belief of it. An Holland Journal gave me the first Notice how I had been treated, and by that Means [Page 19] an Opportunity of vindicating myself; which I was the rather determined not to decline, because I suffer'd in Company with others, Men of great Note and Merit, thro' whose Sides the Authority of a noble and useful Part of our English History was struck at. Where I only am aspersed and wrong'd, I can, I thank God, more easily practise Patience, and submit to Indignities and Injuries in Silence. A foreign Wri­ter has used me, in this Case, with greater Civility, and Temper, than Mr. Oldmixon, whom I know not that I have ever offended. I forgive him his ill Words, and his hard Thoughts, and only desire him for the fu­ture not to indulge himself in ill-natur'd Relations of this Kind, without better Vouchers. His Attack on me, and on the Dead, who he thought might be insulted with equal Safety, is no Proof of a generous and worthy Mind; nor has he done any Honour to his own History, by the fruit­less Pains he has taken to discredit that of my Lord Clarendon; which, like the Character of its Author, will gain Strength by Time; and will be in the Hands and Esteem of all Men, when Mr. Oldmixon's unjust Censure of it will not be remembered, or not regarded.

FR. ROFFEN.

To *****

Dear SIR,

YOUR Endeavours, that I may for­get my Misfortunes, are truly Noble. It would be to deserve them to fly from Resolution. They shall not depress me, but I must help to bear what you tell me lies so heavy upon my Friends. I preserve a Mean, which is the Excellence, Justice and Fitness of all things in the Moral System,

Virtue's a Mean, and Vice is an Excess,
In doing more than's fit, or doing less.

To Poetise, my Friend, is no Mark of a depressed Fancy or excessive Sorrow, but a sort of a Comical Way of treating things serious, not after the subtle Fashions of those you speak of, that would magnify Nature by depressing the Deity; who, set­ting forth their necessary Agreement, make unnecessary Strife; with Reverence do I mention these things, and know,

How the great Love of Nature fills thy Mind,
And Universal Kindness to thy Kind.

[Page 21] I am, while thus Juvenile, an Advocate for, and not a Railer against Extremes; these Symptoms strongly bode a second Youth, that vapours with a feeble and de­fective Flame; it is the innervated Arm of Priam, impotently raised against the thun­dering Rage of youthful Pyrrhus.

However this Epistle, my Dear Friend, shall not become more tawdry by its not being of a Piece, for I will conclude with answering your last serious Question, with another Scrap of Poetry.

Whate'er the Soul of Nature has design'd,
And wrought on Matter, is the Effect of Mind;
The Form of Substance, is the Former's Art,
Hence Beauty and Design that strike the Heart;
There's nought in simple Matter to delight,
'Tis the fair Workmanship that takes the Sight.
The beautiful Effect of Mind alone,
Is comely, and in all things comely shown.
Where Mind is not, there Horror needs must be,
For Matter formless, is Deformity.

EXTRACTS of several ORIGINAL LETTERS, written about the Year 1727, by Bishop Atterbury, to an ingenious French Gentleman, for whom he had a great Esteem.

—THE Book * I now restore you, gave me Pleasure when I read it. The Turn is Natural and Familiar, and there is an Air of Truth in all he says; but, I think, not the Hand of a Master. He tells his Tale, not like a Man who knows any thing of the Rules of Writing well, but as an easy Companion at a Table. I say of his Style, what he says of his Fi­gure, Ma figure, qui n' êtoit pas déplaisante, quoique je ne fusse pas du premier Ordre des Gens bien faits.... i.e. My Figure, which did not displease, tho' I could not be ranked among handsome People of the first Class. Tho' not of the first (or even second) order [Page 23] of good Writers, he is yet agreeable.... I cannot possibly digest his taking Notice, p. 145. of the Chevalier de Rohan's fine Legs. An Observation, that I should have expe­cted rather from the Pen of a fine Lady, and which shews that the Marquis was in his Nature a little too intent on such Trifles. He is sensible of it, and excuses himself in the Words which follow; but that Excuse serves only to shew the Strength of the Im­pression he was under in this respect, since he had Judgment enough to see the Fault, and commits it notwithstanding ...... Though I see he is manifestly piqu'd against Lewis XIV. and his Minister Louvois, yet I am apt to believe him in all he says of both of them. His Resentment seems to carry him no farther than to give him the Privilege of speaking what he knew to be true; and, as the World goes, he that al­lows himself to censure the Great even thus far, must say a great deal of Ill of them... Of several French Poets he speaks thus.

Rousseau appears to me still a greater Poet, the more I consider him. His Talents are unconfined, and enable him in every sort of writing to which he turns himself equally to excel. But the old hard Words he makes use of puzzle me often (who care not to consult a Dictionary) and chiefly in his Allegories.... Chaulieu, La Fare and [Page 24] Chapelle, have many Graces of the easy and natural Style, but I do not think them so perfect in their way as Rousseau is in his; nor (to tell you the Truth) do I take such Plea­sure in reading them. The Letters particu­larly of Chaulieu, &c. are not Master-pieces in their kind, and many of his little Copies of Verses have nothing extraordinary in them. The Copy which touched me most is the Ode on Fontenay.

Muses qui dans ce lieu champetre, &c.

I cannot but observe, that under all Chaulieu's seeming Gaiety, there is an Air of Melancholy which breaks out by Fits, and shews he was not at Ease in his own Mind. He endeavours to conceal it, and acts the Brave; but his Readers, with a little Pe­netration, may see through the Disguise. The Fears of Death haunt him perpetually, and appear even in those Places, where he says, he is not afraid of it. I should be glad to know how he died, whether with the same Courage he commends in Lady Mazarine. I should guess not, by the Observations I have made of him.

After perusing a Dissertation of Mr. de Boze, the Bishop makes the following Remark.

This Book, I find, was written two and thirty Years ago, and therefore it is no wonder [Page 25] that it should not be equal to the later Per­formances of the same Author. One may say of it as Tully speaks of his Collection of Pa­radoxes; Non tale est hoc opus ut in arte poni possit, quasi illa Minerva Phidiae; sed tamen, ut ex eâdem officinâ exisse appareat. Though it be not of the same Value with his other Works, yet it is such, as that one may per­ceive the same Workman's Hand and Skill in it. He chose a little contracted Subject; and had not Room therefore to shew his Talents at full length in managing it. And yet, narrow and dry as his Subject is, he has, by making several little Digressions, and by taking Occasion to say many things which were not necessary to his Point, rendered it, not only instructive but entertaining.

In tenui labor, at tenuis non gloria, si quem
Numina laeva sinunt, auditque vocatus Apollo.

Whether his forth Gordean be a Reality or a Phantom; whether he owes his very being to this Gentleman, or is only rescued from Oblivion, and brought again to Life by him, let the Antiquaries determine: I am so easy and indolent as not to think it of much Moment, which Way such Facts are settled; nor should I have thought what is written on this Point worth read­ing, if this Author had not writ it. In all [Page 26] he writes, one sees the same Candor and Impartiality; the same Learning, good Sense and Exactness. If the Argument he handles be not of Importance, he makes it so by his manner of handling it. So that I could wish, instead of four Books, he had written forty: as old as I am, and as many other things as I have to do, I should read all of them.... I have perus'd (says the Bishop in another Letter) the Book about * Poetry and Painting, with Attention. It is written in a very good Goût, and has ex­cellent things in it. I have been pleased with no Book so much that has fallen in my way, since I came into France. How­ever, I could wish those philosophical Rea­sonings had been omitted; they belong ra­ther to a Member of the Academy of Sci­ences, than to one of the Forty, and per­haps will neither convince nor please in such a Performance. The Author seems to have gone too deep in that sort of Refle­ctions, and sometimes not to have gone deep enough in others, which relate more immediately and naturally to his Subject. Forgive this Freedom, but it [Page 27] is my real sense of the Matter. Besides, there is, I think, a want of Method in the whole *; and the 19th Section, which is so long, is to me a little obscure. The many learned Citations there, do not clear, but cloud the Author's Meaning, I am apt to imagine that in the musical Part of it, he speaks of what he does not himself tho­roughly understand; for if he does, he would probably have expressed himself so, that his Reader also would have understood it, which, (as to me at least) is not the Case. In one thing I differ from him es­sentially; my fixed Opinion is, that the Re­putation of all Books which are perfectly well writ, comes Originally from the Few, and not from the Many; and I think I could say a good deal in Defence of that Opinion...... I see him here, and every where, under the Image of

.... Urbani parcentis viribus, atque
Extenuantis eas consultò.

He seldom speaks out, where he is likely to offend, but contents himself oftentimes rather to infinuate, than affirm; and makes [Page 28] use of other Mens Words to express his own Sense, where he is unwilling too openly to own it, or too strongly to press it. Ab arte suâ non recessit, as Tully says of Aris­toxenus. Even in his Judgment of the Belles Lettres he plays the Politician.... I could not but observe, how in the last Section but one, he has furnished Mr. de Voltaire with the Hint of his Poem on the Ligue... Upon the whole, I repeat my Thanks to you for the great Satisfaction which the reading of these * two Volumes has given me.... As to Mr. Arnauld's Piece, intitled, Reflexions sur l'Eloquence, though what he says there be sensible and just; yet I do not see much of the great Man in it, and had no great Pleasure in perusing it.

The following Remarks are made upon Mr. Fontenelle's Manner of Writing, &c.

I return you, Sir, the two Eloges, which I have perused with Pleasure. I borrow that Word from your Language, because we have none in our own that exactly expresses it. By the Account I had of those Pieces, I imagined them very different from what I find them. Mr. Fontenelle's Talents, as to the Knowledge of Nature, Mathematicks, and the Belles Lettres, are sufficiently under­stood. [Page 29] But I take notice particularly of the Art and Address with which he con­ducts himself in nice Points, and the pru­dent and political Views by which his Pen is guided; a Quality, that does not often belong to Men who have spent so much of their time in studying the Arts and Sciences. He has been misinformed as to one little Particular, in the short Draught he has given us of Sir Isaac Newton's Figure. The † oeil fort vif, & fort perçant, which he gives him, did not belong to him, at least not for twenty Years past, about which time I first came acquainted with him. In­deed, in the whole Air of his Face and make, there was nothing of that penetra­ting Sagacity which appears in his Compo­sures. He had something rather languid in his Look and Manner, which did not raise any great Expectation in those who did not know him. I see Mr. Fontenelle speaks wa­rily as to the MSS. relating to Antiquity, History and Divinity, which Sir Isaac left behind him: I wish, for the Honour of our Country, that they may be as excellent in their Kind as those he published. But I fear the Case is otherwise, and that he will be found to have been a great Master only [Page 30] in that one way to which he was by Na­ture inclined. It is enough for us poor limited Creatures, if we remarkably excel in any one Branch of Knowledge. We may have a Smattering of more; but it is beyond the Lot of our Nature, to attain any Perfection in them. Mr. Fontenelle's Praise of Sir Isaac's Modesty (and of Mo­desty in general) is to me the most pleasing Part of that Description he has given us of him. It is that Modesty which will teach us to speak, and think of the Antients with Reverence, especially if we happen not to be thoroughly acquainted with them. Sir Isaac certainly was, and his great Veneration for them was one distinguishing Part of his Character, which I wonder (or rather, I do not wonder) that Mr. Fontenelle has omitted. His Opinion of them was, that they were Men of great Genius and superior Minds, who had carried their Discoveries (particularly in Astronomy and other Parts of Mathematicks) much farther than now appears from what remains of their Wri­tings. One may apply to them, what was said by an old learned Man, to one of less Knowledge and fewer Years, who insulted him, I have forgot more Knowledge than ever you had. More of the Antients is lost, than is preserved, and perhaps our new Disco­veries are not equal to those old Losses.— [Page 31] But this was not what I had in my Thoughts, when I sat down to write: my Intention was only to express the Satisfa­ction I had in the Perusal of what I re­turn, of which I could say more, if the End of the Page did not admonish me to tell you how much I am &c.

The Book intitled, Dissertation sur la Mu­sique des Anciens, * I send you back, is writ­ten in a very sensible and agreeable Manner, with a fine Turn of Thoughts and Words, as far as I am able to judge. I could wish only that the Writer had been a greater Master of his Subject, so as to have given us di­stincter and fuller Accounts of it, which would have left no Doubts upon the Minds of his Readers. I am satisfied that a Pen like his would have been able to express the most nice and difficult Points of which he treats in a Way equally instructive and pleasing, and have opened to us in Dialogue the Mysteries of Music, as easily and fami­liarly as Monsieur Fontenelle has done those of Astronomy. The Picture of Leontium, with which the Reflections conclude, is ex­quisitely drawn; not only con Studio, but con Amore, as the Italians speak of the fa­vourite [Page 32] Pieces of their best Masters. One would think the Book was written on pur­pose for the sake of the Character at the End of it: as the most material Part of a Letter is sometimes carelesly thrown into a Postscript...... I dare say Madamoiselle † Lenclos was of the Au­thor's Acquaintance. Hear-say could not have furnished him with so lively a De­scription of her. There is something in the Picture, that shews, it was painted by the Life, and not copied from another.... One thing he says of her, P. 9. (pardon the Remark) seems in some degree appli­cable to himself. His Words are very good, and therefore I transcribe them.

Son gout en le conduisant de fleur en fleur, comme les Abeilles, lui fait courir indifferemment tous les pays, & tous les siecles. Mais ces sortes d'imaginations, si legeres & si brillantes, a dedaignent pour l'ordinaire le travail d'atten­tion. Un esprit né pour les agremens, & qui n'a jamais sacrifié qu'aux Graces, n'a garde de s'assujetir à la patience qui seroit necessaire pour comparer les beautés d'un tems avec celles d'une autre, pour étudier les rapports & les oppositions qui sont entre elles, pour les tourner de tous les sens, dont on peut les envisager; [Page 33] ensin, pour y rapporter la triste & penible ex­actitude que demande une parallele. i.e.

His Taste guiding him from Flower to Flow­er, like the Bees, makes him rove indiscrimi­nately through all Countries and all Ages. But these kind of very sprightly and shining Imaginations, generally disdain a Labour that requires Attention. A Genius born for Charms, and which has never sacrificed but to the Graces, can never subject itself to the Patience that would be necessary in order for comparing the Beauties of one Age; with those of another; to study the Relations and Oppositions that are between them; to view them in all the Lights in which they can be considered; in sine, to bestow upon them the melancholy and painful Exactness, which is requisite for the forming of a Parallel.

Let me ask you for my own Information, whether tourner de tous les sens, be a proper Phrase in that Case. To me it seems to spoil the Metaphor. He cites some Au­thorities, which I am at a Loss to explain; particularly p. 58. that of Varro de Repub. Rom. L. 1. C. 1. Sure he does not mean the antient Varro, who wrote nothing that I know of, under that Title. He is beholden, I find, to the long Chapter of Abbé du Bois, where the antient Authorities, relating to his Subject, are collected; and he has [Page 34] made a free Use of them. But my Inten­tion was, to tell you rather what pleased me in the Book, than what I disliked.

From what I have read (in these Books) and other Pieces, since I came on this side of the Water, I have conceived a much greater Opinion of the Bishop of Meaux, than I had while in England, and give him readily the Preference to all those Writers of the Church of France which I am acquainted with. He is an universal Genius, and manages every thing he takes in Hand, like a Master. Good Sense, and sound Reflections attend all he says; which is expressed in the most agreeable and beautiful Manner, without any of the Pomp or Paint of false Oratory. He has particularly the Secret of knowing, not only what to say, but what not to say; the hardest Task even of the most exact and excellent Writers! ... But you know him, Sir, better than I; and I should be to blame therefore in attempting any Part of his Character, did not Gratitude forbid me to return your Books, without giving you an Account of the Pleasure I had in perusing them. Even the Lady's Memoirs relating to our English Princess, gave me a good deal; particularly that Part of them, where the Story of her Death is told, in as natural and affecting a Manner, [Page 35] I think, as is possible. It has such a me­lancholy Air of Truth in it, as, at the same Time that it gives Conviction, moves Com­passion; and one can no more read it, than one could have been present at the sad Scene of it, without Tears. I really pre­fer the Bishop of Meaux's Funeral Oration, to those of Flechier or Bourdaloüe; tho' I think he would have wrote still better, had he imitated them less; for, by that means, he now and then heightens his Expression a little too much, and becomes unnatural. I gave you one Instance of that when I saw you last.

The more I read of the Bishop of Meaux, the more I value him, as a great and able Writer, and particularly for that Talent of taking as many Advantages of an Adver­sary, and giving him as few as any Man, I believe, that ever entered the Lists of Con­troversy. There is a serious Warmth in all he says, and his manner of saying it, is noble and moving; and yet I question, after all, whether he sometimes is in good Earnest. Pardon that Freedom, Sir, I have read him with Attention, and watch­ed him narrowly. I have read all the Bishop of Meaux's Pieces that have been procured for me: and will wait for the rest, till I can have them from your Hands. In the mean time, I will read [Page 36] worse Books, that I may relish his the more, when I return to them; tho', to speak the Truth, I know no Writer in your Tongue, that has less need to have his Reader so prepared for him. Do you hear nothing from your Friend Voltaire? Is England as well pleased with him, as it was? And is he as well pleased with Eng­land? Or, does the Satisfaction on one side abate, in Proportion as it lessens on the other? When will the second Edition of his Henriade come out? Will it afford us a better Monument to the Memory of that Prince, and a nobler Likeness, than the Statue on Pont-neuf? It will, if it be as well finished as it should be. For

Non magis expressi vultus per ahenea signa,
Quàm per vatis opus mores animique virorum
Clarorum apparent.

But the Spirit of Pedantry is coming upon me, and it is time therefore that I tell you, I am &c.

I find the very last Works of that great Man, the Bishop of Meaux are inferior to the rest; but, nevertheless, I would be Master of all he certainly wrote. It is useful to observe even the Defects of First-rate Writers, as well as their Excel­lencies. There is an ill-natured Pleasure in [Page 37] finding, that, as far exalted above us as they are, they sometimes sink down to our Level. The Bishop of Meaux studied Critical Knowledge late, with respect to the Inter­pretation of Scripture; and was never therefore so true a Master of it, as he was of the Way of interpreting it by the Stream of Tradition. But the older he grew, the more admired he was; and that led him to think himself equal to every Man, in eve­ry thing; and particularly to write Books in Latin, and Comments on Scripture, in both which ways I find him unequal to himself; and I dare say, that is the Opi­nion of candid and judicious Persons in your Communion.

Our Friend, Father Courayer, has been pursued with Mandements, Censures and Arrêts; nor have they, I fear, yet done with him. I am concerned for the Fate of so valuable a Man, and so excellent a Writer, whose Views, I am persua­ded, were innocent and good, however in the Manner of executing them, he comes to have given so much Offence. The twenty Bishops that have censured him, seem to decline that Part of the Dis­pute which relates to the Validity of our English Ordinations. However, they have not spared the Church of England, on other Accounts, but have represented her [Page 38] in a more disadvantageous Light than she deserves; purely, I suppose, for want of knowing her. They cite the Bishop of Meaux, and cite those Works of his, which were written expresly against us; which surely is a very odd Way of representing our Sentiments; just as if I should quote Monsieur Claude's Words, from any Pieces of his written against the Church of France, to prove what she held in any Doctrine of Importance. I should think it became me rather to produce the Writers of that Church, and the Acts and Monuments of it, for my Vouchers. The twenty Bishops have taken this Method, once or twice; and if they had taken it always, they would have been less liable to Mistakes in their Re­presentations of us. What the Bishop of Meaux says, with regard to our Polity and Affairs, is not always to be rely'd on; for he was not a Master of that Subject. He was a very great Man; nor would he have lessened his Character, not to have aimed sometimes at seeming to know, what he really did not, in Matters that lay a little out of his Compass. Excuse the Freedom I take with the Censurers, and the Autho­rity on which they build, in relation to our Matters; because I have good Reason to think, that they have paid a Deference to it, at the Expence of Truth. My Know­ledge [Page 39] is very limited; and yet it would be no Presumption in me to say, that I know better than the Bishop of Meaux did, what is the Constitution, and what are the Prin­ciples and Tenets of the Church of Eng­land. But enough of these Reflections, into which the Mention of Father Courayer has led me.

FR. ROFFEN.

This great Man suffered the Rigours of his Exile by Study, and Conversation with Men of Learning, and kept a con­stant Correspondence by Letters, with the most eminent Scholars and Persons of Ge­nius.

He translated Virgil's Georgics into Eng­lish, and wrote an Harmonia Evangelica in a New and more perspicuous Method than any yet extant. He sent his Version of the Georgics, to a Friend with the follow­ing Verses, viz.

—Haec ego lusi
Ad Sequanae ripas, Thamesino à flumine longè,
Jam senior, fractusque sed ipsâ morte, meorum,
Quos colui, patriaeque memor, neque degener usquam.

Which have been thus Paraphrased,

Thus where the Seine thro' Realms of Slav'ry strays,
With sportive Verse I wing my tedious Days;
Far from Britannia's happy Climate torn,
Bow'd down with Age and with Diseases worn;
Yet e'en in Death I act a steady Part,
And still my Friends and Country share my Heart.

HORACE, Ode 9. Book III.
A Dialogue between Horace and Lydia.

Horace.
WHILST I was fond, and you were kind,
Nor any dearer Youth, reclin'd
On your soft Bosom, sought to rest,
Phraates was not half so blest.
Lydia.
Whilst you ador'd no other Face,
Nor lov'd me in the second Place,
My happy celebrated Fame
Outshone ev'n Ilia's envy'd Flame.
Horace.
Me Chloe now possesses whole,
Her Voice and Lyre command my Soul:
Nor would I Death itself decline,
Could her Life ransom'd be with mine.
Lydia.
[Page 42]
For me young lovely Calais burns,
And Warmth for Warmth my Heart returns.
Twice would I Life with Ease resign,
Could his be ransom'd once with mine.
Horace.
What if sweet Love, whose Bands we broke,
Again should tame us to the Yoke;
Should banish'd Chloe cease to reign,
And Lydia her lost Power regain?
Lydia.
Tho' Hesp'rus be less fair than he,
Thou wilder than the raging Sen,
Lighter than Down, yet gladly I▪
With thee would live, with thee would die.

HORACE, Ode 3. Book IV.
To his Muse, by whose Favour he acquires immortal Fame.

HE, on whose Birth the Lyric Queen
Of Numbers smil'd, shall never grace
The Isthmian Gauntlet, nor be seen
First in the fam'd Olympick Race.
He shall not after Toils of War
And taming haughty Monarch's Pride,
With lawrell'd Brows conspicuous far,
To Jove's Tarpeian Temple ride.
But him the Streams, that warbling flow
Rich Tybet's flowery Meads along,
And shady Groves, (his Haunts) shall know
The Master of the Aeolian Song.
The Sons of Rome, majestic Rome!
Have fix'd me in the Poet's Choir,
And Envy now, or dead, or dumb,
Forbear to blame what they admire.
Goddess of the sweet-sounding Lute,
Which thy harmonious Touch obeys,
Who canst the finny Race, tho' mute,
To Cygnet's dying Accents raise;
Thy Gift it is, that all with Ease
My new unrival'd Honours own;
That I still live, and living please,
O Goddess! is thy Gift alone.

In OBITUM Egregii Juvenis ***** SHIRLEY.

I.
DUM te canorae turba sciens lyrae,
Urgent adeptum flebilibus modis,
Hoc, dulcis Umbra, ne recuses
Officium tenuis Camaenae.
II.
Cui si favebit Phoebus amicior,
Tot illa Famae, chare Puer, tuae
Apponet annos, quot caducae
Mors adimit properata vitae.
III.
Non hic fideles quod bene feceris,
Chartae silebunt, te Pudor & Fides,
Commendat, integrique mores,
Et decorans benè nata virtus.
IV.
Praesens fugacem sistere spiritum
Heu! nulla Virtus, nec Pietas moram,
Pudorve, febri luctuosae
Attulit indomitaeque morti.
V.
Quid illa velox profuit indoles
Aut mens virilis? Omnium breve,
Virtutis aevum! praecocisque
Ingenii fragiles honores.
VI.
Sic mille flores inter amabiles
Narcissus horti gloria, verticem
Attollit altè, mox reclinem
Sternit humi pluvialis Auster.

EPIGRAM, written on a White Fan belonging to the Lady whom he mar­ried.

FLavia, the least and slightest Toy
Can with resistless Art employ:
This Fan in meaner Hands would prove
An Engine of small Force in Love;
Yet she, with graceful Air and Mein,
Not to be told, or safely seen,
Directs its wanton Motions so,
That it wounds more than Cupid's Bow;
Gives Coolness to the matchless Dame;
To ev'ry other Breast a Flame.

ORATIO Viri Reverendi Francisci Atterbury, S.T.P.
Habita Oxonii die Admissionis ad Decanatum, Aedis Christi, An. Dom. MDCCXI.

GRatissimus est mihi, Juvenis Eximie, tuus in Atrii hujusce Vestibulo occur­sus, gratissima Oratio; quâ non tam me quàm Aedem hanc, quae bonorum semper ingeniorum nutrix habita est; ornari gau­deo. Facile adducer ut credam; caeteros qui tuae Aetati suppares sunt, Alumnos, tibi esse quam simillimos. Ea si me haud fefellerit spes, vos ego vicissim omnia quae­cunque a me proficisci poterint studiorum vestrorum hortamenta ac proemia, fidenter sperare jubeo.

Eò mihi jucundior est tua, tuorum (que) le­ctissime Baccalauree, sodalium Gratulatio, quod ab iis profecta sit, quorum jam ad maturitatem quandam adolescunt ingenia, [Page 47] praeceptis institutis (que) Philosophiae, ac mul­tiplici doctrinarum genere, aucta at (que) ex­culta. Utinam is essem omnino quem, te authore, ab illis me haberi intelligo! Is certè sum, qui literatam juventutem ad op­tima quaeque feliciter nitentem summa cum voluptate intueri soleam, quique adeo cres­centi indies vestri ordinis laudi impensè faveam. Multa de mirifico vestro erga Ar­tes reconditas amore, de laudabili studi­orum cursu, ac progressione discendi a Viro Optimo, Aedis hujusce Sub-Decano dignis­simo me auditurum confido, cujus quidem Vigilantiae at (que) Industriae siqua etiam a nobis subsidia possint offerri habebit ille me cu­rarum suarum omnium ac Consiliorum So­cium, & non inertem, ubi opus est, Ad­jutorem.

Parem te quidem Muneri illi tuo, quod jam per annos aliquot sustinuisti, facundis­sime Rhetorices Praelector, ostendis, cum exile nactus argumentum uberrimâ id ver­borum copiâ summâ Eloquentiae vi auges at (que) amplificas. Quantum ab his absim laudibus, & egomet mihi satis sum conscius, & te utcun (que) de me magnifica praedicantem, minimè latet. Sed tu quâ mente, qui mo­destiâ es, quùm apertis mecum monitis agendum esse non existimes, ab illa Artis tuae Praecepta decurris, quae Hortationem tunc optimè institui aiunt, eum cum lau­des, [Page 48] quem cohortere. Si quis ita (que) tuo hoc dicendi artificio deceptus, meas esse putet, quae a te percensentur, virtutes, mea quae celebrantur praeconia, nolo illum in tanto errore versari; alia tibi erat Ratio, aliud longè consilium, ut tuo scilicet dum funge­reris Officio, mihi interim meum subindi­cares, & in id totus incumberes, ut intelli­gant qui te perorantem audiunt, non quis ego sim, sed cujusmodi is esse debeat, qui florentissimae huic Aedi cum dignitate prae­sideat, qui tam numeroso aut doctorum aut discentium Gregi Custos admotus, tuendae Religioni, excolendis Moribus, Literis pro­movendis ritè invigilet. Arduum sanè opus! cui tamen proficiendo in promptu erant quae sumeris. Jam enim in uniuscu­jus (que) nostrum animis inhaeret Excellen­tium Virorum, qui me in hoc munere prae­iverint, memoria, quam quidem studiosè recolenti facile tibi erat ea exinde omnia de­libare quaecunque ad exprimendam perpo­liendam (que) Viri summi & scientissimi Recto­ris imaginem pertinerent.

Utcunque me de implendâ hâc quae mihi obtigit Provinciâ cogitantem, meas (que) vires aestimantem, subortus illicò conturbet me­tus, obruat pudor; nunquam tamen ani­mo sum demissiore, nunquam mihi magis displiceo, quam cum Fellum & Aldricium, duo illa Reipublicae nostrae Literariae Lumi­na, [Page 49] mente contempler. Quis enim non jure reformidaverit, illorum vestigiis insi­stere; qui optimis Naturae donis praediti, magnâ artium varietate instructi, longo re­rum Academicarum usu exercitati, Aedem hanc nunquam gloriae expertem, nunquam non Doctrinae laude illustrem, ad summum splendoris at (que) amplitudinis fastigium per­duxere.

Inerat utri (que) literarum flagrans studium, propensissima liberalium artium cultores voluntas; inerat eximius ingenii candor, omnia quae aliquam boni speciem prae se fe­rent amplectentis; omnia de quibus ambigi possit, in mitiorem semper partem interpre­tantis; Inerat eximius, liber, excelsus, nul­lâ divitiarum, nullâ honorum cupiditate correptus, rei privatae negligens, ad pub­licam unicè attentus. Nemo unquam Fa­miliam suam ardentius dilexit, benignius fo­vit, quam eorum uter (que) hanc Domum; nemini unquam suae carior erat Patriae, quam illis haec Academia. Rem Typogra­phicam suo labore, suis sumptibus augere, nostra haec moenia instaurare, condere, id iis curae semper, id voluptati fuit; his co­gitationibus, his studiis occupati vixere, his etiam ne quidem ad extremum vitae spiritum intermissis, sunt immortui.

Nota vobis ac perspecta penitus loquor; quae tamen in auribus at (que) in oculis vestris [Page 50] utcun (que) haereant infixa, juvat us (que) repetere at (que) ipsâ hominum omni laude praestantium jucundissima recordatione mentem pascere ac conformare. Nunquam mihi aut vo­bis excidet ex animis Viri illius huma­nissimi atque optimi Imago, cujus morte, tanquam, Parente suo orbata, jam luctu ac moerore jacuit haec domus. Faxit Deus, ut adventu tandem meo, aliquâ ex parte aliquando refici potest, ac recreari! Nihil illi defuit, quod ad Literas promovendas atque ornandas cuiquam unquam morta­lium indulsit natura; nihil, quod eorum quibus praefuit, aut Amorem, aut Admi­rationem possit excitare. Quae illi men­tis acies, quae vis, quae volubilitas, in om­nes omnigenae doctrinae partes celerrimè se versantis, in quamcunque scientiae oram delata esset, nusquam rudis, nusquam hos­pitis. Quicquid in arte aliquâ elaboratum proferret, quicquid moliretur, aut investi­garet, ad id illum quod quidem ageret, agendum unicè natum esse diceres, in eo omnem operam suam atque aetatem con­trivisse. Seu studia graviora persequeretur, seu levibus se oblectaret, seu res humanas, seu divinas susciperet tractandas; an his, an illis aptior esset atque accomodatior, multum dubitares. Jam vero in aditu at­que sermone, in otio, in negotiis, quae illi morum facilitas, quam simplex & [Page 51] aperta mens! quae in vita integritas, in ver­bis fides? quae frontis modestia, quae oris dignitas? His ille naturae muneribus orna­tus, quod in percipiendis severioribus dis­ciplinis, asperum plerum (que) & triste visum est, miro quodam lepore solitus est miti­gare, ita ut Tyronum animos non prae­ceptis solum aut hortationibus, sed vultu ipso atque congressu, ad amorem litera­rum, ad omnem humanitatis laudem finge­ret at (que) erudiret.

Multa in hoc Viro admiranda erant, multa praeclara, nihil tamen praeclarius, quam quod Beatissimi Felli memoriam sin­gulari quodam cultu ac veneratione semper prosequeretur, quod illum tanquam certis­simum rerum pulchrè gerendarum ducem atque auctorem, optimum instituendae re­gendae (que) juventutis magistrum, intermissae apud nos luctuosissimis temporibus disci­plinae vindicem, hujus deni (que) amplissimi domicilii statorem suspiceret semper ac praedicaret. Et sanè, ex quo verae Reli­gioni bonis (que) literis, ad suas unde expulsae sunt, sedes patuit reditus, quicquid arti­bus juvandis, aut pietati augendae, quic­quid in Reipublicae aut Ecclesiae usus con­tulerit haec Aedes, id omne ex sanctissimi illius Praesulis, Laboribus, Curis, Conciliis profluxit. Ab illo jacta sunt fundamenta laudum nostrarum, ab illo sparsa virtutis, [Page 52] Industriae, Doctrinae semina, quae etiamnum vigent, quaeque illo & superstiti & extincto, in uberem multoties messem laetam (que) ma­turuere.

Hunc ita (que) Alumnorum Chorum, hanc Domum Felli ad huc institutis florentem, quoties intueor, videre mihi videor cele­brem illum agrum, diligenter consitum, quem Lysandro olim ostendit Cyrus; ubi mirari libet Arborum (ut ita dicam) pro­ceritates & ordines rite dispositos, humum etiam subactam at (que) puram & suavitatem Odorum, qui quidem afflentur è Floribus, potissimum vero diligentiam & solertiam ejus a quo sunt ista dimensa at (que) descripta. Foelix ille noster Agricola, cui fas erat cum Cyro; dicere, Ego ista omnia sum dimen­sus, mei sunt Ordines, mea Descriptio, multae etiam istarum Arborum mea manu sunt satae, & huic & alteri fortasse saeculo profuturae.

Mihi ita (que) qui in obeundo hoc munere viris talibus tantis (que) (felicitati dicam, an fato quodam meo?) proximus succedam, quid restat, nisi ut earum, quibus inclaru­erint virtutum memoriam languentem me diffidentem viribus meis erigam atque in­cendam, nisi ut optimis iisdem, quibus usus sum, dum viverent Magistris, utar & mor­tuis, eorum (que) ad exemplum, qua licet qua possim cunque via, me totum componam?

[Page 53] Magnis quidem illi atque eximiis qui­busdam animi Bonis hoc assecuti sunt, ut possent vobis insigniter prodesse. Istorum quem nihil ad me pertineat, satis intelligo. Unum tantummodo mihi ut cum illis com­mune existimetur contendo; Benevolentiae, at (que) amoris incredibilis quaedam vis, qua in aedem hanc feror, qua vos, vestras (que) res om­nes complector, & in qua nequidem ab ipsis illis Antecessoribus meis (quibusdam nulla alia in re sum conferendus) superatum me iri confido.

N.B. Bishop Atterbury died at Paris the 15th of February 1732, and his Body was brought to England, and interred on the 12th of May following, in his Vault in Westminster Abbey. His Bowels were in an Urn, thus inscribed, ‘ In hac Urnâ depositi sunt cineres FRANCISCI ATTERBURY Episcopi Roffensis.’

TO His Excellency the Right Honourable THOMAS Lord PARKER, Lord High Chancellor of GREAT-BRITAIN, one of his Majesty's Lords Justices. LONDON.

Henley, near Ludlow, Aug. 4. 1719.
MY LORD,

I Taking London in my Way between Lewes and Kingston, came to your Lordship's House the Morning before I went to Kingston, but your Lordship was then sitting. I did then intend to have in­formed your Lordship of what occurred in the Circuit thitherto, relating to the Pub­lick, especially in Kent: and after I came from Kingston, I found your Lordship was gone out of Town; and before your Re­turn I set out for my Country-concerns here in Shropshire, 'till near next Term; so that what Account I give your Lordship must be by Letter.

Tho' your Lordship has heard how the Verdict went in the Tryal at Ro­chester, * [Page 55] yet perhaps it may not be unaccept­able to your Lordship, to have some Abstract of the Matter arising in it. I began at six in the Morning, by my Appointment, and held till twelve. The Court was very full of Clergymen, and a great Auditory; and I gave both Sides Liberty to expatiate as they pleased, especially the Defendants, that they might not say but that they had a full and fair Tryal. Most of the Witnes­ses for the Prosecution were unwilling, and did prove the Facts but meanly; but af­terwards the Witnesses for the Defendants did, upon questioning, prove all the Facts very fully upon all the Defendants, viz. Hendley the Preacher, the School-master and the two Collectors, being all who were served with Process. Serjeant Comins, Sir Const. Phipps and Mr. Blunden, Defendants, after an Harangue upon the Vertue of Cha­rity, and how essential to Christianity (tho' I thought the Texts they cited proved ano­ther sort of Charity, viz. Good-Nature and Good-Neighbourhood, but I thought it not proper then to take Notice of the Distinction) they insisted chiefly,

1. That it would discourage all Chari­ty, and Charity-Schools, which would thus be in Danger of Subversion.

[Page 56] 2. That every Parson might order Col­lections, in his own Parish, for what Cha­rities he please, especially if approved of by the Bishop.

3. That the Rubrick in the Communion Service, a Common-Prayer Book being pro­duced in Court, does imply that the Par­son and the Bishop are intrusted in Col­lections of Charity in the Church; for it says, that if the Parson and Church-war­dens disagree in the Distribution, the Bishop shall determine.

4. That the Parson of the Parish, and also the Bishop of Rochester, did give Hendley Leave to preach this Sermon, for this Purpose.

5. That tho' the Sermon was done, yet the Prayer for the holy Catholic Church at the Communion Table was not quite finish­ed, as were not also the Sentences for ex­citing Charity, when Mr. Farrington, the Justice of Peace, interrupted the Colle­ction.

6. That the two present Archbishops have preached Charity-Sermons, in London, for the Children of other Parishes there.

7. That there is no Precedent of such an Indictment ever before.

Too much Time was spent on both Sides, relating to what Power the Bishops had antiently in the Distribution even of [Page 57] Tythes and Profits relating to the Church, and their Rights to licence Preaching, and to direct what is to be done in Churches, and that Laymen are not to intermeddle there.

Serjeant Darnel, Mr. Baines and Mr. Marsh were pro Rege. The Substance of what they all said is herein mentioned, in­termixed with my own Thoughts in my summing up to the Jury.

I first said, that there were three Things much insisted on by the Defendants Coun­sel, and answered by the Counsel on the other Side, which I thought ought to be pared off and put out of the Case, viz.

1. All Jealousy of discouraging all Cha­rity and Charity-Schools; for that they re­mained just as they were before, as long as they kept within the Bounds of their pro­per Parishes. But tho' this Case was quite of a different Nature, relating to arbitrary Collections, and that in other Parishes, and the coming of fifty Boys and Girls toge­ther begging for that Purpose; and if this was practised, it might do more Harm to Charity-Schools, by making them odious to their Parishes, whose Poor would be in­jured, by lessening the Charity to them.

2. It ought to be put out of the Case, whether Mr. Hendley was authorized to preach there, or not; for that I thought [Page 58] it the same Case if the Parson of the Pa­rish himself had then preached, [It was at my Tongue's End, if the Bishop himself had preached, as indeed it was the same; but I thought it better not to heat the Question by a Supposal of the Bishop's preaching] for that the Preaching was not the Point, being used only to excite giving; but the true Point was, whether the Collection was without lawful Authority; and therefore the Collecting of it in the Church is not a Jot better, in Point of Law, than if the fifty Boys and Girls had stood at the Mar­ket-place, and the Collectors had there re­ceived the Charity of whom they could assemble about them.

3. Another Matter I thought proper to be pared off (tho' so much debated on both Sides) whether it was a Crime (I suppose the Crime suggested in the Bishop of Ro­chester's Court) to interrupt the Collection before the Prayer for the holy Catholic Church, and the Sentences for Charity, were fully read, since they thought, that if such Collecting is an unlawful Act, the proper Time to stop it is just when it be­gins, or soon after, as here was done by Mr. Farrington; for otherwise Common-Prayer, or a Sermon might be used to ju­stify and give a Sanction to any unlawful Act, and this Stop might as well have [Page 59] been in the Middle of the Common-Prayer, or of the Sermon, in case the unlawful Collection had then begun: so that the true Point is, whether the Collection was unlawful; and upon that all the Case de­pends.

As for the Assertion, that every Parson of a Parish may order Collections, in his Parish for Charities, when and for what he pleases; I declared my Opinion, that he could not; it not being any Part of his Function, like reading Prayers, Preaching, Christening, Burying, &c. [...]nd I knew not how he was made Judge of the Times and Objects of all Charities within his Parish, tho' he might preach as much as he pleased upon the general Duty of Charity.

As to the Rubrick in the Communion Service, I said, I thought that was to be taken secundum subjectam materiam, viz. the ordinary Collection at the Communion, which is ever then used to be made for the Poor of that Parish, but should not extend to every Collection the Parson should ap­point for any foreign Charity, and that I did not till now hear that the Clergy did claim such a Power. And farther I said, that I thought those Words of the Rubrick did not imply such a Power in the Parson; for the Words being [the Money given at the Offering shall be disposed of to such [Page 60] pious and charitable Uses as the Parson and the Church-wardens shall think fit, where­in if they disagree, it shall be disposed of as the Ordinary shall appoint.] Such a Power of appointing a Collection at Plea­sure is as much implied in the Church-wardens as in the Parson, for they have as much Liberty to disagree from the Par­son in the Distribution, as the Parson has to disagree from them; and so the Church-wardens might also appoint Collections for what Charities they pleased: but that I thought that the Parson and Church-wardens, either jointly or severally, could not appoint any Collection for Charity otherwise than in common Form for the Poor of their own Parish, and that those are the charitable Uses intended by the Ru­brick, and particularly at the Communion, to the Service of which those Words of the Rubrick are subjoined. [I hope your Lordship, on reading that Part of the Ru­brick at the End of the Communion Ser­vice will be of my Opinion, which I then suddenly declared, as to the Implication, and do not since alter, unless otherwise convinced.]

As to what was mentioned of the two present Archbishops, it was for the Poor of the same Town, tho' of a different Pa­rish: and all the Circumstances of those [Page 61] Cases do not now appear, nor were they litigated, as this Case is.

As to the Objection, that there is no Precedent of such an Indictment ever before.

Sol.—There never was such an At­tempt before, that fifty Boys and Girls should go into another Parish, in another County, and make a kind of Migration in such a Body, really begging, tho' with great Formality. And tho' much might be said (as the Counsel for the King in­sisted) to bring them within the Statute of Vagrants, especially seeing the Stat. of 39. Eliz. C. 4. Paragr. 2. says, That all Persons calling themselves Scholars, going about begging, shall be accounted Va­grants: yet I judged it not proper to put the Case upon that Point, when I thought it so clear otherways, and fit so to be men­tioned.

I also told the Jury, that this Case did consist of two Parts: the first but parti­cular, and the other very general.

As to the particular, it is relating to the Maintenance of the Poor, which is not of a Spiritual Nature, but a mere Lay-Con­cern, and relating to the Civil Govern­ment; and the several Acts of Parliament do plainly esteem it as such, by ordering the Rates and Collections for the Poor, and [Page 62] putting the whole Managment into the Lay Hands of the Justices of the Peace, and the Over-seers of the Poor, who are to be nominated by the Justices of the Peace, and accountable to them, and by their Directions to set the Poor at Work, if they thought proper; and therefore a Justice of Peace, being then in the Church, might well take it to be a Matter within his Jurisdiction, and that he might stop such a new and extraordinary Proceeding, newly begun among the Clergy, relating to the Maintenance of the Poor, and a Col­lection made by Strangers, without the Consent or Assistance of the Church-war­dens or Over-seers of the Poor of that Parish.

But this Case, if under a general Con­sideration, is of a vast Extent, and mighty Consequence to the King and the People, and at which the very Legislature may take great Umbrage. The levying of Mo­ney is the tenderest Part of our Constitu­tion, and if it may be done arbitrarily, under the Shew and Form of Charity, (which may comprize all good Works and all good Intentions) it cannot be said whi­ther it may go, any more than it can be said whither these fifty Boys and Girls may go: for as, by the same Reason, they may go into all the Parishes in England, [Page 63] so Collections, as for Charities, may be set up in all the Churches in England by the Clergy, as often as they please: and tho' it be said, it is all but Voluntary giving, yet it is a sort of Compulsion, by the Solemni­ty in the Church, and vying with others, and being marked out, if refusing, or giving meanly.

In the Time of Charles I. the Parlia­ment took great Offence at some Attempts for free Gifts to the Crown; and we hear that Cardinal Alberoni is now setting up the like all over Spain.

But besides, here in England no Collection, even for Charity (unless for the Poor of the same Parish) is, by Law, to be made, but by the Leave and Permission of the King, gathering of Money being so nice a Mat­ter, that it must not be done, even for Cha­rity, without his Leave, in the most com­passionate Cases; and thence the antient Method of Briefs, under the Great Seal, has been used, even upon extreme great Losses by Fire. And the Stat. of 4 and 5 of Anne, have put the whole Manage­ment of Briefs under the Regulation of the Court of Chancery, and impower the lay­ing great Fines upon the Offenders. But this Method were giving a Go-by to all Royal Licences, and putting it in the Pow­er of the Clergy to do all Acts of Charity of [Page 64] themselves at the Expence of the People, and to be sole Judges of the Occasions, and to make what Application and Ac­count they please.

I told the Jury, that I was very clear of Opinion, in Point of Law, this was a Case of dangerous Consequence, and was an Invasion not only on the King's Pre­rogative, but also upon the Legislature, and that I thought the Defendants Guilty.

The Jury stayed out but a little while and brought them in all Guilty. I then told the Defendants Counsel, that if they did not like my Opinion, in Point of Law, they might bring their Writ of Er­ror; and the Indictment being so special, it did equal a special Verdict, and they might have the Opinion of a special Court, if they pleased.

I then set a Fine of a Noble upon each Defendant, I saying, it was so small only because it was made a Question; but now that a Verdict had settled it, there would be very heavy Fines upon those who should presume to offend in like Manner hereafter. Yet I heard that some Gentlemen in the Town had thereupon said, that I had been too favourable to them by so small Fines: but it was far from my Intention of any Favour to them, but of Service to the King; whereas, if great, it might have been said, [Page 65] that, while they were prosecuted for levy­ing Money on the People, the Prosecution was only to levy Money upon them, when it was really to settle the Point: and great Fines might have raised Compassion, and perhaps a Collection for them. It would be great Satisfaction to me if your Lord­ship be of the same Opinion with me, as to the Smallness of the Fines; I am sure I intended it for the best.

I gave Mr. Woodford a News-Paper, wherein was an Advertisement, which I thought very fit to be shewed to Superiors: that the Bishop of London had issued a Cir­cular Letter, to all his Clergy, to collect Charities in their Parishes for the poor Vi­carages in England, which I thought much of a Kin to the late Collection in Kent, or rather more dangerous, not only by raising a vast Sum of Money (if the like in all Dioceses) but also by marking out People how far affected to the Church throughout England, and casting some Reflection upon Queen Anne's Bounty, and upon a benefi­cial Explanation after by his present Ma­jesty, yet as if to be supported by begging: and this done in a Time of Taxes, which must appear the more heavy after such Collections; and the Clergy would thus gain a Power of raising Money as they please, and applying it as they please. How [Page 66] this Project goes on I know not; but sure it ought to be stopped: and for that Pur­pose, a Thing very apposite was mentioned in the Debate of the late Tryal in Kent, That commonly about Christmas, when it is hard with the Poor for want of Work, in great Frost and Snow, then the Bishop of London does send a Circular Letter, to the Parishes within the Bills of Mortality, to make Collections for the Poor, to be put into the Hands of the Lord Mayor. But it was also alledged in the same Tryal, that, pre-cedent to such Circular Letter, of that Bishop, the King sends a Letter, un­der his Sign Manual, to that Bishop, au­thorizing and requiring him so to do. This deserves to be inquired into, and, if true, it is a Case in Point against this new Letter of the Bishop of London, if without the King's Licence.

A Man of Rochester, worth nothing, was convicted before me of drinking the Pretender's Health. I ordered him to be whipped, in open Market, twice, till his Back was bloody, with a Month between the first and second Whipping.

And at Lewes, a Man of Rye was con­victed before me for drinking the Health of King James the Third, and saying, he knew no such Person as King George. He had run out a good Estate by Looseness, and [Page 67] had nothing left but an Annuity of thirty Pounds per Annum, for his Life. I fined him a hundred Pounds, and committed him till paid, and that he should find good Sureties for his good Behaviour for three Years next after the Payment of the Fine. I told him, that by his paying a hundred Pounds to King George, he would certainly know there is such a Person.

Your Lordship's Notion, against setting a State Offender in the Pillory, was certainly very right, and did so convince me, that I have ever since ordered corporal or pecuniary Punishments upon them, as having a better Effect upon shameless People, and without giving the Mob an Opportunity to be trou­blesome.

I declared in all my Charges in this Circuit, as I did the two last Terms at Westminster, that the Number of base Libels, and sedi­tious Papers, is intolerable, and that now a quicker Course will be taken about them; for that now the Government will not be so much troubling itself to find out the Authors of them, but as often as any such Papers are found on the Tables of Coffee-Houses, or other News-Houses, the Master of the House shall be answerable for such Papers, and shall be prosecuted as the Pub­lisher of them, and let him find out the Author, Letter-Writer, or Printer, and [Page 68] take Care, at his Peril, what Papers he takes in.

This last was a Maiden Home-Circuit, which had not been known before, and is to be attributed to the late good Law of Transportation, which is well put in Ex­ecution in the Counties near London, whence Transporting is easy, but not so well in other Parts of England. The Treasury would save much Money, partly by paying fewer Rewards of forty Pounds, and partly by not long maintaining Fel­lows in Gaol, if some Rates were agreed to be given to Merchants to carry them off speedily.

Your Lordship's Order of Notification, to the Justices of Peace, had a very good Effect, for they appeared much better this Circuit than formerly, especially in Surrey, where I told them, that I would request your Lordship, that you would please to acquaint his Majesty, at his Return, how very well, in particular, his Justices of Peace in Surrey had appeared, upon his Pleasure being notified to them for that Purpose.

I did, in all my Charges, inform the Audience of the Occasion and Necessity of that Notification, for that there was grown a Sort of general Neglect, all over England, of the Appearance of the Justices of Peace [Page 69] at the Assizes, when the Judges had often Matters to inform them of, by Command of his Majesty; and Trials of Felons were often imperfect, by the Non-attendance of the committing Justice of Peace; and that their Attendance was a Respect due to the King and his Government, upon those solemn Occasions: and that it is no Hard­ship upon them; there being three Excuses, which will be readily admitted, if, upon the Call, mentioned to the Court, barely upon the Word of some other Justice, or Proof upon Oath by some other Person. viz. 1. If not fit to travel, by Age or want of Health. 2. If living out of the County. 3. If then actually out of the County. But if Justices of Peace shall remain at home, about their private Affairs, or to avoid the Trouble of a Journey to the Assizes, it ought to be looked on as a Neglect of the Duty of their Office: for they are not called only to notify to the People, that they are in Commission, but to answer to their Names in Person.

Many of those in Commission do not act, and have not taken the Oath of Of­fice: whereupon I ordered, in open Court, each Clerk of the Peace, against next Term, to transmit to your Lordship a List of such as reside in the County, and refuse to act; yet that he does, in the mean time, [Page 70] know of them, if they persist in such Re­fusal; that so it may be their own doing if they are put out of the Commission, after his Majesty's Favour to them in being put in.

I fear I have tired your Lordship with this long, tho' abridged, Account: but your Lordship's Pardon will be an Addition to all your former Favours, to

My Lord,
Your Lordship's Most Faithful and Most Humble Servant, LITTLETON POWYS.

ABSALON ET ACHITOPHEL.
Carmine Latino Heroico. *

COgnovere pias nondum pia secula fraudes
Arte sacerdotum, nondum vetuere maritos
Multiplici celebrare jugo connubia leges;
Cum Vir sponsarum numeraverat agmen, & uni
Non servire toro, sato adversante, coactus
Plurima fertilibus produxit stemmata lumbis;
Cum stimulos Natura daret, nec legibus ullis
Et sponsae & lenae vetitum est commune cubile:
Tunc Israelis, coelo cedente, Monarcha
Concubitu vario vernas, nuptasque fovebat:
Quáque erat Imperii limes, ibi messe feraci
Transcripta Archetypi sparsim generatur imago.
Ornavit Regale caput Diadema Michalis;
[Page 72] Cultori ingratum, vel quod sterilesceret, arvum:
Non aliud par hujus erat; nam plurima mater
Jam pridem multos utero satis ubere natos
Jessidi peperit. Sed sacra cubilia vernae
Cum premerent, soboles obliquo tramite Sceptrum
Arripuit, spurioque fuit de sanguine Princeps.
Has inter stirpes eluxerat Absalon, ipsâ
Nec formâ inferior, cessit virtute nec ulli.
An magè divino Pater inspiratus amore
Ipsum progenuit majore libidinis aestro
Praecocis ing'nii, vel quòd bene conscia fata
Felicem dederint ad Sceptra virilibus ansam
Formae ornamentis, & iter proclive parâssent,
Huic Fama in campis sonuit matura remotis
Invictumque Ducem agnorant socialia Regna:
Pace minas oculis, animoque excusserat arma
Quaelibet, ut natus tantum videatur amori.
Siquod agat, mentes adeò mulcebat, ut ipsum
Jusserit, aut saltem docuit Natura placere:
Quicquid agit, genio peragi ridente videtur,
Et vultu amotis rugis afflabat amores.
Laetitiâ hunc tacitâ fovet indulgentia Patris,
Qui quasi bis natum se viva in imagine vidit:
Nil inconcessum voto sitiente rogavit,
Annabal at thalamo cessit socianda jugali.
Crimina siqua, Pater (quis enim sine crimine vivit?)
Non potuit, lippis vel saltem aspexit ocellis.
Quosdam, quêis mirè lex blanda pepercerat, aestus
Impete commotos nimio dixere Juventam,
Fermento tantum quae desaecanda, calenti.
[Page 73] Impia & Amnonis specioso nomine caedes
Justa obtrectatae famae vindicta vocatur.
Sic inconcussâ regeret dum pace Sionem
Rex David, juvenis laudatur, & unus amatur.
At rarò faustae series manet integra vitae,
Dii poenâ pravos urgent, tentamine justos.
Judoei, populus rigidae cervicis, & asper
Moribus, & querulus; Gens nulla procacius illâ
Vim velut extremam est Divini experta favoris;
Gens adamata Deo, nimiâ lasciva quiete,
Impatiens Regis, placandaque Numine nullo:
(Numina nam variae molis, variaeque figurae.
Quae faber ex sacro potuit procudere ferro,
Aut pius Antistes effingere mente, probâsset)
Egregiè sapiens populus, nimiumque beatus
Somniat heu! justae se libertatis egenum.
Et cum per terras usquam Gens nulla reperta est,
Quae magis arbitrio vixit, vel lege soluta,
Moxanimum ad sylvas flectit, nemorum (que) recessus,
Et proeter Satyros omnes servire putabat.
Qui post funebrem Sauli sine vulnere pompam
Isboset insulsum Diadema odisse coegit;
Cujus ope ad solium David redit exul ab Hebron,
Rexque inter medios uno velut ore triumphos
Saepe salutatur plausu resonante catervae.
Ipsi hi Judoei, vel tum cùm summa professi,
Non Regi obsequium, ast animi sua vana sequacis
Arbitria ostentant, & jam mirantur ad annos
Factitium tanto colerent quid honore Monarcham.
Quem manibus fecêre suis, fas tollere credunt,
[Page 74] Aut titulo donare mero, quo Regia tantum,
Aureus ut quondam vitulus, coleretur imago.
Ventilat haec obiter tumida plebecula bile,
In scelus, aut quaestum nondum coalescere coepit,
Optima pars populi Judoei, & criminis expers
Dulcia tranquilli bene noverat otia Regni;
Seclaque respiciens cauto terrore relapsa,
Vulnera conspexit malè sarta, & turpia visu.
Cumque cicatrices grumoso sanguine plenas
Viderit, execrata memor civilia bella est.
Quorum animus nimiâ tunc non excanduit irâ
His moti, positâ dubiae libramina lancis
Mole premunt, vigilisque sagax clementia Regis
Sustulit optatam populis discordibus ansam.
Cum tamen in vetitum genio labente feramur,
Providus hamatam Satanas mox projicit offam,
Et quasi nequitioe leno mala praebet amata.
Jam conjurati malefidae Foederis artes
Erupere, Bonâ Causâ veterique jubente.
Vera, an falsa licèt, nam Conjuratio Regum
Excidium est, ipsâque trahit Respublica vitam.
Antiquam Solymam Jebusito semine nati
Incoluere viri, traxit urbs nomen ab illis;
Jus His nativum fuerat—
Cùm tamen Electus geminatis viribus arma
Movisset populus, Jus ipsum evasit iniquum:
Et quo plura mali tulerat dispendia fati
Incola, censetur magè displicuisse Tonanti.
Viribus effoetis, aut fractis hinc Jebusitoe
[Page 75] Vellent, an nollent, Jessidem agnoscere Regem
Coguntur, facti extorto moderamine servi,
Auctaque cùm victâ solvunt tellure tributa.
Et quod vix animo humano tolerabile, salfis
Luduntur probris, vilique oequalia ligno
Numina vulgari crepitant combusta favillâ.
Moverat hoc rapidam Pagani Antistitis iram:
Ambit idem in varia nam Relligione Sacerdos.
Qualiscunque sui fuerit prosapia Divi,
Seu lapide, aut trunco, tenui vel origine nati,
Ipsum defendunt parili virtute ministri,
Tanquam explorato genus enumerasset ab auro.
Atque haec Rabbinis, quamvis hostilibus ipsos.
Incessant odiis, solers prudentia visa est.
Nam Gens obstrictos credit pietate togata
Det vitae quicunque penu commune tueri.
Hinc ortum duxit Patrioe communis * Erinnis,
Re mala, sed specie nova conjuratio pejor.
Excessu laudata pari, & traducta, probata
Jurantum verbis, morientum voce negata.
Non excussa vagae penso libramine plebis,
Indigesta tamen, massâque absorpta recenti.
Quaedam vera tulit, sed cum farragine mirâ
Falsorum mixta, & mendacibus abdita larvis,
Subtili ingenio paradoxa, crepundia crasso.
Qui nullis, facilemve dedit omnibus olim
Traditur aequali sibi delirâsse furore.
[Page 76] Ritibus Aegyptis fatuus Jebusita colendis
Se devovit, ubi commendat Numina Gustus.
Numina nec dubium est, cùm non insulsa, placere,
Quae simul in Divos cultori & pabula cedent.
Vi potuit nullâ spretos obtrudere Divos
(Nam binis impar fuit & Tyrinthius Heros.)
Hinc placuit tentare dolos (Antistitis artes)
Nam stolidos suasu citius quàm robore vinces.
Judoeos tandem facto velut agmine coetus
Clamosi invadunt praefrictâ fronte magistri,
Fautoresque sui cultus scrutantur in Aula,
Atque ipsum alliciunt ad pulpita sacra lupanar.
Quod tulit Hebroeus non aequâ mente Sacerdos,
Balantem quòd lana gregem sua jure sequatur.
Persuasum est aliis intenta pericula Regi
Bombardis olim per secula longa repertis.
Non hoc jurabit vates, sed Daemone junctus
Quis novit quantum poterit Jebusita cruentus?
Hoc, quod vulgari tantum strategemate fultum
Sperato nunquam successu Foedius egeret,
Omen, & occulti dederat praesagia damni.
Nam velut accensus cùm corda per intima flagrat
Febre cruor, celeri stagnum delabitur undâ
Protinus, & peccans citò quilibet aestuat humor,
Qui prius innocuas lambit sine murmure ripas:
Sic cùm divisum est studia in contraria vulgus,
In spumam fervet parilem, Regnoque minatur.
Quidam judicio facilis censentur amici,
Sed plures sapuisse suo, & velut obice jacto
Imperio, frustrâ quod captavêre, resistunt.
[Page 77] Quosdam Aulae immeritus favor insignivit, at illinc
Ejecti, Lemurum ritu, obdurantur in ipsis
Flagitiis. Alios ad munera publica Regni
Affines solio, condonatosque rebelles
Fatali extulerat Rex mansuetudine David.
( Arcta quidem vincla, ingratos si vincla ligârint,)
Achitophel fallax horum vetus agmina duxit
Signifer, exosum ventura in secula nomen.
Consiliis promptus vafris, versutiùs illo
Occultos ageret nemo cum fraude cunîclos.
Turbidus ingenii, capitis subtilis & audax,
Judicii nullo constans dictamine, nullâ
Sede, sed imperio fremit indignatus in omni,
Dedecus incensum, velut unguis in ulcere, torquet.
Ignea mens latè dum sese expandere nisa est,
Pygmaeam senio quasi molem attrivit edaci
Corporis, obducens limosa habitacula formâ.
Rebus in angustis audax Nauclerus & idem
Exultans ipsis, dum saeviat unda, periclis.
Tempestate frui gaudet, pelagoque sereno
Iratus brevia, & scopulos accedere gestit,
Ut tantùm ostentet, quantum scirà arte valeret.
Ingeniis certè comes est dementia summis,
Atque horum tenui distat discrimine limes.
Aut hic divitiis, titulisque onoratus honoris,
Sedata effaetae cur deneget otia vitae?
Torqueat & carnis ficcam insatialibus offam?
Quae quamvis fundo quasi suspirârit in imo
Exhaurique timet, tranquillae est prodiga vitae.
Totus & hic sudor tanto ut conamine partis
[Page 78] Filius iste, bipes, animalque implume, fruatur.
Qui confusa vagae est inter phantasmata mentis
Editus, informis moles, rudis instar Anarchae.
Infidus fidis, & inexorabilis irâ,
Aut geret Imperii, penitúsve excindet habenas.
Hic triplici rupit socialia foedera nodo,
Ut prope divulsis tremeret quassata columnis
Ipsa salus populi; sub quo cervice paratâ
Longinquo servire jugo sterit Incola Judae.
Hunc famae ambitio cepit terroribus actum
Grata, nec erubuit patriae pater ipse vocari.
Tam facile est animis saevit cùm mobile vulgus,
Si Commune Bonum specie simuliter inani,
Crimina fucatâ privata recondere larvâ.
Quàm sacra nequitia, & tutò Catilina rebellat!
Quà nemo in blandam poterit delinquere plebem.
Crimina quà spectat nictanti vulgus ocello,
Culpa nec ulla patet, quia quo delicta videntur
Alterius, speculo sua contemplatur eodem.
At meritae famae nec perfidus invidet hostis,
Quòd fora clamosis moderator litibus orba
Fecerit, & trutinâ justum deciderit aequâ;
Sed vix Patricium merito dignamur honore.
Justior Abbethdin Israelitica nunquam
In fora descendit, neque jura latentia lotis
Purior explicuit manibúsve intactior auro.
Sponte, & judiciis miseros protexit inemptis,
Accessu facilis, succinctae ad munera curae.
O! Sibi si Regem meritis obstringere tantùm
Aemulus ambiret sola exercendo Togatae
[Page 79] Munera militiae, vel si non nobile semen
Ingrata lolio, & sterili premeretur avenâ:
Huic David Lyricas pulsaret pollice chordas,
Aeternoque uno caruisset carmine coelum.
Ambitio at properat praeceps ad lubrica, in uno
Nescia stare loco, solida tellure gravatur
Compingi; at gaudet glaciali tramite duci
Achitophel, justae famae pigreque beatae
Pertaesus vitae jam fastidivit onustos
Fructibus auratis impune excerpere ramos,
Brachia sed cupido dedit auxiliaria vulgo,
Regia quêis fructus concusset remitteret arbor,
Jam detecta suum vulpecula vafra reatum,
Qui quodam latuit foetante reconditus ovo,
Praedicat, in stratam Regemque lacessit arenam.
Jus contra Regem Causae popularis aperto
Defendit clypeo & postico crimine leges
Persequitur. Posthac speratam Foederis ansam
Arripit horrendi, quod tam praegnante receptum
Ingenio plura eduxit, majoraque factis.
Hince mala secretis refert inventa susurris
Nescio quae, capiti timidae impendentia plebis.
Mox tamen arbitrio sobolet tractanda meraco
Imperia, & Regem Jebusitam detegit ipsum.
Argumenta quidem delumbia, sed bene novit
Quam facilè his capitur populis proclivis ad arma
Sponte sua, Dominae namque ad ludibria Lunae
Judaei rapti motus imitantur eosdem:
Et post lustra (ferunt ut Scribae) quatuor ipso
Naturae instinctu Dominum mutare docentur.
[Page 80] Achitophel frendebat adhuc Ducis indigus apti;
Absalon hinc placuit, caput insuperabile bello:
Non quòd tergeminis optaret honoribus ipsum
Tollere (Patricius nam raro flagrat amore
Aut odio) titulo, sed quòd cognoverit orbum
Et justo mancum, cogi dare vela favori
Plebeio, ut regum velut expirante supremam
Majestate Animam tandem delata Potestas
Ad plebem, & populi faeces, Regalia ferret,
Compositis mulcere dolis hunc tentat, & acre
Effeundens viris verborum, talia fatur.
Angustissime Princeps!
In natalia cujus
Regale Australi pollebat in aethere sydus;
Deliciae, patriaeque idem redamantis Adonis:
Et Tutelari trepidam qui protegis igne,
Obscuraeque die defendis tegmine nubis.
Tu Moses alter cujus vibrata marinos
Virga secat fluctus, sanctae confinia terrae
Ostendens, cujus surgentem in quolibet aevo
Lucem inspirato cecinit sacra ore propheta.
Optantis populi votum, laetabile vatum
Augurium, juvenum demissum coelitus aestrum;
Religiosa senes de Te sua somnia fingunt.
Conscia Gens omnis Te, Te [...] satetur,
Omen & aspectu nunquam saliata precatur.
Sic non quoesitis celebrat vestigia pompis;
Nomen & Infantes lingua titubante docentur
Balbutire Tuum, blaesaque extollere Voce.
[Page 81] Quid tantâ suspensa morâ communia differs
Gaudia? jejunae tanquàm moderamine gentis
Defraudes genium, peragisque inglorius annos.
Ecce! pie stupidus vento pascêris inani
Virtutis, donec quae jam Tua gloria fulget,
Palleat, & fiat repetito evanida visu.
Crede mihi, extensâ subitò, stirps Regia, dex
College maturum, aut putrescet in arbore fructus.
Aut serò aut citius coelesti lege jubentur
Fausta repentinae fortunae emergere fata;
Quêis benè si vigili velut insidiamur ocello,
Artis ope (Humano nam res humana regenda est
Arbitrio) tanquàm clivo delabitur aequo
Fortuna, & primo resumit ab impite vires.
Indeprensa tamen celeri velocior aurâ
Evolat, & rictu stupidos inhiante relinquit
Mirantes ad terga fugax, jam jam tibi palmâ
Insigni occurrit, dumque exagitata volatu
Festinat, pandit laxos in fronte capillos.
Si David, cujus genitali enascere lumbo,
Sceptra recusâsset fortunâ oblata secundâ,
Exul perpetuus Gathi manisisset, & unctus
Incassum coelesti oleo diadema petîsset.
Erigat objectam spem fortunata juventus, *
Sed defecturae vites exempla Senectae.
Aspicis occiduo dùm mergitur aequore Phaebus
Crescit ut elatis extensa vaporibus umbra.
[Page 82] Non jam qualis erat Jordani in littore quondam
Ad vada cum populus grege confertissimus uno
Applausu reboans stetit, & laetante propinquum
Prae turba obductum latuit caligine littus:
Sed velut Angelicus Princeps è culmine lapsus,
Contractâ praeceps descendit ad Infima luce,
Quem fatuum Foedus populari prodidit irae
(Solus ab exoso reditu successus) adunco
Undi (que) Plebs naso, salibus (que) illudet amaris.
Grex hominum, qui quondam uno quasi fasce liga­tus
Difflatus tenus sparsim raresset ab aurâ.
Viribusille Tuis quibus obluctabitur armis,
Hostibus assiduis septus, nudatus amicis?
Ancipitem Pharaonis opem si posceret, illo
Judaeam auxilio magis irritaverit iram.
Auxiliatricem Aegyptus simularet amicam,
Et non suppetiis Regem, sed fomite bellum
Promotura novo; nec Regi astricta fidelis
Pars populi Ogygiis Jebusitae assisteret armis.
Si tamen assistat, Jessidem in visa potestas
Franget, auxiliis magis enervabitur auctis:
Dum Gens tota meâ Reges feliciter arte
Detestata suos miseri Jessidis iniquum
Imperium excutiat. Nam jam clamantur ad omnes
Relligio, Libertas, & Respublica vicos.
Publicus ipse pugil dignum Te vindice nodum
Si solvas, titulum & regalem insignibus addas,
Quid non Israel speret? Praeconia quanta
Talis, & ob talem dux Ipse merebere Causam?
Non laudis sonitu, aut vacuâ celebrabere famâ,
[Page 83] Quae fatuis sola est blandita, ut Tulipa, formâ,
Ast erit imperium solido tibicine fultum;
Limite nobilior justoque inclusa potestas,
Dilectae unanimi Patriae Tibi tradita voto est,
Quàm longâ titulus serie, & caligine multâ,
Semesusque situ Sacrâ direptus ab Arco.
Quid non Laus animis generosis imprimet?
Ambitio quos caeca rapit, palpantque salaces
Blanditiae. Sitis Imperii vapidissima terrae,
Noxiaque herba soli coelesti semine nata est;
Gloria dicta Dei: Sed cùm Natura laborat
Hâc humana siti, praecordia mollia tantùm,
Coeligenae nimiùm torret scintillula flammae
Pruritu imperii, famoeque libidine vanae.
Turgidus Angelicâ Juvenis nimis indole, captus
Illecebris Virtutis iter malè sedulus erro
Deseruit. Bibulas sic blandus inebriat aures *
Applausus, sic laude satur vitiatur adeptâ.
Dissentire malo, nec consentire gravatus
(Nam vel adhuc tumidae Regali sanguine venae
Fervebant) sic effatur—
—Quo publica Gentis,
Jam mihi praetextu libertas suggerit arma?
Indubiâ Genitor populum ditione coercet,
Deliciae Humani Generis, fideique columna
Antiquae, comis, legum observantior ipsâ
Plebe suâ, & multis coelestia Numina miris
[Page 84] Susceptae partes egêre faventia causae.
Cui mala curriculo regni dispendia toto
Intulit? Incassum vel quis Regale tribunal
Adfugit? venia quot mille beaverat hostes,
Justa implicatae quos ultio tradidit irae?
Humanus, facilis, nostrae utilitatis avarè
Aemulus, & clemens, fundendo in sanguine parcus.
Candida Judaea malè si cervice feratur
Mansuetudo, Dei est ipsius amabile crimen.
Proderit infido populum quid fallere fuco,
Arbitrióve mero jus inviolabile regni
Commutare sui; Pharaoh moderamine tali
Dicat frugifero verba execrantia Nilo,
Servilique jugo paret: At Jessidis amaena
Si nimis ingratam moveant moderamina bilem
Judaeis, illo premit aegra Canicula morbo.
Cur igitur pravos pressis calcaribus urgens
Insanire juvet motis populariter armis?
Si sua crudeli vexâsse tyrranide regna,
Aut Jebusitaeis cuperet succurrere turmis,
Non indigna querar; sed nexa ligamine sacro
Compescat motus Natura, manúsque retardet.
Arma quidem populus pro libertate moveret;
Sed quod jus illi tribuit, mihi crimen habetur.
Festinus mihi nulla favos optanda relinquit,
Auxius at tardis properat praecurrere votis.
Dum spirat David quid plura rapaciùs optem?
Omnia, regali excepto diademate, cedit.
Atque hoc—Tunc aegro ducens suspiria corde,
Devotum est meliùs caput insignire merentis.
[Page 85] Nam cùm transactae Genitor post taedia vitae
Serus ad aethereas fato properaverit auras,
In solio stirps vera suo dominabitur: expers
Hujus, in * agnato descendet tramite, sceptrum,
Invidiâ quamvis populari oppressus, at audax
Frater, jura tenens certo pendentia fato,
Omne quod incoctum est generoso pectus honesto
Subjecit, vel charus adhuc, quêis vita fidesque
Inculpata manet. Stabili pronuntiat hostis
Virtute infractum, fidum profitentur amici,
†Obsequium Princeps, famam testabitur orbis.
Hujus & indigno parcet clementia vulgo,
Namque indulgenti certè est à stemmate natus.
Cur adeò decreta querar nimis improba coeli
Quòd gestanda mea non det regalia dextra?
O! mihi si flatu spirantia fata secundo
Nobiliúsve Genus, mentémve ad sordida pronam
Contulerint, animam mihi tantorumque capacem
Non tam plebeiâ misceri sorde dedissent.
Sentio, jam spirant altos proecordia motus
Maternusque movet Patri fastidia venter.
Natali arctatus tenui quid origine claudor?
En! Anima irridet mea tali affinia nexu,
Et dictat tacitis sceptro prognata susurris,
Magnorum coeleste famem fore nobile crimen.
Sic dum Tartareo Juvenis mangone vacillans,
Et nisa imbelli Virtus munimine pressa est
[Page 86] Hic nova semicremis fomes incendia lignis
Subjicit, & tales emisit pectore voces.
En! Deus aeternus, qui prudentissimus idem,
Optimus haec Genio non est largitus inani
Eventu miranda Tuo tot dona: beatum
Quot reddent Vestrum miracla recondita regnum?
Ipsa Tua, inviti licet, argumenta probârunt,
Te tantum solio dignum, sceptrumque mereri.
Non mihi quod sannas moveat Clementia Patris,
Sed magis exornat virtus diadema virilis.
Vera loquor, lenis populo concedit hianti
Quicquid avet, fortè & votis non debita justis.
Sed favor imbellem testatur prodigus, & non
Ingenii, blandae sed verior indolis index.
Quò populus vinêlis spatiari in compita ruptis
Certaret, nisi sub distracto, & deside Rege?
Concedat, donec sua concedendo fatiscat;
Pauperiem frugi Sanhedrim sufferre docebit:
Quilibet & siclus,, fixa quem clauserit arca,
Abrasoe pretio quasi majestatis emetur.
Insidiis vexare novis mihi provida cura
Incumbit, rigidive malis immergere belli,
Quod multis opibus constabit, sanguine multo.
Dum velut exhaustis infirma oeraria venis
Deficiant, jurisque inopes regalis eodem
Relliquioe pretio curti centussis emantur.
Omnibus imponam Jebusitae nomen amicis,
Aut de Niliaco stipendia principe dicam
Venali data ferre side; quos nostra revulsos
Extorsit rabies cùm tutelaribus ulnis
[Page 87] Crispata vulgi suspensum nare relinquam.
Imperii, quem jam tremebundus abominor, haeres
Proximus, invidice nostrâ comtemptior arte
Prostat & ex ipsâ traxit virtute ruinam;
Me duce presbyteris & publicus audiit hostis.
Pignore depositi primo licitabimur auri
Jus ejus, donec fixâ venale sub hastâ est:
Dum laris incerti titulum rescindere lege
Jessidem duris urgens in rebus egestas
Constringat, det jusque Tibi. Sed nolle putemus;
Et populi reges regnant, & jure creantur.
Imperium tantum est fidei commissa potestas,
Quae domino substracta semel, non amplius aequa est.
Communi sancita bono successio, Gentem
Consensu invitam dispendia ferre tenebit?
Si populum series querulum mutata levârit,
Unum pro populo dabitur caput.
Judaeis vis nota sua est, moderamina Saulo
Cum nondum commissa truci, sub Numine Rege
Vivebant, ipsumque ausi detrudere regno.
Dic mihi quà Pietas? Nati quà nomen? & aequum
Jus patris? & famae manet anxia cura futurae?
Haec commune bonum (cui coelum paruit ipsum,
Vox Populi) rapido quasi dissipat omnia vento.
Non mentitus amor generosae fascina menti
Injiciat. Natura suum genus arte propagat.
Indulgens Genitor, fata etsi sera perosus,
Diligit in vivâ se prolis imagine tantum.
Emicet aut factis favor exploratus amicis,
Desinat aut natum praetextu eludere vano.
[Page 88] Dilexisse Tuum Patrem Deus ipse fatetur,
Veracemque dato (Ratio solidissima) regno
Se probat, indicium nec erat fallacis amoris
Pastorique gregem & conferre peculia tanta.
Dilectum David Te vellet Adonida credi?
Cur capiti ignoto diademata regia tradat?
Quo vultu, nomenque Pii quo vendicet ore?
Diis placet haeredem structa deludere fraude?
Aemulus Hic summo cumulat moderamine fratrem hymnos,
Sed sterilis legata soli tibi perdita tradet.
Fortè Lyram Antiquam, veteres quâ obmurmurat
Quaedam insulsa Tuas Hebraea aut cantica laudes.
Proximus hinc haeres, princeps austerus & acer,
Jamjam zelotypo spectat Te lumine, spectat
Ille dolosque Tuos raro velamîne textos;
Observat quali praecordia decipis escâ
Humana, ingentes quantumvis murmure luctus
Strangulet interno: Nam siqua injuria quaestu
Non patet introrsum meditans vindicta rependet.
Qualiter hirsutus Lybicis dormitat in arvis,
Aut inhians praedae simulat Leo ducere somnos,
Dum lustra incaute securus obambulate hostis
Rugitu presso, contractoque excubat ungue;
Maturo tandem juvat insanire furore
Terribilique feris celer exilit ore latebris:
Iratusque licet, prostrato ignoscere vulgo
Gestit, at indomitae post flagra reciproca caudae
Pinguefacit tremulo se venatore triumphans.
Res Tua consiliis tardis nec lenibus upta est;
Stet tibi seu fato vinci, vel acuminis ense
[Page 89] Laetiferi victâ de gente referre triumphos:
Quem, cum vita Tibi statuatur palma, relaxa
Vagina inclusum; Nam cum Natura vocarit,
Te primogenita mandat quasi lege tueri.
Nec semel incensam sine defervescere plebem,
Audiat infandum nè justa Rebellio crimen.
Ipse datam capias, quaecunque extenditur, ansam,
At tituli aethereâ Genitor dum vescitur aura
Jus inquire Tui, nullaque ut imagine sumi
Arma putent, capta in tutelam Principis ede,
Cui secreti hostes, ficti insidiantur amici.
Et Jessidaeae quis tum penetralia mentis
Rimari poterit? Nimiâ formidine forsan
Exuat ingenium suspecti affabile damni.
Quid? quamvis natum propter sponsale jugalis
Connubii votum, serâque solubile lege,
Depereat; toto metuit sed pectore fratrem.
Haec ita? speratae vi se submittere flagrat,
Utque salax mulier, tantum ut videatur iniquo
Constringi fato, & rapido torrente referri.
Nec metuas, mistâ si cum subriserit irâ,
Optatum gratâ diadema auferre rapinâ.
Sed patrocinium capto sine Principe causae
Enerve est, captum Regem nam jura sequuntur.
Dixerat arecta magis auscultaverat aure
Absalon his, vitae (tantum ambitione remotâ)
Integer, immani nunquam feritate notatus,
Nec faustus tumuit vesicâ inflatus inani.
Quàm felix esset si provida fata dedissent,
[Page 90] Aut non tam dignis, aut nobilioribus ortum
Stemmatibus! solium juste Tua Regia virtus
Assereret; Gens quaeque Tuo, nisi Patria, felix
Viverit influxu: tamen incantamina summi
Cum pauci Imperii rigida cervice recusent
Non agimus sontem, sed lamentamur ineptum.
Spes intensa fuit rivalia viribus arma
Frangendi oppositis, dubium populique favorem
Captandi blandis (merces vilissima!) verbis.
Sic dum zelotypâ caluit plebecula flamma,
Hic conjuratum populari efferre boatu
Molitur Foedus, quem providus agmine juncto
Incitat Achitophel, studiis discordibus actâ
Stipatus turbâ, quam conglutinavit in omne
Concordem facinus subtili callidus arte.
Optima Pars regni, numerosaque principe multo
Censuit imperio nimio regnare Monarcham.
Rerum ignara cohors, Patriam quae pectore caeco
Deperiit, seducta malâ, non impia, fraude.
Impulsa Haec Proprio, velut elatere premente
Fune nimis tenso contorserat omnia (tantus
Error erat) Regni crepuit dum machina laxi.
Civiles alii lucro movere tumultus,
Tam vili Officium nè sit venale tributo.
Judaeis exposta foris Regalia vendunt,
Communis (que) boni proprium sub imagine quaerunt.
Credebant alii grave pondus, inutile, Reges,
Qui quanti steterant, nullo cum foenore solvunt.
Hi studuêre merâ Jessidem expellere sorde,
Ut frugi, & parcè fierent impendia regni.
His latus adjunxit coetus clamosus, & omnes
[Page 91] Qui meritâ sperant tolli ad fastidia linguâ.
Proxima turba quidem gemino discrimine terret,
Nec tantum Jessidem, at Regem infestius odit.
Gens Solymaea, pios olim benè docta tumultus
Moliri, motis in seditionibus audax:
Victoris gladio perculsa & territa, Regi
Legitimoque minax, restauratoque superba.
Viderat invisum Pagani Foederis ortum,
Indignata suas Jebusitae cedere palmas.
Duxerat hanc Levita furens, divulsus ab Arca,
(Quam, dum Judicibus pareret Juda, tenebat,)
Mugitus iterare novos per compita coepit,
Et clamore pio Regem sibi poscere Numen.
Sub quo cum sacro * Sanhedrin antistite Gentem
Expilent, ipsoque probent afflamine justum.
Nam jus ad sceptrum dederit si Gratia, regnum
Quis melior Princeps Aaronis prole meretur?
Dux gregis Haec fuerat, quamvis & naris obesae,
Imperium sed latratu majore lacessit.
Post hanc Sanctorum sequitur numerosa propago,
Obstipo capite, & defigens lumina terrae,
A cunis ipsis divino afflata furore.
Huic rerum forma, & compostus displicet ordo:
Chaos antiquum placet, indigestaque moles
Imperii. Emicuit sed grex numerosior horum
Qui blaterant multa, & meditantur paucula, solo
Instinctu, genibus flexis, & poplite curvo
[Page 92] Majorum ignari numen, Propriumque colebant.
Qui caeco ejusdem Jebusitam munere fati
Daemonaque oderunt, licèt invitique saluti
Devoti aeternae coeli natalibus ipsis,
Non possunt quia vera fide non vana fateri.
Machina quanta virum quis (que) horum! at turba re­licta
Majori numero seu caesa repullulat Hydra.
Imperii quidam Proceres, quos emicat inter
Dux primus Zimri, vento inconstantior ipso,
Et vernis levior foliis, videatur ut esse
Non homo, at humani generis compendia solus.
Dogmatis usque tenax, ductusque errore perenni,
Subsultim quasi quaeque, diu sed nulla professus;
Nam dum praescriptum Nova luna recurreret orbem,
Idem & Patricius, Citharaedus, Scurra, Chymista.
Nunc lenae, rythmi, commercia laeta bibonum
Picturaeve placent, praeter phantasmata mille
In meditabundâ secùs expirantia mente.
O felix demens! dederat cui quaelibet hora
Aut nova quae cuperes, quibus aut fruerêre cupitis.
Laudibus aut probris vulgari calluit usu
Afficere, & nimiùm (sapere ut videatur) utrisque
Excessu urbanus tanto, tanto efferus, omnis
Ut Deus, aut Daemon, cum fratre audiret * Eras­mo.
Exhaurire levi patrimonia noverat arte,
Omne data, praeter meritum, mercede rependens.
[Page 93] Fortunis ipsi miserè emunxere choraebi,
Utque joco frueretur inops patrimonia solvit.
Explosit sese Regali subdolus Aulâ,
Dividit hinc facilem studia in contraria plebem,
At nequiit praeferre facem; Namque Absalon ( illo
Invito) & juncta curarum mole premuntur
Achitophel: animo tantùm sic improbus Ille,
Suppetiis nudus, non seditiosa malorum
Deseruit conventa, sed est desertus ab illis.
Sed Titulos Procerum, vel honorem carminis infra
Nominaque, ambages nimis est prolixa referre.
Quos juvat ingenium vivax, Respublica, Bellum,
Optima pars; blandi sed caetera turba mariti
Censentur, Satrapaeque meri. Crassae ergo Minervae
*Nomine, sis Balaam, cum magno elate deunce,
Unciolaeque Tuae cum pondere frigide Caleb,
Intracti Satyra; & memori de pectore Nadab
Excidat aeternum, licèt ad suggesta remugit,
Pascalique olim nova juscula coxerat agno.
Abscondet quaedam secreta nomina larva
Foedus amicitiae, meritorum fama suorum
His munimen erit, contemptus proteget illos.
Non locus hic vili vulgo, cui gratia coeli
Nulla datur, tribuunt cui nulla insignia Reges.
Nec Jonae, cujus palearia pendula colli
[Page 94] Turgescunt, tortâ potuit qui lege rebelles,
Civilisque faces motus, defendere jure.
Hunc tamen insequitur presso pede nequior alter,
Quem Deus unxislet diris feralibus ausus
Sectari Shimei, cujus matura juventus
Praedixit superis zelotem, & regibus hostem.
Ingentis caute sumptus peccata perosus,
Nec nisi pro modico violabat Sabbata quaestu.
Non mordax quenquam Stygiis incessere diris
Traditur, imperio nisi quòd fortasse reclamet.
Sic sibi thesauros notis satis artibus inter
Judaeos, precibus multis & fraude, recondit.
Mox odium in dominum digna quo dote rependat
Urbs obstricta pium, dederat cum fasce secures.
Justitiae tenuit vibrata insignia dextra,
Aurea pendebant sudante monilia collo.
Dum tulit hic fraenos, impune & vindice nullo
Oppetitur Princeps, tota è Beliale propago
Lascivit, festosque dies genialiter egit.
Nam Shimei, quamvis rerum non prodigus, aequo
Vicini scelus & sese dilexit amore.
Nam conspirassent uno si foedere pauci
Contra Judaeum probra effutire Monarcham
Perpetuus medio Shimei consederat horum
Dictator petulans, & si maledicta caterva
Evomat in Regem, ne displicuisse tacendo
Credatur missis palpat commercia diris.
Insimulare reos quis seditionis amicos *
[Page 95] Auderet? Censura fori duodena paratur
Ex tot Judaeis, animoque & dispare cultu,
Quae fratres impunè pios à verbere legis
Eximet humanae. Poenam nam publica Jura
In fidos Regi statuunt, Solioque tuentur
Infestos. At si majora negotia Regni
Forte vacâsse darent (quia perdita luditur hora,
Nec sine peccato, qua nulla negotia tractat)
Tentabat populum scriptis impellere chartis,
Ut credat vanos Reges, & inutile pondus
Affore Mechanicae (tantum prospexerat!) arti.
Scriptorumque gravis stylus ut limatior esset
Fumantes calices Rechabitâ impensiùs odit.
Intemerata cadis cellaria; spreverat urbis
Praepinguem luxum sua mensa duumque-viralis,
Segnitie longa coquus obliviscitur artis,
Inque caput domini migravit flamma culinae.
Frugalem hanc curam monstrato Zoilus ungue
Rideat, at certe populus Judaeus egebat.
Oppida suppositis nam si semel ignibus ardent
His merito fasces tradunt, qui cautius iram
Coelestem succenso iterum non igne lacessent.
Pabula jejunis sat spiritualia servis
Praebuit, at carnis parcus, quia Juda rebellis
Hac erat, & pluris pendet Mosaica Jura
Monte quod in sacro lux quadragesima vidit
Jejunum. Sed cuncta loqui, quae digna raceri,
Foederis infidi testem lassaret anhelum.
At tenebris Te nulla tegent oblivia, Corah
Effer Te solido monumentum erectius oere
[Page 96] Altius elato parilis Serpente metalli,
Dum Tutelaris Gentes tua protegat umbra.
Quid si nascatur vili? Terrena Cometae
Materia est tantâ fulgentis in aethere luce.
Prodigiosa pari proles textoria famâ
Gesta patret, quam si Thusco de stemmate natus.
Testantum Hi facile Princeps excusserat uno
Hoc facto veteres vili de sanguine faeces.
Quis dubitat Testes proavis clarescere, quorum
Martyrio Stephanum pia juramenta bearunt?
Noster erat Levita, utque inscia credidit aetas,
Tota tribus divinus erat famulatus Olympi.
Huic oculi latuêre cavi, vox rauca sonansque,
Indica irati nunquam, aut manifesta superbi.
Ingenium pendens mentum subtile probavit;
Ore tenus rubuit sacro, quasi Mosis adinstar
Fulgeret facies radiis circundata lucis.
Abdita mirando prospexit acumine fata,
Humanamque fidem superantia Foedera novit:
Quae malè censeret petulans mendacia livor,
Nam mens singendis humana est talibus impar.
Vera refert quaedam cauto ventura libello,
Ast ubi dicipitur Testis, dat verba Propheta.
Ante oculos quaedam, totidem quasi phasmata lu­dum,
Spiritus hunc rapuit, quo nescio, turbinis instar,
Rabbinique gradu, intutuloque ornavit honesto,
Quem non ulla tamen longinqua Academia novit.
Judicium ast animo memori praestabat acutum
Tam bene quod Testis verba indigesta resarcit:
Concinne Sêcli genio quadraverat ipsi
[Page 97] Tunc Jebusitaei sceleris sub mole gementis.
Suspiciat temerè coelesti voce citatum,
Atque antiquatum putet ostentare libellum.
Qui mala Judaeis vovet, ast injuria tanta
Decreta est poenis, & vindice lege rependi:
Nam tollit vitam, qui subdolus involat artem.
Ipse ego si simili, Corae vice testis, honore
Dignaret, siquis tam durae frontis inurat
Stigmate me tanto, quamvis semel immemor essem,
Obtusam exacuam mentem, chartâque recenti
Illo rescribam sceleratum appendice Foedus.
In Coelum zelus Regem perstringere sannis
Impulit, & justae tenebras offundere famae.
At zelo, tanquam genuino jure, malignis
Indulta est verbis, & mira licentia factis.
Et tali Corah caesum mandaret Agagum,
Increpuit quali Saulum sermone * Propheta.
Vi junctâ quicunque fidem fovêre labantem
Testis (& hi quales precibus quaeruntur, & aere)
Cum Cora unanimes in classe locantur eadem;
Nam resonant omnes communi nomine Testis.
Cinctus Amicorum variâ miser inde farina
Absalon, elusus Regalem deserit Aulam;
Spe tumidâ praegnans, vano stimulatus honore,
Atque inflammatus visu propiore Coronae.
[Page 98] Laetitiâ tacitâ sese in spectacula praebet,
Undique submissè populari poplite flexus,
Composito gestu, vultu, & sermone facetus.
Sic bene natura instructus, limatus & arte
Labitur ignoto per pectoris intima motu.
Tum blando aspectu comis, gemituque loquaci
Et lachry mas suadente prius, quam verba profatur;
Pauca refert, grato sed demulcentia sensu,
Dulcius Hyblaeo & levius stillantia melle.
Conqueror, Indigenae Patrii, deperdita fata,
Praevertendi impar. En! hic miserabilis Exul
Crudeli insidiis ego praeda tyrannide Legum
Exponor vestrâ Causâ, tamen O mihi soli
Contigerit periisse! mihi si sola fuisset
Jactura Imperii, natusque nec amplius essem!
Sed spolia, & fractâ de libertate triumphos
Quisque refert vestrâ, Tyrus ac Aegyptia tellus
Praecidunt artis quaestus, Jebusitaque sacros
Invadit ritus. Genitor (cui dignor honorem
Dum loquor) ignavâ capitur torpedine famae
Securus, minimique lucro corrumpitur auri,
Et Bathshebaeis senuit mollitus in ulnis.
Evehit ad fasces hostes, confundit amicos
Ille suos, secum commissis dimicat armis.
Cedit, jusque meum longaeva in secula cedat,
Sed proprium, ac Vestrum sumpto quid proderet auro?
Hic tantum, Hic Genti poterit pertundere venas
[Page 99] Solus, & ultrices impunè elabitur iras.
Ergo meas lachrymas (madidosque abstersit ocellos)
Excipite, his tantum nunc auxiliaribus armis
Instruor, haec nullus carpet Parasiticus Aulae
Delator, cum Jura sinant asperrima natum
His uti in Patrem: votisque ardentius opto,
Ut sub venturi moderamine Successoris
Non alius justè miser Isralita quaeratur.
Raro lite cadunt Facundia, Forma, Juventus,
Sed Commune Bonum nullo non praevalet aevo.
Nec Populus moesto misereri desinet ore
Publica miscentis proprio infortunia fato.
Plebs (quae continuâ regnare tyrannide Reges
Cogitat) elatis Juvenilem carmine palmis
Messiam celebrat, qui pompâ instructus equestri
Propositum jam pergit iter stipante caterva;
Solis ad occasum radios disfundit ab ortu,
Cumque illo lustrat Promissam lumine Terram.
Illi Fama loquax, quasi Phosphorus, alitè penna
Praecurrit, laetisque sonis tremit aether ovantûm
Eminus, Hospitio secum tulit Ille Penates
Quo fruitur, sacrisque dicat quâcunque moratur
Aede diu; at lautae propter convivia mensae
Dives in occiduis, famaeque per oppida notae,
Partibus, Issacharus digno celebratur honore.
Haec oculos populi quae mobilis oblinit Aula
Praetulit & pompam, mentitâ abscondita larvâ est.
Struxerat Achitophel tacitos ut ubique recessus
Secretasque dolo poterat novisse latebras
[Page 100] Pectoris humani: verum haec distinxit amicum
Tessera, ut expensae vires in bella paterent.
Omnia nam pulchro latuerunt abdita fuco
Dum speciosus amor, Regique obtenditur ardens
Obsequium. Miseris iterata voce Levamen
Aerumnis petitur regni, & solennia sacra
Relligionis agi nusquam cum pace quaeruntur;
(His semper capimur, semper mulcemur & escis)
Et Regem dubio positum in discrimine vitae
A Fratre, & Sponsâ. Sic Conjuratio pompâ
Fingitur ingenti, & bellum larvale videtur
Pax ipsa. O vecors, nec damnis cautior ullis
Israel! escâ deludere semper eâdem?
An quiquam vegetae steterant dum corpore vires
Vexatum miserise finxit imagine morbi,
Contemnens placidae, quae jam trahit, otia vitae?
Anxius ardebat mala praesagire futura?
Regibus Haeredes, decreta imponere coelo?
Quid? Poterit populus sua, natorumque suorum,
Imperia invitis nativa remittere natis?
Cuilibet expositi domino, rabidoque Neroni
Effraenis cui stat sua pro ratione voluntas,
Tunc essent, jurisque bases condantur inanes
Principibus si impune datur rescindere leges.
At si quid justum est statuatur judice plebe
Et regum fidei tantum commissa tenentur
Imperia, hoc pactum revocans concredita jura
Rex iniit primus, vel in omne abrumpitur aevum.
Si qui sceptra darent propriis obstringere factis
[Page 101] Non poterant natos, seros quo jure Nepotes
Et Genus Humanum peccando obstrinxit Adamus?
Et cur Justitiâ Coeli damnemur ad Orcum
Qui lapsum voto non sussragante Paternam
Laudamus? domiti juga tum servilia Reges
Supposito ferrent collo, populique favore
Emendicato sibi tradita regna capessant.
Adde quod ignarâ posita est in plebe potestas
Quâ Proprium pendat. Nam quis privata tueri
Jura potest, victâ de Majestate triumphet
Si vis effraenis, solioque exturbet avito?
Omnia nec dubio populi suffragio vero
Semper egent, multi paucis sed crassius errent.
Clamosis vulgi Princeps ululatibus insons
Audiat Oppressor, Pestis scelerata, Tyrannus.
Quae fixa instabili vulgo mensura ruenti
Continuo fluxu, & celeri magis impete metae
Quo propior? Nec plebs vertigine sola laboret
Lunari hâc, Sanhedrim sed corripiatur eâdem;
Cum seclo possit simul insanire rebelli,
Mentiteque reos delicti excindere Reges.
At si det quodcunque libet, cuicunque placebit,
Non tantum Reges (simulachra expressa Deo­rum?)
Sed quasi subductis ruet ipsum imbelle columnis
Imperium, regnumque vetus Natura relapsum
Restituet, quo cuncta licent & omnia jus est.
Fingere tamen Reges populo omnipotente creatos,
Quis benè constructo solium fundamine fixum
[Page 102] Evertat? series nam qualiscunque malorum
Prima fuit, nullum est poenae lenimen asello *
Tot dominis servire novis: Respublica tantùm
Erratis aliis agitatur, at improba fata
Laethali, cum regna novant, ea verbere caedunt.
Fabrica si nutet vetus impendente ruinâ,
Maenia qui fulcit, rimasque obducit hiantes,
Officium praestat; tamen hic ponenda labori
Meta suo, & siquis fixi pomaeria finis
Transiliat praescripta vagus, det sanguine poenas,
Seu temeris manibus Sacram contingeret Arcam. †
Qui studet injustis, & in improba dirigit arcum,
Fundamenta novis modulis aptare vetusta
Nititur, humanas Sacrasque refringere leges
Totiusque gravi partes sarcire ruinâ.
Maxima pars hominum nimiâ sic sedula curâ
Elicuit morbum morbo graviore minorem.
Jam quibus auxiliis poterit succurrere David?
Quàm Regi fatale nimis candore benigno
Indulgere suis! Paucos numeravit amicos
Et, furor huc crevit, talem quicunque vel ausus
Dicere se sprevit populus cane pejus, & angue.
Ast aliquos etiam vel secula pessima norant
Quos repetam, & tantum repeto dum nomina, laudo.
Hoc prior exiguum Barzillai duxerat agmen,
Barzillai, clarusque annis, & honore senilis.
Ultra Jordanum vastis regionibus olim
Fregerat oppositis Hic arma rebellia turmis.
In regni columen, tunc tristia fata luentis,
Infausti domini nimis infoelicitur audax.
Maestus in exilio Sacro cum Principe consors
Vivebat, miserique tulit dispendia fati
Expulso pro Rege, comes redeuntis & idem.
Huic Aula, at vafrâ placuit non Aulicus arte,
Dives opum, ast animi thesauris ditior amplis.
Qui bene praecautâ sibi legerat optima curâ,
Militiaeque sagum, & scribentes gesta Camaenas.
Jactabat multa foecunda cubilia prole,
Nominis at plusquam jam decurtata Paterni.
Vox resonat. Primum lecti sponsalis amaenum
Pignus Ego luctu (mandant ita fata) perenni
Deploro, semperque colam, quod flore juventae
Invisis fatis, & coeli crimine raptum est.
Nec prius abscessit summam posuisset honori
Quam metam, natusque patri, regique fidelis
Subditus, obsequii signis eluxerat arcti:
Curriculum vitae celer, at breve temporis egit.
Circule proh! parve, & spatio angustare minuto,
Sed vis divinae, & summe perfecta figura.
Per mare, per terras, omnes Tua fama vagata est
Non aequanda, Tuum, bellum fuit; Arma, vo­luptas;
Vis Tua suffulxit Tyrios infusa labantes,
[Page 104] Te sensit Pharaoh properam velut obice sisti
Fortunam tumidus, laus O! antiqua, manusque
Invicta! indemnis cui nunquam obvenerat hostis.
Sed tamen Israel non tanto nomine dignus:
* Immodicis brevis est aetas, & rara senectus.
Decrevisse Dei quoddam fatale videntur,
Fortunam mentique parem donare nec ausi.
Nunc Anima, excussâ terrenâ mole, relata est
Ad superos, nubes stellataque regna reliquit.
Affines illinc legiones mille reducas
Quae Tutelari poterunt succurrere Regis
Usque Tui genio, junctoque umbone tueri.
Lassa fatigatas hic Musa sed exue pennas;
Coeli aeterna domus nullis attingitur alis.
I, dic Barzillai Tibi defecisse loquelam,
Quod priùs in tenues foret exhalanda vapores
Dic Animaeque Tuae. Tamen expiraverat unà,
Atque haec defuncti tumulo scribenda reliquit
Carmina Patroni. Sed jam descende supernis
E coelis praeceps, licèt accensâque lucernâ †
Terris quaere parem, si par tamen emicat us­quam.
Hunc sequitur, pressoque legit vestigia passu,
Antistes Zadoc, qui dedignatus honores
Ambiit immeritum submissâ mente favorem
[Page 105] Davidis. Huic comes est Sagan Solymaeus opimo
Hospitio, & longo proavorum stemmate clarus
Tellure occiduâ, cujus divinus ab ore
Sensus & appositis manat facundia dictis.
Hoc monstrante viam Gens tota prophetica paret
Regibus, ingenuas discitque fideliter artes.
Nam stant munificis Collegia fulta Monarchis,
Et bellum Musis prius indixere rebelles,
Quàm Regi. Legum sunt proxima turba columnae,
Quae dirimit lites, causasque disertiùs orat.
Hanc sequitur Procerum Regi devincta fideli
Nexu turma, sagax Adriel, Musisque benignus,
Ipse etiam vates—Qui, cùm fremuisset iniquis
Consiliis Sanhedrim, Regi fidissimus haesit,
Nec tamen imperio servit; cui David amicus
Contulit effraeni direpra insignia nato.
Vividus ingenio Jotham, & limante Minervâ
Acrior, imbutus Naturâ, atque arte politâ
Suadendi instructus, qui deterioribus actus
Paulisper studiis * tandem meliora sequutus.
Nec tantum sequitur, posito sed pondere lancem
Depressit dubiam, & trutinam libravit iniquam.
Rebus in angustis Regi addictissimus Hushai,
Pertulit adversas immotâ mente procellas
Publica quas rabidi excivit dementia vulgi.
Hic Jessidaeae prudens elementa juventae
[Page 106] Erudiit, Pactis longinqua per aequora notis,
Nativoque suo non experientia vero
Defuit. Hic solium parcâ ditavit egenum
Sedulitate, manu at sua praebuit omnia largâ.
Cum turget pleno cumulata pecunia fisco
Res tractare leve est, sed deficiente crumenâ
Artis opus. Depressa nimis, nimiúmve superbit,
Vendere Majestas, cum Plebs emisse, coacta est.
Lassa lyram digito saliente repercute Musa
In laudes Amielis ovans; quo carmine dignus
Non Amiel? veterum qui nobilitate parentum
Illustris, meritisque suis illustrior extat,
Nobilis absque novo titulo, vel nomine clarus.
Insanos aequâ Sanhedrin compressit habena
Dux gregis Ille diu, & ratione coercuit aestus.
Tam benè defendit Regalia nemo, fideli
Nec pro Gente loqui potuit formatior ullus.
Utque tribus uno Solymaeas turba maniplo
Haec retulit, sic ille repraesentaverat Ipsam.
Jam tamen Aurigae currus temerarius urgent,
Quorum testatur laxis nimis effera fraenis
Vis artem veteris. * Quippe hi, Phaethontis adinstar,
Invertunt annum, tritoque è calle vagantur;
Anxia dum placidus Sanhedrim deliria ridet,
Et securus agit tranquillae Sabbata vitae.
Obtinuit primas Haec parva, at turma fidelis
Heroüm, impavidum steterat laethalis Hiatus
Illa Satellitium, strictasque retuderat hastas,
Et rabiem unitam fuit ausa lacessere Gentis.
Undique balistas vidit gemebunda paratas,
Imperium Regale solo quae impulsibus aeqent.
Seditione potens ficto ut terrore caterva
In Sanhedrim vero Regem deglubere jure
Enisa est, regni Successor ut exul ab Aulâ,
Et conductitio mala conjuratio teste
Creverat, aspexit; Pietas ut jusserat ipsa
Ostenditque suo laethalia vulnera Regi.
Nunquam concessos vulgo placuisse fovores
Indicat, at stabilem foverunt lenia morbum.
Absalon interea, Sceptri quem prona libido
Concitat, elato populum seducere palpo
Calluit; Achitophel odio stimulatus iniquo
Sub conjurati speciosa Foederis umbra
Communi impetiit Sacra & Civilia fato.
Concilii magna est, Plebis vecordia major,
Et Shimei diras Solymam eructare docebat.
Quem pressit tantâ cumulata injuria mole
Eventus rerum meditanti corde volutat.
Cum tandem lassata foret patientia, David
Erexit solio sese divinus avito,
Et coeli afflatu profert haec dicta, loquente
Turma Creatorem in domino reverentior audit.
Hactenus indociles Ego mansuetudine Gentes
Nativâ rexi, simulatâ concitus irâ
Aspexi, & tardo pede damna illata rependi.
Tam facilè ingrato peccata remitteret aevo;
Mulcebat tanto Genitor lenimine Regem.
At jam tam vili prostat Clementia nostra,
Jus audent ipsi veniae perquirere sontes.
Unum pro multis clamant ab origine natum;
Natus at imperio est, haec (que) ultima meta Monarchae.
Appellant Timidum, rarò quia sanguine poenas
Exigo, tot Genium quantumvis probro virilem
Affligunt levius, plagisque minoribus urgent.
At cum nativo deducant tramite, lenem
Me non invito, Geniove obstante, docebo.
Subditus elatâ quae fert opprobria cristâ
Non Regem, at dignâ lassarent mole Camelum.
Si meus obtento juvenilis Jure Columnam
Concuteret Sampson, pereat consorte ruinâ.
Ast O poeniteat scelerum, moresque retractet!
Quàm mala condonant faciles faciles ingrata parentes!
Quàm paucis lachrymis veniam mereatur Adonis
Ille meus, cujus partes Natura tuetur!
O Juvenis miserande! meâ provecte paternâ
Fabrica quanta levis tulit ad fastigia curâ
Si natum Imperio voluissent fata, sereno
Donâsset terrenam Animam magis igne Prometheus.
Ingenti capitur Patriotae nomine, qui jam
Nil nisi conscriptâ justum qui lege Monarcham
[Page 109] Opprimeret, solióque suo depelleret, audit.
Grandiloquus vani populi Thraso, machina cauti
Patricii, nunquam crassi Patriota cerebri
Non fuit. Unde tamen, quod Relligione tuente,
Et patrocinio Legum majore, Paternam
Absalon explodat Causam? Direpta magistro
Cum nondum antiquo fuerant insignia, nunquam
Coelestis tantâ cumulari dote favoris
Traditur. O Superi, quali Patriota colore
Pingitur, indomitas cum Plebs ardescit in iras?
Quem populus trepidante colit pietate, rebellis
Ille mihi. Obtrusus tot suffragantibus haeres
Ascendet solium? Sanhedrim sua munera discat
Largiri. Saltem diviso Jure coercet
Imperium Princeps, vincet neque calculus ullus
Si non communem meus immittatur in urnam.
Me Princeps votis non subscribente legetur?
Jus tacitum confert praesentem expellere Regem.
Electum impresso sed confirmare sigillo
Supplicat, at Jacob (cutis est cui laevis) Esavi
Non manus hirsutis bene convenit hispida villis.
Vota pii coelo pro nostra aeterna salute
Subjecti fundunt, sitque ut discriminis expers
Imperio nudant. A seditione latente,
Consutisque dolis, Superi defendite salvum:
Sed mihi * Mendicam praesertim avertite turbam;
[Page 110] Non uterus sterilis, tumulúsve rapacius ambit,
Largiri nequit ipse Deus sibi quanta rogabit.
Quid superest? vigili Juris Regalis ocello
Quàm quasi relliquias, minima & fragmenta, caverem,
Lex erit Imperii directrix regula nostri,
Coget & infractos eadem parere Rebelles.
Non jam continuo legum tibicine nisum
Vota, quibus totum minus unâ parte probatur,
Imperium, quacun (que) volunt, dominantia flectent.
Non accusantum fidos garritus amicos
Damnabit, noto nec plebs sine crimine poenas
Infliget. Famulos namque in discrimine nullâ
Dii Regesque suos non sedulitate tuentur.
O si praescripto Salvandi limite tantùm
Clauderer? Heu! coelo similis, cur mente coactâ
Invito poenas genioque reposcere dignas
Impellor? Nudo tandem mucrone ferire
Justitiae cogor? Fatum proh Legis iniquum!
Quam malè perpendunt animo clemente timorem!
Praemoneo, non laesa fremit patientia saevit.
Exposcunt Legem? quaesitâ Lege fruantur.
His quasi monstrato placuit non Gratia tergo,
Sed sacram inspiciunt audaci lumine frontem,
Atque ipso intuitu pereunt. Nec justior ulla
Lex est, quàm propriâ artifices necis arte perire.
In se jurabunt per conscia sydera Testes,
Dum, velut erosis depasta est vipera matris
Visceribus, parili sic Conjuratio fato
Haec materna ruat, plenosque voraciter haustus
[Page 111] Sanguinis epotent, primoevoe alimenta juventoe.
Belzebub cum fratre suo * fera bella movebit,
Vindictâ hostili sic castigabitur hostis.
Nec desperatur certus successus, in ipso
Effera Plebs aditu namque irruit impete toto.
Deinde frui campo da liberiore, recede,
Elude intentas obliquo corpore plagas.
Sed preme pectoribus cum respirarit anhelis,
Et pete lassatas geminato robore vires.
Semper enim injustae supereminet aequa Potestas,
Pulsa diu & fixâ tandem statione quiescet.
Dixerat; Omnipotens consenserat indice natu,
Propitioque gravem tonitru tremefecit Olympum.
Fausta novâ serie posthac effluxerat aetas,
Festinis laeti fugerunt passibus anni.
Jessides iterum solio consedit avito,
Et promptae agnôrant dominum sine murmure gentes.

Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.

IN the Name of God. Amen.

I Francis Atterbury, some time Bishop of Rochester in England, and now re­siding at Paris, being of Health in Body, and of sound and disposing Mind and Me­mory, but considering the Certainty of Death, and the Uncertainty of the Time when, do make and publish this my Last Will and Testament, in Manner following,

Imprimis, I recommend my Soul to Al­mighty God, hoping for Salvation through the alone Merits and Mediation of JESUS CHRIST, in a firm Belief of whose Re­ligion, as professed in the Church of Eng­land, and in strict Communion with that Church, I resolve, by God's Grace, to live and die.

And as to such Personal Estate as I shall die possessed of, or any ways interested in, I give and devise the same unto my only Daughter Mary Morice, Wife of William Morice, Esq And I also give unto her the [Page 113] said Mary Morice, her Executors, Admini­strators, and Assigns, all my Goods, Chat­tles, Plate, Ready Money, Houshold Stuff, and Utensils of Houshold, and all other my Personal Estate whatsoever and whereso­ever, To have and to hold to her, her Ex­ecutors, Administrators, and Assigns, for ever: And I do hereby revoke, annul, and make void all former and other Wills by me made, and do declare this to be my last. And I do constitute and appoint my Son William Morice, and my said Daughter Mary, his Wife, Executors of this my Will. In Witness whereof I have hereunto set my Hand and Seal, this Thirty-first Day of December, One thousand Seven hundred and Twenty-five.

FRANCIS ATTERBURY, Episcopus Roffensis.
Signed, Sealed, Published, and Declared by the said Testator, as and for his last Will and Testament, in the Presence of us, who at his Request, and in his Presence, and in the Presence of each other, have sub­scribed our Names as Witnesses,
  • Red. Everard.
  • F. Panton.
  • K. Panton.
  • Wm. Walker.
  • Joane. Jamsson.
[Page 114] Probatum fuit hujusmodi Testamentum, apud London' decimo die mensis Maii, Anno Domini Millesimo Septingentesimo Tricesimo Secundo, coram venerabili viro Gulielmo Strahan, Legum Doctore, Sur­rogato, & Juramento Gulielmi Morice, Arm' Executoris Superstitis in dicto Testamento Nominat' cui, &c. de bene, &c. Jurat'
Deputy Registers,
  • W. Legard,
  • P. St. Eloy,
  • H. Stevens,

SWAFHAM, in Norfolk,

June 25, 1735.
Mr. Curll,

I HERE transmit for your Second Volume of Literary Correspondence, &c. the Religious Remains of Peter le Neve Esq and am,

Your Humble Servant, PHILALETHES. *

EPITAPHIUM.

Siste gradum Lector et perlege
Hic jacet quem credas haud bene meruisse
De Trinitate
Quia noluit unicum Deum Omniscientem / Omnipotentem &c.
In Tres dividi Personas.
De Ecclesia Anglicana
Quia omnes credebat Religiones Dei permissione
Origines habuisse.
De Rege Gulielmo
Quia nihil sibi utrum ipse vel Jacobus Gubernator.
De Patria
Quia nunquam intelligebat Dulce est pro Patria Mori.
De superiori Domo Parliamenti
Quia Causae in Eà non secundum Justitiam
Sed interesse Partium terminatae.
De Inferiori Domo
Quia Feodas omnium aliarum Curiarum examinari
Curaverunt, non tamen extorsiones Prolocutoris
Domus, Clerici, Servientis ad Arma, et aliorum
Servor' suorum.
De Curijs Municipalibus
Quia Eae ex Vociferationibus Causidicorum
Et nequitijs Attornatorum compositae.
De Cancellaria
Quia per futiles rationes Communis Legis non
Secundam Conscientiam et Leges Gentium sicut
Olim gubernantur.
De Collegio Heraldorum
Quia inveniebat Socios inter se divises,
Et sic reliquit.
De Amicis
Quia nunquam deflebat mortem alicujus.
De Foeminis
Quia nullam nisi ipso momento deamabat.
De uxore
Quia Leges Matrimoniales haud una vice flectebat.
Nec de Seipso
Quia per nimiam parsimoniam negligebat
Curam Festulae ex qua correptus suit.
Hic fuit, dum fuit, Petrus Le Neve Gen'
Unius dudum ex Vice-Camerarijs Curiae Receptorum
Scaccarij et Prosecutor Armorum a Rubra
à Cruce vulgo Rouge-Croix nuncupatus.
Postea Richmondiae Heraldus et demum
Norroy Rex Armorum, Avus Firmianus
[Page 118] Le Neve de Rougland in Com: Norff' Gen'
Avia Maria filia Thomae Cory Norwicensis,
Pater Franciscus Civit: Londinensis, Mater
Amia filia Petri Wright Mercatoris Londinensis
Frater unicus, junior et haeres ex Asse Petri
Fratis sui Olivarius Le Neve de Wichingham
Magna in Norff' Armiger. Uxor Prudentia
Filia Johannis Hughes de Bristol filij Meredith
Hughes de Clairwall Agri Radnor-sen r. ex
Prudentia Uxore suscepit Gemellas vidlt
Elizabetham et Annam, mortuas in primo
Aetatis Mense, quia dicas Canis pessimae
Ne Catulum esse relinquendum; Obijt Petrus
Die Mensis Anno Juliani Calendarij
Dic nunc Lector quid sim,
Et eris mihi magnus Apollo.
Haec ipse Petrus inscribi curavit,
Quia semper Adulatores odio habuit, et
Adulatoribus odiosus fuit.

This Indenture, made the first Day of Eternity, between Peter Le Neve, one of the Inhabitants of the little Part of the Terrestrial Globe, called the Earth, and one of the Subjects of the Lord-Grim-Death, of the one Part; and the said Right Dreadful Lord-Grim-Death, Lord of Black-Castle, with all the other Towns, Hamlets, Counties and Provinces of the vast Kingdom of Darkness, of the other Part; Witnesseth,

That the said Peter Le Neve doth hereby Covenant, Grant, and Agree to, and with, the said Right Dreadful Lord-Grim-Death, to Surrender and Yield up into the Hands and Power of the said Dreadful L— * the whole, and every Particle of the Terrene Carcase of the said Peter Le Neve, whenso­ever he shall be thereto lawfully summon­ed, by any Disease, his Messenger; whether it be in Church, or Church Yard, Garden, High-Way, or any other Ground, Hallow­ed or Profane, Part of the Territories of the said Lord, and to be devoured by Mag­gots [Page 120] Worms, or any other Vermin, his Ser­vants, in order to its Annihilation.

Provided always, that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the Almighty-One, Maker and Professor of the vast Regions of Light, and Lord Paramount of the said Kingdom of Darkness, to dispose of, and convey from, and out of the said Possession of the said Lord Death, at the same Instan of Time, the better-part of the said Peter Le Neve, commonly called the Soul, into any of his said Mansions of Light, there to remain in Infinitum, according to his unbounded Will and Pleasure; into whose Power and Possession the said Peter Le Neve, with most profound Reverence and Humility, assigns his said Soul, though unworthy to be received by Him; In Con­sideration whereof, the said Lord Death, doth Covenant and Agree with the said A. O. * that it shall and may be lawful, to and for the said Peter Le Neve to dispose of, and assign, to any other Person, or Per­sons, Subjects of the said Lord, and Inha­bitants of the said Terrestrial Globe, the Portion, or any Part, or Parts, of his worldly Goods, with which it hath plea­sed the Almighty-One to endow him, by [Page 121] his last Will and Testament in Writing made, or to be made, in Manner and Form following, viz.—

In Witness thereof, to one Part of these Presents, the said Peter Le Neve hath put his Seal; and the Sealing and Confirming the other Part thereof, is deferred to the Time when the said Peter enters the King­dom of Darkness.

My CREED.

I Believe in One God, Omniscient, Om­nipotent, All-Merciful; and that Crea­tor whose Name is Blessed, is One, and there is no Unity like His; who alone Was, Is, and Will be my God. Who by his Almighty Power in one Moment created the Heaven and Earth; whose second Thoughts cannot be more perfect than his first; and, therefore,

I Believe that He, the Same Instant He, replenished the World with Human Crea­tures, Male and Female; as well as with Beasts of the Earth, and Fowls of the Air; and that his Mercy on his poor Creatures is so great, that he ordained none of them to feel the Fury of his Wrath.

I Believe his Wisdom to be so great, that He contrived at that Instant the Frame of all Things so wisely, that on no Manner of Event, or Accident whatsoever, he will alter his first Design of Nature, to produce that which is called a Miracle.

I Believe him so powerful, that without the Assistance of Angels, Devil, or any [Page 123] other inferior Beings, He is able to punish the Evil and reward the Good done by us Mortals; and that the same Breath of his Nostrils can annihilate all which He crea­ted: But, if it so please Him, it may be as much to his Glory to have the World endure to Eternity.

I Believe the Historical Books (Part of the Old Testament) to be wrote, as other Books are, by faithful Historians; and that they contain certain select things worthy of Observation, and for Instruction, in order to the directing our Affairs in this World, and the Adoration of one God. And for the rest, which contain the Prophesies of several Persons, they were wrote according to the Style of the Eastern Nations, to re­duce the Jews to good Living, and from the Idolatry and evil Customs of their Neighbour-Nations; and see no Reason why some of those Books called Apocrypha, should not be admitted into the same Au­thority with the rest; since they contain as good Precepts, and the Historical Parts better confirmed by the Roman Authors of the same Time.

As for them of the New-Testament, I Believe they were wrote by the Followers of a Great Man, to make the rest of the World believe what they, through their Zeal and Love for his Person, saw through a [Page 124] Magnifying Glass, and for so much there­of as relates to Precepts of Life and Con­versation, very good.

I Believe Christ to have been a great and good Man; conceived, born, died, and was buried as other Holy-Men. For I cannot think him God Omniscient, since he Him­self saith, that he did not know the time of the Day of Judgment, but the Father only. (Mark, Cap. 13. v. 32.)

I Believe he may be preferred to a nearer Participation in the Beatific Vision of God, than the rest of good Men, to incline them to live peaceably and inoffensively in this World, and to the Adoration of an Eternal Being.

I Believe the several Religions of this World, so far as they center in the Wor­ship of his Holy-Name, and conduce to well Living, to be equally acceptable to him.

I Believe no Person hath Power to remit Sins but God himself.

I think the Mercy of God so much a greater Attribute than his Justice, that he will not punish eternally for a temporary Fault; since most Transgressions against the Law of Nature, meet with some Part of their Punishment in this World, and that there cannot be a Rational Being, who can deny a Deity and the Providence thereof.

Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury.

In the Testamentor, or last Will of Peter Le Neve, late of Great Wychingham in the County of Norfolk Esq deceas'd, bearing Date the Fifth Day of May, in the Year of our Lord 1729, now remaining in the Registry of this Court, amongst other things therein, is contained as follows, to wit.

MEmorandum, This Fifth Day of May, in the Year One thousand seven hundred and Twenty-nine, I Peter Le Neve of Great Wychingham in the Coun­ty of Norfolk, Esq Norroy King of Arms, and late one of the under Chamberlains of the Court of Receipts in the Exchequer at Westminster, Son and Heir of Francis Neve, alias Le Neve, late Citizen and Draper of London, Son of Fermian Neve, alias Le Neve, late of Ringland in the County of Norfolk, Gent. both long since deceas'd, be­ing somewhat indisposed in Body, but of a sound and disposing Mind and Memory (praised be the Almighty-One, God) and knowing I must go hence and be no more [Page 126] seen, do make and ordain this my last Will and Testament, in manner following, viz. First, As to my putrid Carcase, I Will, that it shall be deposited in the Chancel of the Church of Great Wychingham, and be carryed down thither in an Hearse, my own Coach, and one other Coach only to follow: I Will no Mourning to any of my Rela­tions, or others, excepting to my Wife, Ten Pounds; to my three Nieces hereafter men­tioned, Ten Pounds apiece; and to such Ser­vants only, whom my Wife shall think fit to continue in her Service, Four Pounds apiece for Mourning; the rest of my Servants to be dismiss'd as soon as possible after my Decease, with their Wages only. No Rings to be given to any Person, no Room hung with Black, no Undertaker of Funerals, alias Cold Cooks, no Upholders Company, nor Smith in Cockey-Lane, Norwich, to intermed­dle in the Direction or Management of my Funeral. I would have some few Escutche­ons on Silk upon the Pall, with the Arms of my Office, without the Crown impaled with the Arms of my Family, which to be quartered with the Coat of Corey of Norfolk (the which I have a Right to quarter, all the Issue of my Grandmother's Brothers be­ing deceased without Issue) and of my Grandfather Peter Wright, of London, Mer­chant. No Funeral Oration. Let a plain Mar­ble [Page 127] Stone be set up in the Church Wall, on the Inside thereof, over-against my Grave, signifying that my Body lies thereabouts.

Probatum Londini, &c. Decimo Septimo die Mensis Novembris, Anno Domini 1729, coram Ven li Viro Carolo Pinfold, Legum Doctore, Sur ro &c. Juramentis Edvardi Holden, & Thomae Martin, Executo­rum, &c.
Quibus, &c. de bene, &c.
Jurat' Deputy Registers,
  • W. Legard,
  • P. St. Eloy,
  • H. Stevens,

CASTRATIONS made by the EDITOR of Mr. POPE's Letters to HENRY CROMWELL, Esq

POSTSCRIPT.

I HAVE not heard these two Months from Mr. Wycherley, tho' I have writ­ten to him twice. I am since told he has been ill, which I am very much con­cerned for, and fear is the Occasion of his Silence since his last Letters, which were the kindest in the World. If you happen at your Return to find him in Town, it will be very obliging to let me know of it; in the mean time a Letter from you, will make me the best Amends for my Soli­tude. *

*
This Postscript of Mr. Pope's, to his Letter to Mr. Crom­well of Aug. 29, 1709. is omitted. See Vol. I.
↵

EXTRACT from Mr. POPE's Letter to Mr. CROMWELL, of Dec. 21, 1711.

—I AM at this Instant plac'd betwixt two such Ladies, that in good Faith 'tis all I'm able to do to keep myself in my Skin. He! Monsieur Cromvell! Entendez vous bien. And now (since you find what a blessed Disposition I am in)

Tell me, by all the melting Joys of Love,
By the warm Transports and intrancing Lan­guors,
By the soft Fannings of the wafting Sheets,
By the dear Tremblings of the Bed of Bliss,
By all these tender Adjurations tell me,
Am I not fit to write a Tragedy?

And would not these Lines sound admi­rably in the Mouth of Wilks, especially if he humour'd each Period with his Leg, and stamp'd with just Alacrity at the Cadences? *

AN Epistle to Henry Cromwell, Esq *

Dear Mr. Cromwell,
May it please ye!
Sit still a Moment; pray be easy—
Faith 'tis not five; no Play's begun;
No Game at Ombre lost or won.
Read something of a diff'rent Nature,
Than Ev'ning Post, or Observator;
And pardon me a little Fooling,
—Just while your Coffee stands a Cooling.
Since your Acquaintance with one Brocas, †
Who needs will back the Muses Cock-horse,
I know you dread all those who write,
And both with Mouth and Hand recite;
Who slow, and leisurely rehearse,
As loath t' enrich you with their Verse;
[Page 131] Just as a Still, with Simples in it,
Betwixt each Drop stays half a Minute.
(That Simile is not my own,
But lawfully belongs to Donne;
You see how well I can contrive a
INTERPOLATIO FURTIVA)
To Brocas' Lays no more you listen
Than to the wicked Works of Whiston;
In vain he strains to reach your Ear,
With what it wisely, will not hear:
You bless the Powers who made that Organ
Deaf to the Voice of such a Gorgon,
(For so one sure may call that Head,
Which does not Look, but Read Men dead.)
I hope, you think me none of those
Who shew their Parts, as Pentlow * does;
I but lug out to one or two,
Such Friends, if such there are, as You,
Such, who read Heinsius and Masson,
And as you please to pass their Doom,
(Who are to Me both Smith and Johnson) †
So seize them Flames, or take them Tonson. ‖
But, Sir, from Brocas, Fowler, Me,
In vain you think to 'scape Rhyme-free,
When was it known one Bard did follow
Whig Maxims, and abjure Apollo?
Sooner shall Major-General cease
To talk of War, and live in Peace;
Yourself for Goose reject Crow Quill,
And for plain Spanish, quit Brasil;
Sooner shall Rowe lampoon the UNION,
Tydcombe take Oaths on the Communion;
The Granvilles write their Name plain Greenfield,
Nay, Mr. Wycherley see Binfield.
I'm told, you think to take a Step, some
Ten Miles from Town, t' a Place call'd Ep­som,
To treat those Nymphs like yours of Drury,
With— I protest, and I'll assure ye;—
But tho' from Flame to Flame you wander,
Beware; your Heart's no Salamander!
But burnt so long, may soon turn Tinder,
And so be fir'd by any Cinder-
(Wench, I'd have said, did Rhyme not hin­der.)
[Page 133] Shou'd it so prove, yet who'd admire?
'Tis known, a Cook-maid roasted Prior, *
Lardella fir'd a famous Author,
And for a Butcher's well-fed Daughter
Great Dennis roar'd, like Ox at Slaughter.
(Now, if you're weary of my Style,
Take out your Box of right Brasil,
First lay this Paper under, then,
Snuff just three Times, and read again.)
I had to see you some Intent,
But for a curst Impediment,
Which spoils full many a good Design,
That is to say, the Want of Coin.
For which, I had resolv'd almost,
To raise Tiberius Gracchus' Ghost;
To get, by once more murd'ring Caius'
As much as did Septimuleius;
But who so dear will buy the Lead,
That lies within a Poet's Head,
As that which in the Hero's Pate
Deserv'd of Gold an equal Weight?
Sir, you're so stiff in your Opinion,
I wish you do not turn Socinian;
Or prove Reviver of a Schism,
By modern Wits call'd Quixotism.
What mov'd you, pray, without compelling,
Like Trojan true, to draw for Helen:
Quarrel with Dryden for a Strumpet,
(For so she was, as e'er show'd Rump, yet
Tho' I confess, she had much Grace,
Especially about the Face.)
Virgil, when call'd Phasiphae Virgo
(You say) he'd more good Breeding; Ergo—
Well argu'd, Faith! Your Point you urge
As home, as ever did Panurge:
And one may say of Dryden too,
(As once you said of you know of who)
He had some Fancy, and cou'd write;
Was very learn'd, but not polite—
However from my Soul I judge
He ne'er (good Man) bore Helen Grudge,
But lov'd her full as well, it may be,
As e'er he did his own dear Lady. *
You have no Cause to take Offence, Sir,
Z—ds, you're as sour as Cato Censor!
[Page 135] Ten times more like him, I profess,
Than I'm like Aristophanes.
To end with News—the best I know,
Is, I've been well a Week, or so.
The Season of Green Pease is fled,
And Artichoaks reign in their Stead.
Th' Allies to bomb Toulon prepare;
G—d save the pretty Ladies there!
One of our Dogs is dead and gone,
And I, unhappy! left alone.
If you have any Consolation
T' administer on this Occasion,
Send it, I pray, by the next Post,
Before my Sorrow be quite lost.
The twelfth or thirteenth Day of July, *
But which, I cannot tell you truly.
A. POPE.

VERSES
To be prefix'd to Bernard Lintot's New Miscellany.

SOME Colinaeus praise, some Bleau,
Others account 'em but so, so;
Some Plantin to the rest prefer,
And some esteem Old-Elzevir;
Others with Aldus wou'd besot us;
I, for my part, admire Lintottus—
His Character's beyond Compare,
Like his own Person, large and fair—
They print their Names in Letters small,
But LINTOT stands in Capital:
Author, and He, with equal Grace,
Appear, and stare you in the Face,—
Stephens prints Heathen Greek, 'tis said,
Which some can't construe, some can't read;
But all that come from Lintot's Hand
Ev'n Rawlinson * might understand—
[Page 137] Oft in an Aldus, or a Plantin,
A Page is blotted, or Leaf wanting;
Of Lintot's Books this can't be said,
All fair, and not so much as read.—
Their Copy cost 'em not a Penny
To Homer, Virgil, or to any,
They ne'er gave Six-pence for two Lines,
To them, their Heirs, or their Assigns;
But Lintot is at vast Expence,
And pays prodigious dear for Sense.—
Their Books are useful but to few,
A Scholar, or a Wit or two;
Lintot's for gen'ral Use are fit,
For, some Folks read, but all Folks sh—

To a fair LADY singing to her LUTE.
In Imitation of Mr. Waller.

FAIR Charmer cease, nor make your Voice's prize,
A Heart, resign'd the Conquest of your Eyes.
Well might, alas! that threatned Vessel fail,
Which Winds and Lightning, both at once assail:
We were too blest, with these inchanting Lays,
Which must be heav'nly when an Angel plays:
But killing Charms, your Lover's Death contrive,
Lest Heav'nly Musick shou'd be heard alive.
ORPHEUS cou'd charm the Trees, but thus, a Tree,
Taught by your Hand, can charm no less than he,
A Poet made the silent Wood pursue,
This vocal Wood had drawn the Poet too.

The TRANSLATOR.

OZELL at Sanger's * Call, invok'd his Muse
For who to sing for Sanger cou'd refuse?
His Numbers such as Sanger's self might use.
Reviving Perault, † murd'ring Boileau, he
Slander'd the Antients first, then Wycherley;
Which yet not much that old Bard's Anger rais'd,
Since those were slander'd most, whom Ozell prais'd.
Nor had the gentle Satire caus'd complaining,
Had not sage Rowe pronounc'd it entertaining:
How great must be the Judgment of that Wri­ter,
Who the Plain-Dealer damns, and prints the Biter!

TO Lady MARY WORTLEY MONTAGUE.

I.
IN Beauty, or Wit,
No Mortal as yet
To question your Empire has dar'd;
But Men of Discerning,
Have thought that in Learning,
To yield to a Lady was hard.
II.
Impertinent Schools,
With musty dull Rules,
Have Reading to Females deny'd,
So Papists refuse
The BIBLE to use,
Lest Flocks shou'd be wise as their Guide.
III.
'Twas a WOMAN at first,
(Indeed she was curst)
In Knowledge that tasted Delight,
And Sages agree,
The Laws shou'd decree,
To the first Possessor the Right.
IV.
Then bravely, fair Dame,
Resume the old Claim,
Which to your whole Sex does belong,
And let MEN receive,
From a Second bright EVE,
The Knowledge of Right, and of Wrong.
V.
But if the First EVE
Hard Doom did receive,
When only One Apple had She,
What a Punishment New,
Shall be found out for You,
Who Tasting, have robb'd the whole Tree.

A Version of the first PSALM. For the Use of a Young Lady.

I.
THE Maid is blest that will not hear
Of Masquerading Tricks,
Nor lends to wanton Songs an Ear
Nor sighs for Coach and Six.
II.
To please her shall her Husband strive
With all his Main and Might,
And in her Love shall exercise
Himself both Day and Night.
III.
She shall bring forth most pleasant Fruit,
He Flourish still, and Stand,
Even so all Things shall prosper well,
That this Maid takes in Hand.
IV.
No wicked Whores shall have such Luck,
Who follow their own Wills,
But purg'd shall be to Skin and Bone,
With Mercury and Pills.
V.
For why, The Pure and Cleanly Maids,
Shall All, good Husbands gain;
But Filthy and Uncleanly Jades
Shall Rot in Drury-Lane.

TO THE Ingenious Mr. MOORE, AUTHOR of the Celebrated WORM-POWDER.

HOW much, Egregious Moore, are We
Deceiv'd by Shows, and Forms?
Whate'er we think, whate'er we see,
All human Race are Worms.
Man, is a very Worm by Birth,
Proud Reptile *, vile and vain,
A while he crawls upon the Earth,
Then shrinks to Earth again.
That Woman is a Worm, we find,
E'er since our Grannum's Evil;
She first convers'd with her own Kind,
That Ancient Worm, the Devil.
But whether Man, or He, God knows,
Foecundified her Belly,
With that pure Stuff from whence we rose,
The Genial Vermicelli.
The Learn'd themselves, we Book-Worms name,
The Block-head is a Slow-Worm;
The Nymph, whose Tail is all on Flame,
Is aptly term'd a Glow-Worm.
The Fops are painted Butter-Flies,
That flutter for a Day;
First from a Worm they took their Rise,
Then in a Worm decay.
The Flatterer an Ear-wig grows,
Some Worms suit all Conditions;
Misers are Muck-Worms, Silk-Worms, Beaus,
And Death-Watches, Physicians.
That Statesmen have a Worm is seen,
By all their winding Play;
Their Conscience is a Worm within,
That gnaws them Night and Day.
Ah, Moore! thy Skill were well employ'd,
And greater Gain would rise,
If thou could'st make the Courtier void
The Worm that never dies.
O Learned Friend of Abchurch-Lane,
Who sett'st our Entrails free,
Vain is thy Art, thy Powder vain,
Since Worms shall eat e'en Thee.
Thou only canst our Fate adjourn,
Some few short Years, no more;
E'en Button's Wits to Worms shall turn,
Who Maggots were before.

EPITAPH, At Stanton-Harcourt in Oxfordshire.

Near this Place lie the Bodies of
JOHN HEWETT and MARY DREW,
An industrious young Man and
Virtuous Maiden, of this Parish,
Who being at Harvest-Work,
(With several others)
Were in one Instant killed by Lightening,
The last Day of July, 1718.
Think not by rig'rous Judgment seiz'd,
A Pair so Faithful cou'd expire;
Victims so Pure, Heav'n saw, well pleas'd,
And snatch'd them in Coelestial Fire.
Live well, and fear no Sudden Fate;
When God calls Virtue to the Grave,
Alike 'tis Justice, soon or late,
Mercy alike, to Kill or Save.
Virtue unmov'd, can hear the Call,
And face the Flash, that melts the Ball.

Mr. POPE's ANSWER To the following QUESTION of Mrs. HOWE.

WHAT is Prudery? 'Tis a Beldam,
Seen with Wit and Beauty seldom.
'Tis a Fear that starts at Shadows,
'Tis (no, 'tis n't) like Miss Meadowes.
'Tis a Virgin hard of Feature,
Old, and void of all Good Nature;
Lean and fretful, wou'd seem wise,
Yet plays the Fool before she dies.
'Tis an ugly envious Shrew,
That rails at dear L'epell and You.

THE LOOKING-GLASS.

WITH Scornful Mein, and various toss of Air
Fantastic, Vain, and Insolently Fair.
Grandeur Intoxicates her giddy Brain,
She Looks Ambition, and she Moves Disdain.
Far other Carriage, grac'd her Virgin Life,
But charming G—'s lost, in P—'s Wife.
Not greater Arrogance in Him we find,
And this Conjunction, swells at least her Mind:
O could the Sire, renown'd in Glass, produce
One faithful Mirrour for his Daughter's Use,
Wherein she might her haughty Errors trace,
And, by Reflexion, learn to mend her Face▪
The wonted Sweetness to her Form restore
Be what She was, and charm Mankind once more.

THREE LETTERS FROM THE Abbe C—n to ** at St. OMERS.

IF obliging Expressions, fine Wit, and noble Sentiments can tempt; you have the most infallible Way of compelling your Friends to write to you, of any body I know; yet should my Ignorance in the Modes of writing cause you to esteem me less, I shall repent my having learnt to write.

Your excellent Judgment, and the Diffi­dence I justly bear to my own Abilities, al­ways put a Check to that sincere and ho­nest Warmth I am impatient to address you with: But when I reflect on your many Friendly Indulgencies, and see two kind Let­ters of yours now before me (both un­answer'd) I plunge in Ink, lest my Silence should be more criminal than Impertinence itself. Remember, however, it is in com­pliance to your Request, and no fancied Skill of mine, in drawing Characters. You are [Page 151] very singular in your Inquiry after Mr. *** Morals; such Questions are very uncommon here.

—De moribus ultima fiet
Quaestio—

Ought I not, my Friend, to be cautious in discovering the Blemishes and Defects of this my native Spot, to One so resolutely deter­mined to Publish all the Truths he knows of it, even the worst, with the Sincerity and Ju­stice of an unconcerned Historian. Now, methinks, I see you smile, and ask me, What is it you thus endeavour to conceal? Is not the Fidelity of your Island become a Proverb; your Policy a Jest; your Politeness, Wantonness and Mimickry; your Commerce, a Combination of protected Thieves, the Bane of Industry and Trade? Nor is there any other Sign of Divinity or Liberty re­maining with you, except the opening of your Churches and the Courts of Justice; in a Word it is become the Characteristic of the English; that they account it less Glo­rious to act wisely, than to defend the do­ing otherwise. Yes, there is too much Truth in your Remarks, the Remembrance of Vir­tue is almost lost, and if any retain Senti­ments of Honesty and Religion they must be very secret, if they would escape the [Page 152] Public Laughter. This may be an Excuse for the Son of your Friend; he came Green upon the Stage, was hurried into the Triumph of Vice, and bore down by the Torrent of Corruption, his Beauty and Comeliness of Parts

—Rara est adeo concordia Formae,
Atque Pudicitiae—

Were no small Temptation to engage him with the Vain, the Gay, and the Vi­cious. They were the prevailing Party, in whose Society he squander'd an Estate dishonourably, and now (I had almost said deservedly) seeks a servile Maintenance from that Sink—a Court—his fall occasioned this Reflection of mine on Beauty; with which I'll conclude.

Beauty doth recommend, the Bearer to
Our Notice; and works a kind Impression
On all Spectators, in its own Behalf.
But if it bring not Matter of more Worth,
As Wisdom, Reason, and the Charms of Virtue,
It is the worthless Owner's Brand of Shame,
And makes the stalking Idiot more our Scorn.

LETTER II.

SIR,

ALL the Books which have been Pub­lished here, worthy Notice, I have constantly sent as you directed; if I have with-held my Opinion of their Merit, as you complain, it was for many Reasons I judged it unnecessary. Why do you so continually attack my Vanity, by the Compliments you pay my Judgment? But since you seek some Particulars of Mr. Pope, whose Writings I profess, amongst Thousands, to be an Ad­mirer of, as I have often intimated; I will take this Occasion to inform you what I know concerning him. Many Pieces of his, The Essay on Criticism. The Rape of the Lock. The Essays and Dissertations on Ho­mer, have appeared in your Parts: and one Proof of their Excellency, is their being na­turalized by Persons of very eminent Ability and Rank *. Other Languages † are inrich'd [Page 154] with these and others of his Works; yet, would you believe it, He has translated Homer, preserved the Sublimity, Strength, Harmony, Closeness, and every other Ex­cellence of that venerable Poet, without knowing a Syllable of Greek; and with an absolute Ignorance of the English. His Essay on Criticism, is a smooth Repetition of Vida's Nonsense. His Pastorals are no Pasto­rals. Nor is he a Poet. These things are brayed about our Street. The Asinorum cre­pitus, the Din of Grubstreet, Pretenders to Poetry, and false Critics, have arose to poison our Judgments; some say he is too little to write Well; others that he has only a Knack of writing, and these Wretches all write themselves, to convince us it is without a Knack; Cellars are full of their Mur­murings, where, like so many merciless Chy­mists, they violently rack and torture Na­ture to confess some Worth she has not in her. Mr. Pope is accounted by those, not his Enemies, of over-much Borrowing; this you will rather praise then disapprove, when you shall know, that the finest Thoughts of the best Writers were never made use of by him, till he had improved and made them bet­ter. View him in his Public Character, he is an Honour to our Nation; the Good and Wise rejoice, that such and so notable a Genius is manifested amongst us; he has [Page 155] the Satisfaction of not having lived in vain, and has obliged the valuable Part of Man­kind, and is beloved by all the Learned, Good, and Wise. View him in Private Life, there is nothing more amiable and en­dearing. He is an Example of the Duty we owe our Parents, and the Love we ought to bear our Friends. There is no Truth, if what I tell you is not true, no Friendship if I am not your Friend.

LETTER III.

SIR,

FORGIVE me, if I obtrude my Advice; think not of Publishing, as yet. Your Works, like fine Painting and Wine, will ripen into more Worth by Age; you should certainly complete the Catastrophe. I re­joice you have resisted the Temptation offer'd; it would be Madness to throw an Appearance of Partiality on the Face of your Performance, which you have so bravely avoided in every other Part. The Devil is black enough in his real Character; the truer you can paint him, the more damnable he will appear. I can but laugh to see what an Appearance Kings, and Mi­nisters, (the Guardians of Kings) make, when they are shewn in History, strip'd of Courtiers and Attendants. If in their Lives they had few sure Friends, after their Deaths they shall have fewer. It is then that are Glory is taken from their Heads, and their Pride trampled on. Are they not [Page 157] deceived, my Friend, who think by Power to bury in Oblivion the ill Actions they are guilty of; or to keep Posterity from the Knowledge of their Vices? I was the other Day at a Great Man's Levée; it made me shudder: He was corpulent and gross of Body; and seem'd to me as if Fatning for some Sacrifice. I then thought a corrupt Minister, surrounded by his Creatures and Mercenaries, like the Man, who by unlaw­ful Practices had obtained the Services of evil Spirits, and thinks it noble to be at­tended on by Friends, but yet expects in the End, that they will tear him to Pieces. 86

E.C.

AN EPISTLE FROM Dr. LITTLETON at Cambridge, To his Friend at Eton.

YOU see, dear Sir, that I've found time,
T' express my Sentiments in Rhime;
For why, my Friend, should distant Parts,
Or Time, disjoin united Hearts.
What, tho' by intervening Space,
Depriv'd of speaking Face to Face,
By faithful emissary Letter
We may converse as well, or better;
And, not to stretch my narrow Fancy,
To shew what pretty Things I can-say,
Add Butler's Rhymes to Prior's Thoughts,
And chuse to mimic all their Faults;
By Head and Shoulders bring-in-a-Stick,
To shew my Knack at Hudibrastick.
I'll tell you, as a Friend and Crony,
How here I spend my Time and Money.
[Page 159] No more Majestic Virgil's Flights,
Or Tow'ring Milton's loftier Heights,
Or Courtly Horace's Rebukes,
Who banters Vice, with Friendly Jokes,
Or Cowley's Wit, or Congreve's Fire,
Or all the Beauties that conspire
To place the greenest Bays upon
Th' immortal Brows of Addison,
Or Prior's inimitable Ease,
Or Pope's harmonious Numbers please;
For I to Phoebus bid adieu,
When last I took my Leave of you.
Now Algebra, Geometry,
Arithmetic, Astronomy,
Optics, Chronology, and Statics,
All tiresome Parts of Mathematics,
With twenty harder Names than these,
Disturb my Brains, and break my Peace.
All seeming Inconsistencies,
Are nicely solv'd by A's and B's.
Should you the Poker want, and take it
When it looks hot as Fire can make it,
And burn your Finger, or your Coat,
They'll stiffly tell you, 'tis not Hot.
The Fire, they say, has in't, 'tis true,
The Power of causing Pain in you;
[Page 160] But not more Heat in Fire that heats you,
Than there is Pain in Stick that beats you.
And thus Philosophers expound
The Names of Smell, and Taste, and Sound.
Thus when the fam'd Faustina sings,
Or Handel tunes the trembling strings,
The Voice, they say, is untun'd Air,
And all the Music's in the Ear.
There's not a Man of us can tell
That we have either Taste or Smell.
I hope, in a short time, to know
Whether the Moon's a Cheese, or no;
Whether a Man's in't, as some tell ye,
Who stuffs, with Powder'd Beef, his Belly.
No more—This, due to Friendship, take,
Not barely writ for writing sake,
For he who his Invention strains,
To shew his Wit, and cracks his Brains,
Merits his Madness for his Pains.

J. Clark sculp. 1722

[Page 1]THE NEGOTIATIONS OF Matthew Prior, Esq

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

Paris, Aug. 8, 1699, N.S.
My Lord,

I Can now acquaint your Lordship, that I arrived here the 5th, and the next Day I sent a Compliment to Monsieur Saintot, * who immediately waited on me, and gave me to understand that Monsieur de Torcy was expected in Town. Mr. Prior wrote to him, and he appointed the Afternoon to see me. Your Lord­ship [Page 2] knows the usual Ceremonies on such Occasions—

I am obliged to your Lordship for let­ting me have your House, which I like extremely; though my Equipage not be­ing come from Rouen puts me under some Difficulties: but with the Help of Mr. Prior all Things are made easy. He has delivered your Lordship's Letter to Mon­sieur de Torcy, and he took Notice to me how well Mr. Prior has behaved himself during his Stay here, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

Paris, Aug. 15, 1699.
My Lord,

I Am now entering upon a troublesome Part of my Business, the King having appointed to morrow for an Audience at Versailles. I cannot tell whether Mon­sieur and Madame will be there. Mr. Prior intends to set out for Loo as soon as these Audiences are over, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Loo, Sept. 11, 1699,
My Lord,

I Did not trouble you by last Post, not being then able to give a very good Account of myself; which I can do now, having had the Honour of a very long and particular Audience of his Majesty this Morning; the Effect of which is, that he knows all I was able to inform him of in Relation to the present State of our Affairs in the Kingdom where you are, and that I am ordered to go from hence to morrow Morning for the Hague, to receive what Orders his Majesty may send me, and to wait there till his far­ther Pleasure be known.

Your Excellency sees by the inclosed Memoir the Case of one Girard, a Mi­nister of Neufchattel, whom his most Christian Majesty will protect against what Madame de Nemours, the lawful Sove­raign of the Place, designs to do in Rela­tion to her own Subject. His Majesty commands me to intimate to your Excel­lency, That it is his Pleasure, that you concert with Monsieur Fribergen upon [Page 4] this Subject, and use your best Endea­vours with the Court of France, that they should let the Matter be examined and decided by its competent Judges, accord­ing to the Sense of the inclosed Memoir, of which Monsieur Fribergen has likewise a Copy.

You will have heard of the King of Denmark's Death before this reaches you, so that as to public News I shall not trouble you.

As to more private Affairs, Obrian is taken up at Brussels, so your Excellency must get Bayly to tell you the Particulars of what he knows relating to that Man, and what he thinks would be best to do that his being taken up may be servicea­ble to his Majesty's Interests.

I write this Letter inclosed to Bayly upon this Head: the Account he gives your Excellency you will be pleased to send directly to Mr. Blathwayt.

I take this Opportunity, my Lord, to repeat my Thanks to you for your Fa­vours to me while I stayed with you at Paris; and to assure your Excellency, that in all Places and Stations I continue with great Respect, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Hague, Oct. 16, 1699.
My Lord.

I Have the Honour of your Excellen­cy's Letters, that of the 5th, which came strait hither, and that of the 30th past by Way of England, and returned thence. I understand by the Gentleman, nothing can be done so soon as we wish: but as I have spoken to the Persons con­cerned here, in a little Time I shall be able to give him a better Answer than I can at present. It is thought proper that Bayly be continued in statu quo. Mr. Yard has let my Lord Jersey know what he has done in Relation to the Answer which Couchman brought. This, at pre­sent, my Lord, is all I can say upon this Subject in general; as soon as we can get together in England, I hope to be more particular upon it, and more satis­factory to the Gentlemen concerned.

We expect the King here to morrow Night for certain, and about Saturday following we shall be wishing the Wind fair. Obrian is by this Time on board, in order to his going for England. The [Page 6] other Persons seized this Summer, about Loo, are still in Custody at Arnheim.

I trouble Mr. Stanyan with what is less material, and detain your Excellency no longer than to repeat to you the Assuran­ces of my being, with Zeal and Respect,

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

Paris, Oct. 29, 1699.
My Lord,

I Am to acquaint your Lordship, that Bryerly, one of the Assassinators, who had formerly some Thoughts of going into England, and discovering what he knew, in Hopes of obtaining his Par­don, and getting a Recompense, continues still in great Necessity, and is said to be in the same Resolution. Some Steps were made by Mr. Prior in that Matter, when he was here, of which he can in­form your Lordship; and in case it may be judged for his Majesty's Service to have him come over, I am sure the Promise of a Pardon and some Reward will tempt him. I therefore desire your Lordship would send me his Majesty's Directions thereupon, which I shall contrive to per­form [Page 7] in the safest Manner for him, and the Person who is to go between us.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

Paris. Oct. 31, 1699.
SIR,

I Shall now begin to trouble you of­ten, believing you are settled in the Office, which will be another Sort of Life than that in France; but when I consider you have so worthy a Person, and so good a Friend to act under, I then think nothing can stand in Conpetition with it. I shall be every Day more sen­sible of the Loss of you here, which I hope you will make up to me, by let­ting me hear often from you. I have acquainted my Lord Jersey with what pas­sed in Relation to me and the Portugal Embassador in the Apartment of Monsieur de Torcy. He is going away, else it would be impossible but there must be farther Disputes of that Nature. The first Opportunity I have, I shall certainly return his Rudeness. When you can do it conveniently, put my Lord Jersey in [Page 8] Mind of what we have often discoursed about, in Relation to the Affairs of France, and what he was so kind as to say he would prevent, if possible, when I had the Honour of seeing him last. You can easily imagine I shall not be able to obtain any Thing of this Court, if Matters of Moment must be only transacted by Mon­sieur de Tallard. Not that I am desirous of knowing more than what he would think proper, in the Post I am in. I need not tell you that as a great Expence is necessary here, so an Esteem for the Person is as much; and I flatter myself I) shall not forfeit it, unless this Court finds I am only here to make a Show.

Monsieur de Tallard is daily expected, and it may be will still make his Com­plaints, as formerly, of the Delays he meets with in England. If so, I can now answer him much better, by what I have seen since my coming here.

The Day of Parade is near, and, with the Help of the Advice you give me, it will go well. The Calash is done, and I like it; though I assure you the Coaches I brought from England do exceed it in gilding, painting and carving. All who see it do own, and the French confess, they cannot come up to our gilding, though they pretend theirs will last longer. I [Page 9] wish you was to be here for a few Days. The best Apartment is now a la Fran­çoise, Velvet and Damask Chairs with Gold Galoon, the Frames gilded, Mar­ble Tables, with large Looking Glasses, and I found it was absolutely necessary, and when I was doing it I would do it well. The Chapel, which I have in­larged into the Garden, looks very hand­some.

I cannot finish this without my Wishes that you may succeed in all Things for your Advantage, &c. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, Oct. 23, 1699. O.S.
My Lord,

I Have received your Lordship's Let­ter of the 28th of October. Before you receive this Mr. Prior will be with you. It is his Majesty's Desire that you discourse the Business of the Partition Treaty with Mr. Prior, who has already Knowledge of it; and according to the Account your Lordship gives next of it, you shall receive his Majesty's farther Di­rections. [Page 10] What else your Letters con­tain, I must beg Leave to put off the answering it to another Time. I am, &c.

JERSEY.

N.B. The Earl of Manchester's to the Earl of Jersey [ Paris. Nov 6, 1699.] begins thus;

My Lord,

Mr. Prior informed your Lordship, by Wednesday's Post, of his Arrival here. He having explained to me the Subject upon which he was sent, I wrote to Mon­sieur de Torcy, &c.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

London, Nov. 3/10, 1699.
My Lord,

I Arrived here on Friday Night, and every Body confesses that Roger is fitter than I to be sent Express: On Sa­turday Morning my Lord Jersey carried me to the King. I first read to his Majesty what your Lordship said to the King of France, and what the King answered thereupon, and then I explained to his [Page 11] Majesty the Substance of the whole that had past during my being in France. His Majesty is satisfied with every Step your Excellency made; and, in one Word we did as we ought to do. His Majesty asked me a great many Questions about your Entry. You will easily believe I was glad, on that Occasion, to do you Justice. Hi [...] Majesty asked me about the Rank which Monsieur de Torcy's Coach had; and in all this Affair I can assure your Excellency he is very well satisfied. I have seen as well Charles as James Erby, and Christopher Montague. I have been asked ten thousand Questions, and gave them the News of my Lord Mandevil being to arrive at Paris within these six Months; for which we wish all very heartily. I contracted a Cold in the Voyage, and wisely increased it by run­ning about these two Days. I am blood­ed and keep my Chamber to-day, which is the Reason of my using another Hand: I hope your Excellency will excuse it. The King dined to-day with my Lord Rochester at his House near Richmond; my Lord Jersey is gone to dine with him. Whig and Tory are, as of old, implaca­ble. Dr. D'Avenant is coming out with another Book, in which he attacks the Grants, and is (as I am told) very scur­rilous [Page 12] against my Lord Chancellor, * and our dear Friend Charles. This, I think, is all the News I have known since my Arrival. I have only to add my great Thanks to your Excellency for your Hos­pitality and Kindness to me in France, and wish you Success in every Thing there, with all possible Zeal and Sincerity. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

Paris, Nov. 17, 1699.
My Lord,

I Shall always discharge his Majesty's Orders with all Secrecy and Care ima­ginable; and I am apt to think this Oc­casion will make Monsieur de Tallard take Care how he behaves himself; for he was not very easy when he found Mr. Prior was come, and that I was to have an Au­dience. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

Paris, Dec. 8, 1699.
SIR,

I Could wish this Court was so well in­clined as to grant any Favour in Rela­tion to the French Protestants; but at present I cannot see any Inclination, nei­ther can I hope ever to have such Credit with Monsieur de Torcy as on my Account to persuade him: if at any Time I see a Probability, I shall not fail to act as is desired. I have not yet made all my Vi­sits of Ceremony; and this Day I am go­ing to the Arsenal You will be so kind as to make my Excuse to Lord Jersey, having nothing at present to acquaint him with, only that King James continues still ill. His Distemper is Boils in his Backside. I do not hear there is much Danger, unless it should turn to a Fis­tula. In a little Time you shall hear more. Monsieur de Tallard could not be so soon with you as he intended, because the Wind continued some Days against him, and obliged him to stay at Calais. I am glad to hear our Proceedings were approved of, and I am impatient to know [Page 14] the Success of that Matter, though it may be I shall hear it first from Monsieur de Torcy. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Rt. Hon. CHA. MONTAGUE, Esq Extract.

Paris, Dec. 8, 1699, N.S.
SIR,

MR. Prior's coming here, and the private Audience I had of the King the Day of my Entry, occasioned much Discourse, and did me Service with the Ministers, for now they see the King does not wholly rely on Monsieur de Tallard—King James, upon Mr. Pri­or's coming hither, believed I was to be recalled, and he to be left here; which, for some Time, gave him great Satisfac­tion. It is not agreeable to them to see me live in such a Manner, that none of the English come to Paris but they ad­dress themselves to me. &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, Dec. 7, 1699, O.S.
My Lord,

THough I have written to You by my Lord's Order, * that is his Let­ter; I am to add a Word from myself.

You see by the News, which accom­panies this Letter, what was done in both Houses Yesterday. In the Upper-House, the Bishop of St. David's Business † was thrown out; and in the Other House, Proceedings in Relation to Kidd's Mat­ter ‖ came to nothing: so that we gained two Triumphs that Day. Oh! si sic omnia. The Commons Address you will observe to be somewhat high; but the Moderation and Wisdom of the King's Answer is thought, even by his Enemies, to be inimitable.

D'Avenant has printed his Book against Grants, § which I take to be a scandalous Libel against the Government: I will [Page 16] send it you when we employ a Messenger; for I think it would cost you too dear if it came by the Post.

Smith, * who was a Sort of Discoverer of the Plot, and printed a Book last Year reflecting upon the Duke of Shrewsbury, has printed another now to the same Tune. O Tempora! O Mores! Every Man says and writes what he will. Next Week I intend to come out myself with a Panegyric upon the King. I am ever, my Lord, with all imaginable Respect, &c.

M. PRIOR.
[Page 17]

P.S. I do not write to Stanyan; for he has not a Park, nor a Doe * in the World: I mean a Doe fit for a Pasty.

To the Earl of JERSEY. Extract.

Paris, Dec. 23, 1699.
My Lord,

MR. Prior, may remember that I talk­ed to him, when he was here last, about taking up one Claude, a French­man, as he says he is, who served the late Lord B—l, in order to exchange him for Pierre Perault, or Arnold. If your Lordship be of that Mind, he is al­most every Day at the Dog-Tavern in Drury-Lane, and Couchman, the Messen­ger, will be a proper Person to apprehend him, because he was acquainted with him when he was at Paris. This Claude was very much at St. Germains while he stay­ed in France, and endeavoured to seduce several English thither: but that which will be a better Reason for seizing him is, his having attended Richardson, one of the Assassins, while he lay concealed in the late Lord B—l's House, which I [Page 18] am told he bragged of, when he was here last, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

Paris, Jan. 2, 1700.
SIR,

HAving writ so lately, by Mr. Stan­hope, to the Earl of Jersey, I do not trouble him now. I must desire you to make my Excuse, and acquaint him with the Contents of this. There is no­thing at present acting at St. Germains, King James being not well, and wholly giving himself up to Devotions and Pray­ers. The Wound, which was very large, is healed; but it is thought they have done it too soon, because the same Hu­mours run all over his Body, sometimes in his Stomach, Legs, &c. He is ex­tremely broke, and most Men are of Opi­nion he cannot recover, though he may go on some Time as he is. Father Cosme is run away with fifty thousand Livres, which he had in his Hands, and which he was to distribute among the Irish. They think he may be gone for England, since he cannot be safe in any other Place. [Page 19] If I learn any Thing of him you shall hear from me: nevertheless it may not be improper to make some Inquiry after him; and you will find by my former Accounts where his Acquaintance live in London. I was Yesterday at Versailles, where I made a Compliment to the King and the rest of the Court, it being New-Years Day. I dined with Monsieur de Boufflers. I find them all very civil; but how long it will last you can best judge. I wonder my Servant has not been with you: the Buck-Season must make it up. We want two Posts, hav­ing had no Letters since the 31st of De­cember last. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, Jan. 18, 1700.
My Lord,

WE have this Morning two Posts from France, of the 20th and 23d. My Lord Jersey commands me to acknowledge your Letter to him; and to tell you, that the House of Lords sit­ting so late, and he being obliged, after [Page 20] its rising, to go to Kensington, is the Rea­son why he does not write to you. You will see, by the Inclosed, what a Day's Work has been performed in the House of Commons; the Irish Grants to be reassumed, and not even the third Part of them to be reserved to the King; and the Ministry, some of our Friends parti­cularly, meaned and aimed at in the latter Part of their Vote. This all comes like a Torrent; and the few who would, can­not. In the House of Lords, the King is a little more civilly used. As to the Business of Darien, his Majesty is at least justified in his Letters to the Governors of the Plantations. Thus we are, my good Lord, scrambling, and doing our best on one Side against the other, who are very troublesome, not to say danger­ous.

We hear of the Complaints you make from Monsieur de Tallard, and prepare to redress them as well as we can. As to the Persons mentioned in your Letter, Care will be taken.

The King has not yet seen Lord Bazil, or any Address from him. I do not hear that this Lord's Countrymen are quieter: I know not how far your House's Resolu­tion of to Day will go towards calming them. I am ever, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER. Extract.

Whitehall, Jan. 5, O.S.
My Lord,

I Do not find the King willing to be at a great Expence about the Personne dont il s'agit, * without having some As­surance of the Service he can do. Mr. Prior has been ill, which is the Reason I have not been able to know of him in what this Person can be most useful. I desire your Lordship will, in the mean Time, keep this Matter on foot, and let me know your Opinion as to the Expence and Advantage we may have by it, &c.

JERSEY.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, Feb. 20, O.S.
My Lord,

MY Lord Jersey gives me in Charge to own the Receipt of your Let­ters, of the 16th and 17th, the Substance [Page 22] of which my Lord will lay before his Majesty the first Opportunity.

If you hear no more of the great Af­fair, it is because nothing is transacted in it farther than when your Excellency was last advised of it; consequently Roger is not yet dispatched.

I must congratulate your Happiness, that you are out of this Noise and Tu­mult, where we are tearing and destroy­ing every Man his Neighbour. To-Mor­row is the great Day when we expect that my Lord Chancellor * will be fallen up­on, though God knows what Crime he is guilty of, but that of being a very great Man, and a wise and upright Judge. Lord Bellemont, you will read in the Votes, was fallen upon to-Day; thus eve­ry Day a Minister, till at last we reach the King. By next Post I shall, I pre­sume be able to write to you what re­lates to Matters on your Side: I am hear­tily tired with them on our Side. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, Feb. 22, O.S.
My Lord,

I Have no particular Commands from your Lordship, so can only acknow­ledge the Receipt of the French Letters of the 24th and 27th. The great Affair was transacted this Morning, though I be­lieve Count Tallard will not be able to send his Express away these two or three Days. My Lord Jersey still keeps his Bed, his Gout had a Fever which accompanied it; but God be thanked both those Distempers abate, and I hope by next Post he will tell you so in his own Hand. In the mean Time, we take what Care we can about the Contents of your last Letter to my Lord; though God knows all the Care we take signifies little, considering how we are restrained as to the taking any Bo­dy, though the Informations given make it highly necessary for the public Good: but you know England well enough in this Point my Lord.

The Speaker's Illness gives the House of Commons Leave to play till Monday. The Address they presented Yesterday to [Page 24] the King, he answered very civilly, but smartly: I have not yet the Words, but shall send them with the first. The Sense was, That he was sensible the Nation lay under great Taxes; that he had and would contribute to the easing them by every Way which was just; that he thought he had the Power of gratifying some who had been actually in the Re­duction of Ireland, out of what was his.

I had written your Lordship a long politic Letter, for I thought that Roger would have been dispatched to you; but since there are no Particularities in the Affair I have spoke of, I have sent Word to Mr. Woolaston, that Roger may stay to go over with the Midwife for my Lady: Quod felix faustum (que) sit, &c.

If I might speak my particular Senti­ments concerning la Personne dont il s'agit, I would have him well sifted and tried if he means to act in Earnest, and is really dis­posed to the Thing; otherwise we may be bantered, to say no worse of it: but this is only to yourself, my Lord, and from him who is eternally, with great Respect, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

April 1, 1700. O.S.
My Lord,

FOr above these two Months passed I have not had an Opportunity of sending over a Horace, which we printed at Cambridge, and which my Lord Duke of Somerset, our Chancellor, presents to the King of France's Library, with a Let­ter which his Grace writes on that Sub­ject to the Abbé de Louvois: but I have at last sent them by a Footman who quitted my Service. The Book and Let­ter will be, or are already, delivered to Mr. Stanyan, and the Favour we beg of your Excellency is, that you would honour this Book with a Word, by which the Court of France, and particularly the Archbishop of Rheims and Abbé Louvois may take Notice, that the University of Cambridge would establish a fair Corres­pondence with the Learned on your Side. By next Post, I shall write something to the Soubibliothecaire, * Monsieur Clermont, concerning the Greek Cyphers we would buy of them: in this I must likewise de­sire your Lordship's Good Offices, since [Page 26] without your appearing concerned in it we shall hardly make our Matters bear as we desire. Monsieur Vrybergen came on Friday. I have not yet seen him, I am &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, April 10, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,

HAving written for my Master, I have very little to add for myself; except that I am very glad my Lord Mandeville is come to Town, and hope he will stay long with us. I am glad he is born at Paris, for had he been born here, he would have liked living among us so little, that I question whether he would have thought it worth his while to have Sucked. The Votes of to Day pretty well explain what I mean. God knows how the Business will turn, or where this Violence of the House of Com­mons will end. The Lords seem as yet to adhere to their Point: On Wednesday we expect the Issue of all this. Seymour * plainly said to Day, That the Original [Page 27] of all this proceeded from the Ministers, and from the chief of them, the Chancel­lor. Many other angry Sayings of this Kind have been vented; and in the Heat of this Hurry Kidd is arrived, and sent up for, with his Papers, by an Order from the Admiralty. Our Friend * has said no­thing of late in the House of Commons. My Lord Chancellor is very sick. This is the Abbregé of our Case, I think no very good one. I am going to Kensington the Moment after I have told you that I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, April 11, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,

OUR long Session is this Day, God be thanked, finished; the Irish Grants resumed, and the Commons satis­fied, at least for some Time. Yesterday was indeed a great Crisis, from the Morn­ing, when it was doubtful if the Lords would adhere to their Amendments or no; the Commons fell directly upon Impeach­ing. The Persons they named were my [Page 28] Lords Portland and Albemarle, the Arti­cles upon which they were going, for pro­curing for themselves exorbitant Grants. In this State the Affair lasted till after the second Conference with the Lords; and immediately upon the Managers re­turning from the Conference, the House, though they thought the Lords would recede, locked themselves up till ten at Night, of which you see the good Effects in the Votes. They threw Fire about at every Body, had a great Mind to fling at our Friend Charles; * you see what they would have done to my Lord Chan­cellor, and how Duke Schomberg and Lord Portland suffer in their Address, that Strangers shall not be Privy-Counsellors. God knows whither this Heat would have gone, if it had not been timely dispatched by every Body's striving to come in, so this Bill passed: Upon the Main, we have Life for six Months longer, and alors comme alors. †

The Affair upon which I came into France, will be quite ended to Night. Your Lordship will pretend, in any Dis­course you may have on that Subject, to think it was quite ended three Weeks since, or at least, that you heard nothing to the contrary. I hope my Lord Man­deville [Page 29] is well, and his beautiful Mother, whom the French Ladies will talk to Death, unless you get your Doors locked up, like those of the House of Com­mons.

My Lord * commands me to acknow­ledge yours of the 17th, and says, the perpetual Hurry in which we have been must serve for a Reason that, as yet he has not spoke to the King to be your Gossip: But this, my Lord says is a Fa­vour which he doubts not but the King will grant, and he will tell you so him­self next Post. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, April 18, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,

OUR Parliament Affairs being at length finished, we have a little Time to think of our private Devoirs. I must therefore beg your Excellency (if you have not done it already) to give the Horace, and the Duke of Somerset's Let­ter, to Abbé de Louvois, making the Archbishop of Rheims acquainted with the Duke's Present, and the Desire we [Page 30] have to correspond with the Learned at Paris. I have written to Mr. Clement what the University desires, as to the procuring us some Greek Types. If your Excellency expends the Money, and are pleased to draw upon me, I will answer the Bills: I should be glad they could be got ready soon. I should not dare to trouble your Excellency, but that your Protection to the University is absolutely necessary in this Occasion.

His Majesty goes to Morrow to Hamp­ton-Court, and will stay there, we say, these six Weeks. At the End of a Ses­sion of Parliament, you know, we always talk of a Change in the Ministry. We do so at present, but upon what Ground I know not. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To Mr. PRIOR.

Paris, May 5, 1700.
SIR,

THe Court being at Marly, Monsieur de Torcy will not be in Town till to morrow; so I must make my Excuse to my Lord Jersey by you, for my not writing. My Wife lays all the Fault on [Page 31] you, that we have not yet heard, if we may give the Little-one the King's Name, and I dare not venture without knowing that positively: so that, at present, you are a little out of Favour, and will be so, unless we hear by the next Letters.

I shall do all I can to serve the Univer­sity, and shall take Care about the Horace, when I have it. Mr. Stanyan will ac­quaint you how that Matter stands, and how this Book is seized at Diepe. I have not seen the Archbishop of Rheims for some Time, and I believe he is gone to his Diocese.

Several of the Great Men here will dine with me to-morrow, and among them the Mareschal de Villeroy. He will cer­tainly ask after you, as he often does: The little Hopes our Friends at St. Ger­mains have left, is in Scotland, and if that fails, all Things will be quiet till the next Meeting of the Parliament. I think instead of a Change in the Mini­sters, we should have a new Parliament. that would be more for the King's Service. Not much Good can be expected from a last Session. We hear the King intends to go for Holland next Summer. When that is certain, pray let me know it, which will oblige, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Hampton-Court, May 2, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,

I Am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter of the 8th. I do not be­lieve, there will be Occasion for Roger's Stay. As the Affairs of Sir William, &c. has gone through the Hands of the Church, so it is convenient that it should so con­tinue: and as to the great Affair, I shall take Care to manage it as you have alrea­dy done, in Relation to that Person's knowing it. whom you mention in your Letter. The Thing itself cannot, I think, in its own Nature, be long a Secret: God only knows what Effect it may have when it comes out, so strange a People are we, and so resolved not to be pleased with any Thing. I shall be able, in a Post or two, to send Brocard some Mo­ney, out of which your Excellency will repay yourself what you have expended, before you give or order him the rest: I believe, there is no great Matter to be known; but such as it is, he must be en­couraged.

[Page 33] I have only in Charge, from my Lord Jersey, to own the Receipt of yours of the 8th, and to tell your Lordship, that he will answer you by sending away your Express with the first Opportunity. My Lord Chief-Justice Holt having been here to-day, and with the King in private, has given People Occasion to say, that he has refused the Seals: if it be so, or not, I cannot say; but as yet the Seals are not disposed of. The King, God be thanked, is well, which is all the News I can send you from this Place. I dined to-day with Mr. Montague here, and drank my Lord Manchester's Health. I am, &c.

M. PRIOR.

To Mr. PRIOR.

Paris, June 30, 1700.
SIR,

I Do not write by this Post to my Lord Jersey, because Mr. Stanyan intends to set out on Friday next, and by him I will let his Lordship know what occurs.

I find by yours, of the 13th Instant, O.S. that there are not to be any Chan­ges. By this I see the Town follows its [Page 34] old Custom of placing and displacing se­veral. As for my own particular, I shall never like France so well as not to wish to be at Home. You know the French very well, and I believe you find the Di­versions at Hampton-Court, where I hear you are often, more to your Satisfaction than any Thing here.

The News we have at present is, that the Pope has made a Promotion for the Crowns, viz. the Archbishop of Paris (who was Yesterday at Versailles to thank the King) for France; the Bishop of Pas­saro, for the Emperor; and Borgia, a Canon of Toledo, for Spain. There are still two in Petto. We have sometimes Reports here of the King's being indis­posed; but I hope it is not true, I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. PRIOR.

Paris, July 10, 1700.
SIR,

I Was very sorry to hear my Lord Jer­sey had quitted the Office, and much more so because you also leave it. I sup­pose you have long foreseen this, and [Page 35] cannot but have taken Care of yourself, being upon the Place: for you often said, Men were forgot when abroad. The Hopes you give, that I am to correspond with Mr. Vernon, makes me more easy than I should have been.

The Embassador of Savoy was with me, to let me know, that the Duke his Master had ordered Monsieur de la Tour, who was formerly his Envoy in England, to re­turn thither with the same Character. This will cause a great Discourse, be­cause he was his chief Minister: but the Reason why he comes is not hard to guess. I was in Hopes to have heard something concerning Sir, &c. whose Letter I sent lately to England. As soon as I hear from my Lord Jersey, I shall not fail to congratulate with him, I am &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, Dec. 10, 1700, O.S.
My Lord,

I Am indebted to my good Lord Man­chester for two or three Letters; and it would be unreasonable, if I did not [Page 36] take the Opportunity of Mr. Chetwynd's Return, to tell your Lordship what I know of the State of Things here. That we shall have a new Parliament is, I think, certain; at least as far as I can see into the Matter. What Sort of Parliament it may prove, I cannot any Ways foresee; but sure there never was so much Work, as at present, in securing Parties and bri­bing Elections. Whig and Tory are rail­ing, on both Sides, so violent, that the Government may easily be over-turned by the Madness of either Faction. We take it to be our Play to do nothing against common Sense or common Law, and to be for those who will support the Crown, rather than oblige their Party; and in order to this, Men are preferred who are looked upon to be honest and moderate. In this Number (whether with Reason or not, Time must decide) we comprehend our Lord-Keeper and our new Secretary. Lord Rochester and Lord Godolphin are in the Cabinet-Council; the latter is at the Head of the Treasury; the former (we take it for granted) is to go Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, though it be yet a Secret. The two Companies are to be brought to an Agreement. (if possible) and Mr. Montague's being made a Peer (we take for granted) may con­tribute [Page 37] to this Union, since, being in the House of Commons, he would make an ill Figure, if he either declined to sup­port the new, or should find too great an Opposition in his endeavouring so to do. As to the Great Affair, I presume the King will wholly defer it to the Parlia­ment, and act conjointly with their Con­sent, which I take to be the only Method. All that I can say more on this Head is, that I take it to be happy for the King, that the Will is preferred, by the French, at a Time when every Body was peevish against the Court (though with Reason God knows) about the Treaty. Count Tallard makes a foolish Figure here: I do not know, as yet, what he says to the King on this Occasion; but every Body observes his Excellency to be very melan­choly and desponding, and one may judge he has Reason to be so, as to his own Particular, concerning the Part he has been made to act, however his Country in general may approve their Monarch's Breach of Truth and Treaty. This I think is the present Figure of our Affairs, which I am glad to write to so good a Friend as my Lord Manchester, though to most of the World here, I am of Opi­nion that to say least is to do best. Your Friend my Lord Jersey grows very much [Page 38] a Minister, and is in a fair Way of being very great. As to my own Affairs, I have a great many Friends who would set me up at Cambridge: I know I shall find great Opposition from Mr. Ham­mond's Party there, and great Trouble, in case I should throw him out, from those Men, who will never be satisfied, let me act as I will or can. If your Lord­ship thinks it convenient, I know you will not refuse me your Letter to the University. My Lord Sandwich is gone to Hinchinbrook, I hear, in order to set up Charles Boyle against Mr. Wort­ley Montague's Interest at Huntington: Vive la Guerre, whosoever is chosen or cast out, or on what Side soever Things turn. I am, most truly, &c.

M. PRIOR.

P.S. Though I am no longer in a Secre­tary's Office, Venison would not poi­son a Commissioner of Commerce, and Does are now in Season; which may be useful to inform Mr. Woolaston when next your Lordship writes to him.

N.B. It has been thought proper to ac­company Mr. PRIOR's Negociations with the following Letter of the Im­mortal King WILLIAM III. as the Basis upon which they were founded.

His Majesty's Letter to Lord SOMERS.

Loo, Aug. 15, 1698.

I Imparted to you before I left England that in F. * there was expressed to my Lord P. † some Insinuation to come to an Agreement with us, concerning the Succession of the King of Sp. § Since which C. Tall. ‖ has mentioned it to me, and has made Propositions, the Particu­lars of which my Lord P. will write to Vernon, to whom I have given Orders not to communicate them to any other besides yourself, and to leave to your Judgment whom else you should think proper to impart them; to the End that I might know your Opinion upon so im­portant an Affair, and which requires [Page 40] the greatest Secrecy. If it be fit this Ne­gociation should be carried on, there is no Time to be lost; and you must send me the full Powers, under the Great Seal, with the Names in blank, to treat with C. Tall. I believe this may be done secret­ly, that none but you and Vernon, and those to whom you shall have communi­cated it, may have Knowledge of it: so that the Clerks who are to write the War­rant, and the full Powers, may not know what it is. According to all Intelligence, the King of Sp. cannot out-live the Month of October, and the least Accident may carry him off every Day. I received your Letter of the 9th. Since my Lord Wharton cannot at this Time leave Eng­land, I must think of some other to send Embassador into Sp. If you can think of any one proper, let me know it, and be always assured of my Friendship.

W.R.

His Lordship's ANSWER.

Tunbridge-Wells, Aug. 28, 1698.

HAving your Majesty's Permission to try if the Waters would contribute to the Re-establishment of my Health, I was just got to this Place when I had the Honour of your Commands. I thought the best Way of executing them would be to communicate to my Lord Orf. Mr. Mont. and the D. of Shrew. (who before I left London had agreed upon a Meet­ing about that Time) the Subject of my Lord P's Letters, at the same Time let­ting them know how strictly Your Ma­jesty required, that it should remain an inviolable Secret.

Since them Mr. M. and my Secretary are come down hither; and, upon their whole Discourse, three Things have prin­cipally occurred, and are humbly suggest­ed to your Majesty.

1. That the entertaining a Proposal of this Nature seems to be attended with very many ill Consequences, if the F. did not act a sincere Part. But we were soon at Ease as to any Apprehension of this Sort; being fully assured Your Majesty [Page 42] would not act but with the utmost Nice­ty in an Affair wherein the Glory, and the Safety of Europe were so highly con­cerned.

2. The second Thing considered was, the very ill Prospect of what was like to happen upon the Death of the King of Sp. in Case nothing was done, previously, towards the providing against that Acci­dent, which seemed probably to be very near; the King of F. having so great a Force, in such a Readiness, that he was in a Condition to take Possession of Sp. before any other Prince could be ready to make a Stand. Your Majesty is the best Judge, whether this be the Case, who are so perfectly informed of the Circumstances of Parts abroad. But so far as relates to England, it would be Want of Duty not to give Your Majesty this clear Account, That there is a Dead­ness and Want of Spirit in the Nation universally, so as not at all to be disposed to the Thought of entering into a new War, and that they seemed to be tired out with Taxes, to a Degree beyond what discerned, till it appeared upon the Occasion of the late Elections. This is the Truth of the Fact, upon which Your Majesty will determine what Resolutions are proper to be taken.

[Page 43] 3. That which remained was, the Con­sideration what would be the Condition of Europe, if the Proposal took Place. Of this we thought ourselves little capa­ble of judging: But it seemed, that if Si­cily was in the Hands of the F. they would be entirely Masters of the Levant Trade; that if they were possessed of Final, and those Ports on that Side, whereby Milan would be intirely shut out from Relief or any other Commerce, that Duchy would be of little Signification in the Hands of any Prince; and that if the King of F. was in Possession of any Part of Guipuscoa, which is mentioned in the Proposal, besides the Ports he would have in the Ocean, it does seem he would have as easy a Way of invading Sp. on that Side, as he now has on the Side of Catalonia. But it is not to be hoped, that F. will quit its Pretences to so great a Succession, without considera­ble Advantages; and we are all assured your Majesty will reduce the Terms as low as can be done, and make them as far as is possible in the present Circum­stances of Things, such as may be some Foundation of the future Quiet of the Kingdom; which all your Subjects can­not but be convinced is your true Aim. If it could be brought to pass, that Eng­land [Page 44] might be some Way a Gainer by this Transaction, whether it was by the Elec­tor of Bavaria (who is the Gainer by your Majesty's Interposition in this Trea­ty) his coming to an Agreement to let us have some Trade to the Spanish Planta­tions, or in any other Manner, it would wonderfully indear your Majesty to your English Subjects.

It does not appear, in Case this Nego­ciation should proceed, what is to be done on your Part, in Order to make it take Place; whether any more be re­quired than that the English and Dutch sit still, and F. itself is to see it executed; and if that be so, what Security ought to be expected, that, if our being nearer the French be successful, they will con­fine themselves to the Terms of the Trea­ty, and not attempt to make farther Ad­vantages of their Success.

I have put the Seal to the Commission, without expecting the Return of the Warrant. The Commission is written by Mr. Secretary, and no Creature has the least Knowledge of any Thing, besides the Persons already named. I pray God give your Majesty Honour and Success in all your Undertakings.

[Page 45] I am, with the utmost Duty and Re­spect, SIR,

Your MAJESTY's Most Dutiful and most obedient Subject and Servant, SOMERS.

Mr. Secretary ADDISON's Negociati­ons being at the same Period with those of Mr. Secretary Harley; we have thought proper to subjoin them.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER.

Whitehall, March 7/18, 1707.
My Lord,

I Am very sorry the ill State of my Health rendered me so unfortunate as not to find your Lordship at your own House, and that I was not in a Condition to receive your Excellency, when you did me the Honour to call at mine, be­fore you left the Town. I thought I should not have had Occasion to give you any Trouble so soon, more than to wish your Excellency a happy and prosperous [Page 46] Journey: but this Morning, Monsieur Vryberge, the Envoy of the States-Gene­ral, delivered a Memorial to her Majesty, a Copy whereof the Queen has command­ed me to transmit to your Excellency, that you may see the Opinion of the States upon that Affair in Italy, in which her Majesty does intirely concur: And therefore you will please, both at Vienna, and all other Places where you shall think it necessary, to express her Majesty's Sentiments upon that Affair, and do your utmost to prevent any Alteration of the Project which has been agreed with Prince Eugene for carrying the War into France, under Pretence of taking Naples and Sicily; which are Views no Ways to be brought into Comparison with the other Design. I am, with the greatest Respect, &c.

RO. HARLEY.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

Hague, March 25, 1707.
SIR,

LAst Night I came to this Place, where I received the Favour of yours, of the 18th Instant, with a Copy [Page 47] of the Memorial of Monsieur Vryberge. I have since waited on the Pensionary, to acquaint him that her Majesty did in­tirely concur with the States-General in that Affair, and that I had Orders to use what Diligence I could for Vienna, in Order to prevent any Alteration of the Project, concerted with the Duke of Sa­voy, for carrying the War into France, on that Side. I found, by the Advices he had received from Vienna, that he is ap­prehensive that the Imperial Court may have a particular View towards Naples, which is certain will be of fatal Conse­quence. Besides, the Manner of evacua­ting all the Places by the French Troops in Italy, without the least Notice of it, either to the Queen or to the States-Ge­neral, gives them some Reasons to mis­trust the Intentions of that Court. He tells me, that they have received an An­swer from Monsieur Amelot, and that the Elector Palatine will order the Recruits he is to send for Italy. I hope I shall be able to set out for Dusseldorp in a few Days, and then nothing will, I hope, pre­vent my being soon at Vienna, where I shall execute her Majesty's Commands, to the utmost of my Power. I shall [Page 48] continue to send you an Account how I proceed, as often as I can. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

Frankfort, April 10, 1707.
SIR,

I Had not Time to write to you from Dusseldorp, neither was their any Thing material that required Haste. I came thither on the 4th, about Noon; and I had an Audience of the Elector this Evening: where, after a Compliment in the Name of her Majesty, I acquainted him with my Orders, in Relation to his Interests at the Court of Vienna; and that the Queen's Minister, who was go­ing to reside there, would have the same Instructions. He expressed a very great Sense of her Majesty's Goodness to him, and he did enter into the whole Matter of his Right to the Upper-Palatinate, with some Warmth, complaining of the Usage of that Court. He mentioned, be­sides his several Titles, also a Treaty between the late Emperor and him, where­in it is agreed, that he shall be put in Pos­session: [Page 49] which is since renewed by the present Emperor. I told him, it was of the last Importance, that his Troops in Italy should be immediately recruited; that her Majesty did not doubt but he had put it in such a Method as that I might find them so at my Arrival in Italy. I must confess that I very much fear it, though I am persuaded he will do all that is pos­sible, for he seemed not to disguise the Difficulties he was under; as that his Of­ficers were but lately arrived from Italy, and that the last Accounts he had, were that his Troops were at the Blockade of Cremona; that he was buying a Battalion at Onspach, and that nothing should be wanting that was in his Power to do. As to the Affair on the Upper-Rhine, he says, there will be an Army of 60,000 Men; that the Emperor will make his 12,000; the Circles have agreed on 20,000. This, with the Rest who are there, and will be there, makes up the Num­ber: That there was also Care taken for a sufficient Quantity of Ammunition, &c. His two chief Ministers were to see me, and I did find them agree in every Thing the Elector had told me. I did press them also about the Recruits in Italy. The next Day I had an Audience of the Electoress, and in the Evening I took [Page 50] Leave of both them. I need not mention the Expressions they both made Use of in Relation to her Majesty, and how great a Sense they should ever have of it. The Electoress recommended to me the Inte­rest of their House, and also that of Flo­rence. I found by the Elector, that the Great Duke had agreed to pay 100,000 Pistoles; but that the Imperial Court insisted on 300,000, which he thought very extravagant, and which they seemed to own at Vienna, but that they thought it just, since he contributed, and was one of the chief Instruments in procuring the Will in Favour of the Duke of Anjou. That they threatened to send Troops thi­ther, as also to Genoua, in Case they would not pay what was demanded. I cannot tell what may be the Consequence, in Case the Imperial Court should carry this Matter too far. But if these Sums are actually employed in carrying on the War in Italy, we have no great Reason to complain. The Elector of Mayence being at Bamberg I shall not wait on him, but to-morrow I shall set out for Vienna, where I shall certainly be in ten Days. I suppose the Wind has been contrary, for I have received no Letters, nor shall I now till I come to Vienna, where I shall pursue my Instructions, and acquaint you how I find Matters there. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

Vienna, April 25, 1707.
SIR,

I Arrived here on the 21st, and had been here sooner, had I not met with contrary Winds on the Danube; though I find it would have been much the same Thing; for this Week every one is in De­votion. I have nevertheless seen Monsieur Zinzendorf, and Monsieur Wratislaw, and did not fail to take the first Opportunity to shew them the ill Consequence to the intended Design of prosecuting the War into France, should they first undertake that of Naples; and I did acquaint them with the Orders I had received from her Majesty. As for Count Zinzendorf, he was not so positive as the latter; but they both agreed in this; that it would not in the least prejudice that Undertaking: for, since the French were intirely out of Italy, there were Troops sufficient for both: that Prince Eugene was to stay, though his Presence would have been of very great Consequence: that they had given their Reasons to Monsieur Dopf, which they hoped would satisfy her Majesty, as [Page 52] also the States-General. I had a great Deal of Discourse on that Subject, with the latter, who I fear has no great Opi­nion of the Project, concerted with the Duke of Savoy. When I pressed that Matter, he did say, that, by the grand Alliance, that of Naples was first to be undertaken, and that the Emperor was not able to sustain this War with some Assistance of that Nature: that every Thing was ready here, and they had Rea­son to believe they should succeed with a small Number of Troops. I do not doubt but her Majesty is already informed of the Reasons they alledge, and I cannot but think, though they do not positively own it, that the Orders are already gone to Italy. I have not as yet seen the Prince of Salms, he being indisposed. I believe I shall have my Audience of the Emperor in a few Days. I fear the Duke of Marlborough is still in England, for there are now three Posts wanting here. I have received none from England since I left the Hague. I hope by the next Post to give you a farther Account, and I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

Vienna, April 30, 1707.
SIR,

BY the last Post I acquainted my Lord Sunderland with my Pro­ceedings here; and I have every little to add. The Emperor returns from Luxen­burg to-day, and I suppose I shall have my Audience of the Empress to-morrow. That of the Empress Dowager is over. Here are no Letters yet from England, so that I continue, as often as I see the Ministers, to persuade them to lay aside the Expedition to Naples, which I believe they will do, unless it be approved of by her Majesty. What makes them more zealous in that Matter is, the Apprehen­sion that, in Holland, they might be brought to consent to the dismembering it from the Spanish Monarchy; and if once they are in Possession of it, England will never consent to it. They flatter themselves that, upon their appearing, the People will declare. As to the in­tended Expedition into France, it is cer­tain that this Court has sent the Recruits they promised, as also the Mounting for [Page 54] their Horse. They also assure me, that they are doing what is necessary in Re­lation to their Magazines: but I am con­fident that, in this, they will fall short; and I can easily perceive, that their Mean­ing is only till their Troops can enter into France, and then they must subsist themselves, or we must do it; which I find is the true Reason which makes them say, that of Provence is most prac­ticable, because, as I suppose, they think they can be subsisted by our Fleet. They assure me, that what is agreed on will be performed. They wait, with a great Deal of Impatience the Success of the Duke of Marlborough. Count Piper did deliver a Memorial to the Emperor's Mi­nisters, in Relation to the Battalion of Muscovites, in such Terms that he could not receive it. They did afterwards make some Alterations, but in Substance it is the same. You will soon see the true In­tentions of this Court, in Relation to the Malecontents; for they have seemed of late to desire an Accommodation; but it was on such Terms that they might easily judge were impossible. So that Matter is at an End, and they have procured a Bull, from the Pope, for the excommu­nicating of Prince Rogotzky, and the Rest of the considerable Men of the Catholics. [Page 55] Whether it goes so far as to all who ad­here to them, I cannot tell. This is at present a Secret, but I suppose it will soon be otherwise, if they intend it shall have any Effect. I should imagine that they will not find their Account in it. It may be the Means to exasperate them, and it may possibly induce them to quit that Religion.

I am doing all I can in the Affair of the Duke of Savoy: I hope I shall soon bring it to some Conclusion. I wait to see what Orders I shall receive, for I believe there are some to come which do not please this Court. After that I shall go to Turin. I find they intend to send Count Galas for the Hague, and Count Questenberg for England. This is what Monsieur Galas does not like, and his Gentleman of the Horse is come here on that Account. I have seen him who is intended for England, and he seems to own it. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To the Earl of MANCHESTER

May 6/13, 1707.
My Lord,

I Received this Morning the Honour of your Excellency's Letter of April 30. I am heartily glad your Excellency has had so much Success as to shake that Court from their speculative Expedition against Naples: but I am very sorry, that the Misfortune of our Army in Spain is an irresistible Argument to lay aside whol­ly that Project. The Accounts we have of this Disaster are only got from France; yet they bring too many Marks of Truth not to be credited, so far as that we have received a very great Loss there. The Queen has done all that is possible on the sudden Event; and, in this great Uncer­tainty, Orders are gone, this Night, to encourage the King of Portugal to keep firm to the Alliance, and likewise to Hol­land, to consult with them the best Way to recover the Blow: But all this will be to no Purpose, unless the Emperor will exert himself on this Occasion, not only to lay aside the Expedition to Naples, to push vigorously into France, but also to [Page 57] act offensively upon the Rhine. These are Points which the Queen hath so much at Heart, that her Majesty hath written to the Emperor, with her own Hand. It follows this which I inclose herewith to your Excellency, that you may please to deliver it with all possible Speed, and that you may be the better apprized of it. I inclose also a Copy for your own Pe­rusal. Your Excellency will inforce it with such Arguments as you will find, according to your own Sagacity, may best incline H. I. M. * to comply with so reasonable a Desire; and you will be pleased also to press the Emperor to send his Brother, the King of Spain, some Troops; without that, it will be hard for her Majesty to prevail with the States-General to join with her in sending more Troops. I hope my Lord Rivers will be prevailed with to return immediately to Spain: It would be a very ill Return, if her Majesty's Zeal should occasion a Coldness in the Court of Vienna. I am, with the greatest Respect, &c.

RO. HARLEY.

Her MAJESTY's Letter to the EMPEROR. From the French.

SIR, my BROTHER,

THE Advantage, which the Enemy has now obtained in Spain, might have such dismal Consequences, that I could not forbear to tell you that it is of the utmost Importance, that all your Troops which are in Italy should be em­ployed to make an Invasion into France, and that, at the same Time, the Army in the Empire should act with Vigour on the Rhine. Spain is so far from the Countries in which my Troops and those of the States-General are, that there is no Remedy so quick, nor so powerful, as that of making this Invasion. Your Ma­jesty is too well informed, to amuse your­self with a little Expedition, for some Member or Dependency of that Kingdom, when the noble and principal Parts of the Monarchy in Question, the Honour and Welfare of my Brother, the Catholick King, are concerned. I promise myself therefore, from your Prudence, that you will think only on the Re-establishment of the Affairs of that Prince, by obliging [Page 59] his Enemies to recall their Troops for the Defence of their own Dominions. I am,

Your MAJESTY's Most Affectionate Sister, ANNE R.
Kensington, May 6, 1707.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

Vienna, May 18, 1707.
SIR,

I Have taken my Leave of this Court, and have but this Day obtained the Answer in Relation to the Duke of Savoy. I have had a good Deal of Difficulty to bring them to this, which is far short of what the Ministers of the Duke of Savoy in England expected. It is certain that their Intention here is, to delay all the farther Execution of the Treaty till after the Peace, and I suppose I shall find his R.H. not in the least satisfied. I have not been wanting to press this Matter, and I have been here a Month. To­morrow I set out for Turin. They do assure me I shall find every Thing ready for the Expedition of France. The De­tachment for Naples is now advanced to [Page 60] Bologna, and in about a Month more they will be in the Kingdom of Naples. They think themselves sure of Success. I have inclosed the Emperor's recreden­tial Letter, and have nothing farther to add, but that I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

To Mr. Secretary HARLEY.

Turin, June 8, 1707.
SIR,

I Received here the Honour of yours of the 6/13 of May, with her Majesty's Letter to the Emperor. I do find they had at Vienna the Notice of our Misfor­tune in Spain on the 18th, which was the Day before I left that Pla [...], by an Express from Prince Eugene, which they did not think fit to communicate to me, and that, at the same Time, Mr. Chet­wynd had given me an Account of that Matter, and directed it to the Dutch En­voy, in Case I was gone; which Letter that Envoy received some Time after by the Post. I am sensible that, had I stayed, there was no Possibility of stopping the Detachment for Naples; for they have [Page 61] since sent a positive Order to Prince Eu­gene, and threatened him if they did not proceed. What they alledge since is, that our Fleet being not come, they may be imbarked as well from thence, in Case it is thought proper; but, I fear, the Court of Vienna will not be very ready to send any of their Troops to Spain. I have inclosed her Majesty's Letter; and I do not doubt but Sir Philip Meadows, who I understand is on his Way to Vien­na, will have the necessary Orders. I am, &c.

MANCHESTER.

N.B. We are obliged to break off our Political Correspondence, till the Pub­lication of our Third Volume, by Rea­son several valuable Letters of Mr. Prior, Mr. Secretary Harley, and Mr. Secretary Addison are expected, as pro­mised, from Abroad.

A LETTER of ADVICE to a Young LADY, who had married above her­self, grew vain, and despis'd her Hus­band.
By the Rev. Dr. *****

Madam,

GIVE me Leave to speak my Mind to you a little; sure you will, because you know whatever I shall say, proceeds from my Value for you. Consider that a Surgeon must probe a Wound if he would make a perfect Cure; and give Pain to give Health. Would a Person in his Sences, whom I should save from drown­ing, by pulling him out by the Hair, quarrel with me for hurting him, when he is safe out of the Water; therefore say, down, down Self, and read what follows.

Christianity, common Humanity, and my Profession obliges me to do every Bo­dy all the real Service I can; but the Civility, the kind and friendly Welcome, which you have always received me with, does more particularly oblige me to do all I can to promote your Satisfaction; therefore let me put you in a Way to be [Page 63] easy in this World, and happy in the next. Don't imagine now that you are fated to be unhappy: There's no such Thing: God puts it in all our Powers to be happy; it is we make ourselves mise­rable: The Reason we don't find Happi­ness, is, that we seek it without us, and would rather bring Things to agree with our Humour, than suit our Humour to what happens. Let us do as Mahomet did, when he called to the Mountain to come to him, to shew a Miracle to his gaping Disciples, and the sullen Moun­tain did not stir: He said to them, with all the Chearfulness in the World, since the Mountain will not come to Mahomet, Mahomet shall go to the Mountain; and so climbing up he pleased the People, and was perfectly satisfied himself. Since therefore Happiness is to be found only within, give me Leave to draw your Picture, by setting the Mirror of Truth before you; which if you view atten­tively, and without Partiality, you'll find your Happiness and lay hold of it: I don't mean your outward Form; or what fluttering Fellows call Roses, Lillies, Dia­monds, Pearls, Balls of Snow, and Bow­ers of Bliss; should I attempt it I might do you as much Wrong as the Painter has done: I don't mean what may be seen or [Page 64] felt, but what may be heard or under­stood: Your Inside therefore is doubly, composed of Soul and Self, which God having made, united together like Man and Wife: Now they can never be parted from one another whilst Life continues, and yet they often jar by the Devil's sub­tle Arts, who continually endeavours to set them at Variance; in which when he succeeds he makes a Person miserable: But when Soul and Self go Hand in Hand, Soul, like a good Husband, by his strong Reason, governing with easy Sway, and Self, diffident of her own Strength, gladly submitting to be govern­ed; how bless'd are both! Guardian Angels attend to protect them, and no­thing from without can disturb their Hap­piness: But if Soul happens to be pusil­lanimous or tyrannical; or if Self gets it in her Head to wear the Breeches, then all the Guardian Angels leave Self, and the Devil sends Evil Genii to take Pos­session, and stir up all the Passions to be­come Tormentors of Self, which before that, were all her Servants very submissive and useful when Soul helped to keep them under. On the other Hand, the Evil Genii are so continually contending with harrassing Soul's Guardians, that they grow tired, and soon sleep, regardless of [Page 65] their Charge; then does Unhappiness fill the whole mortal Frame; then it is we feel all the Racks and Tortures possible; and if we are now and then easy, it is when we are in most Danger; it is then the black Genii have put on the Apparel of the sleeping Angel, and makes us mis­take Evil for Good: This is my poor Friend's Case at present; but Soul has still Force enough left to overcome Self, and Reason to bring it to a right Tem­per, if we can but rouse Soul's Guardi­ans to our Assistance, which we will do, by drawing Self's Picture as it is at pre­sent; but I am afraid you'll scarce know or own it, on Account of its Deformity: But if you do know it, and bring it to an Examen, a little Conversation with Soul will strangely mend it, and then Reason will make the Colours have a quite contrary Effect to Sir Godfrey Kneller's; for they will brighten and beautify by Time, and the Picture which was shock­ing will become the Admiration of all Beholders. I have been thus long before I begin to draw, to prepare you; and in Order to make you read with Patience, I promise you that Soul's Picture which follows after this, will please better.

[Page 66] First then, Self is plaguy forgetful▪ she does not remember that ever she was younger or handsomer; she does not re­member that ever she was worse in Cir­cumstances, and much unhappier than she is at present; she does not remember the Time when she was much less respected than she is at present; she does not re­member that she was taught, and should believe, that Religion is the most useful Thing in Life; and I am afraid poor Self has forgot to say her Prayers.

Secondly, Self is very vain and arrogant; for Self does not attribute her good Suc­cess to the Blessing and unbounded Mercy of Providence, but fancies that all is ow­ing to Wit and Beauty, and a fine Voice; but to snow you how much Self is mis­taken, tho' you may have these Qualities, remember, that the Captain is no Judge, and all is a Gift from Heaven: It is a Sign of too much Arrogance in Self, to let the World, and every new Ac­quaintance see, that she manages All, by too often exposing the Weakness of her Consort; for tho' some may praise that Spirit which conquers a Man, others will put wrong Constructions upon it, not only reflecting upon Self's Choice, which calls her Judgment in Question, but say hard Things, tho' very undeserved; [Page 67] and Self wont believe it without she hears it; however, when Soul gets the Ma­nagement again, Self will only do it in Cases of Necessity, and before particular Friends.

Thirdly, Self is very short-sighted, and a little Dust, called Praise, thrown into her Eyes, makes her quite blind; for otherwise she would not do the very same Thing she blames and dislikes in Others: Self will often swallow down a Heap of Flattery offer'd by Sneerers, drink Poison because sweeten'd with Honey, and believes the Givers to be sincere, tho' the next Moment they expose the Credulity of the Person who they here have been praising: If they call her a Goddess, she believes herself Divine, and expects to be worshipped; if the next that comes pays no Homage, but is more sincere, and gives Advice or Re­proof, he is called an Enemy, or at least said to be very ill bred; and if any comes to mortify her with direct Contradiction, she could crush him to Atoms, and if she has no Power to hurt him, she will tear and pinch her own Flesh. Tho' it was ridiculous in Teague to say, Arra Faith my Master, was my very good Friend and a Man of Sense, and I am a very ho­nest Man; and in somebody else to say, Do you know what it is to affront one of [Page 68] my Character, I am a S—; yet if Self could remember, she often says the very same Things in other Words. But when Soul teaches, Self, even as a Dart thrown from an Enemy that wounds, may be made useful; if the Point be taken off, it will prove a good Walking-Cane to help Self to go upright.

Fourthly, Self is very passionate, and therefore cannot bear to be controul'd; she thinks him an Enemy that does it in Earnest, and believes he can be no Friend that does it in Jest: She miscalls her Passions, not to part with them; Rage she calls High-Spirit and Courage; and filling in with her Humour, True Friend­ship; but she is a great Coward; tho' she can scratch and tear: If I mistake not, Self is terribly afraid of Self, and the Thoughts of being alone is a most uncomfortable Prospect: To have One that we can unbosom to without Reserve or Fear, may be called having a Friend; but it is not natural Friendship to have One that shall love where we love, and hate because we hate, without any Re­gard to the Unreasonableness of every Passion, or the Justice or Injustice of Af­fection and Resentment; this is by no Means to be called Friendship; it is only a Union of Interest; God forbid that [Page 69] should be called Friendship. Can High­waymen be called Friends? Yet they do all this, they sing together, they kill together, they eat, drink, and whore together; but as they don't act upon Principle, upon the least Jar, or falling out, they hang one another. Friendship is a Virtue, and nothing of Crime can be consistent with it: Follies and Weaknes­ses we cannot be without in this L se; but a true Friendship is to pity and forgive, not to encourage them: It is having a Slave and fawning Parasite, not a Fri [...]nd, to have such a One as Self calls so: A True Friend will advise, and repro [...] ▪ and condemn Self for the Sake of Soul, even to the Hazard of disobliging Self: A Friend must help us to curb our Passions, refuse Assistances in Things unjust, en­deavour to engage Heaven in our Cause, when just, and never let us alone till we apply also to the Almighty Power, and make Him our common Friend: In a Word, Friendship is directed by Right Reason, and cannot consist without Chris­tianity.

Fifthly, Self is a great Fop and agreat Slattern: Soul has given her very good Cloaths, fine Ornaments, plain and neat, but Self either leaves them, like a Slut, in every Corner of the House; or [Page 70] when she puts them on, she does bedizen them with Lace and Embroidery, Frin­ges and Ruffles, Patches, and Powder, that you can hardly see enough of the Garment to distinguish the excellent Stuff which it is made of: Soul has given her a fine Gown, called Good Humour, whose Outside was a celestial Blue, called Meekness, Lin'd with a white Persian, called Humility; what does Self, but throws off the Outside, saying it was foolish Stuff, and tramples the Lining under Foot, so that one could scarce know it: Soul had given her a Stomacher, call­ed Sincerity, and charg'd her to wear it only on Sundays and Holy-Days, and never to put it on without serpentine Lace, called Discretion, with a Charge to let other People discover it, and not do as Court Ladies commonly do by their Cloaths, that is, shew them to all their Acquaintance as soon as they get them; but the giddy Thing wears it every Day, loses her Lace, and, as Children do, cries every Moment, who see my fine Stomacher; so that it must be a discerning Eye that knows it to be genuine: Soul gives her a fine Snuff-Box, in the Shape of a Heart, full of plain Spanish Snuff; Self throws it out, and fills it with Gunpowder and Hel­lebore: Soul gives her a Censor full of [Page 71] Balm, called Gratitude, charging her to turn the Pipe of it upwards, and set it on Fire twice a Day, to make the Smoke of it rise up to Heaven; assuring her, that she would then find such a Fragrancy spread around, that would cure all Dis­tempers of Mind, and ease all bodily Pain; but poor Self said there was too much Trouble in the Management of it; that she had forgot her Instructions, and the Book was too big that gave an Ac­count of it; that there was indeed a Place where People met to use their Cen­sors, but she had more Inclination to sleep, than manage her Censor, when she came there; and therefore thought it better to stay at Home: Since that, Self has never been rightly easy.

SOUL 's PICTURE in MINIATURE.

SOUL is honest, generous, grateful, unwilling to do, but unwilling to bear Wrong; sincere and open, but wants Help to distinguisn and correct the Faults of Self, and has not enough been used to reason and reflect, which makes us some­times mistake Right for Wrong; but let him put on Passions and Consideration, and once rouse his good Qualities, and Self will be reformed and re-united; the [Page 72] Angels will resume their Charge; Hell will be baffled, Heaven will rejoice, and Earth will honour and admire: If Soul will learn to forgive, he will learn to be easy; and such is the Pleasure of the Victory over Self, in that Case, that it is worth all the Pains, and none know but those who have felt it: It is of the Nature of Gene­rosity, but far superior; without Forgive­ness here, there is no Forgiveness in Hea­ven, with it there is endless Joy, and Hu­mility is the Way to Exaltation here and hereafter: To become Good, consider how many you may see excel you in Good­ness, on whom Heaven has not bestowed the Tenth Part of what you enjoy, to make yourself happy; nor can you mur­mur, when you consider how many, far more deserving than yourself, in every Respect, are infinitely more miserable than ever you was in your Life. I don't doubt but the good Sense you are Mistress of, will make you know, when you read, and consider what I have said; and I hope you will believe I wish you as well, and am as much Your Friend, as any one living.

I am, Madam, Your, &c.
30 July, 1723.

A KEY To the FIRST VOLUME of Mr. POPE's Literary Correspondence.

IN the Year 1727 Mr. Curll purcha­sed a Collection of Mr. Popes's Let­ters to Henry Cromwell, Esq writ­ten between the Years 1708, and 1711. These Letters Mr. Pope in his Re­marks on the Dunciad * says, were pro­cured by one Mrs. Thomas, while he was almost a Boy, which the Author was ashamed of as very trivial Things; full not only of Levities, but of wrong Judg­ments of Men and Books, and only excu­sable from the Youth and Inexperience of the Writer.

We desire the Reader to observe, That Mr. Pope being born on the 8th of June 1688, and the last of his Letters to Mr. Cromwell, bearing Date December 21 1711, proves Him to have been in the 23d Year of his Age. How inexperi­enced a Writer he was at that Time, we [Page 74] shall not determine, but in the Year 1728 Mr. Pope himself published some Letters, which he wrote to Mr. Wycherley, before he was 17 Years of Age: So that his Ex­perience, like a Crab, goes backwards: Monstrous Absurdity!

The Letters between Mr. Wycherley and Mr. Pope, open our Literary Corre­spondence, about which there has been such an Eclat. There is little more to be seen in these Letters, but that Mr. Pope rubs the old Bard's Back, and he in return chucks our young Poetical Saplin under the Chin.

In Mr. Pope's Account of Mr. Lintot's Journey with him to Oxford, speaking of Mr. Oldisworth, I lost, says Mr. Lintot, by his Timothy's. This alludes to a Book intituled, A Dialogue between Timothy and Philatheus, &c. written against the Rights of the Church.

  • LETTERS of Mr. Pope to H.C. Esq from 1708 to 1711, i.e. to Henry Cromwell, Esq and where-ever in the said Letters Mr. C. is mentioned, Mr. Cromwell is meant.
  • LETTERS to several LADIES.
  • LETTER IX. Read the Beginning thus, I will not describe Bl— (that is) [Page 75] Bleinheim near Woodstock, the Seat of the Duchess of Marlborough.
  • LETTER X. Mrs. B— and Mrs. L—, i.e. Mrs. Bellenden, and Mrs. Lepell. Mrs. H—, i.e. Mrs. Howe. B— Park, i.e. Bushey Park, near Hampton-Court, the Seat of the Earl of Halifax.
  • LETTER XI. At Lord H—'s, i.e. Lord Harcourt's Seat, viz. Stanton-Harcourt, in Oxfordshire.
  • LETTER XVI. Mr. C—, i.e. Mr. Carol. Ibid. The Duke of B—m, i.e. the Duke of Buckingham.
  • LETTERS to the Honourable Edward Blount, Esquire.
  • Mr. D— in Letter of March 20, 1715/16, i.e. Mr. Dodwell.
  • LETTER of June 27, 1723, The Chris­tian Bishop therein mentioned, i.e. Bishop Atterbury.
  • LETTERS of Mr. Pope to Mr. Gay, from 1712 to 1730.
  • LETTER, Dec. 24, 1712. The Duchess, i.e. the Duchess of Queensberry. Ib. He who does what Chaucer says— for Sustenance. (i.e. Swive)
  • [Page 76] LETTER of Aug. 23, 1713. Mr. J—s, i.e. Mr. Jarvas the Painter.
  • LETTER, May 4, 1714. Breathing in Smoke, Walking in Crouds, and making fine Pictures of this Way of Life, &c.

    This is a Compliment to Mr. Gay, upon his Poem called Trivia, or the Art of walking the Streets of London, Octavo. Ibid. the Dean, i.e. Swift. In the next Letter, T—g, i.e. Dr. Ed­ward Young, Author of Busiris a Tra­gedy. Ibid. The Close of this Let­ter, viz. I am, Divine Bucoliast, Thy Loving Countryman, i.e. a Compli­ment paid by Dean Parnel to Mr. Gay, upon his Pastorals, intituled, The Shepherd's Week.

  • LETTER of Nov. 8, 1718. Mr. Gay's Letter to Mr. Lowndes, therein men­tioned, alludes to a Poem in his Works, thus inscribed;
  • To my Ingenious and Worthy Friend, William Lowndes, Esq Author of that Celebrated Treatise in Folio, called, The Land-Tax Bill.
  • WHEN Poets print their Works, the scribling Crew,
    Stick the Bard o'er with Bays like Christmas Pew:
    [Page 77] Can meagre Poetry such Fame deserve?
    Can Poetry; that only writes to sharve?
    And shall no Laurels deck that samous Head,
    In which the Senate's Annual Law is bred?
    That hoary Head, which greater Glory fires,
    By nobler Ways and Means true Fame ac­quires.
    O had I Virgil's Force to sing the Man,
    Whose learned Lines can Millions raise per Ann.
    Great Lowndes's Praise should swell the Trump of Fame,
    And Rapes and Wapentakes resound his Name.

    N.B. The Remainder of this fine Piece of Humour may be found in Mr. Gay's Life, Printed for Mr. E. Curll.

  • LETTER ibid. Mr. Pope thus writes to Mr. Gay; Her Grace the Duchess of Hamilton has won in a Raffle a very fine Tweezer-Case; at the Sight of which, my Tweezer-Case, and all other Tweezer-Cases on the Globe, hide their diminish'd Heads. Query, Whether Mr. Pope might not have spoke plain­er, and said his P—.
  • LETTER of Septemb. 11, 1722. Lady Duchess of M. i.e. Duchess of Marl­borough. Mrs. A—'s Navel, Mrs. Arbuthnot's Navel.
  • [Page 78] LETTER Beginning Dear Gay, the Dean therein mentioned, i.e. Swift.
  • LETTER of 18 Aug. 1727. Mr. Pope says, I now Honour Sir Robert Wal­pole, &c. This is arrant Sneer, for it can be proved, that altho' this Gen­tleman has done Mr. Pope some signal Favours, yet he wrote the Character of The Norfolk Steward in the Craftsman, to abuse him. Ibid. Dr. A—, i.e. Dr. Arbuthnot. Ibid. The Dean, i.e. Swift. Ibid, Old Duchess of M. i.e. of Marlborough.
  • LETTER of Sept. 18, 1730. The Sink of Human Greatness at W—r, i.e. the Royal Family and Court at Wind­sor. Ibid. Mrs. B. i.e. Mrs. Blount of Petersham in Surrey.

THE First SATIRE of the Second Book of HORACE, Imitated.
In a Dialogue between Mr. ALEXANDER POPE, and the ORDINARY of New­gate. *

Nox & Via Lethi.
POPE:
THERE are (whate'er you think, Sir) I am told,
Wretches as bad as me, and full as bold,
Who libel all Mankind with Satire rough,
And never think they're dissolute enough.
Oft has my Verse been lame, I can't but say,
Like Ward, I've spun a Thousand in a Day!
Tim'rous by Nature, of the Bench in Awe,
I come to you in Gospel skill'd, and Law;
You'll give me, like a Friend, both sage and free,
Ghostly Advice, (as wont) without a Fee.
ORDINARY.
I'd write no more.
POPE.
Not write? But then I THINK,
And for my Sins I cannot sleep a Wink,
I nod in Company, I wake at Night,
Spleen fills my Heart and Head, and so I write.
ORDINARY.
You could not do a worse Thing for your Life *.
Why if the Nights seem tedious—take a Wife;
[Page 84] Or rather truly, if your Point be Rest,
Of Opium take a Dose; Probatum est.
Talk with your 'Pothecary, he'll advise,
This or some other Thing to close your Eyes.
Or if you needs must write, write Hymns of Praise *;
And sing Jehovah in seraphic Lays.
POPE.
What, like old Herbert then, must I advise?
A Verse may find, him who a Sermon flies †
With Emblematic Quarles shew Human Life
Is but a Vapour, and a Scene of Strife.
ORDINARY.
Yes. All your Muse's Art-Divine display,
With holy David touch a tuneful Lay,
With his Repentance lull th' harmonious Nine,
Let great Jessides in thy Numbers shine.
POPE.
[Page 85]
Alas! such Verse with Statesmen find no Grace,
They scarce can bear a Church, but for a Place.
Superior is our Court to David's Days,
Quadrille *, than Psalms is fitter for my Lays.
ORDINARY.
Better be BLACKMORE, I'll maintain it still,
Than blaspheme David †, or adore Qua­drille,
Patients, Sir Richard got, by pious Metre,
And Gold, as Gay says, makes the Verse run sweeter.
Ev'n those you touch not, hate you.
POPE.
What should ail 'em?
ORDINARY.
They say you're like the Ass that spoke to Balaam:
[Page 86] The fewer Folks you Name, you wound the more;
J—y 's but one, but M—ue 's a Score.
POPE.
Each Mortal has his Pleasure: None deny;
Budgell his BEE, or Two-Penny Lamb-Pye;
P—y the Senate loves, Sutton * his Brother,
Like in all else, as one Egg to another.
I love to pour out all myself, PROFANE,
And mock the SCRIPTURES in Heroick Strain.
In me what Spots (for Spots I have) appear,
Will fully prove the Medium can't be clear,
In a false partial Light my Muse intends,
Fair to set forth myself, and foul my Friends;
T'expose the present Age, but where my Text
Is Virtue's Cause, reserve it for the next:
Both High and Low wish me the shortest Date,
I've not one Friend who will lament my Fate.
My Head and Heart thus flowing thro' my Quill,
Verse-Man or Prose-Man, term me which you will,
Papist or Protestant, or both between,
Like Lucifer, mine's an infernal Mean,
I cannot boast of any Party's Glory,
Tho' Tories call me Whig; and Whigs a Tory.
Satire's my Weapon, I'm so indiscreet,
To run a Muck, and tilt at all I meet:
I'm only fit to herd with Drury's Hectors,
Thieves, Supercargoes, Sharpers, and Di­rectors.
Sink but our Army! O could I incrust
Swords, Pikes, and Guns, with everlasting Rust.
Mischief's my dear Delight,—not Satan's more:
But touch me, and no Statesman is so sore.
[Page 88] I rave, I foam, my utmost Venom hurl,
And in the Grubstreet-Journal libel Curll.
By Popiads, Keys, Court-Poems, I'm become
Of Ridicule, his universal Drum;
And shall continue thus my whole Life long'
The grievous Burthen of his merry Song.
Slander or Poison's dreaded from my Rage,
And hang'd I shall be, if my Judge be P—
It's proper Pow'r to hurt, each Creature feels,
Bull aim their Horns, and Asses lift their Heels;
'Tis a Bear's Talent not to kick, but hug,
And wond'rous is it to be stung by Pug *
Then, Rev'rend Sir! (to cut the Matter short)
Whate'er my Fate, or well, or ill in Court †,
Whether old Age, with dire Rheumatick Ray,
Attends to Pain the Ev'ning of my Day,
[Page 89] Or Lord-Mayor's-Officers will me invade,
And see me wrapt in Death's eternal Shade;
Whether my darken'd Cell to Muse invite,
Or whiten'd Wall provoke the Skewer to write,
In durance in the Fleet, King's-Bench, or Mint,
Like EUSTACE, * any Man may Rhime and Print.
ORDINARY.
Alas, young Man! your Days can ne'er be long,
In Flow'r of Age † you'll dangle ‡ for a Song.
Ralph, Cooke, Concanen, Henley, and his Wife,
Will club their Testers, now, to take your Life!
POPE.
Vengeance pursu'd me, when I took the Pen,
To brand with Calumny industrious Men.
I was ambitious of a gilded Car,
Hated the Minister that wore a Star.
[Page 90] Now will I bare myself, and shew the Knave,
Un-pension'd, and un-worthy of a Grave.
If I must fall in such a flagrant Cause,
Hear this and tremble! you, who break the Laws:
Sworn Foe to Virtue, and to all her Friends,
The World knows this, and therefore none commends.
Nor Bolts, nor Bars, can me in Safety keep;
Methinks I feel the Bow-String in my Sleep.
My Twick'nam Cott, the worst Companion's Grace,
Attainted Peers, Commanders out of Place,
And un-hang'd Savage, with his rueful Face,
Saint John of Burnt-Gin-Punch accepts my Bowl,
And dictates Treason with a Flow of Soul:
And HE, whose Light'ning pierc'd th' Iberian Lines,
Now snuffs my Candles, and now cuts my Vines;
Or Stubs the Weeds from out the walking Plain,
Almost as quickly as he conquer'd Spain.
Envy'd I've always liv'd among the Great,
Tho' I've been Pimp, and often Spy of State *;
My Eyes pry ev'ry where, my Tongue repeats
The falsest Slanders; I foment all Heats,
Help no Man's Wants, in Wickedness excel;
This, all who know me, know, and truly tell:
My own black Deeds defame me, I shall be
Less pity'd then Jack Shephard at the Tree.
This is my Case, how runs the English Laws;
What thinks my Rev'rend Father of my Cause?
ORDINARY.
Your case is bad. Be not in Court severe,
Laws are explain'd by Judges,— have a Care.
It stands on Record, that in ancient Times.
Poets were hang'd for very honest Rhimes.
Consult the Statute: Quart. I think it is,
Edvardi sext. or prim. & quint. Eliz.
[Page 92] See Libels, Satires;—there you have it—read.
POPE.
Libels and Satires,—lawless Things indeed!
Had I been just, set Virtue's Deeds to Light,
Such as a King might read, a Bishop write,
Such as Sir Robert would approve—
ORDINARY.
Indeed?
Alter'd had been your Case:—But to proceed.
Fatal is now your Doom, you will be Cast,
And your first Psalm, I fear, will be your last.
Be comforted my Son, I'll stand your Friend,
John Applebee and I, will both attend,
GUTHRY.
Bolt-Court, Fleetstreet, 26 Feb. 1732-3.

THE CONTENTS OF This VOLUME.

  • I. THE Fox Unkennelled: Being a true Narrative of the Methods by which Mr. Pope's Letters have been published.
  • II. The Initial Correspondence: Or, Anec­dotes of the Life and Family if Mr. Pope.
  • III. The 17th Epode of Horace imitated. A Palinody to Mr. Pope. By one of the Heroes of the Dunciad. Occasioned by his Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot. Sent in a Let­ter to Mr. Curll.
  • IV. Stanzas, intitled, Curll Triumphant, and Pope Outwitted.
  • Seven Letters from Mr. Pope to Henry Cromwell, Esq From Page 1. to p. 17
  • [Page] Mr. Steele to Mr. Lintot, p. 17
  • Mr. Pope's Submission to Mr. Dennis, p. 18
  • Mrs. Thomas to Mr. Curll, p. 19
  • Letters of Mr. Dryden and his Son to Corinna, p. 21
  • Letters of Mr. Secretary Addison to several Persons, p. 29
  • Mr. Billers's Letter to Mr. Turner at Bath, p. 37
  • A Letter from Norwich to Mr. Curll, with an Imitation of the Feast of Trimalchio, from Petronius Arbiter, p. 41
  • Letters to Colonel William Stanhope, now Lord Harrington. By Major Pack, p. 52
  • A Letter to a Young Lady, with a Soldier's Prayer. By Major Pack, p. 54
  • A Letter from Goodwood in Sussex, the Seat of his Grace the Duke of Richmond: With The THIRD HOLE. A Ballad. To the Tune of Packington's Pound. By Mr. Hill, Fellow of Trinity College, Cam­bridge, p. 58
  • Mrs. Long's Cabinet Unlock'd, p. 66
VOLUME II. PART II.
  • Letters of Bishop Atterbury to Mr. Pope, &c. p. 1
  • Poetical Miscellanies, &c. by the same, p. 41
  • Oratio Viri Reverendi Francisci Atterbury, S.T.P. Habita Oxonii Die Admissionis [Page] ad Decanatum Aedis Christi, An. Dom. 1711. p. 46
  • A Letter from Judge Powys to Lord Parker, p. 54
  • ABSALON & ACHITOPHEL, Carmine Latino Heroico. F. Atterbury, p. 71
  • The last Will and Testament of Bishop Atter­bury, p. 112
  • The Remains of Peter Le Neve, Esq p. 116
  • Castrations made by the late Editors, P.T. R.S. or A.P. of Mr. Pope's Letters to Henry Cromwell, Esq p. 128
  • An Epistle from Mr. Alexander Pope to Henry Cromwell, Esq with some Poetical Miscellanies, p. 130
  • Several Pieces of Mr. Pope and Dean Swift, not printed in their joint Miscellanies, p. 136
  • Letters from the Abbe C—n, to **** at St. Omers, p. 156
  • A Letter from Dr. Littleton at Cambridge, to his Friend at Eton, p. 158
VOLUME II. PART III.
  • The Negotiations of Matthew Prior, Esq p. 1
  • A Letter from KING William III. to Lord Somers, p. 39
  • [Page] His Lordship's Answer, p. 41
  • Letters of Mr. Secretary Harley, p. 45
  • A Letter of Advice to a Young Lady. By Dr. ***** p. 62
  • A Key to Mr. Pope's Literary Correspondence, p. 73
  • Description of his Gardens, Statues, and In­scriptions, p. 78
  • The First Satire of the Second Book of Horace, imitated, p. 82

ERRATA to VOL. II. PART II.

Page 25. Line 20. for forth, read fourth. p. 40. l. 1 for suffered, read softened. p. 125. l. 3. for Testamentor, read Testament.

FINIS.

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