SInce 'tis usual for most Men to regard their private, ra­ther than the publick Inte­rest, the present rather than the time to come, I am not at all surpriz'd to find so many, who tho they easily see that the safety of the Church depends wholly on the greatness of France; yet not­withstanding, are not wanting to prefer their Soveraigns Interest be­fore the general Good of all Chri­stendom, under a pretence of de­fending the Liberty of their Coun­try: which nevertheless 'twill be impossible for them to do without the assistance of France.

But one might have pardoned their indiscreet Zeal for their Country, if they had not given themselves the Liberty of reflect­ing [Page 2]upon the Kings good Intenti­ons. For my part, though I am [...] German, yet I am a great admire of the French Vertues, and havin [...] invincible Arguments to confoun [...] such indiscreet Persons, I thin [...] my self obliged in Conscience t [...] make them publick. I cou'd wis [...] indeed that some of the bes [...] Writers of France wou'd take thi [...] task upon them, since they wou' [...] not be expos'd to those censures as a Natural German must of necessity be. But I see we must no [...] expect hereafter any Argument from a Nation which will make good her Title no other way [...] but by the Point of the Sword knowing that the good Fortune or rather the Justice of the King will procure him Advocates enough in other Countries.

'Thas been resolved on in France ever since the year 1672, that the King shou'd not for the future give any reason for his Enterprises [Page 3]by publishing vain useless Mani­fests, as his Ancestors and the o­ther Potentates had formerly pra­ctis'd. Wherefore it being agreed on to attacque the Hollanders, the Declaration of War was instead of a Manifest, wherein no other Reason was given, but the Kings Will; to wit, his Displeasure at the States Conduct and Behaviour: the ill-affected People gave out, that it was unjust to meddle with those, who offered all imaginable satisfa­ction, and wish'd only to know what the King desired of them. O­thers suspected that the Advocate The Title of a Book made to prove the Right of the French Queen upon the Spanish Ne­th rlands. of the Rights of the Queen having been ill hand­led, by Baron D'Issola, they found it not con­venient to venture a second Disgrace, but they are all in the dark; for they did not want good Reasons in France, and I know that a Learned Person having [Page 4]drawn up a Manifest, wherein he clearly laid open the Conduct of the Hollanders, he presented it to the Ministers of State, who thought fit to suppress it, saying, That no other Reasons but those which Cardinal de Richlieu calls the Final Reasons of State, were suitable to their Masters Grandure. After that, the Hollanders and their Al­lies mightily urged the French Ple­nipotentiaries at Cologne, to com­municate to them, the Reasons up­on which their King grounded his Pretensions; but the Ambassadour rejected this, as a thing unworthy of their Great Master, and said, They were not come to plead like Advocates, but to treat of Peace as the Ministers of a mighty Mo­narch, and to declare his Will in whatsoever he would or would not Consent to. They observed the same Method likewise at Nimiguen▪ for they laugh'd at the good Bishop de Gorck, and took him for a very [Page 5]simple Person for demanding of them any Reason of their Acti­ons: Nay, even the Marshal D'E­strades, and the Marquiss de Croissy told him flat and plainly, (the Hol­landers having made a separate Peace) that they must content themselves with what the King granted them, and receive it as a pure Favour of his Majesty.

The late French Ambassadors at Frankfort cou'd not indure to be told of the Paragraph of the Instrument of Peace of Westphalia, which begun thus, Teneatur Rex Christianissimus. I cannot tell whe­ther that rude word, Teneatur, sounded harsh to their Ears, or whether they were offended with the Text; however, 'tis certain that they had no less aversion for this passage, than the Devil has for Holy Water: and one of them cou'd not refrain from saying to a certain Person, who spoke to him of it: Let me alone with your Peace [Page 6]of Munster, it shall neither add nor diminish any thing.

'Tis not that they mistrusted the goodness of their Cause, or that they wanted Reasons to strengthen it, but they resolved to stand firm to the Resolution which has been long since taken in France, of ac­knowledging no other Judge but the Sword. Not as that Atheist who said, Dextra mihi Jupiter & telum quid missile libra. But be­cause they imagine very well, quod Victrix causa Diis Placuit, and that there needs no Reason to be given for a Victory, which is as a sentence given by the Gods themselves: but since this way of deciding useless Disputes does not a­gree with the Constitution of our Germans, who are more accustom'd to the Wars of the Pen, I am re­solved to enter into the List with them, thereby not to betray a good. Cause by silence, which most Peo­ple unadvisedly impute to the ill­ness [Page 7]of it. I hope to undeceive them, and to give them clear De­monstrations, that the King is to be accused rather of an excess of Mo­deration than of Ambition, since the Insolence of his Enemies pro­ceeds from nothing else, but his too great mercy and Clemency to­wards them, and that in Conside­ration of Christendom, he stops sometimes in the full carreer of his conquests, when nothing in all pro­bability can hinder him from ma­king greater. But I hope the King will one day open his Eyes, and that he will totally ruine those Turbulent and Malignant Persons, who pretend to hinder the Chri­stians from having one head a­gainst the Infidels, the Hereticks from being destroyed, and there be­ing likewise but one King, one Faith, and one Law.

Some Body will object to me, that I expose the Kings Rights too nakedly, and with too great free­dom, [Page 8]and that I discover the secret before its time, but I have good reason to think, that it will not be disliked of in France, where there needs no further dissimulation, and the Monsieurs give enough to under­stand, both by words and deeds, that they value not the Censure of the Vulgar, under which word, they include all those who side not with them, since none at present can be accomplisht, or any ways distin­guished from the Common sort, whose Inclinations are not altoge­ther Frenchified.

Besides I have several Instances, to induce me to believe, that France makes no Mystery of divulging what she has so long kept secret; whereof here are some: About 15 or 18 years past, some inquisitive Persons had discovered, by what means I know not, the Intreagues of the French to get Casall into their hands. These reports coming to the Kings ear, and seeming dis­honourable [Page 9]to him, he ordered Mon­sieur Grevell to assure the Germans in the word of a King, that he was far from having any such thoughts. 'Twas that things were not as yet Ripe, to declare their minds upon that Point.

Except you will say to excuse France, that 'tis only since that time that she begun to think on any such design, and that those slande­rers were themselves the occasion of it, their King supposing it to be all one, whether he did it or no, since he should be no less exposed to their Malicious Censures, so that these Gentlemen might have hast­ned what they fear'd, as those A­strologers, whose predictions have been the occasion of the Evils they have foretold, however 'tis apparent, that in France they see no cause why they shou'd any longer make a scruple of any thing. Here is a­nother Example, the late Elector Palatine, sent one to the King, to [Page 10]demand the restitution of some pla­ces, which his Officers had seiz'd on.

This Envoye, in his audience of the King, insisted much on the Ju­stice and Faith of Treaties; the King answered him with a great deal of Moderation, that he pretended no­thing, but what he thought in Con­science belonged to him, and that he had appointed Comissioners to examine the matter fully, and to Confer with the Parties concerned.

This answer was conformable to the times, for the face of Affairs being since much chang'd, they de­rided those who immagined, that Common Reason shou'd have any force upon the Assessors of the Chambers of Metz and Brisac, and ridicul'd likewise those who were so simple, as to suppose that if the French Ambassadours at Francfort, wou'd enter into a formal dispute with them, and maintain these in Law; from whence one may judge, that France begins to throw off [Page 11]that so ill becoming shame, or that Clownish modesty which she for­merly had, and that on the con­trary she Acts with a certain Noble Freedom, peculiar only to persons well bred and born. This the French Ministers in several places do not dissemble.

For the Ambassadors at Franc­fort, seeing themselves Importun'd by some who desired to know, why France had never demanded before Strasburg, and a great many other places which he now possesses, and why she had not made any Mention of her Pretensions, when the occasion seem'd to require it, as in the Treaty of Munster, Nurem­berg, or at least that of Nimeguen, These Gentlemen were not asha­med to answer, That Affairs were not then in a Condition to nego­tiate about such matters. It will not be amiss perhaps, to Consider by what degrees France is arrived to this greatness of Soul, according [Page 12]to which she Values not to disclose to the world the Designs which she formerly held secret.

The King having lost his Pre­ceptor at the death of the Cardinal de Mazarine, did govern himself notwithstanding for some time ac­according to his Counsels, as if he had been yet alive, the rather be­cause Monsieur de Lionne who had been trained up in the same School, follow'd the same Maximes, they treated at that time the German Princes with some respect and Ci­vility, they observed at least ap­parently the Law of Nations, and seem'd not willing to infringe the Peace of Munster and of the German Liberty. But Lionne being dead, Monsieur de Louvois remonstrated to the King, that the League of the Rhine, had been rather Prejudicial to France than any thing else, that they ought not to regard so much henceforward the Princes of the Empire, that they could not em­ploy [Page 13]their Money worse, than in giving it them, that the Empire was an empty name, which they might without danger Molest, and not want persons neither to ap­prove of it in Germany it self: These Counsels having pretty well succeeded Monsieur de Pompone: proposed to the King another new Doctrin of his own Invention, he said that that scarcrow of the Peace of Munster had already but too long limited the Kings progress, and that there was now a new Peace, alto­gether his own, which might be much more plausibly Insisted on, than that of Munster, which the Germans cou'd not in Reason al­ledge in their behalf, since they were the first who had Violated it: That the Peace of Nimeguen being a pure favour and Grace of the Kings, it belonged to him only to explain it. If now France is oblig'd to Monsieur de Louvois for making her sensible of the weakness of the [Page 14]German Princes, if Monsieur d [...] Croissy has disingaged the King from that troublesome Peace of Mun­ster; I think I shall deserve no less than these Gentlemen, if I sa­tisfie the Consciences of some of the Kings Council, who have yet any Scruples remaning, as to the Ecclesiasticks, and the Canons of the Church.

I will let you therefore see, that these things Oblige indeed ordina­ry men, but that there is a certain Law superiour to all others, con­formable notwithstanding to the Soveraign Justice, which dispenses Kings from these Rules. For you must observe, there is no Law for a Just Man, and he who has the Character of an Extraordinary Power, is exempted by virtue of his Commission from all common and Humane Obligations. It re­mains therefore for me to demon­strate, how the King has such a Character, and that there's not a [Page 15]man in the World at present, who [...]ath received from Heaven, and even from the Antipodes them­ [...]elves, a greater Power than Louis the fourteenth. And that I may acquit my self so much the bet­ter, of what I undertook to prove, I will first lay down some new Law Positions to refute at the same time, what I foresee will be opposed against me, by too sorts of People, to wit, the German Civilians, and the Cannon Law­yers of Italy. I have the greater hopes of succeeding, in this my de­sign, because I have in some man­ner on my side, the Casuists or the Authors of the Moral Do­ctrine, and particularly the Je­suites, who cannot chuse but see, being so subtle and cunning as they are, that they have more to ex­pect at present from the French, than the Spanish Monarchy.

I lay down therefore for a Foundation, That all things below [Page 16]upon Earth are subject to the Soveraign Right of some very great and Powerful King, which he has by a certain Destiny up­on all other Creatures. From this particular Right sprung that of Moses upon the Vessels which he borrowed from the Egyptians, and that which the Israelites exercis'd upon the Bodies and Goods of the Canaanites. And 'twas in Qua­lity of Vicar upon Earth, that Pope Alexander the sixth preten­ded to divide the new World be­tween the Spaniards and the Por­tugals, tho' his power did not reach so far as to Temporal things; when on the contrary, I will make appear, that the Most Christian King, who reigns at present, is the only and true Vicar of the World, in respect to Temporal Affairs; to this Foundation, I must add the de­finition of what is just, or unjust, which Plato very well explains, under the Personage of a certain [Page 17] Thratinaque whom he introduces, [...]aying that Justum est Potentiori [...]tile, which agrees very well with what we have already said of the Right of some very great Monarch upon the Temporals of all Mankind.

The most Powerful in the World, excepting always the Divel, is with­out dispute the most Christian King; and there goes a good saying of the Emperor Maximilian the First, who said one day, that if he was Jupiter, and was to make his will, he would give the Kingdom of Heaven to his Eldest Son, and that of France to his second. If this was true in the Reign of that Emperor, it will be much more now. For Louis the Fourteenth alone, has ad­ded to his Crown, so vast an ex­tent of Country, from the Alps of the Switzers to the German Ocean, that those Conquests are of them­selves sufficient to make a Consi­derable Kingdom.

There needs no great Art to [Page 18]prove the Most Christian King to be the true Vicar, for the greatest part of the Arguments which Car­dinal Bellarmin makes use of to prove the Popes indirect Power upon Temporal things, may serve incomparably better to prove the direct Power of the Kings. All that is foretold of the Reign of the New Testament upon earth, must be understood of the Reign of the Most Christian King, and you must not think that the holy 'Tis a Viol where­in is kept (at Rhemes) the Ointment with which the Kings of France are anointed at their Coronation, and was brought down from Heaven (as the French say) by two Angels. Viol came down from Hea­ven for nothing, or that the King re­ceiv'd in vain the Gift of doing Mi­racles and healing the sick, for that's a Mark of those who are imploy'd upon earth to extend the two Kingdoms. I know very well that some Physitians can­not believe the Miracle which the King does so often by Curing the [Page 19]Evil; but there is no heed to be given to the little Faith of those Men, whose Religion is even now become a Proverb: some do object that the Duke D'Epernon, Favorite to Henry III, was troubled with the Disease which the King shou'd cure. But suppose this to be true, does not every one know, that the Saints themselves wou'd not always heal all the Sick. Besides, 'tis visible that all the Prophets never meant any o­ther, but the Kings of France to be one day the Pillars and Protectors of the Church. And not to make mention of several other Passages, can there be any thing more clear than this, in which they say, Lilia agri non nent, which signifies with­out doubt, that Women must not succeed in the Kingdom of France, that so the Scepter remaining in that Warlike Nation, it might never be brought under the subjection of Strangers and Women, since the Temporal King or Hero, whom all [Page 20]People will follow, must come from thence.

I have not read of any Kingdom, which can bring so good proofs for its fundamental Laws out of both Testaments, as the French can. That the Turks are to be ruin'd by France, is known by an old Prophe­sie which one Bartholomew Georgie­wiz, who had been for a long time Prisoner in Turkie, brought with him from the Eastern parts.

There is a Prophesie de Rege quo­dam illustris semilii, in Pareus his Commentary upon the Apocalypse, which confirms the same thing. I am not ignorant that Grotius, in his Book de jure Belli & Pacis, does not approve of the alledging of Prophesies, thereby to ground any Right upon. But Grotius his Law is much different from ours; for besides that, he speaks of Prophe­sies whose explanation is uncertain. Ours on the contrary is out of all dispute; and since the Pope, to [Page 21]make good his Right of the Church, proves it by Prophets, why shou'd not the most Christian King do so likewise, who is without Contra­diction the true Vicar upon Earth, there being no other King in the World to do Temporally, what the Popes have done Ecclesiastically, nor to Establish upon Earth the Kingdom of the New Testament; happy according to the Flesh, which the Millenarian Hereticks foolishly expected, according to their false Notions.

Moreover the Right which we attribute to the most Christian King, is dayly confirm'd by Pro­vidence it self; for is it not a great Miracle, that a Prince involv'd in so many different Wars at once, shou'd nevertheless abound in Mo­ney: some are so foolish to think that he has that Blessed Stone, which is alone capable of making Rich all the Kings of the Earth: Others seeing him thus prosper in [Page 22]all his Undertakings, and that he is informed of the most secret de­signs of his Enemies, are so vain to suppose him Conversant with a fa­miliar Spirit, a thing not only Ridi­culous, but even Impious, to attri­bute to the Devil the effects of a Divine Inspiration, in which the People are not unlike the Jews, who said, That Miracles might be made by the means of Beelzebub.

What clearer demonstration can be given of the good will of the Gods towards our Monarch, than what we dayly see before our Eyes; to wit, a continual assistance from Heaven in all his Actions, insomuch that Mankind, and even time it self, seem to Conspire to add to his Glory and Happiness? For that which some call Fortune, is nothing but a Decree of Providence, and 'tis Contra stimulum calcitratre, to oppose it. Do not we see that the Emperour Leopold is endued with several great and Excellent Virtues, [Page 23]that all the World admires his fer­vent Zeal and Piety, that there's not a Prince more assiduous in per­forming his Office, nor who hears more willingly, or who examines with more attention all Petitions and Memorials, which seem of any Importance. He is always in Acti­on, sometimes in Council, some­times in his Cabinet making his dispatches; in a word, one may say, that there is not a Minister who takes the pains that he does, yet notwithstanding all things go con­trary to his desire, when, in the mean time the King of France, who makes his Business a Pleasure to him, succeeds in all his Enterprises.

What other Consequence may we draw from hence, but that this King is destin'd to do some great things; for the Souls of Heaven receive Blessings even asseep, whilst others toyl and labour to gain something, tho in vain. We wanted another Jeremias to declare [Page 24]to all the Powers of the Earth, tha [...] those who withstood the King, op [...] posed at the same time the Heaven­ly Decree, as those who hop'd t [...] defend themselves against Nebuchadnezzar, and lean'd upon the broken Staff of Egypt; not unlike those Princes, who put at present al [...] their trust in the House of Au­stria.

But lo here another Jeremias [...] that so the Germans may have no excuse left them: 'Tis one who from a Curate of a certain Village in Germany, is suddenly become a Prophet, and proves infallibly by the Apocalypse, that all the Ene­mies of the King shall Perish: The event has confirm'd his Predictions; for the Italians, Jealous of the Kings Glory, suffer no little dam­mage by the great Drowth, and the Excessive heat of the Sun: the Hollanders, envious of his Happi­ness, are punished by Inundations, which put them in hourly sears of their utter ruine.

The ingrateful Sweedes have been almost frozen to death with cold, the House of Austria torn to pieces by Civil Discords: The Germans feel already on one side all the Rage and Fury of the Turks, and on the other are threatned by the Forces of Denmark, all which shou'd make them think of preventing their Pu­nishment by a speedy Repentance, in throwing themselves into the Arms of the King. All Rules of Policy cease, in respect to this Great Prince, and tho he seems to do many things a­gainst Prudence, he still prospers, because the good Spirit is with him, and the Wisdom of this World is but Folly in Heaven. The People make Disturbances, and frame De­signs against the King and Gods A­nointed: 'tis no wonder therefore that the Heavenly Power rising up against them, disperses them in his Wrath. When the King chose to humble the Hollanders, rather by force of Arms, than to grant them [Page 26]a Peace, which they were ready to receive from his hands, the Wis [...] Men of this World fear'd some fata [...] Catastrophe, especially when they saw England separated from France and on the contrary, Germany an [...] Spain joyn'd with the Hollanders but Providence had ordered it otherwise: The Danger was really great, and France would have soon perceiv'd it, if Sweeden had not sav'd her, by drawing the storm upon her own head.

This was writ in the Book o [...] Fate, and the Sweedes having done it against their will, push'd on by some Superiour Power, deserve as little thanks, as the King does blame, for abandoning them ever since they began to be importunate to him, and (as we believe) use­less. But let us return to the ex­traordinary Actions of the King, which are often disapprov'd of, by those who think themselves very Wise: Can there be any thing more [Page 27]contrary to Reason in all appea­rance, than what he did the last year, when he provok'd and de­spis'd at the same time Heaven and Earth, Europe and Asia, the Pope and the Protestants, the Emperour and the Sultan, the Kings of Spain, Sweedeland, and Poland, the States General, and the Princes of Germa­ny, Italy, and, in a word, almost the whole World? It might have happen­ed at the same time, that the Pope might have Excommunicated him, his Subjects risen up in Arms against him, the Turk might have caus'd all the French Merchants and Mer­chandizes to be Arrested; that the Emperour, with the Princes of the Empire, might have attack'd his Frontiers, the Hollanders aided the Spaniards to recover all the places that they have lost; that the Princes of Italy, allarm'd at the getting of Cassal, might have taken some vi­gorous Resolution for the defence of their Liberty: and yet none of all [Page 28]these things happened; which can­not be attributed to any thing, but a Miracle from the Hand above, which ties the Arms of the one, and blinds the other, as it did the Ar­of the Syrians, at the Prayer of the Prophet.

I suppose I have now sufficiently proved, as well by Prophecies as by Miracles, the Kings extraordi­nary Mission for the Reforming the Temporal Affairs of the Chri­stians, and that grounded without doubt upon much better Reasons, than that of the first pretended Re­formers of the Catholick Faith.

From whence it follows, That all Kings and Princes are oblig'd in Conscience to bear respect towards him, to chuse him for their Arbi­trator in all their Differences, and to leave him the management of the general Affairs of Europe; and that those who do not so, resist the De­cree of the unavoidable Destiny. If they remain obstinate, and despise [Page 29]the Brotherly Correction which the King uses towards them, their Sub­jects are absolv'd from their Oaths of Fidelity ipso jure, and may law­fully put themselves under the Kings subjection. Some perhaps will apprehend the dismall example of those of Messina, who having ob­tained the Kings Protection, were afterwards shamefully abandoned, against the Honour of the King, and his Faith so often given, and and that with so much precipitati­on, that they scarce gave time e­nough to those who were concern'd in it, to save their Lives and For­tunes, leaving several to the severi­ty and Mercy of the Spaniards.

I must needs confess, that 'tis very true, and that this very pro­ceeding might dishearten the well­intention'd; but this must not be imputed to the King, but to the Disasters of those Times, which are much changed at present; and one must consider, that this great [Page 30]Sect must have its Martyrs in the beginning. Principally the Ca­tholicks of Germany must acknow­ledge him their Redeemer, since 'tis certain, that the Arms of France are destin'd for the Propagating Religion, rather then extending its Territories. All the World knows that the King made War upon the Hollanders, upon no other account but to help the Bishops of Cologne, and Munster, to pursue their Rights of their Churches. If the French have since ill treated the Diocess of Cologne and Leige, one must be­lieve, that that was done against the Kings will, or by the Electors con­sent, or at least by reason of War, and for the Publick good. Do we not know how earnestly the French Ambassadours at Nimmeguen 'insisted on a Tolleration for the Roman Catholick Religion in the United Provinces? and how many times have they been just ready to break off the Treaty, upon no other ac­count? [Page 31]And the success has answe­red their pains and trouble, that is, they never meant it, because that one must first seek after the Kingdom of Heaven, and after­wards be assur'd that the rest will fol­low. If there is any one who doubts yet of the Kings sincerity, and good intentions, seeing he studies always how to persecute and torment the House of Austria, who are good Catholicks, let him consider, that those of that Family, are now be­come the Favoures of Heriticks, e­ver since they thought that they should be able to maintain them­selves by their Assistance. So that we must begin with the Ruin of that House, to root out the Here­sies which Charles the 5th. by his Complaisant Politicks first brought in. It will be objected to me, That the King has assisted Count de Teckley and the other Hungari­an Rebels, notwithstanding they were Protestants, and tho' he saw [Page 32]at the same time, what an irrepa­rable loss it wou'd be to the Chri­stians, and on the contrary, of a vast advantage to the Turks. They will likewise say, That Louis the 13th. did the same thing for the He­reticks of Germany, who subsisted only by his means. But I answer, That such a little present damage, which the Christians and Catho­licks suffer, is not to be compared to the extraordinary advantage and profit which will one day result to them from these things. For the King having thus humbled the House of Austria, and remaining the only Umpire of the Affairs of Christendom, it will be an easie matter for him to settle the Church for ever, and to overthrow at one and the same time both Turks and Hereticks. He has already given us some Proofs of this his good will and intention, at Gigeri and Can­die, and in several other places, (for as to the Algerines he never design'd [Page 33]the utter Ruin of that Base Can­nale) Tempus enim veniet quo devo­rabit Zelus ipsius & hos & omnes Mamamuschos. And without doubt, he will not stop there, when he once sees himself in a condition of giving Laws to Germany, Italy, and the rest of Europe, there being no other Power to make Head against him; & I make no question, but we shall quickly see this Blessed time. The Inferiour sort of the Catholick Clergy in Germany, which has been ill us'd by the Protestants, and a­bandon'd by the House of Austria, sings already Osanna at the ap­proach of its Redeemer. The Bi­shops indeed being Princes of the Empire, are yet in suspence, and are afraid lest there should be brought in amongst them those ill-nam'd liberties of the Gallican Church, which may be indeed Li­berties towards the Pope, but on­ly a Slavery in respect to the King. Those nevertheless who will not [Page 34]prefer their Temporal Rights to the Publick good of the Catholick Church, ought to joyn with the King, and to follow the example of those two good Bishops of Stratsbourg, whose Zeal was so great for the Catholick Faith, that they made no difficulty of Sacrifi­cing to it their Temporal Princi­palities which were annexed to their Churches: for since Charity commands us to think the best, we must not suspect them to have had any other designs. The other Bishops of Germany may follow their Example, the rather that they need not fear any Alteration will be made in their lives-time, and that they may with a safer Consci­ence enrich their Nephews, since 'tis not only lawful, but even Com­manded us, to provide for our Kin­dred, and those who do not, are worse then Heathens.

As to the German Monks, 'tis another case; for since I make pro­fession [Page 35]of being sincere, and that I have no design upon any one, I dare not counsel them to adhere to France, because the Fryars of St. Benedict, St. Bernard, the Car­melites, the Dominicans, and seve­ral other Orders, who live very well at their ease in Germany, have been oblig'd not long since in France to Fast and go Bare-footed. The secular Princes of Germany will think it something hard to be forced to surrender up their almost Royal Authority into the hands of the King; and because 'tis known how difficult a thing it is for the Rich to enter into Heaven, therefore those who are Powerful, seem unwilling to accomodate themselves with the most Christian Kingdom, or its Temporal Vicar, who is the King. But they shall come to, sooner or later; and as all Rivers do at last disembogue in the Sea, whatsoever turnings and windings they make, so must all the Powers, especiall [...] [Page 36]those of Italy and Germany, be swallowed up by this Fifth Monar­chy.

The Hollanders feel already their approaching Ruin, by the lessenning of their Trade, and the unavoida­ble loss of the Spanish Netherlands; so that 'tis to be hop'd, that this nest of Secretaries will quickly be de­stroy'd. Denmark and Branden­bourg being animated against Swee­den, Saxe, and Brunswic, will soon consume the remainder of the Pro­testant Forces. The Bishops of the Rhyne, Westphalia, nay, even those of Franconia, one day will not op­pose the Kings Zeal for the Catho­lick Faith. Austria and Bavaria will not be able to withstand him, being weakned or terrified by the Neighbourhood of the Turks.

There is no great heed to be gi­ven to the Italians, who are ready to receive the Yoke, and who have so much degenerated from the Ver­tue of their Ancestors: For what [Page 37]did not the Venetians for Example do, when formerly the House of Austria had some design in the Country of the Grisons? And now that France has got footing in the very heart of Italy, they are mute, and dare not say one word.

I do not question but this is an effect of Providence, who takes care to blind them, thereby to in­flict the greater punishment upon them.

Certainly when Germany is at the Kings Devotion, it will be too late for them to wake from this deadly Lethargy, for where wou'd they raise Men, there being but few disciplin'd Troops in all Italy? Money alone being not sufficient to make War, when 'tis not employed in time. I believe the Italians will make some effort, before they give themselves quite up, and that they will fight non pro aeris & focis, sed pro lectulis, for fear of the Horns which the French are preparing for [Page 38]them, with whom they know that their Wives do already secretly combine, which begun to appear ever since the Envoy of France, a­mong some other harsh Conditions, propos'd to those of Genoua, That it shou'd be permitted henceforward to the Women of that Country, to live after the French Fashion, and to receive Visits from French men; so that the Italian Ladies do not less expect of them their deliverance from their Husbands Yoak and Ty­ranny, than the German Priests from the Insults of the Protestants.

Such is the Fortune of France, which finds Powerful Favourers a­mongst her Enemies themselves, as that of the Clergy in Germany, and of the Sex in Italy; and who dare resist henceforward the two most dangerous of Enemies, Priests and and Women, when once combin'd together? I think it will not be a­miss, while I make the Kings Apo­logy, to make that likewise of some [Page 39] Germans, Gallo-Grecians, my Bre­thren (who are not insensible to the Powerful Charms of the Louis d'Ors.) The ignorant Multitude call us Traytors, saying, That we sell our Country, and that we do our en­deavours to bring it under a For­reign Subjection. But I believe that the greatest part of those who reproach us with these things, cou'd wish they were capable them­selves of the same Crime, and what they do is purely out of Envy, since they have not the Art or the good Fortune thus to bring Grist to the Mill.

I except some simple Persons, who might perhaps scruple such a thing; but their number is so inconsidera­ble, that they ought to be laugh'd at for their Folly. In the mean time we are not so much in the wrong, as some think us to be: the wisest Politicians do unanimous­ly agree, that the Republick of Germany is so monstrous and so cor­rupted, [Page 40]that it necessarily requires one absolute Head to Establish a good Government. Witness the Writings of the greatest Wits of our time; Lundorpius, Conringius, Piazcius, Rhinpingius, Oldendorpus, Tupetius, à Lapide, Monzambanus, Cittosario, and others, the three latter being of Switzerland, from their true Names, to wit, à Lapide, who is Monsieur le Comte d'Oxen­stern; Monzambanus, who is Mon­sieur Puffendorf Secretary of the Court of Sweedland; and Cittosario, Monsieur le Baron d'Edelstein in the Low Countries. What is this German Liberty, but a Licencious­ness of Frogs, who do nothing but croak, and leap here and there, and must have a Stork, since the Logg, which made so great a noise at its fall, is now become despiseable to them?

They ought therefore to think themselves indebted to us, for en­deavouring to destroy such a Li­berty. [Page 41]I know that the major part of my Confrators do not dis­course so freely, fearing rather the Name of a Traytor, than the thing it self; and seeking to colour their Proceeding by some specious pre­tences drawn from the Peace of Westphalia and Nimmeguen, the Capi­tulations of the Emperour, the Or­der of the Circular Executions, and the other Laws of the Empire; re­lying besides upon the Liberty of Peace and War, and of Alliance, and upon the Law of Nature for our proper defence, accusing even the Emperour and the Empire for ill using, defrauding, and abando­ning some Princes to whom these Gentlemen belong.

But I, who deal more sincerely, and who have stronger Reasons than all these, I will not imitate them; for I know there is no solidity in all these Pretences, and that none was better inclin'd to the common Cause of the Allies, than the Emperour, [Page 42]who sign'd not the Peace of Nimme­guen, till being deserted by the Spaniards and the Hollanders, and that he saw the Allies strive with each other, who shou'd best and soonest accommodate his Affairs. I find therefore but one thing for which the Emperour is to be bla­med, and for which others perhaps wou'd not accuse him; that is, he maintains with so much obstinacy the Rights of the Empire, by not acknowledging a Power Superiour to his own, which the most Chri­stian King has received immediate­ly from Heaven, as we have just now sufficiently proved. There are some Gallo-Grecians who imi­tate Judas, by taking the thirty Pence, because they suppose Germa­ny will be sav'd by some Divine Pro­vidence; and that in the mean time, they shall have the Money, and that one day they shall have Reason to laugh at the easie belief of the French. But let them laugh [Page 43]that win: Have a care, my Freinds, and see that you do not deride in vain the Gods, nor the Kings whom Heaven has destin'd for your Pu­nishment. I found my self not long since in a Company, where­in an old Gentleman burning with Zeal, terribly exclaim'd against the Gallo-Grecians, whom he call'd the Plague of their Country, and the shame of Mankind, whom the French flatter at present, but really think to be the vilest of Men; in a word, he had like to have sent them all to the Devil. Some of our Order, who were with me, and who had a squeamisher Con­science than the rest, were so mov­ed at this good Mans Discourse, that they trembled at the least noise, fearing every minute, lest some Devil or other shou'd come and take them by the Back: As for my part, who am something more resolute, I did in this occasion what is recom­mended to us, that is, Confirmavi [Page 44]fratres meos, in accusing them of little Courage, and telling them how much it imported to have ones Conscience not wavering nor scru­pulous, but steady and fix'd upon good Reasons. I let them see how we laboured for the Church, that the Name of our Country was but a Scare-crow to Fools, that a Man of Courage finds his Country every where, or rather, that Heaven is the common Country of all Chri­stians, and that the general good of all Christendom, and the Decrees of Fate, must be preferr'd to the particular Interests of Germany. I do acknowledge, and consider very often, how miserable Germany wou'd be under the French Yoak: they de­spise our Nation even now, when it makes some Figure in the World; how will they therefore value it, when 'tis vanquish'd and over­come? 'Tis then they will reproach us, not only with our Simplicity, but our Cowardise, so unworthy [Page 45]the former Reputation and Glory of our Ancestors. They will take from us our Arms, as Persons not fitting to bear them: They will destroy all the Illustrious Families, or Transplant them to France; The Benefices, and Offices of conse­quence, will be for none but French­men, or some base servile Souls a­mong the Germans: Those of a No­ble Spirit, and who seem to retain some Reliques of the ancient Ver­tue, will be afflicted with a thou­sand Evils, till at last, being all sub­dued, they shall have renderd the Nation an Object of Pity, rather than of Fear: With such like thoughts as these does the Devil often tempt and torment me: For our Mind is apt to receive such Ideas, and 'tis a hard matter to devest ones self of Opinions, which seem to be born with us. But I cast off these scru­ples, when I raise my Soul to Heaven; for I consider, that what we look up­on as Misery, is our true Happiness; [Page 46]That the Righteous are tryed by tribulation, that the Church ne­ver florishes more than when i [...] is oppressed. You will be happy my Friends in Heaven, when the [...] French shall have made you Mise­rable in this World; for you wil [...] goe thither so much the more wil­lingly, that you leave without any sorrow this Valley of Miseries thrust therefore your Necks into the Yoak which France offers you, and make haste to merit Heaven by your Readiness, Obedience, Pa­tience, and other Christian Vertues, in putting the most Christian King in a condition of subduing the Turks and Hereticks. If this cost you your Liberty, let this be your com­fort, that 'tis for the increasing of the Kingdome of Heaven, that you suffer so great a loss.

But I return to my Discourse, and assure my self, that the most Chri­stian King has receiv'd from the Almighty Soveraign a full Power [Page 47]to do more then what we have seen him do hitherto; for we must confess, that he uses it with a great deal of Moderation, considering the Right he has to put in execu­tion what ever he thinks will con­duce to his Glory and Greatness. For he is the Vicar-General upon Earth, to exercise Soveraignty, and all Jurisdiction and Temporal Pow­er, since Heaven has declared him the Redeemer of the Christians, and Protector of the Church against Hereticks and Infidels. Let the Pope honour and respect the King of Poland, as the most Martial and bravest Prince of the whole Ʋni­verse, it is but an Italian flattery, and, to speak down right, but to deride our King, who is the true and, only Vicar of the World, and the Pope his Church-Warden; 'tis a high and mighty Office, he is not bound by the Common Laws, and his greatness is the only Rule of his Actions: since whatever [Page 48]serves to increase it, is for the Glo­ry and good of the Church. He cannot therefore err, but by an ex­cess of Moderation, and all that he does with an intention to make himself Great, will be just. I imagine that the Reverend Father de la Chair, Jesuite, Confessor in Ordi­nary to the King, whose Learning and Wisdome is generally so well known, is not averse from these Sentiments; for had he not this ge­neral Remedy to satisfie all Scruples, how could he, being a man of Con­science, approve of so many things which are done in the Kings Name? Some are so vain, as to think, that they can defend the Enterprises of France by Reasons drawn from the Common Law; but they are mightily deceiv'd: and when ever they happen to engage in such Dis­putes, they are soon nonplust; which makes the wisest amongst the French avoid them as much as is possible, and reason only like [Page 49]Politicians extolling with a great deal of Justice, the happy and Pru­dent conduct of their Monarch, who knows so well how to turn all things to his advantage.

For several are ignorant, and o­thers will not declare what they know of the absolute right which the King has receiv'd from Hea­ven, they make use of it, notwith­standing, privately amongst them­selves, when occasion requires. Wit­ness that French Minister, who, rea­soning upon the Peace which was afterwards concluded at the Pire­neans, boldly advises the King to consent to whatever renunciations should be demanded from the In­fanta, and to ratifie it in the most authentick manner, as they could wish, nay even by any solemn Oath, and that he might notwitstanding be free to act, as he should Judge most suitable to his Interest, after the death of the King of Spain. For no good Frenchman, says he, would [Page 50]Counsel the King to neglect the ad­vantage of his Crown, for which he is responsable to the World; and to Posterity; this is a true touch-draught of the Law and Morals which we have established; that is, that the Greatness of the King, and the Crown of France, is above all other Rights and Oaths of what nature soever.

But since 'tis so, they do ill to dissemble a Truth which should be preached up, that it might be be­lieved; and there is the greater ne­cessity for its being publisht, that the enterprises of France cannot be maintain'd by Reasons of common Law, as I have already observed; and to make this out more plain, I will produce here some things which are commonly objected by the Enemies of the Crown of France, to the end that every one may understand how unexcusable wou'd all the Actions of this Crown [Page 51]be, if the King had not the Pri­viledge of doing what he thought fit, in the Quality of Temporal Vicar of the World.

I will begin by what was done in the Reign of Lewis the XIII. The Cardinal de Richlieu, to satis­fie the weak Conscience of that scrupulous Prince, made several French Doctors approve of the Alliances which he had with the Hereticks, against which a certain Author in disguise, by the Name of Alexander Patricius Armanus, who was supposed to be the famous Jansenius, Bishop of Tpres, writ a Treatise call'd Mars Gallicus; all the little French scribling Pens split against this Rock; and persons who are indifferent, have judged that none ever fully answered his Reasons. In effect, when France declared War to the House of Austria, nothing oblig'd her to come to those Extremities. For [Page 52]the Imperialists, even after the gain­ing of the Battel at Nordlinguen, were not backward from hearkning to a Peace, having felt the inconstant Fate of War; and if France had been mind­ed to be a Mediatrix, rather than a Party, it had been no hard mat­ter for her to have procur'd a firm and lasting Peace, most of the Princes of Germany being averse from it: But France design'd no such thing, she had a mind to fish in troubled Waters, to overthrow the House of Austria, which al­ready staggered, to ruin the Empire with its own Weapons, which was the only obstacle to its Greatness. But she wou'd not see (though she pretended to be so zealous a Catho­lick) that the Emperour had under­taken this War, only to defend his own Country, and afterwards (the occasion seeming favourable) to force the Protestants to restore what they had possessed themselves of, directly contrary to the Tran­saction [Page 53]of Passal: So that since it did, and does still lye in the Power of France, to give Peace or War to the Christian World, the most zea­lous impute to her all the Blood which has been spilt in Christen­dom, ever since that time till now. 'Tis thought that the French fo­mented the Dissentions in England, and that they were not altogether innocent of that horrid and infa­mous Parricide which insued.

The Rebellions of Portugal, Na­ples, Catalonia, Hungaria, are the effects of their Works, and which they do not conceal; what endea­vours did they not use to hinder the concluding the Peace at Munster, between the Spaniards and the Hol­landers? What shall we say of the Pyrenean Peace, and the Renuncia­tion of the Queens, which was so solemnly sworn to, and which was an essential point of the said Peace?

Certainly, if one may put any surety in the Treaties of Men, if the publick Faith of Kings is of any effect, if Religion and Conscience are not empty Names invented to cheat the Simple, this Peace must be firm and lasting. But since it has been broken and trodden under Foot at the first opportunity, one must confess, say they, that they are very silly and fit to be imposed upon, who rely henceforward upon the word of France, wherefore the Hollanders, the Spaniards, the Em­perour, and the rest of the Allies, who treated at Nimiguen, have al­ready felt the smart of their being too credulous.

For had they believed that the French would have undertaken up­on the Empire and the Low Coun­tries, in the middle of the Peace, more than they durst in the heat of War, they would have been very blind indeed, or they would have [Page 55]chosen to fight together rather than to die separately. If we go back to the beginning of the last War, can there be any thing more vio­lent and unjust, than their Proceed­ings against the late Duke of Lor­rain: His only Crime was, that he wou'd not depend upon some French Governour, or Intendant, and that he indeavoured to secure himself by defensive Alliances, the most Innocent that cou'd be. The War against the Hollanders, was so far from all Reason, (I speak under the personage of the Enemies of France) that they could not find so much as the least pretence for it; and in the mean time all the Violences which France had since committed in Ger­many, in the Low Countries, and in o­ther places, cannot be excused, be­cause they were a necessary conse­quence of that War. 'Twas upon these Grounds that the French Ar­mies travers'd Germany, to hinder the Princes from sending any Suc­cours [Page 56]to the Hollanders, or making any Diversion to France, that they took Treves, surpriz'd and disman­tled the ten Towns of Alsatia in an unjust manner, exercis'd all sorts of Hostilities in the Palatinate, up­on the least suspicions, which had nothing to authorise them, but on­ly reason of War, and that the most unjust that ever was undertaken. Nay, they had the insolence to de­clare to the Emperour, that he must first withdraw his Forces out of the Empire, and that the King wou'd do the like when the Em­perour should have given his word, (whereof some Princes shou'd be Guarantees) that they should not march again out of his Hereditary Countries. This is to say, that the King of France had more right in the Empire, than the Emperour himself. Every one ought to rely upon the word of the French Mini­sters, who gave out every where, that the King design'd nothing by [Page 57]this War, but to chastise the Hol­landers for some pretended inso­lence; as if the same Fancy might not take him to humble others like­wise in their turn, and as if he a­lone had the right to act the Perso­nage of a Master, who with his Rod in his Hand, treats all others like little insignificant School boys. But we have seen that all his Preparati­ons tended to something more than a simple Bravado, since he seized on the Posts on the lower Rhine, by putting into them strong Garrisons, that the Hollanders were only guil­ty of saving Flanders from its total ruin; and finally, that the Kings Ambition was not without some mixture of Interest, and that it thirsted no less after Profit than Glory.

As to the Dependencies, and the Dependencies of those Dependen­cies, in infinitum, which surpass the Principal, they say, That they [Page 58]must be very foolish indeed, who let themselves be deluded by such Reasons, that there is nothing more unjust, than that Chamber of Justice established to the King him­self, which fails not to give Sen­tence always in his Favour, and which pretends, that those who stand not to their Judgment, are fallen from all their Rights; that 'tis an unpardonable insolence, to make their Wills pass for a general Law, to prescribe to the Empire a fatal term of some Days and Weeks, in which they must determine a­bout the yielding up the eighth part of Germany, and if the Empire is never so little backward, they will impute to it all the Evil which shall ensue; and the King washes his hands of it. On the one side, the Spaniards must be oblig'd to ac­cept of the Arbiter nominated by France, and on the other side, they refuse the Empire to enter into an Arbitrage, or a Mediation equally [Page 59]concerted on by both Parties. They maintain that the taking of Strasburgh is the most unjust and barbarous thing as ever was com­mitted by a Christian Prince, and that 'tis the heighth of Impudence to go about to excuse it.

That this was done in the middle of Peace, without any pretence whatsoever, contrary to the Faith so lately given, that all things should remain in the same conditi­on, as they were at the departure of the Kings Ambassadour for Francfort; that all judicious Per­sons did believe, that after this it would be useless to build any Foun­dation upon the Rules either of Law or Honesty.

That Conscience, Faith, and the Law of Nations, are empty Names, and vain shadows, since Violences and Injustices are committed open-faced, and without any sort of pre­tence; [Page 60]for formerly those who stu­died so exactly the niceties of the French Law, were not likely of thinking of Strasbourg, lest they should be looked upon as Men whose Brains were stuff'd with Chi­meras, or as Sophists taken in fla­granti delicto, since the words of the Peace of Munster are too plain and clear, to leave any room for vain disputing, that one would think that the Ministers who made the Draught of it, had by some Pro­phetick mind foreseen and preven­ted all the subtle evasions, which the most impudent Sophister could ever devise. But if they were cun­ning enough to stop the mouths of those who had yet some shame still remaining in them, they could not tye the hands of those who so scornfully trampled under Feet all sort of Reason; for it has availed them little, to have expresly determined, that no­thing of all Alsatia should be [Page 61]yielded to France, but what the House of Austria possessed, to have specified the Places by their names, and surnames, to have excepted ex­presly those very Principalities and States of the Empire, which France will at present include, to Wit, the Bishoprick, and City of Stras­bourg, the Princes of Petite-pierre, the Comtes of Hanau, and the free Nobility of Alsatia.

Some French Advocates seeing themselves press'd by the Peace of Westphalia, withdrew into another intrenchment, and finding nothing which is favourable to them in these Ages, they have recourse to some Imaginary rights of Dagobert and Charles le Magne. I wonder that they do not demand of the Great Turk, the Conquests which the Gauls formerly made in Grecia, and Galatia, and that they do not bring their Action against the pre­sent Romans for the money which [Page 62]their Ancestors had promis'd the Gauls, to save their Capitol, and whose payment was interrupted by Camillus. In effect those Authors amongst them who have any gra­vity, are asham'd of their redicu­lous Impertinencies; for if they sub­sisted, it would be in vain hence­forward to alledge the Treaties of Peace of Munster or Nimmeguen, or to contest about any Place or Coun­try with an Emperour, King, or Prince, who ought to be dethron'd or dispossessed of their Lands, as down­right Usurpers, since all Germany, with the Low Cuntreys, and almost all Italy, would be swallowed up in this General Pretension of the Empire of Charles le Magne, if he was now to be raised from the dead. There are some, nevertheless, who suspect that the Most Christian King does mean these vast and determin'd pretensions, when he offers to the Empire, that in case they will yield what he has lately taken, he will [Page 63]renounce all his other Rights, which notwithstanding he does not ex­plain; wherein he does wisely, for we commonly think best of things not known, and oftentimes secrets being made publick, are exposed to Laughter.

I have thus ingenuously repre­sented, all that is objected against the Kings Pretensions, that one might see that there was no other way left to defend them, but the Medium which I took, by which the King is exempted from answe­ring to all the reasons of Law, how strong so ever they are: but be­cause this fine invention is un­known to the Vulgar, we must not marvel if those who have been lately stript of their Estates, tor­ment themselves, and stir up Hea­ven and Earth against us. If they shew us Fields drowned in Chri­stian Blood, to satisfie the Ambi­tion of one Nation, which alone [Page 64]disturbs the Publick quiet; if they let us see thousands who have lost their Lives by Fire, Famine, and Sword, only that there might be writ upon the Gates of Paris, the name of Louis the Great, in Gol­den Letters. France can, they say, give Peace and Happiness to all Europe, what greater Crime can there be imagined then, to load ones self with all the Evil of Christen­dome, so much Innocent blood spilt, scelerate actions, the groa­nings of dying men, finally the Tears of Widows, and of Orphans, who cry to God for vengeance, that great God, whose judgments are so terrible, whom the Hypo­crites and Sophists can not deceive, and who makes no distinction be­tween the King and the Plowman, but to encrease their Pains according to the greatness of their Crimes? In this spacious field do the Ene­mies of France so loudly declaim against her, but they surpass them­selves [Page 65]now that the Turk is ready to over-run all Christendom, two hundred thousand Christians de­stroyed by the Sword, or what is worse, led into Captivity to the Perpetual damnation of their Souls, this they say, cries Vengeance to Heaven, against those who inci­ted and aided the Rebels of Hun­gary with Money and arms, tho' they foresaw of what a dreadful consequence it wou'd be to the poor Christians, who were most expo­sed to the danger. And that no one may fancie that the Authors of these hopeful designs do repent themselves of them, 'tis observed that they, now the danger is the grea­test, when Vienna was upon the point of surrendring, the Church drowned in tears, and covered with Cinders and Sackcloth, to crave pity and mercy from Al­mighty God, 'tis observed, I say, that these Incendiaries do incite the King to divide, by the Means [Page 66]of his Allyes, the Forces of Ger­many, so necessary to repel the com­mon Enemy, and, what is worse to attack openly the House of Au­stria; at a time that she was like to be oppressed by the Ottoman Power, to the great astonishment of all Christendom; and all this without any apparent reason, up­on frivolous pretences, of some little Dependencies, which are not able to stand a discussion at Law, not being Law proof. From whence will follow in all probability, that either Vienna will be lost, or that the Emperour must be obliged to make a peace no less shameful than pernicious to Christendom, and which will render him contemp­tible to all the World; or finally, that there will be an immortal ha­tred, in case the Turks are happi­ly repuls'd, since the Emperor must necessarily judge, that he cannot save himself from the snares which France prepares for Him, but by [Page 67]an implacable, and a fatal War, which will not end, but by the utter destruction of one of the Par­ties, whereby one of them will be rendered incapable of either giving or resenting any farther affronts, which cannot be compass'd with­out the effusion of much Blood. If the King, say they, had been plea­sed, when Christendom was in so much danger, to let the World see the greatness of his Soul, by sacri­ficing a few handfuls of earth, in the low Countries, to the Publick good, by comporting himself to­wards the Germans, who have been hitherto esteem'd Generous, so that they needed not have been for­ced upon some desperate Action, to provide for their own honour and safety: If the King had been plea­sed to have consented to the just demands of the Emperour, who desired to have terminated at the same time the differences which were between France, the Empire, [Page 68]and the Low Countries, of which they are a Member, without de­signing by subtle devices, or by an unsupportable imperiousness to se­parate Allyes, which are link'd to­gether by all the strictest Bonds of blood, right, and interest, there­by to ruine them each [...]part; lastly, if his behaviour had [...]n such after the Peace of Nimeguen, that one might have hop'd for some Quiet; if the Most Christian King, I say, had been pleased to have yiel­ded these things to the prayers of the Holy Father, to the Tears of the Church prostrated at his feet, he might have quietly pos­sessed the greatest part of what he has taken, laid a Foundation of a solid, and lasting Peace in Eu­rope, of which he would have been the Author and Arbiter, gain'd the hearts, and the publick accla­mations of all; in a word, made such progresses against the Infidels, that would have been, perhaps, of [Page 69]greater importance, and of much more Honour and Glory to him, than all he could have performed in Europe; but the conduct of France being directly contrary to these good Counsels, she for­ces others to take desperate Re­solutions, and makes it an un­pardonable Crime for any one henceforward to put any confi­dence in her word, or to hope for a good Peace, since neither the Renunciation so solemnly swore could guarant that of the Pyreneans, nor the Kings word, that nothing should be altered after the depar­ture of his Ambassadours for Franc­fort, could hinder the taking of Strasbourg, and since the declara­tion which this Prince made, that he had raised the Blokade of Luxemburg upon no other ac­count but that Christendom was threatned with the arms of the Turks, has been found false and Il­lusory, since at present that the [Page 70] Turks are come from threats to Blows, it restrains not the Officers of that Crown, from taking the ad­vantage of a general consterna­tion, whilst all Germany trembles, and all Europe remains astonish'd, to advance the affairs of their Ma­ster, to lay waste the Low Coun­treys, and to kindle without any concernment a new War, an acti­on which none can defend with­out an extreme Impudence or Folly. Some hope that Heaven will not let France go unpuni­shed for so black and detestable a Crime, that the publick hatred, the undeceiving of Men of worth, who had yet some good Opini­on remaining of the French con­duct, and the Infamy which will descend to posterity, are Punish­ments great enough, that among the French themselves those whose Consciences are not quite smothered by a long habit of Crimes, will tremble at the sight of so great [Page 71]a wickedness; that the remorse of Conscience of a bad Cause, is not always without effect even among Souldiers and Common People, whom the least reverse of Fortune, is able to reject or a­nimate, to put in execution the dangerous designs which lye hid in the breasts of several Malecon­tents, and which a long Series of happy successes, has rather stifled than extinguished. They flatter themselves that it will not be long before France repents her self of her deportment, and that all the evils will fall upon the heads of those who have been the occasion of them; for say they, France must have done one of these two things, to wit, either have taken hold of this occasion, to shew her Generosity, by giving the Empire and Spain a tollerable peace; or have cast off all respect and shame, by entring with all her Forces into Germany, to oblige her to [Page 72]take her choice, either of Maho­met the Fourth, or Louis the Four­teenth, and since France who has no regard to Piety, and who dares not make a publick Profession of a down-right ungodliness, has lost this fair opportunity, by keeping the mid-way, which Machiavil ob­serves to be so dangerous to all great designs, they hope that the Turks being repuls'd, she will soon repent of her indifferent Piety, or her down-right Witch-craft.

These are part of the things which are said against France; for I cannot induce my self out of the veneration and the re­spect we owe to great Princes, to make mention of all those bitter and violent expressions, which are us'd either in Books, or private Conversations.

These Objections cannot be answered by those who endea­vour [Page 73]to defend the proceedings of France by Common Law. But my Principles clears them of all Doubt, and brings a Con­fusion upon those who pretend to Criticise the actions of the best and greatest of Kings, of whose Holy and Sanctified Inten­tions they are altogether igno­rant. For could they look into the bottom of his Heart, or did they hear him argue with his Confessor, I believe they wou'd soon put a stop to their malig­nant Reproaches. This great Prince has foreseen all things, knows the Evils which he does himself, or suffers to be done by others; it grieves him, when he considers the loss of so many thousand Souls. But what help, how can he resist the unaltera­ble Decrees of the Fates above, who force him to it: He sees that all other ways to Cure the [Page 74]Evils of Christendom, but Fire and Sword, are vain and use­less; the Gangreen cannot be stopp'd, but by Remedies which are cruel in themselves. Our miseries must be cut up by the roots; habeat aliquid ex ini­quo omne magnum exemplum quod utilitate publica compensaturum. Since therefore, not only the light of an internal Vocation which was sufficient for the pre­tended Reformers, but moreove­the external Marks of an extra­ordinary mission, to wit, Mira­cles, and a perpetual assistance from Heaven, do confirm the King in the Justice of his Cause, nay, and oblige him to pursue his point, he must necessarily o­bey the Commands of the Sove­raign Power, who calls upon him to be the general Restorer of the Affairs of Christendom: Let him seek after Greatness, as [Page 75]a necessary accomplishment for so great a design; let him ruine the House of Austria, for whilst that subsists, Christians cannot be united under one Head, nor Hereticks reduced. Some will imagine that the King would do better to begin all these rare de­signs, by the overthrow of the Turks, than by afflicting the poor Christians; but these Per­sons do not see that 'tis the Ger­mans and Flemmings who border upon France, and not the Turks. That one must pass from ones Nighbours farther on, and ar­rive to great things by sure and solid Degrees, rather than by o­ver-hasty and dangerous leaps. But that I may not trouble my self any longer with Reasons of Policy, see here is one of Con­science, which is, That the King will follow the Rules of the New Testament, which commands us [Page 76]to begin with the Jews, and then to proceed on ad gentes, where­fore, in imitation of it, that King will by the overthrow of the Christians, make himself one day a secure passage to the Infidels.