THE Convention at Westminster having thought themselves suffici­ently authorized to alter the Go­vernment, by virtue of which they had been called together, and rewarded Sir John Greenvil for the Message he had brought, the Proclamation for the readmis­sion of Monarchy in the Person of Charles Stuart, was published on the Eighth of May, in the presence of the new General George Monk. Bonfires were made, the Bells were rung, and much Happiness ex­pected from this Change. The Officers of the Army subscribed a Declaration, and pre­sented it to Monk to be sent to the King, in which they expressed a Resolution to be­come true and faithful Subjects, and to ac­cept of the King's Grace and Favour, accord­ing to the Tenour of His late Declaration [Page 2]from Breda. Whilst these Things were do­ing, I kept my self private at the House of a particular Friend, till I might better under­stand what the Issue was like to be; for the Council of State had, on the Day I arrived at London, sent Orders into the West of England for seizing my Person, which pro­bably might have been served upon me, if I had returned by the usual Road. Fifteen Commissioners were appointed to be sent to Breda to complement the new King, and to attend him in his Passage to England, Five to be nominated by the Lords, and Ten by the Commons. But every Man expecting some Mark of Favour to be conferred on him for this Service, great Contentions arose among the Members for that Employment. To these, many others, especially of the looser sort of Men, added themselves; and some, to make an early Offer of their Subjection, and to provide themselves of Favour and Places, went over before the Commissioners, and being one Day with their King in his Apartment, boasting of their Loyalty and Services, he called for Wine, and applying himself to the Duke of York, drank to the Health of those Gentlemen, with this Re­mark, That he was now even with them, having as he thought done as much for them as they had done for him.

The Committee of Priviledges and Electi­ctions having declared me to have been duly [Page 3]returned to serve for the Borough of Hinder in the County of Wilts, and made their Re­port, which was agreed by the House, I re­ceived an Order for my admission to sit as a Member, but clogged with this unusual Clause, That I should attend my Duty in the House, and take my Place by a certain Day; which would be within ten Days after the Date of the said Order. Suspecting that the reason of this Insertion might proceed from some Information given by the Council of State that I had withdrawn my self, I thought fit to make my Application to Mr. Arthur Annesly, knowing him to be a leading Man among them, as well to give him Satisfaction touching the cause of my absence, as to learn from him what might be the Reason of that addition. And tho' I well understood, That being now declared to be a Member of that which was called a House of Commons, no other Power could seize me without Breach of their Privileges; yet the same Council of State still sitting, which had procured from the Secluded Members a Power to seize any Member that did not sit, and considering that Things were carried on with the utmost Treachery, I sent a Ser­vant to let him know I would wait on him at Night. He received me with great Civi­lity, and having conducted me to his Apart­ment, I acquainted him, That the end of my coming to him at that time, was to as­sure [Page 4]him that my late Privacy did not pro­ceed from any design that I had on foot against the present Power; but that finding the Wheel to go round so fast, that it was difficult to guess where it might rest, I thought a Man, who had been engaged with the first against the King, and always zeal­ous for a Common-wealth Government, might be excused, if he was unwilling to be found in Prison at the King's return; espe­cially since it was well known that a War­rant had been signed for my seizure: And therefore I desired he would favour me to in­form those that were in Power, with the true Reasons of my absence. He answer'd, That tho' I had been zealous in the way I mentioned, yet that he and others were well satisfied, that my Intentions were di­rected to the Publick Good; and tho' he could not blame me for taking Measures to avoid a Confinement, yet he assured me that a Hair of my Head should not suffer any more than his own. He then acquainted me with the Passages that had happened in the House upon the Report from the Com­mittee touching my Election: That tho' nothing was said against it; yet because I was the Person concerned, who, as they said, had constantly opposed them, and withdrawn my self out of their Protection, a Vote of the House had probably passed against agreeing with the Committee, if he [Page 5]had not stood up and desired the House, ‘That they would not do an Act upon a Personal Distaste, of which they would be ashamed when they should better consider the Matter: That Justice ought to be impartial, and that nothing being al­ledged against the Report of the Com­mittee, it ought to be taken for good: That if the Person concerned had done any thing amiss, he being a Member ought to answer it in his place.’ This Motion being seconded by Mr. Matthew Hale, prevailed with the House to allow the Re­port with the addition before-mentioned. He took this occasion to tell me, That there was a young head-strong Party in the House, who in all Debates were for the most violent Courses, and that it would be very difficult to keep them in order; yet advised me to take my Place in the House as soon as I could. I thought fit to follow his Council, not only to undeceive those who thought I would continue in my Retirement, but also by coming among them before I was ex­pected, to disturb the Measures of those who waited for my Ruin. I chose to go into the House early in the Morning, and immedi­ately went up into the Speaker's Chambers, where I was no sooner sate down, when Major Robert Harley came to me and desired, That if any thing should be objected against me by any Member of the House, which [Page 6]he supposed would happen, and that the House should require me to answer, I would by all means forbear to say any thing in justification of the Proceedings of the High Court of Justice against the late King, be­cause it would not be suffered. I told him that unless I was constrained, I saw no Rea­son to mention that Matter; but in that Case, tho' it should cost me my Life, I could not prevaricate.

Some of the Members, who during the time of the Parliament's Prosperity had gone as high with them as any others, now re­proached me with the present Condition of Affairs; To whom I contented my self to re­ply in general, That if they liked it not they might thank themselves; and that as to my own Particular, my Conscience did not at all accuse me for contributing to the Change, or not using my Endeavours to prevent it. Others said, They had frequently admoni­shed us that Things would be brought to this pass, by rendring the Foundations of our Party too narrow. But to these I answered, That they knew my Principles and Practices to have been such in that respect, as had drawn upon me the Censures of many. Divers of those who in Richard's Convention had joined with the Common-wealth Interest, now appeared to be totally altered, whilst others who had opposed them at that time, now wished for Sir Henry Vane and some [Page 7]others to balance the Royal Party. But those who had continued in their Fidelity to the Publick Cause, tho' they durst not speak out by Reason of the present Torrent, yet shook their Heads to express their dislike of the present Affairs.

The Commissioners who had been Voted to be sent to Breda being to be nominated that day, I took my Place in the House, di­vers Members sollicited me to insert their Names in my Paper. But tho' it was my fortune to be one of this Convention, that I might not altogether neglect my own Pre­servation; yet resolving to have no part in betraying the Common-wealth, by Re-esta­blishing the Government, against which I had engaged, and contracting the Guilt of that Blood which had been shed in the late Wars, I determin'd to put in no Paper of Names. To this end I went out of the House; but the Serjeant at Arms being commanded by the Speaker to call in all the Members to be Numbred, and seeing me, was very earn­est with me to return to the House: I told him, I designed not to put in any Paper, and therefore it was not necessary I should be Numbred. In the mean time, the Ser­jeant received fresh Orders to summon the Members, and repeating his importunity with me, told me plainly, If I would not go into the House, he would inform the Speaker of my Refusal; which had he done, [Page 8]'tis probable I should have been sent to the Tower. But having desired him to in­quire of some ancient Member, whether it was necessary for one who would put in no Paper, to be Numbred with the rest; he went to Mr. Pierrepoint, and Serjeant Glynn to ask the Question; who, I suppose, satisfied the Serjeant it was not necessary: For look­ing down from the Gallery, I perceived both of them to smile whilst he was with them; but especially because I heard no more of that Matter.

This Business being over, the House fell in­to a Debate touching Persons to be entrusted with the great Seal. All agreed in Mr. Tyr­rel; but it was objected against Serjeant Fountain, That tho' he had been formerly for the King, yet he had of late shewed himself a great Promoter of the Reforma­tion of the Law. Many pressed that the Earl of Manchester might be one of the Com­missioners; but others who were better inform'd of Affairs, objecting, That it would be a dishonour to the Earl, to be put into a Place, which they assured the House was already given away to another Person, no more was said concerning him. In the Afternoon I went to the Committee of Ele­ctions, which sate in the House: Another day I sate with the Members in the Abby to hear a Sermon, and indeavour'd in all things so to carry my self, as to give no [Page 9]Occasion to suspect me to be under any Apprehensions of Danger; hoping by this means to discourage my Enemies from mo­ving any thing against me, which I knew the Cavalier Party inclined to do out of Principle; and divers of those who had served the Parliament, would not fail to comply with, from a prudential Care of themselves; hoping not only to make their own Peace, by Sacrificing those who had been most faithful to the Publick, but also to procure Favour and Preferment for them­selves.

During this time, I had sent Orders to my Bailiff in Ireland, to sell my Stock, which in Sheep, Black Cattle, Corn and Horses, might amount to about Fifteen Hundred Pounds, and to Collect the Rents that were due to me from my Tenants. But he being Negligent, I made over my Stock to my Brother-in-Law, Colonel Kemp­son, for Satisfaction of my Sister's Portion, pressing him to send some Person forthwith to take Possession; which not being done with the Expedition that was requisite in such a Conjuncture, Sir Charles Coote, with­out any Order or Pretence of Authority from the Parliament, made Seisure of all; forcing my Tenants to Pay my Rents to him, and Commanding my Servant not to dispose of any part of my Stock but by his Order: Only four stone Horses which I had [Page 10]bred, and were then in my Stable, were taken away by Colonel Theophilus Jones; these Men, who had engag'd in the same Cause, out-doing our Enemies in Rage and Cruelty to us.

In the Convention things went high, Men not daring to shew Moderation lest it should be called Disaffection to the King; but in private, divers Members of both Houses declar'd themselves of Opinion, That a General Indemnity ought to be granted for all that had passed, without any Exception. The Earl of Northumberland was heard to say, That tho' he had no part in the death of the King, he was against questioning those who had been concern'd in that Af­fair; that the Example might be more use­ful to Posterity, and profitable to future Kings, by deterring them from the like Ex­orbitancies. And the Lord Fairfax on that Subject plainly said, That if any Person must be excepted, he knew no Man that de­served it more than himself, who being Ge­neral of the Army at that time, and having Power sufficient to prevent the Proceedings against the King, had not thought fit to make use of it to that end. Divers also of the Commons moved that Limitations and Conditions might be drawn up, on which they should Consent to receive their King; 'till at length finding that Monk who had the Power in his Hand, gave constant [Page 11]Intelligence of all that was said and by whom, none of them durst insist any far­ther on those Heads. And that he might compleat his Treachery, when the Lord Say proposed to him, that for the quiet of Mens Minds, an Act of Indemnity should be passed, in which some of those who had been principally concerned in the death of the King might be excepted; He in a great Rage answer'd, Not a Man; for if I should suffer such a thing, I should be the arrantest Rogue that ever lived. Yet for all this, under Colour that the House might have better Terms from their King, by relying on his Ingenuity than by Capitulating with him, especially at a distance, he had the Con­fidence to move them, That their Com­missioners might be impower'd simply to invite him into England. Which Motion concurring with the Opinion of the unfore­seeing Cavaliers among them, and disliked only by those who had not Courage enough to publish their Dissent, for fear of expo­sing themselves to a future Revenge, was taken for the Sense of the whole House, and so passed.

Sir Charles Coote having opened the bloody Scene by the seizure of the Chief Justice Coke in Ireland, a Party of the Staf­fordshire Militia, Commanded by one Co­lonel Bowyer, thought themselves sufficiently Authorized to act in the like manner; and [Page 12]therefore seized Major General Harrison with his Horses and Arms, he having re­fused, upon Advice of their Intentions, to withdraw himself from his House, account­ing such an Action to be a Desertion of the Cause in which he had engaged; tho' many Precepts and Examples might be produced, even from the Scriptures, to justifie Men who endeavour to avoid the Cruelty of Ene­mies and Persecutors, by removing them­selves where they may be protected. For that only can properly be called a Desertion of the Cause, when Men disown it to save their Lives, and not when they endeavour to secure themselves by lawful Means, in Order to promote it. But I shall not take upon me to Censure the Conduct of the Major General, not knowing what extra­ordinary Impulse one of his Virtue, Piety, and Courage may have had upon his Mind in that Conjuncture. Sure I am, he was every way so qualified for the part he had in the following Sufferings, that even his Enemies were astonished and confound­ed.

The King's Party in the House of Com­mons having got such an Ascendent, that it was no longer safe to oppose them, drove on furiously, and procured a Resolution to be passed for seizing the Persons of all those who had signed the Warrant for the Exe­cution of the late King; which though car­ried [Page 13]with all possible Privacy, yet being not destitute of Friends among them, I had timely Notice of their Intentions: And be­cause I doubted not that the House where I liv'd would be suddenly searched, I went to another in Southampton Buildings, belong­ing to one of my Relations, where I had appointed some Friends to meet me in the Evening, and to bring me an account of what had passed at Westminster. When I came to the House, I found my Friends had been in great Pain for me; the time that I had appointed for our Meeting being pass'd by almost two Hours, through the Fault of my Watch. Upon the account I received of the State of our Affairs, we en­ter'd into a Debate concerning the Course I should take to preserve my self from the Danger that threatned me; and the Com­pany advised that I should forthwith re­move from the House where I was, because the Entrance was in so publick a Place that it was probable I might have been observ'd at my coming in: For this Reason I con­sented to go immediately to the House of another Friend, which was not far distant, and had a back Gate leading to several o­ther Houses, with an intention to stay there till Night, and then to repair to a more private Place in London, which had been prepared for me some Days before. Night being come, and I ready to depart, my [Page 14]Friend, tho' not insensible of the Danger that might ensue by Entertaining me, would by no means let me go, alledging, That on the Night of that Day, when a Resolution of such Importance had passed the House, the Watch in London would not fail of their accustomed Diligence. This being second­ed by some of my nearest Relations, who also advised me to stay, I was contented to acquiesce; and the next Morning was informed that the Watch had hardly per­mitted any Coach to pass into London with­out some kind of Search.

The Order for seizing the King's Judges, not producing that sudden Effect the Com­mons expected, provoked them to such a degree, that they commanded their real and personal Estates to be forthwith seized in an extraordinary manner, contrary, I presume, to the known Laws, which provide that no Confiscation shall be made till after Convi­ction. But it ought not to seem strange, that those who had so far parted with their Prudence, to recal from a twelve Years Ba­nishment, the Son of a Father whose Head had been publickly taken off, and invest him with the Government of a Nation, where this had been done, should be no more sollicitous for the Privileges of their Country-men.

The House having received Information that Major General Harrison was brought [Page 15]Prisoner to London, they order'd him to be sent to the Tower, and that all his Horses which had been taken from him by those who had seized him at his House, should be brought to the Stables in the Mewse, for the use of their King. Chief Justice Coke being also sent to London by Sir Charles Coote, was by another Order committed Prisoner to the same Place.

In the mean time the Commissioners sent from England to attend the new King, ar­rived at Breda, where Mr. Denzil Hollis, ac­cording to the Instructions he had received at Westminster to impart their Message to the King, going about to execute that Order, was interrupted and ruffled by Mr. Henry Howard, Brother to the Earl of Arundel, who said, It was insolent in him to pretend that Honour, which belonged to another of the Commissioners, and named one that was his own Kinsman. But Mr. Hollis affirming, That the House had entrusted him with their Complements and Desires, the King thought fit to make up the Difference, and to suffer Mr. Hollis to perform his part. Fifty thousand Pounds were sent over by these Com­missioners to pay the Debts of the King, and to equip him for his Journey to England, to­gether with considerable Sums of Mony for the Dukes of York and Glocester. Divers private Persons also had taken care to make their Presents. Among others, Mr. William [Page 16]Lenthal, late Speaker of the Parliament, had commissionated a Friend to give the King Three thousand Pounds from him, and to desire that he might continue Master of the Rolls; but the Person he had employ'd was told, That the Place was already promised to another.

Whilst these Things were doing in Hol­land, the House of Commons were prepa­ing a Bill of Indemnity with all possible Di­ligence, that it might be ready to pass at the arrival of the King. They unanimously agreed, That some of the King's Judges should be excepted both as to Life and Estate, the remaining Dispute being only about the number. Some proposed, That all might be excepted, others would be contented with Twenty, and many with Thirteen: But Monk who had betray'd them all, expressing his Desires to be for Moderation, they were reduced to Nine, which that Boutefeu Pryn, contrary to the Orders of the House, under­took to name. Yet I was so far obliged to him, that my Name was not upon his List. Monk at last prevailed with the House to bring the number to Seven.

Colonel John Jones, who had acted as a Member of the High Court of Justice, being walking one Evening at some distance from his Lodging to take the Air, was seized, and sent Prisoner to the Tower by Order of the House; together with Mr. Gregory Clement [Page 17]another of those Judges, who had conceal'd himself at a mean House near Grays Inn. But some Persons having observ'd that bet­ter Provisions were carried to that Place than had been usual, procured an Officer to search the House, where they found Mr. Clement, and presuming him to be one of the King's Judges, tho' they knew him not personally, carried him before the Commissioners of the Militia for that Precinct: One of these Commissioners, to whom he was not un­known, after a slight Examination, had pre­vailed with the rest to dismiss him; but as he was about to withdraw, it happen'd that a blind Man who had crowded into the Room, and was acquainted with the Voice of Mr. Clement, which was very remarkable, desired he might be called in again; and de­manded, if he was not Mr. Gregory Clement. The Commissioners not knowing how to re­fuse his Request, permitted the Question to be ask'd; and he not denying himself to be the Man, was by that means discovered, and sent to the Tower likewise.

Many of the Judges passed over into Hol­land and other Parts beyond the Seas, divers of them not without great Danger of being surprized. Of these, Mr. Cornelius Holland being at Colchester, in order to depart with the first occasion, the Mayor of the Town was inform'd that a suspected Person was lodged at a certain Inn; and that they sup­posed [Page 18]him to be Major General Lambert. Upon this Notice the Inn was searched, and his Horse with other Things seized at Four in the Morning: But Mr. Holland was al­ready gone Abroad to receive a Sum of Mony from a Merchant of the Place, who was to begin a Journey to London early that day; and having received Advice of what had passed at the Inn, he was by the favour of a Friend convey'd out of Town, and by that means made his Escape.

The new King being suddenly expected, great Numbers of those who had been Of­ficers in the Cavalier Army, or were other­wise Zealous for him, procured Horses and Cloths, for the most part upon Credit, and formed themselves into Troops under the Lord Litchfield, Lord Cleveland, and that Apostate Brown the Wood-monger, in order to attend him at his Reception. And News being brought that he was put out to Sea, Monk, accompanied with a Guard of Horse, marched to Dover, and received him at his Landing: The King embraced him, kissed him, and called him Father; and it might be truly said, that in some respects they were very near­ly Allied. At Canterbury the King presented him with the George and Garter; the first was put on by the Duke of York, the other by the Duke of Gloucester. And because it was suspected that the Army which had fought against him, might still retain some of their [Page 19]former Inclinations: It was resolved that the King, with his Brothers, shall lodge at the House of Colonel Gibbons, one of their Officers, at Rochester. Many Knights were made in this Journey, and Bonfires were to be seen in great Numbers on the Road; the inconstant Multitude in some places burning the Badges of their own Freedom, the Arms of the Common-wealth. Monk's Army was drawn up on Blackheath, and by the best Judges was thought to deserve the Fool's Coat rather than the Souldier's Casaque.

The Lord Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen of the City, treated their King with a Col­lation under a Tent, placed in St. George's Fields; and Five or Six Hundred Citizens cloathed in Coats of black Velvet, and (not improperly) wearing Chains about their Necks, by an Order of the Common Coun­cil, attended on the Triumph of that day; with much more empty Pageantry which I purposely omit: But I must not pass over the Folly and Insolence manifested at that time by those who had been so often Defeated in the Field, and had contributed nothing either of Bravery or Policy to this Change, in ordering the Souldiery to ride with Swords drawn through the City of London to White-Hall, the Duke of York and Monk leading the Way; and intimating (as was supposed) a Resolution to maintain that by Force which had been obtain'd by Fraud.

The Lords, with those who sate in the House of Commons, received the King at Whitehall after this tedious Cavalcade, where the Speakers of both Houses loaded him with Complements; and took the best Care they could to make him believe himself to be the best, greatest and bravest Prince in the whole World. His answer to them was short, by Reason, as he said, of his present Discompo­sure caused by the great Acclamations he had received in his Passage, which yet he pretend­ed had been very agreeable to him, as they were Expressions of the Affections of his Peo­ple.

Most of those who had attended this Entry, finding the Streets through which they had passed to be full of People, returned to the City by the way of Holborn; by which means I had a View of them from the House where I then was. And, I confess, it was a strange Sight to me, to see the Horse that had for­merly belonged to our Army, now put upon an Employment so different from that which they had at first undertaken; especially, when I consider'd that for the most part they had not been raised out of the meanest of the People, and without distinction, as other Armies had been; but that they consisted of such as had engaged themselves from a Spirit of Liberty in the Defence of their Rights and Religion: But having been corrupted under the Ty­ranny of Cromwel, and kept up as a standing [Page 21]Force against the People, they had forgotten their first Engagements, and were become as Mercenary as other Troops are accustomed to be.

The Dissolution and Drunkenness of that Night was so great and scandalous, in a Na­tion which had not been acquainted with such Disorders for many Years past, that the King, who still stood in need of the Presbyterian party which had betray'd all into his Hands, for their Satisfaction, caused a Proclamation to be publish'd, forbidding the drinking of Healths. But resolving, for his own part, to be oblig'd to no Rule of any Kind, he publickly violated his own Order in a few days, at a Debauch in the Mulberry Garden; and more privately at another Meeting in the City, where he drank Healths to the utmost Excess till two in the Morning.

The Bill of Indemnity being not yet fi­nished, the Commons, out of a tender Care for their own Persons and Estates, resolving to make it ready with all Diligence, proceed­ed to the Nomination of the seven Persons who were to be excepted for Condemning the late King to Death; and having agreed that Major General Harrison, John Lisle, Esq and William Say, Esq should be three of that Number, it was contrived that a Letter should be brought to Monk at that instant (not without Suspicion that he was the Author of the De­sign, to the end I might be inserted) inform­ing [Page 22]him, that I was in Arms at the Head of several hundred Men, in one of the Islands called the Holmes, and had declared against this Convention. The Letter being commu­nicated to the House, who were ready to give Credit to any thing of that Nature, had probably answered the end of the Contrivers of this Design, if something, of which I was not inform'd, had not obliged them to ad­journ abruptly. Yet upon this Alarum, one of my Friends in this House, who had served in the King's Army, and to whom I had been formerly useful at the time of his Com­position, came in a great surprize to one that was his Sister-in-Law, and also related to me, acquainting her with the Report; and tel­ling her that he had engaged many Members, that were of the King's Party, to be for me; but that, if this should prove to be true, nei­ther they nor he could possibly serve me; and therefore desired her to give me Notice with all Diligence of what had passed, that I might take some Course to satisfie the Parliament of the Falshood of this Rumour. She promised him to endeavour so to do, and in the mean time assured him that she knew the Report to be false. Upon this Assurance, which he immediately reported to the Party above­mention'd, I am inclined to believe it chiefly came to pass, that when they proceeded to compleat the Number of Seven, who were to be excepted both for Life and Estate, and had [Page 23]agreed that Colonel John Jones, Mr. Corne­lius Holland, and Mr. Thomas Scot, should be added to the three before mentioned, a Motion being made by one Colonel Skip­with that I might be the seventh Man, he was not seconded: So that another Member proposing Colonel Barkstead, and no Man daring to say any thing either in Extenuation of the pretended Crime, or Commendation of the Persons concerned, he was voted to fill up the Number. Chief Justice Coke, who had been Sollicitor to the High Court of Justice, Mr. Broughton who had been Clark, and Mr. Edward Dendy their Serjeant at Arms, were also excepted in the same manner. And that no Means of gratifying the Passions of our Enemies might be omitted, having al­ready, under pretence that some of the late King's Judges were fled, order'd their E­states to be seized; it was contrived by the Creatures of the Court, who were a great part of the House, that a Petition should be drawn and presented to the King, to issue out a Proclamation for requiring all those of the late King's Judges and others therein named, to surrender themselves within the Space of Fourteen Days, under Pain of Exception from the Benefit of the Act, both for Life and Estate.

This Petition having had its rise from the Court, and on that account received with Joy by the King, soon produced a Proclamation [Page 24]as had been desired, which being published near my Lodgings, I heard the Officer di­stinctly, as he read it aloud to the People. But I found it difficult to resolve what to do: For tho' the Proclamation from Breda had declared the King would be satisfied, if some few Persons who had an immediate Hand in the Death of his Father, might be excepted from the Indemnity; yet finding himself now possess'd of the Throne, 'twas visible to all Men that he used the utmost of his Endeavours to influence the House of Commons to greater Severities than were at first pretended; and partly for Rapine, partly for Revenge, to except a great number of those, who had taken part with the Parliament, from any Be­nefit of the Act except only as to Life, their Estates being declared to be confiscated to the King. Among those who appeared the most basely subservient to these Exorbitancies of the Court, Mr. William Prynn was singularly re­markable, bringing in a Clause for excepting all those who had taken the Oath at the Coun­cil of State for abjuring the Family of the Stuarts, which the Clark undertaking to read without any Order of the House, Mr. Clergies Brother-in-Law to Monk, perceiving that Vice-Admiral Lawson would by this means be ex­cluded from Pardon, and knowing that Monk had engaged to bring him off clear, most sharply rebuked the Clark for his Officious­ness, and with the help of his Friends put a stop to that Motion.

The Commons being acquainted, by Sir Harbottle Grimeston their Speaker, That Mr. William Heveningham, Mr. Simon Mayne, and others of the late King's Judges had rendred themselves into his Hands according to the late Proclamation, order'd them to be in the Custody of the Serjeant at Arms attending the House: Which when some of my Friends and Relations heard, they consulted what might be best for me to do in this Conjuncture. Some were of Opinion I should surrender my self as others had done. Others were unwil­ling to advise in a Case wherein my Life was concerned; yet gave some obscure Intima­tion, that if they were in my Condition, they would not put themselves into the Hands of their Enemies: And one of them who was not unacquainted with the publick Affairs, gave it for his Opinion, That I should by no means render my self. Of this I received an Account by my Wife. But not being in the number of the Seven who were to be ex­cepted, and my Affairs by reason of the sud­den Change altogether unsettled, I was wil­ling to improve the present Opportunity, and if I might have no Favour in relation to my Estate, yet to settle at least my private Affairs as well as I could. To this end I inclined to surrender my self according to the Proclama­tion, and drew up a Petition containing in Substance, That whereas I had engaged with the Parliament on the behalf of the Common­wealth, [Page 26]and had discharged the Trust reposed in me with as much Tenderness to those of the contrary Party as my Fidelity to the Par­liament would permit, Providence having order'd that the former Government should be re-established in this Nation, I thought it my Duty as a Member of the Common­wealth, to declare my Resolution to submit to the present Powers, that I might with the rest of the good People of England enjoy the Benefit of their Protection. Having signed this Paper, and presuming upon the Friendship of Mr. Annesley, I sent it to him by my Wife desiring his Advice. But he being lately sworn a Privy Counsellor, and with his Con­dition altering his Manners, when he had perused the Paper, he delivered it again to my Wife and said, That the Lieutenant-General was very good at drawing Letters of Recom­mendation. My Wife told him, That what was contained in that Paper was as much as my Conscience would give me leave to say; and received for Answer, That then I should do better to say nothing; which was not alto­gether without Reason; for some of those who had petitioned the House, and not ac­knowledged themselves guilty of a Fault, were for that Cause excepted, who otherwise, as Men thought, would not have been so treated.

There being some Relation between the Earl of Ormond and me, I directed my Wife [Page 27]to apply her self to him on this occasion. He received her with great Civilities, and made her large Promises, pressing her with great Importunity to acquaint him, if I were in England. But she desired to be excused in that Particular, as a thing not proper to be com­municated to any Person in such a Conjun­cture. In the mean time my Friend, whom I mentioned before, continued to advise that I should not by any means render my self, af­firming that the House of Lords would not fail to make some addition to the Exceptions, and that some of them had intimated that I was likely to be One. Being not a little sur­prized with this Information, tho' the Rea­sons above-mentioned inclined me to surrender my self, yet I was unwilling to expose my Life to the Fancies of such an uncertain sort of Men; and therefore by my direction, my Wife went to Sir Harbottle Grimeston, and acquainted him with the state of my Affairs, and the Doubts which I lay under, of which he seemed very sensible, communicating his Thoughts very freely to her, and telling her, That it was his Opinion the Lords would rest satisfied with what had been done; but if they should not, it would be the most horrid thing in the World, should the House of Commons agree with them in excepting any Man who had render'd himself: But withal acquainted her, That the House was so com­posed, that no Man could undertake to tell [Page 28]what they would not do; adding, That he should dine that day with Mr. Hollis and other leading Men of the Parliament, and that he would inform himself from them touching that Particular, of which he would then give her the best Advice he could. The time which he had fixed being come, my Wife went to him again, and was informed by him, That he had been with that Com­pany he had mentioned to her, and had found them all to be of Opinion that the House would never be guilty of so unworthy an Action; and therefore advised her to persuade me to come in, giving her an Order under his Hand to secure me from any seizure in my way to him, and promising to speak to the Serjeant at Arms to be moderate in his De­mands of Caution for my Appearance. Un­der the favour of this Warrant I went to a Place where divers of my Friends were, in order to seal some Writings for settling my private Affairs, which was the principal Mo­tive that had prevailed with me to render my self; and having dispatch'd that Business, I went to the Speaker's Chamber; who being not there, I took Mr. James Herbert, a Mem­ber of the Convention, with me to the House of the Serjeant at Arms, where finding that he had received Orders from Sir Harbottle Grimeston concerning me, Mr. Herbert gave his Word for my Appearance, till I should procure Personal Security. This Engage­ment [Page 29]made me very uneasie; for I thought my self oblig'd, what-ever might be­come of me, to take care that Mr. Herbert might not suffer for his Friendship to me. But after two or three days I prevailed with the Serjeant to accept the Security I had provid­ed: They were, my Unkle Colonel Thomas Stradling, who had been constantly of the King's Party; and by being engaged for some Debts of his Brother Sir Edward Stradling, had ruin'd his Fortune: The second was Colonel Edward Sutton, one Knighted by the King since his Return, and who had no other E­state than in the Right of his Wife: The third was one Mr. Etherington, who had been Pos­sessor of a considerable Estate; but for many Years past had not been worth any thing: The fourth was Thomas Ashton, a Citizen of London, who had been my Taylor; but was now in the same Condition with Mr. Ethering­ton. Colonel Sutton was Arrested as he was coming to me, and by that means prevented; Mr. Etherington being furnished with a clean Band, Hat and Cloak, passed without dispute; so did Ashton, and of Colonel Stradling there was no colour to doubt. I gave the two first a little Mony, with which they were well pleas­ed; and I was abundantly satisfied that this Business passed thus over.

When Sir Harbottle Grimeston having re­ported to the House that I had render'd my self, and desired to know their Pleasure con­cerning [Page 30]me; some of my Friends moved that I might be continued in the Custody of the Serjeant at Arms, which being put to the Question, was accordingly order'd. Whilst these things were doing, my Lady Vane told my Wife, that Mrs. Monk had said, she would go upon her Knees to the King, and beg that Sir Henry Vane, Major General Lambert, and Lieutenant General Ludlow, might die with­out Mercy; and one of my Friends who fre­quented the Court, assured me, he heard Monk saying to the King, That there was not a Man in the three Nations more violent against him, or more dangerous to his Interests than I was; to which the King made answer, That he had been otherwise informed by many of his Par­ty, who had received Civilities from me in their Troubles. But that which made me most sensible of my Danger, was, that Secre­tary Maurice, with whom I had been ac­quainted for some time, not knowing that I had rendred my self to the Speaker, told a Person whom he knew to be my Friend, That where-ever I was, I should do well to be up­on my Guard; for if I should be taken, I was a dead Man.

Some Members of this Convention, who had engaged to do me all the good Offices they could, presuming the House would pro­ceed forthwith to impose certain Fines upon those of the late King's Judges who had ren­dred themselves; and therefore desiring to see [Page 31]a particular of my Estate, that they might know how to moderate my Fine when it should be debated, I drew it up as well as I could at that distance from my Papers, and sent it to them. And now my Friends sup­posing my Business to go on prosperously in the House of Commons, began to apply them­selves to the Lords on my behalf, in Case they should add any farther Exceptions to the Bill of Indemnity; and received Promises of As­sistance from all they thought fit to ask, ex­cept only the Earl of Northampton; who said to my Wive's Father, That I had been a great Enemy to the King: However, I made the best use I could of this time in settling my private Affairs; and my Brother Kempson had prevail'd with my Lord Broghil to write to Sir Charles Coote, that my Stock might be de­livered to him upon Security to be responsi­ble where it should be adjudged to belong. But Coote was so far from satisfying either his own Conscience or the Lord Broghil in this matter, that fearing I might be in a Con­dition to call him to account for the Injustice he had done to me; he wrote a Letter to the King, in which having first inveyed against me as the most bitter of all his Enemies; he informed him, That dining with me one day at my House, I had assured him, that Cromwel had not proceeded to Extremities against the late King, if I had not pressed him, and almost forced him to that Resolu­tion: [Page 32]And for Confirmation of the Truth of this, he desired that the Lord Broghil, who, he said, had dined with me the same day, might me interrogated. But when the King asked my Lord Broghil concerning this Busi­ness, he protested, he had not charged his Memory with any such thing; adding, That he thought it unbecoming a Man of Honour to remember any thing to the prejudice of a Gentleman who had spoken freely at his own Table.

The Army being not yet disbanded, the King thought convenient in some measure still to cajeole the Presbyterian party; and therefore Mr. Richard Baxter, and Mr. Edmund Calamy, were appointed to be his Chaplains in Ordina­ry. But he could not forbear, on some Occasi­ons, to discover his Contempt of the Men of that Sort, particularly when Mr. Case, who thought he had deserved highly of the King, would have pressed with his usual freedom into his Presence; and being denied entrance, had sent in his Name, tho' in answer to his importunity he was admitted; yet by the Carriage of those who were present, and de­rided his Habit and unmannerly way of Ap­proaching the King, he might easily perceive how disagreeable his Company was in that Place. Yet the King having demanded what he had to say, he told him he had a Word of Advice to his Majesty; and going on to perswade him to a Care of his Party, he was [Page 33]interrupted by the King, who said he did not remember that he had made him one of his Council. However, the Earl of Northumber­land, the Earl of Manchester, the Lord Ro­berts, and Mr. Denzil Hollis, were sworn of his Privy Council; and the Earl of Manche­ster made Chamberlain of the Houshold. But Monk, for a Reward of his Treachery to those who had entrusted him, not only re­ceived the Garter, but was continued to be General of all the Forces; and obtained the Parchment Honour of Duke of Albermarle, with divers Pensions and Lands of great Value. To these Favours was added the Charge of Master of the Horse, which by the Industry of his Wife, who having been an Exchange-wo­man knew how to drive a Bargain, was by the Sale of Places improved to the utmost Ad­vantage.

Having acquainted those who had answer­ed for my Appearance at the time when they entred into that Obligation, of my Intentions to withdraw my self, if I should find my Life in danger; I took care at all times when the House was sitting, least I should be surpriz­ed and seized by an Order from them, to cause the Gates of my House, which were divers, to be well guarded; and for the most part retired to some other place during that time. When the House was up, I used to take more Liberty, having daily Advice from some Members of what had passed among them.

The Bill of Indemnity being brought to the Lords, a great Contention arose concern­ing the number of Persons to be excepted; the Widow of Dr. Hewet, with Mrs. Penrud­dock, and divers others solliciting them with such importunity for particular Satisfaction, on account of their Relations who had been put to death, that they found themselves ob­lig'd to appoint a Committee to hear their Demands. The Lords also were inclined to Revenge their own Order on the Persons of some in the High Court of Justice, by whom some of their Number had been Condemn'd, and to except one of the Judges for every Lord they had put to death; the Nomination of the Person to be excepted being referred to that Lord who was most nearly related to the Person that had suffered. According to this Rule, Colonel Croxton was nominated by the next Relation to the Earl of Derby, Major Waring by the Kinsman of another, and Co­lonel Titchburn by a third: The Earl of Den­bigh, whose Sister had been married to the Duke of Hamilton, being desired by the Lords to nominate one to be excepted, in Satisfa­ction for the death of his Brother-in-Law, named a Person who had been some time dead, of which some of the House being in­form'd, they called upon him to name ano­ther; but he said, That since it had so fal­len out, he desired to be excused from na­ming any more. This Action, tho' seeming [Page 35]to proceed from Chance, was generally e­steemed to have been voluntary, the Earl of Denbigh being known to be a generous Man, and a lover of his Country.

And now the Royal Party, in the House of Lords, began to discover their Intentions to except all the King's Judges from the Be­nefit of the Indemnity, which was commu­nicated to me by Sir John Winter, Secretary to the Queen-Mother, in a Visit he made me at my House: He also inform'd me, that Sir Henry Vane, Sir Arthur Haslerig, and the Mar­quis of Argyle, had been seized and sent to the Tower by the King's Order. In conclu­sion, he said, That whilst the King was treat­ing with Monk about his Restitution, and considering that I was then at the Head of the Parliament's Forces in Ireland, he had ac­quainted him, that he had no greater difficul­ty to encounter than how to prevent me from obstructing the Design; and that he would have given me any Conditions, to have been assured of my Service: From all which Con­siderations, he advised me rather to withdraw my self, than to submit to the Mercy of my Enemies.

Colonel Ingoldsby on account of his Service, in the Suppression of the Party that had fol­low'd Major General Lambert, was not ac­cepted from the Act; nor Colonel Hutchinson, though he had bin as Zealous against the late King, at the time of his Tryal, as any other [Page 36]of his Judges. But having joyned with Monk in his treacherous Design, he had ob­tained a Pardon from the King, whilst he was beyond Sea. It was agreed in the House, That Colonel Adrian Scroop and Colonel Las­sels should have the benefit of the Act, pay­ing one Years value of their Estates. Ma­jor Lister was not inserted, as was supposed, by the Credit and Interest of Mr. William Pierrepoint; and Colonel Thomlinson was ex­cused upon information given to the House by Mr. Seymour, that the late King, when he waited on him a Day or two before he Suf­fered, signified to him his Pleasure, that the Colonel should receive Favour on account of his civil Carriage to him, during his Confine­ment. But the Son would not think this to be sufficient for his Exemption; declaring to some about him, that he ought of all Men to be excepted, because he had an Opportunity, and a fair offer to let his Father Escape, which he refused. On this ground the Earl of Litch­field moved for his Exception: But the Earl of Bristol being engaged for Thomlinson, and presuming to be better acquainted with the King's Intentions, undertook to reprove the Earl of Litchfield so sharply, that the Dis­pute had almost ended in a Quarrel.

These Contestations and Delays in finish­ing the Act of Indemnity and Oblivion, made the People not only murmur, but begin to doubt, that nothing of that Nature would be [Page 37]passed for their Security; especially, after the Earl of Bristol had made a Speech in the House of Lords, which according to his man­ner of Ostentation he caused to be Printed; where after much boasting of his important Employments abroad, he desired that the Act might pass with the Exception only of those who had a Hand in the death of the King, who, he moved, might be more particularly des­cribed in another Bill to be drawn for that purpose. By which no Man could know whether he intended not, that not only his Judges and the Members who sate after the Year 1648. with those who petitioned for Ju­stice against him, but even all those who had in any way contributed to make War for the Parliament should be excepted. But the Court having not yet disbanded the Army, would not venture too far in irritating the People; and therefore pressed that the Bill might be hastned to a Conclusion.

Great Endeavours were used by the Friends of those who had been excepted in the House of Commons, to procure them to be omitted by the Lords: And the Earl of Litchfield sol­liciting the Lord Sturton for his Vote in the behalf of Lieutenant General Fleetwood, re­ceived his Promise to that effect, on condi­tion he would engage to be for me on the like Occasion. Of this the Lord Sturton in­formed me in a Visit he and his Lady were pleased to make me in that Conjuncture.

Having observed which way the Lords in­clined, I drew up the State of the Case, as well as I could, of those who had rendred themselves upon the Proclamation, accompa­nied with such Reasons as then occurr'd to my Thoughts, why the House of Commons should not agree to any Enlargement of the Exceptions made by them: This Paper I de­sign'd for the Press; but having sent it to Mr. Henry Martin for his Opinion, he re­turned for answer, That unless my Name were subscribed, the House of Lords would not fail to call it a Libel; and therefore ad­vised that it should be presented in the form of a Petition, upon which I laid it aside.

Divers Messages were sent from Whitehall by Hyde and others to the Lords, for the dis­patch of the Bill; but meeting with little suc­cess, by reason of many Obstructions that were continually laid in the way, the King came in Person to the House, and pressed them to Expedition, thanking the Lords for excepting those who had been the Judges of the King his Father; Who, he said, were guilty of such a Crime, that they could not Pardon them­selves, much less expect it from others. By which he not only manifested his own re­vengeful Temper, and the little regard he had to the Promise he had made in his Pro­clamation from Breda, to refer himself whol­ly to the Parliament for Pardoning what had been done during the late Troubles; but his [Page 39]Imprudence in this so early Violation of the Privileges of the Parliament, by taking no­tice of what was depending in the two Hou­ses, before it came to be judicially presented to him; and by that means fomenting a Di­vision between them concerning an Affair in which he himself was principally interested. He told them, Other ways might be found to meet with those who were of turbulent and fa­ctious Spirits; insinuating, if I mistake not, that his Intentions were not to be guided by the Direction of the Laws, but that he had some secret Reserves to render the Act of Indemnity insignificant; concluding with desires, that they would be careful to make Provision for his Irish Subjects, who had ma­nifested great Affection to him during his Exile; expressing the same Zeal in the latter part of his Speech for the bloody Irish Re­bels, as he had done in the former, against those who had dared to defend the Liberties of England. And by this means the Irish grew immediately to that Confidence, that one Fitz-harris publickly affirmed in Westminster-Hall, That they were the best Subjects the King had; and for that reason should be soon restored to the Possession of their Lands; of which the House being informed, they com­mitted him to the Gate-house; but after two days, he was by the Prevalency of the Court Faction discharged from his Imprisonment.

The King, who had not only an inclina­tion to re-establish the Irish in their Estates, but had by a Treaty formerly made with them, obliged himself to that Condition, found no small difficulty to carry fair with those of the Army, who were concerned in the confiscated Lands. He was not willing to send any one into that Government, who should be ungrateful to the Irish; and durst not employ such as he and they desired, for fear of the English: For an Expedient there­fore, it was proposed that the Lord Roberts should be sent as Deputy to Monk, who when he contracted to sell his Masters, had desired the Lieutenancy of Ireland for himself: But being told, that if he would have that Em­ployment, he must go over and execute it in his own Person; he thought not convenient to accept it on those Terms, apprehending that it would be no hard matter to Supplant and Ruin him in his Absence. However, the Lord Roberts had the Title of Deputy, and was addressed by that Name; but finding he had only served for a present Occasion, he desired to be re-called from that Employ­ment.

Finding my Friends to grow every day more apprehensive of the Dangers that threat­ned me, I removed from my House; and on this Occasion received a Signal Testimony of the Friendship of Chief Justice Coke, who be­ing little Sollicitous for himself, solemnly pro­tested [Page 41]in a Message he sent me, That if he were in no hazard on this Occasion, he would willingly lay down his Life to secure mine, who, he was pleased to say, might be more useful to the Publick, than he could hope to be.

The Earl of Antrim, an Irish Papist, and principally concerned in the Rebellion of that Country, had been seized at the same time with the Marquis of Argyle, tho' for a diffe­rent Reason; the latter for his Services in the Cause of Liberty and Religion, the former for unseasonably affirming, That the Irish were authorized by the late King to act as they had done. Both these Lords coming to London to Congratulate the Restitution of the King, were sent to the Tower; The Laird of Swintown was also made Prisoner, and sent in Custody to the same Place. The cause of his seizure was at first reported to be for design­ing to Stab the King, as he was pretending to Cure the Disease called the King's Evil: But afterwards they changed their Language, and gave out that it was for deserting the Scots after the Battle of Dunbar, and rend­ring himself to Oliver Cromwell. Sir Henry Vane and Sir Arthur Haslerig were also seized, under the pretext that they had endeavoured to persuade divers Officers of the Army to form a Party in order to oppose the present Power. But this soon appeared to be a Fiction, and that the design was to take away their lives by any means; the King, when he heard [Page 42]they were in Custody, offering to lay a Wa­ger they should not escape. Colonel Axtel, who had behaved himself honestly and brave­ly in the Service of the Common-wealth, was about the same time trapann'd by a Cavalier, under pretence of treating with him for the Purchase of some Lands, and sent Prisoner to the Tower.

The Lords being pressed, as I mention'd before, to dispatch the Act of Indemnity, came at last to this Result, touching the twen­ty Persons proposed by the Commons to be excepted from all other Benefit of the Act, ex­cept only as to Life, That Sir Henry Vane, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Major General Lambert, and Colonel Axtel, should be excepted both as to Life and Estate; the other sixteen to be made uncapable of any Office or Employment in Church or State. The News of this Re­solution being carried to the King by the Duke of York, the Duke of Buckingham, and Monk, he openly expressed his Joy; and when they told him, that the Chief Justice St. John's had narrowly escaped, he wish'd he had been added also; of which Particulars I re­ceived Information by a Person of Honour then present, immediately after they had parted.

The next thing to be considered, was how to treat those of the late King's Judges who had rendred themselves upon the Proclama­tion, which held no long Debate; those who [Page 43]were inclined to do that which was just, de­cent and reasonable, being far the lesser num­ber: Yet the Earl of Southampton had the Courage to move, That since it was not thought fit to secure the lives of those who had been induced to surrender their Persons upon the Faith of the Proclamation, they ought at least to give them the like number of days for saving themselves, as were ap­pointed by that Paper for their coming in: But Finch, who had formerly fled from the Justice of the Parliament, opposed that mo­tion, and said, That by such means they might be enabled to do more Mischief (as he knew had happened in his own Case): Upon this, Mr. Thomas Challoner, with those of the Judges who had rendred themselves, were put into the Exception for Life and Estate; Sir Henry Mildmay, Mr. Robert Wallop, the Lord Mounson, Sir James Harrington, Mr. James Challoner, and Mr. John Phelps, were except­ed from receiving any Benefit of their Estates, and subjected to such farther Punishments as should be inflicted upon them, their Lives only to be preserved: Colonel Hacker who was one of those to whom the Warrant of the High Court of Justice, for the Execution of the King had been directed, together with Mr. Hugh Peters, and the two Persons who were in Mask upon the Scaffold when he was Beheaded, were excepted by the Lords both for Life and Estate.

The Bill with these Alterations being sent down to the House of Commons for their Concurrence, seemed unwilling to Sacrifice those, who upon Invitation and Promise of Favour, had rendred themselves; and there­fore refused to consent to the Exception of Sir Arthur Haslerig, Sir Henry Vane, and Major General Lambert from the Benefit of the Act as to their Lives; some of them saying in the House, That those Gentlemen having had no immediate Hand in the death of the King, there was as much Reason to except most of themselves. Yet they agreed to except Colo­nel Daniel Axtel, Mr. Hugh Peters, and the rest as desired. And to shew their readiness to gratify the Revenge of those at the Helm with the Blood of as many as they could find any Colour to abandon; being inform'd that Mr. John Carew, who had not at all conceal'd himself, had been seized by a Warrant from a Justice of the Peace; that his Name being mistaken in the Warrant, and the Officer re­fusing to detain him till that Error should be amended, Mr. Carew had told him that he was, as he conceiv'd, the Person designed to be seized, and therefore acquainted him with the Place to which he was going; yet for all this (tho' happening within the fourteen days limited by the Proclamation, and on the way to London, where such Persons were di­rected to render themselves) the major part of the House of Commons voted this not to [Page 45]be a Surrender, and excepted him both in Life and Estate. Mr. Gregory Clement being already a Prisoner in the Tower, was put into the same Condition: And Colonel Adrian Scroop, tho' he had rendred himself within the time limited by the Proclamation, and tho' the Commons had declared themselves contented with the Forfeiture of a Years Va­lue of his Estate; yet upon information from that Renegado Brown, of some private discourse between them, in which the Colonel, as he said, had justified the part he had in doing Justice upon the late King; they condemn'd him without a Hearing, and added him to the Exception both in respect to Life and E­state: An Action of such a Nature, that I shall forbear to give it the Name it deserves. But the King not satisfied with these Sacrifi­ces, greedy of Revenge, and forgetting his Message from Breda, encouraged his Crea­tures in the House of Lords to insist upon their Exceptions; but the Commons being averse to break the publick Faith in every particu­lar, a Conference of both Houses was appoint­ed; in which some of the lower House pres­sing the Promise of the Proclamation, the Chancellor presumed to affirm, That the Proclamation was only in the Nature of a Subpoena: But the Commons were not satisfi­ed with this Definition.

Having received Advice from divers Per­sons of Honour, That the Court was enrag­ed [Page 46]that I had not been excepted, and that Ro­binson, Lieutenant of the Tower, had declared his Resolution to move the House that their Prisoners in the Serjeant's Custody might be committed to the Tower, my Servants having also acquainted me that the Serjeant had en­deavoured to inform himself if I continued still at my House, I resolved not to appear any more in Publick; and having the offer of a House near Richmond for my Retirement I went down thither, where I passed some days very quietly, and had the advantage of walking in the Park. Having one day made an Excursion as far as Major General Lambert's House at Wimbleton, I perceived Words to this effect written on the out-side of a Banqueting-house, The way to ruin Enemies, is to divide their Councils; which Lesson had he practised, the Confusions brought upon the Nation had possibly been avoided.

During these Contests between the two Houses, touching the Exceptions to be made, Sir John Bourchier, who had been one of the King's Judges, and had rendred himself with­in the time limited by the Proclamation, being of a great Age and very Infirm, was permitted to lodge at a private House belonging to one of his Daughters. In this place he was seiz'd with so dangerous a Fit of Illness, that those about him who were his nearest Re­lations, desparing of his Recovery; and pre­suming that an Acknowledgment from him [Page 47]of his Sorrow, for the part he had in the Con­demnation of the King, might tend to procure some Favour to them from those in Power, they earnestly pressed him to give them that Satisfa­ction. But he being highly displeased with their Request, rose suddenly from his Chair, which for some days he had not been able to do with­out Assistance; and receiving fresh Vigour from the Memory of that Action, said, I tell you, It was a just Act; God, and all good Men will own it. And having thus expres­sed himself, he sate down again, and soon after quietly ended his Life.

The Court Party among the Commons, tho' they could not bring the House to an in­tire Violation of the publick Faith; yet so far prevailed that they consented to sacrifice the Estate and Liberty of Sir Arthur Haslerig; and that Sir Henry Vane, with Major General Lambert should be excepted both for Life and Estate, with this Reserve, That if upon Tryal they shall be found Guilty, the two Houses then to join in a Petition to the King for the Pardon of their Lives. But the Lords finding they could not bring the Commons to a full Compliance in the matter of Excep­tions, desired another Conference; which be­ing agreed, the Chancellor, after he had en­deavoured to persuade them, that the diffe­rence between the two Houses was rather in Form than Substance, offer'd for an Expe­dient, that no Sentence to be pronounced a­gainst [Page 48]any of those that had been added by the Lords, should be executed otherwise than by Act of Parliament; telling them he as­sured himself they would accept this Propo­sition, and hoped also that none of the King's Judges, who after their surrender, might withdraw themselves from their Protection, should participate of this Favour; which last Clause I took to be particularly levell'd at me, having been informed that the Serjeant's Deputy attended with Souldiers, had very lately searched my House.

At last the Commons, partly from Incli­nation and partly for their own Safety, con­sented to pass the Alterations as they had been made by the Lords; (or rather by the King) which Business being over, the House order'd the Serjeant at Arms to deliver those of the King's Judges who were in his Cu­stody, into the Hands of the Lieutenant of the Tower. They were Colonel Adrian Scroop, Mr. William Heveningham, Mr. George Fleet­wood, Colonel James Temple, Mr. Peter Tem­ple, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Simon Mayne, Co­lonel Thomas Wyte, Colonel John Downs, Co­lonel Vincent Potter, Mr. Henry Martin, Co­lonel Edmund Harvey, Alderman Isaac Pen­nington, Mr. Gilbert Millington, Colonel Ro­bert Lilborn, Mr. Augustin Garland, and Co­lonel Owen Roe. Sir Hardress Waller, who had been in France, return'd to England upon the Proclamation and rendred himself; but [Page 49]finding his Surrender not like to answer his Expectation, he had withdrawn together with Alderman Titchburn from the Serjeant at Arms; yet upon farther Consideration, they both came in. So that when by Order of the House, the Serjeant was called to give an ac­count of his Prisoners, and had acquainted them that I was not to be found, a Motion was made to add my Name to those who were excepted both for Life and Estate: But one Mr. Swanton a Member of this House, and my Country-man, moving, that before they should proceed to Extremities, they would examine the Bond I had given for my Appearance, to see if I had broken the Con­dition; they let it drop for that time, hoping that by this seeming Gentleness I might be persuaded to submit.

Information of these things being sent to me by the above-mention'd Mr. Swanton and Colonel Henley, who was also a Member, I repair'd privately to London, in order to con­sult with some Friends touching the course I should take in this Conjuncture. Upon which my Wife went to Sir Harbottle Grimeston, then Speaker of the House; and finding him still to persist in his Advice for my Surrender, she took the liberty to say, That she appre­hended great danger in that Counsel; because she thought those, who to gratifie the Court, had already so far receeded from their own Resolutions, and permitted that Persons who [Page 50]had rendred themselves upon the faith of the late Proclamation, should be excepted both as to Life and Estate, tho' with the Limita­tion mentioned, might justly be suspected of being capable to be drawn yet farther; and to consent, that after they should be declared Guilty, an Act might pass for putting the Sentence in Execution. But tho' it were sup­posed that this House would never be induced to such an Action; yet they might be dis­solved, and the Persons excepted kept in Pri­son, till such should be procured to sit in that Place who would not be so scrupulous; espe­cially since it was visible that the Clause of Limitation was so doubtful, that it might af­ford a Pretence for interpreting it to be in­tended not only of this, but of any Parlia­ment that should think fit to use their Power against the Persons excepted. The Speaker seemed much offended with this discourse; and going down the stairs with her, told her he would wash his Hands of my Blood, by assuring her, That if I would surrender my self, my life would be as safe as his own; but if I refused to hearken to his Advice, and should happen to be seized, I was like to be the first Man they would execute, and she to be left the poorest Widow in England. But another of my Friends who was well ac­quainted with the Designs of the Court, and had all along advised me not to trust their Fa­vour; now repeated his Persuasions to with­draw [Page 51]out of England, assuring, that if I staid I was lost; and that the same fate attended Sir Henry Vane and others, notwithstanding all Engagements to the contrary. He added, that there was a design on foot to seize the Estates of all those who had been Out-law'd in the late King's time, of which number my Father having been one, it would be difficult for me to escape Ruin on that account. The Advice of my Friend whom I had always found to be intirely sincere, and knew to be well inform'd of Affairs, was of great weight to induce me to resolve upon departing from England; in which Resolution I was confirm­ed by the friendly Counsel of the Lord Os­sery, eldest Son to the Marquiss of Ormond, who with divers others that had observed the Inconstancy and Irresolution, to say no worse, of those in the House of Commons in Sacri­ficing Mr. Carew and Colonel Scroop to the Revenge of the Enemy, concurr'd in giving the same Advice.

The time appointed for my departure from England being come, after I had settled my Affairs in the best manner I could, and taken leave of my dearest Friends and Relations, I went into a Coach about the close of the day, and passing through the City over London-Bridge to St. George's Church in Southwark, I found a Person ready to receive me with two Horses, one of which I mounted and began my Journey. My Guide was so well [Page 52]acquainted with the Country, that we avoid­ed all the considerable Towns on the Road, where we suspected any Souldiers might be Quartered; and the next Morning by break of day we arrived at Lewis without Interrup­tion. On the Tuesday following, a small Ves­sel being prepared for my Transportation, I went on board; but the Wind blowing hard and the Vessel having no Deck, I removed into another that had been provided for me by a Merchant of Lewis, and was struck up­on the Sands as she was falling down to re­ceive me. This Vessel had carried over Mr. Richard Cromwel some Weeks before, and lay very commodiously for my Safety on that Occasion; for after I had enter'd into Her to secure my self from the Weather, till I might put to Sea in the other, the Searchers came on board my small Vessel to see what she carried, omitting to search that in which I was, not suspecting any Person or Thing to be in her, because she was struck upon the Sands. But the Storm still continuing, and the Men thinking not fit to put to Sea, we continued in the Harbour all that day and the night following; The Master, who had used the Ports of Ireland whilst I had been in that Country, among other things, enquir­ing if Lieutenant General Ludlow were not imprisoned with the rest of the King's Judges; to which I answer'd, That I had not heard of any such thing.

The next Morning we set Sail, and had the Wind so favourable, that we arrived in the Harbour of Diepe that Evening before the Gates were shut; where going ashore I was conducted by the Master, to the House of one Madame de Caux to whom I was recom­mended, where I was received with all pos­sible Demonstrations of Civility; the Gentle­woman leaving it to my Choice either to continue at her Habitation in Diepe, or to go to her House in the Country; which last I chose to do, as well that I might enjoy the liberty of taking the Air, as to avoid the Irish who were in great numbers in the Town, and who probably might have seen me in Ireland when I served the Parliament. I had not been many days in this Place, when I received Letters from England with a Printed Proclamation inclosed, taking notice that I had withdrawn my self from the Officer's Custody, forbidding any Person to receive or entertain me under pain of High Displeasure; requiring all Persons to seize and secure my Person, and proposing the Sum of three Hun­dred Pounds as a Reward for those who should perform this Service. These Letters accompanied with the earnest Desires of my Friends for my removal to some Place more distant from England, obliged me to think of leaving that Place; and accordingly having prepared my self for my Journey, and taking leave of the good Family where I had been [Page 54]so kindly received and entertain'd, I set for­ward for Geneva, and passing by Rouen, a place of great Trade and the Seat of one of the French Parliaments, I arrived in three Days at Paris. In this Town I viewed such things as were accounted remarkable, passing seve­ral Days in this Exercise. The Louvre seemed to me rather like a Garrison than a Court, being very full of Soldiers and Dirt. I saw the King's Stable of Horses, which tho not extraordinarily furnished, gave me more Pleasure than I should have received by seeing their Master, who thinks fit to treat them better than his miserable People. But I loathed to see such numbers of idle Drones, who in ridiculous Habits, wherein they place a great part of their Religion, are to be seen in every part, eating the Bread of the credulous Multitude, and leaving them to be distin­guished from the Inhabitants of other Coun­tries by thin Cheeks, Canvass Clothing and Wooden-Shoes.

Having made what stay I thought necessary in Paris, and taken Bills of Exchange for Geneva, I departed for Lyons in the Company of a German Lord, from whom I received great Civilities during the Journey. Being arrived at Lyons, tho the rest of the Company were examined, and obliged to give in their Names; yet, by I know not what Accident, none of the Officers asked me any Question of that nature, but permitted me to go quietly to [Page 55]the Inn that had been taken up for us, where we were no sooner enter'd, when divers Fry­ars of different Orders crowded in to beg or rather command something; one of these be­having himself in so lewd a manner, to a Youth who came in our Company from Paris, as obliged me to shew my Resentment of his Impudence. The next Day after my arrival at Lyons, I set forward for Geneva, continuing my Journey without interruption, till I came to the Recluse, about six Leagues distant from that City, where the King of France main­tains a Garrison, because it lies upon his Fron­tier. Here I was informed they would examin us strictly, and oblige us to lodge our Arms with them; but they only desired Mony to Drink, which I willingly gave. The same Day I passed the River Rhosne, and understood that I was then within the Territories of Ge­neva, which was no small satisfaction to me, hoping I might enjoy some measure of quiet in that free City, and perhaps the Society of some of my Friends and Countrymen; divers of whom I knew had been necessitated to re­tire into Forreign Parts.

At Geneva I took up my Lodgings in the House of one Monsieur Perrot, who having served in the Army of the Parliament under­stood the English Tongue; and having heard that Mr. William Cawley an able and antient Member of Parliament had passed through part of France, I hoped to find him in this place; [Page 56]but upon inquiry, I was informed, That there were no English Men in the Town, except one Mr. Felton and his Servant. In the House where I lodged, the Mistress being an English Woman, I found good Beer, which was a great refreshment to me, after the fatigue of my Journey, and constant use of Wines, by which my Body had been much distempered with Rheums. The next Day after my arri­val, I received a Bill of Exchange, inclosed in a Letter from Monsieur Marga, a Banker of Paris, for six hundred Crowns, payable by a Merchant of Geneva; but having a considera­ble Sum remaining, of the Stock I brought with me from London, and received no Advice of that Supply, I writ to Monsieur Marga, to keep the Mony in his Hands till I should re­ceive Letters from my Friends.

I had not been here many Days, before I was informed, That various Reports had been raised, in England, concerning me; some say­ing that I had been taken as I was endeavour­ing to make my Escape in a Disguise; others, That upon notice given that I was concealed at the House of a Country-man, some Per­sons coming to seize me, and offering Mony to that purpose, the Man of the House refu­sing the offer, had caused me to be conveyed from thence by a private way. These things being believed by many, served to amuse my Enemies, who suspected me to be still in Eng­land, and doubting the Fidelity of the Army, [Page 57]doubled their Diligence to find me out. But my Friends and Relations being advised of my retirement, were not at all disturbed at their Proceedings.

The Convention before their Adjournment, had referred to the King the things in Dispute between the Episcopal and Presbyterian Par­ties, who in prosecution of their Desires, re­quired them to consider, how far each Party could condescend for mutual Accommodation. The Presbyterians finding the Tyde to be against them, agreed with the Bishops in ma­ny particulars, desiring only to be dispensed with in wearing the Surplice, reading some parts of the Liturgy and using some Ceremo­nies; on which Conditions they promised to subject themselves to the Bishops, as Super­intendents of the Church, if some Ministers might be joyned with them in the Act of Or­dination. These Propositions and Conde­scentions being communicated to the Bishops, and those of the Bishops to the Presbyterians, it was soon perceived, by discerning Men, that these two Competitors for Ecclesiastical Power and Riches, would not be easily brought to agree. However, the King thinking fit to temporise, as long as the Army was on foot, appointed a Conference between the disagreeing Parties, at which he was present in Person; where tho the Bishops appeared as inflexible as before, yet the King, for the Reason abovementioned, thought convenient [Page 58]to Publish a Declaration, forbidding the Li­turgy, Surplice and some Ceremonies, to be imposed upon those who should be unwilling to use them. Which shew of Moderation took so much with the Presbyterians, who were ready to stretch their Consciences to the utmost, that they presented their humble Thanks to him for this Favour. The like method was observed to lay those asleep who had purchased the Church-lands, and who promised themselves full satisfaction, accor­ding to the Message from Breda; Commissio­ners being appointed to that end. But after they had Sate once or twice, and heard bit­ter Invectives against the late Sales, as Sacri­legious, the Purchasers finding them for the most part to be of the same Opinion, were quite discouraged from any farther prosecution of that Matter.

In the mean time the Business of the Coun­try Gentlemen who were Members of this Convention, was, during their Adjournment, to be assisting in the raising those great Sums of Mony they had laid upon the People; for the Payment of which, the intended disband­ing of the Army afforded a most plausible Pretence, that the Laws, as they said, might run in their proper Channel, without impe­diment or controll: But indeed that the Men in Power might deliver themselves from the fear of those who had reduced the Govern­ment within its proper Channel, and that the [Page 59]Word of their King, with the assistance of an inconsiderate Party, might pass for a Law without controll.

The first Letters I received from England, after my arrival at Geneva, informed me that Major General Harrison, Mr. John Carew, Chief Justice Coke, Mr. Hugh Peters, Mr. Tho­mas Scot, Mr. Gregory Clement, Colonel Adrian Scroop, Colonel John Jones, Colonel Francis Hacker and Colonel Daniel Axtel being accused of having contributed in their several Stations, to the Death of the King, had been Con­demned and Executed. This important Bu­siness had been delayed during the time that Mr. Love was to continue Sheriff of London, he being no way to be induced, either for Fear or Hopes, to permit Juries to be pack'd, in order to second the Designs of the Court. But after new Sheriffs had been Chosen, more proper to serve the present Occasion, a Com­mission for hearing and determining this Mat­ter, was directed to Thirty four Persons, of whom Fifteen had actually engaged for the Parliament, against the late King; either as Members of Parliament, Judges or Officers in their Army; most, if not all of them, the Lord Mayor excepted, having been put into Places of Trust and Profit since the late Re­volution.

Colonel George Monk being Commissionated to be of this number, was not ashamed to sit among them, any more than Mr. Denzil Hol­lis [Page 60]and the Earl of Manchester, who having been two of the six Members designed by the late King for Destruction, before the begin­ning of the War, and therefore personally concerned in the Quarrel, had contributed the utmost of their endeavours to engage divers of the Gentlemen (upon whom they were now to sit as Judges) on that side, were not contented to abandon them in this change, but assisted in Condemning them to Dye for their Fidelity to that Cause, which themselves had betrayed. Mr. Arthur Annesley who had been also a Member of the Parliament, whilst they made War against the King, was also one of this number. Finch who had been accused of High Treason twenty Years before, by a full Parliament, and who by flying from their Justice, had saved his Life, was ap­pointed to judge some of those who should have been his Judges; and Sir Orlando Bridg­man, who upon his submission to Cromwel had been permitted to practise the Law in a pri­vate manner, and under that colour had served both as Spy and Agent for his Master, was entrusted with the principal management of this tragical Scene; and in his Charge to the Grand Jury, had the Assurance to tell them, That no Authority, no single Person, or com­munity of Men; not the People Collectively or Representatively, had any coercive Power over the King of England. For Proof of which Asser­tion he cited Spencers Case in the time of [Page 61] Edward the II. And After-Ages may with as much Reason Cite the Proceedings of this Court for Precedents of the same kind.

All Things being prepared, and the Court assembled at the Session-house in the Old Bailey, Sir Hardress Waller, Major General Harrison and Mr. Heveningham were order'd to be set to the Bar, where the Inditement being read, containing many strange Expressions, it was contrived that Sir Hardress Waller (who was known to be a Man that would say any thing to save his Life, and was prepared to that pur­pose) should be first demanded whether he were Guilty or not Guilty. Which being done, he after a little shifting, according to the expectation of the Bench, pleaded Guilty, taking the Blood which had been shed during his Employments in the Army upon his own Head. But when Major General Harrison was required to Answer, he not only pleaded not Guilty, but justified the Sentence passed upon the King, and the Authority of those who had Commissionated him to act as one of his Judges. He plainly told them, when Witnesses were produced against him, that he came not thither with an intention to deny any thing he had done, but rather to bring it to Light, owning his Name subscribed to the Warrant for Executing the King, to be written by himself; charging divers of those who sate on the Bench, as his Judges, to have been formerly as active for the Cause, in [Page 62]which he had engaged, as himself or any other Person; affirming that he had not acted by any other Motive than the Principles of Conscience and Justice; for proof of which he said it was well known, he had chosen to be separated from his Family, and to suffer a long Imprisonment, rather than to comply with those who had abused the Power they had assumed to the oppression of the People. He insisted that having done nothing, in re­lation to the Matter in question, otherwise than by the Authority of the Parliament, he was not justly accountable, either to this or any other inferior Court; which being a Point of Law, he desired to have Council assigned upon that Head; but the Court over­ruled; and by interrupting him frequently, and not permitting him to go on in his de­fence, they clearly manifested a Resolution of gratifying the Resentments of the Court upon any Terms. So that a hasty Verdict was brought in against him, and the Question be­ing asked, if he had any thing to say, why Judgment should not pass, he only said, That since the Court had refused to hear what was fit for him to Speak in his Defence, he had no more to say; upon which Bridgman pro­nounced the Sentence. And that the Inhu­manity of these Men may the better appear, I must not omit, that the Executioner in an ugly Dress, with a Halter in his Hand, was placed near the Major General, and continued [Page 63]there during the whole time of his Tryal; which Action I doubt whether it was ever equall'd by the most barbarous Nations. But having learn'd to contemn such Baseness, af­ter the Sentence had been pronounc'd against him, he said aloud as he was withdrawing from the Court, That he had no Reason to be ashamed of the Cause in which he had been engaged. This Sentence was so barba­rously executed, that he was cut down a­live, and saw his Bowels thrown into the Fire.

Mr. John Carew was a Gentleman of an ancient Family in the County of Cornwall, educated in one of the Universities, and at the Inns of Court. He had a plentiful Estate, and being chosen to serve in the Great Parlia­ment, he was elected into the Council of State, and employ'd in many important Affairs; in which he shewed great Ability. He found the same usage from the Court as Major Ge­neral Harrison had done, being frequently in­terrupted, and Council denied, tho' earnestly desired by him in that Point of Law touch­ing the Authority by which he had acted: When he saw that all he could say was to no purpose, he frankly acknowledged that he sate in the High Court of Justice, and had signed two Warrants, one for summoning the Court in order to the King's Tryal, and another for his Execution. Upon this the Court, who were well acquainted with the [Page 64]Disposition of the Jury, permitting him to speak, he said, That in the Year 1640. a Par­liament was called according to the Laws and Constitution of this Nation: That some Differences arising between the King and that Parliament, the King withdrew his Per­son from them; upon which the Lords and Commons declared—Here the Court being Conscious that their Cobweb-coverings were not sufficient to keep out the Light of those Truths he was going to produce, con­trary to the Liberty they had promised, in­terrupted him, under colour that what he was about to say, tended not only to justifie the Action for which he was accused, but to cast a Ball of Division among those who were present. But Mr. Carew going on to say, The Lords and Commons by their De­claration—Judge Foster interrupted him again, and told him he endeavour'd to revive those Differences which he hoped were laid asleep, and that he did so to blow the Trumpet of Sedition; demanding if he had ever heard, or could produce an Act of Par­liament made by the Commons alone. To this he would have answered, but was not permitted to finish what he began to say, or hardly any one thing he endeavour'd to speak in his Defence during the whole Tryal; Mr. Arthur Annesley particularly charging him with the Exclusion of the Members in the Year 1648. of which number he had been [Page 65]one; to which he only replied, That it seem­ed strange to find a Man who sate as a Judge on the Bench to give Evidence as a Witness in the Court. These irregular Proceedings unbecoming a Court of Judicature, obliged Mr. Carew to address himself to the Jury, leaving them to judge of the Legality of his Tryal; and appealing to their Consciences, whether he had been permitted to make his Defence. But they who were not to be di­verted from the Resolutions they had taken, without any regard to the manner of his Tryal, declared him Guilty as he was ac­cused.

Colonel Adrian Scroop was accused for sit­ting as one of the Judges in the High Court of Justice, when the King was brought to answer as a Prisoner at the Bar, for signing one Warrant for summoning that Court to­gether, and another for the Execution of the King. He denied nothing of this, but plead­ed the Authority of the Parliament in his Justification; denying that he had been acted by any Motive of Malice as the Inditement had untruly suggested; and asserting, that in what he had done relating to the King, he had follow'd the Light of his Reason and the Dictates of his Conscience. At this Tryal the principal Witness was that Brown, who having been Major General in the Service of the Parliament, and mention'd already in this Work to be of a mercenary Spirit, was now [Page 66]brought to betray a private Conversation; and to depose, that talking one day with Co­lonel Adrian Scroop in the Speaker's Chamber, and telling him that the Condition of the Nation was sad since the Murther of the King, the Colonel had answer'd, That Men had different Opinions touching that Matter; and being desired by the said Brown to explain himself, he told him, he should not make him his Confessor. Tho' this Evidence be in appearance very insignificant; yet having influenced the House of Commons, as I men­tion'd before, 'tis not to be admir'd if it took effect with a Jury in an inferiour Court, who taking every thing said against the Person accused for substantial Proof, made no scruple of bringing him in Guilty of Treason.

Mr. Thomas Scot was on the same day brought to a Tryal, or rather to receive the Sentence of Condemnation: He was charged with sitting in the High Court of Justice at the King's Tryal, with signing the two Warrants above­mention'd; and desiring that the following Inscription might be engraved upon his Monu­mument, Here lies Thomas Scot, who adjudg'd the late King to die. Divers Witnesses were produced to prove these things; and among them Mr. William Lenthal Speaker to the Par­liament, who, tho' when the King enter'd the House of Commons, and had demanded of him the five Members, he knew how to answer, That he had neither Ears to hear, Eyes to see, or [Page 67]Mouth to speak except what the House gave, could now appear as Evidence against Mr. Scot for Words spoken in Parliament, which he was conscious to himself was a high breach of Pri­vilege; acquainting the Court, that the Person accused, had justified in the House the Proceed­ings against the King. Mr. Scot said in his De­fence, that whatever had been spoken in the House ought not to be given in Evidence a­gainst him, not falling under the Cognizance of any Inferior Court, as all Men knew: That for what he had done in relation to the King, he had the Authority of the Parlia­ment for his justification: That the Court had no right to declare whether that Autho­rity were a Parliament or not; and being demanded to produce one Instance to shew that the House of Commons was ever pos­sess'd of such an Authority, he assured them he could produce many. But having begun with the Saxon Times, he was interrupted by the Court, and told that the things of those Ages were obscure. Finding he might not be permitted to proceed in that way, he took the liberty to tell them, That he could not see for what Reason it was not as law­ful for that House of Commons in which he had sate as a Member, to make Laws, as for the present Convention which had been cal­led by the Authority of the Keepers of the Li­berties of England. I had the Authority of Parliament, the Legislative Authority to ju­stifie [Page 68]me—Here the Court interrupted him; but having no Reasons to give, Finch said in a Passion, Sir, if you speak to this purpose again, I profess for my own part I dare not hear any more: 'Tis a Doctrin so Poisonous and Blasphemous, that if you pro­ceed upon this Point, I shall (and I hope my Lords will be of the same Opinion) desire that the Jury may be immediately directed. Mr. Scot replied, My Lord, I thought you would rather have been my Council, as I think 'tis the Duty of your Place. But in this matter I am not alone, neither is it my sin­gle Opinion: Even the secluded Members owned us to be a Parliament, else why did they, supported by an armed Force, intrude themselves contrary to the Resolutions of the House, in order to procure the Major Vote for our Dissolution? To which Mr. Annesley answered, That if the secluded Members had not appeared in Parliament, and by that means put an end to all Pretences, the Peo­ple had not so soon arrived at their Happiness. These, with many other things of equal force being said by Mr. Scot in his Defence, rather to justifie himself to his Country, than from any Hopes of Consideration from those with whom he had to do; the Jury as directed, found him Guilty also.

Colonel John Jones and Mr. Gregory Cle­ment finding all that had been said in Vindi­cation of the things objected against the Gen­tlemen [Page 69]who had been already tried, to prove ineffectual, informed the Court that they could say no more than had been already al­ledged; and therefore confessed the Fact, up­on which they were declared Guilty, as the Persons before mention'd had been.

On the Thirteenth of November, 1660. the Sentence which had been pronounced in con­sequence of the Verdict, was executed upon Major General Harrison at the place where Charing Cross formerly stood, that the King might have the pleasure of the Spectacle, and inure himself to Blood. On the Fifteenth, Mr. John Carew suffer'd there also, even their Enemies confessing that more steddiness of Mind, more contempt of Death, and more Magnanimity could not be expressed. To all who were present with them, either in Prison or at the Place where the Sentence was execut­ed, they owned that having engaged in the Cause of God and their Country, they were not at all ashamed to suffer in the manner their Enemies thought fit, openly avowing the inward Satisfaction of their Minds when they reflected upon the Actions for which they had been condemned, not doubting the re­vival of the same Cause; and that a time should come when Men would have better Thoughts of their Persons and Proceedings.

Mr. John Coke, late Chief Justice of Ireland, had in his younger Years seen the best part of Europe; and at Rome had spoken with such [Page 70]Liberty and Ability against the Corruptions of that Court and Church, that great Endea­vours were used there to bring him into that Interest: But he being resolved not to yield to their Sollicitations, thought it no longer safe to continue among them, and therefore departed to Geneva where he resided some Months in the House of Signior Gio. Diodati, Minister of the Italian Church in that City; after which he returned to England and ap­plied himself to the Study of the Laws; and in that Profession became so considerable, that he was appointed by the High Court of Ju­stice to be their Sollicitor at the King's Tryal. I have already said, that he was seized and imprisoned by Sir Charles Coote, who joining with Monk in his Treachery to the Common­wealth, sent him over to England, that he might sacrifice him to his new Master, in Sa­tisfaction for the Blood of his Party which he himself had formerly shed. Being brought to his Tryal, he was accused of preserring, in the Name of all the good People of England, an Impeachment of High Treason to the High Court of Justice against the late King; That he had signed the said Impeachment with his own Hand; That upon the King's demurrer to the Jurisdiction of the Court, he had pressed that the Charge might be ta­ken for confessed; and therefore had demand­ed Judgment from the Court against the King: But this Inditement being more par­ticularly [Page 71]charged upon him in the three fol­lowing Articles,

• First, That he, with others, had propound­ed, counselled, contrived, and imagin'd the Death of the late King.
• Secondly, That to bring about this Con­spiracy, he, with others, had assumed Authority and Power to accuse, kill and murder the King.
• Thirdly, That a Person unknown did cut off the King's Head; and that the Pri­soner was abetting, aiding, assisting, countenancing and procuring the said Person so to do.

He answer'd, First, That he could not be justly said to have contriv'd or councelled the Death of the King, because the Proclamation for the King's Tryal, even by the Confession of his Accuser, was publish'd on the Ninth of January, which was the day before he was appointed Sollicitor to the High Court of Ju­stice. In the Second place, tho' the Court should not admit that to be an Act of Parlia­ment, which authorized him to do what he did; yet he assured himself they would allow it to be an Order, which was enough to justifie him. Thirdly, That he, who had neither been Accuser, Witness, Jury, Judge, or Executioner, could not be Guilty of Trea­son in this Case. He urged, that having act­ed [Page 72]only as Council, he was not answerable for the Justice or Injustice of the Cause he had manag'd; That being placed in that Sta­tion by a publick Command, it could not be said he had acted Maliciously or with a wicked Intention, as the Inditement men­tion'd; That Words spoken do not amount to Treason, much less when set down in writing by the direction of others; especially since no clear Proof had been produced, that his Name subscribed to the Charge against the King was written by himself. He said, that to pray and demand Justice, 'tho Inju­stice be done upon it, could not be Treason within the Statute; that when he demanded Justice, it might be meant of Acquittal as well as of Condemnation; and that if it should be accounted Treason in a Councellor to plead against the King, it must also be Fe­lony to plead against any Man who may be unjustly condemn'd for Felony; That the High Court of Justice, tho' now called Ty­rannical and Unlawful, was yet a Court, had Officers attending them, and many think had Authority, there being then no other in this Nation than that which gave them their Power; and if this will not justifie a Man for acting within his own Sphere, it will not be lawful for any one to exercise his Pro­fession unless he may be sure of the Legality of the Establishment under which he acts. These and divers other things of no less [Page 73]weight he said in his Defence; but the Cabal thinking themselves concern'd to prevent the like in time to come, and to terrify those who were not only able but willing also to be em­ploy'd in such Service, procured from the Jury a Verdict of Condemnation against him according to their desire.

The Charge against Mr. Hugh Peters was, for compassing and imagining the Death of the King, by conspiring with Oliver Cromwel at several Times and Places, and procuring the Souldiers to demand Justice; by Preach­ing divers Sermons to persuade the Souldiery to take off the King, comparing him to Barabbas, and applying part of a Psalm where 'tis said, They shall bind their Kings in Chains, &c. to the Proceedings against him; assuring them, that if they would look into their Bi­bles they should find there, That whoever sheddeth Man's Blood, by Man shall his Blood be shed; and that neither the King nor any o­ther Person are excepted from this General Rule. He was also accused of saying, That the Levits, Lords and Lawyers must be taken away in order to establish a Common-wealth; That the King was a Tyrant, and that the Office it self was Chargeable, Useless, and Dangerous. These, with other things of like Nature being sworn against him, Mr. Peters said in his Defence, That the War be­gan before he came into England; That since his Arrival, he had endeavour'd to promote [Page 74]sound Religion, the Reformation of Learning and the Law, and Employment of the Poor; That for the better effecting these Things he had espoused the Interests of the Parliament, in which he had acted without Malice, Ava­rice or Ambition; and that whatever Preju­dices or Passions might possess the Minds of Men, yet there was a God who knew these things to be true. It was not expected that any thing he could say should save him from the Revenge of the Court, and therefore he was without Hesitation brought in Guilty. This Person had been a Minister in England for many Years, 'till he was forc'd to leave his Native Country by the Persecution set on foot in the time of Arch-bishop Laud against all those who refused to comply with the In­novations and Superstitions which were then introduced into the Publick Worship. He went first into Holland, and from thence to New England; where after some stay, being informed that the Parliament had relieved the People in some measure from the Abuses in Church and State, and design'd to perfect that Work, he return'd to England; and in all Places, and on all Occasions encouraged the People to appear vigorously for them. Ha­ving passed some time in England, he was made Chaplain to a Brigade that was sent against the Irish Rebels, and observing the Condition of the plundered Protestants in that Country to deserve Compassion, he went in­to [Page 75] Holland, and improved the Interest he had there with so good success, that he procured about Thirty Thousand Pounds to be sent from thence into Ireland for their Relief. He was a diligent and earnest Sollicitor for the distressed Protestants of the Vallies of Pied­mont, who had been most inhumanly Perse­cuted and reduced to the utmost Extremities by the Tyranny of the Duke of Savoy; and in Gratitude to the Hollanders for the San­ctuary he had found among them in the time of his Distress, he was not a little serviceable to them in Composing their Differences with England in the time of Cromwel.

An Order being made, that the Chief Ju­stice Coke and Mr. Peters should die on the same day, they were carried on two Sledds to the Place appointed for the Execution of the Sentence that had been pronounced against them, the Head of Major General Harrison being placed on that which carried the Chief Justice, with the Face uncovered, and di­rected towards him; which was so far from producing the designed Effect, that he not only seemed to be animated with Courage from the Reflection he might make upon that Object; but the People every where expres­sed their Detestation of such Usage. At the Place of Execution, among other things, he declared that he had used the utmost of his Endeavours that the Practice of the Law might be regulated, and that the publick Justice [Page 76]might be adminstred with as much Expedi­tion and as little Expence as possible; and that he had suffer'd a more than ordinary Per­secution from those of his own Profession on that account. He said he understood not the meaning of the Court, when they affirmed, That if the Lords and Commons had brought the King to the Bar, it had been Treason in them; and as to the part he had in the Action with which he was charged, he was so far from repenting what he had done, that he was most ready to seal it with his Blood: Here the Sheriff rudely interrupting him, he replied, That it had not been the Custom in the most barbarous Nations, much less in England, to insult over a dying Man; adding, that he thought he was the first who had ever suffered Death for demanding Ju­stice.

When this Victim was cut down and brought to be Quartered, one Colonel Turner called to the Sheriff's Men to bring Mr. Pe­ters to see what was doing; which being done, the Executioner came to him, and rub­bing his bloody Hands together, asked him how he liked that Work? He told him he was not at all terrified, and that he might do his worst. And when he was upon the Ladder, he said to the Sheriff, Sir, You have butcher'd one of the Servants of God before my Eyes, and have forc'd me to see it in order to terrifie and discourage me; but God [Page 77]has permitted it for my Support and Encou­ragement.

On the Sixteenth of October, Mr. Thomas Scot and Mr. Gregory Clement were drawn in one Sledd, and Colonel Adrian Scroop with Colonel John Jones in another, to Charing Cross, in order to suffer Death as the rest had done. Mr. Scot was a Gentleman who ha­ving been educated in the University of Cam­bridge, had lived privately in the Country, till upon a Recruit of Members to serve in the Parliament, he was chosen to be of their Num­ber; and in that Station carried himself with such Constancy and Zeal for the Service of the Common-wealth, that during the Inter­ruption of the Parliament by Cromwel, the Country in which he lived, as a Mark of their Esteem, chose him to serve them as often as there was occasion. When the Par­liament was a second time interrupted by the Army, he held a constant Correspondence with Monk for their Restitution; in which he was very Instrumental, as well by causing the Letters he received from Monk, declaring his Resolution to live and die with the Par­liament, to be printed and publish'd, as by other Services. He had been several times chosen a Member of the Council of State; and the Parliament being again restored, they appointed him to be Secretary to that Board, and deputed him for one of the two Commis­sioners they sent to accompany Monk in his [Page 78]march to London. To this Gentleman Monk solemnly swore at St. Albans, That he would be faithful to the Parliament; in confidence of which, when Mr. Scot had resumed his Place in the House, he undertook so largely for his Integrity. But when his Treachery was too manifest, he endeavour'd to pass be­yond the Seas, and was taken by Pirates; who having plundered him, set him ashore in Hampshire; yet by the Assistance of his Friends, he procured another Vessel to Land him in Flanders, where he was no sooner ar­rived, but he was seized by an Agent for the King. Don Alonzo de Cardenas, then Gover­nour of the Spanish Netherlands, who had been Ambassador for the King of Spain in England, during the Government of the Com­mon-wealth, remembring the particular Ob­ligations he had to Mr. Scot, caused him to be set at Liberty. Being freed from these Dan­gers, and afterwards finding his Name to be inserted among others of the King's Judges who were required to render themselves if they expected any Benefit by the Act of In­demnity; in confidence at least of saving his Life, he surrendred himself to the English Agent within the time limited by the Procla­mation. And tho' he was thus ensnared, yet he was not unwilling to confirm what he had done, with the Testimony of his Blood, which he did with the greatest Demonstra­tions of Cheerfulness and Satisfaction of Mind. [Page 79]He attempted several times to speak to the People at the place of Execution, in justifica­tion of that Cause for which he was to Dye; but those who feared nothing so much as Truth, interrupted him so often, that he found himself obliged to say, That surely it must be a very bad Cause which cannot suffer the Words of a dying Man.

Mr. Gregory Clement being the next that Suf­fer'd, was a Citizen and Merchant of London, who by trading to Spain, had raised a very considerable Estate. He was chosen a Mem­ber of the Parliament about the Year, 1646. and discharged that Trust with great Diligence, always joyning with those who were most affectionate to the Common-wealth, tho he never was possess'd of any place of Profit un­der them. Being appointed one of the Com­missioners for the Trial of the King, he durst not refuse his assistance in that Service. He had no good Elocution, but his Apprehen­sion and Judgment were not to be despised. He declared before his Death, that nothing troubled him so much, as his pleading Guilty at the time of his Trial, to satisfy the impor­tunity of his Relations, by which, he said he had rendered himself unworthy to Dye in so glorious a Cause.

Colonel Adrian Scroop was descended of an antient Family, and possessed of a considerable Estate. His Port and Meen was noble, and the endowments of his Mind every way an­swerable. [Page 80]He appeared early in the Army of the Parliament, being present and engaged at the Battle of Edge-hill, in the Head of a Troop of Horse, which he had raised. He was first advanced to the degree of a Major, and soon after appointed to be Colonel of a Regiment of Horse. He had been, for several Years, Governour of the Castle of Bristol, and when the Parliament thought fit to slight that Gar­rison, they made him one of their Commissio­ners for the Civil Government of Scotland, in conjunction with the Lord Broghil, Monk and others. In all these Employments he manifested such Abilities and Fidelity, that the Parliament appointed him to be one of the Commissioners for the Trial of the late King; in which Place he acted with all the impar­tiality that becomes a Judg in whom so great a Trust is reposed, and who ought to be no respecter of Persons. The hard measure he received from the Convention at Westminster, I have already mentioned; it remains only to give some Account of what he said at the Place where he suffered Death, which was to this purpose, That tho he had been accustom­ed to be seen in better Places, and other kind of Circumstances, yet it being the Will of God he should be brought into this Condi­tion, he submitted cheerfully; that he never had entertained Malice against any Man, and that he now wished no ill either to the Jury who found him Guilty, or to the Judges who [Page 81]pronounced Sentence; or even to the Person by whose means he was brought to that Place, who, he presumed, was so well known, that it was not necessary to name him. He said he should not boast of his Birth, or Education, or the private Conduct of his Life, because he was going to appear before a Tribunal where all Men must come; and where the justice or injustice of every Action would be manifest, desiring the People in the mean time not to think uncharitably of him; for he was firmly perswaded he suffered for the Cause of God and his Country.

Colonel John Jones who next appeared on this Bloody Theater, was a Gentleman of a competent Estate in North-Wales, and so well beloved in his Country that he did con­siderable Service to the publick Cause by his Interest in those parts. He reduced the Isle of Anglesey to the Obedience of the Common­wealth, and was soon after chosen to serve in Parliament for that Place. He had been one of the Council of State, and in the Year, 1650. was constituted one of the Commissioners of Parliament for managing the Civil Affairs of Ireland. This Trust he discharged during the course of divers Years, with great Diligence, Ability and Integrity, in providing for the happiness of that Country, and bringing to Justice those who had been concerned in the Murders of the English Protestants. When the Great Parliament was restored to the ex­ercise [Page 82]of their Authority, after the long inter­ruption, they chose him to be one of those eight Persons, to whom they committed the care of the publick Safety, till they could esta­blish a Council of State. Of this also he was chosen a Member, and soon after sent by the Parliament to his former Trust in Ireland, where he continued till the late Change. Be­ing drawn to Charing Cross on the same Sledd with Colonel Scroop, the Gravity and graceful Meen of these aged Gentlemen, accompanied with visible marks of Fortitude and internal Satisfaction, surprised the Spectators with Admiration and Compassion.

Colonel Daniel Axtel was next brought to Trial. The chief Heads of the Inditement against him were, That he commanded the Guards both at the Trial and Execution of the King; that he ordered the Souldiers, in a tumultuous manner, to demand Justice and afterwards Execution; that he threatned to shoot a Lady, who from a Gallery that was near the Court where the King was Tried, had contradicted the President when he was Speaking concerning the Charge; that he sent for and encouraged the Executioner, and that he had upbraided with Cowardice one of the Persons, to whom the Warrant for seeing Execution done upon the King was directed, for refusing to Sign it. And these, with some other Things of less weight, were called Com­passing and Imagining the Death of the King. [Page 83]Colonel Hercules Huncks, who was one of the Three to whom the said Warrant had been directed; one of the forty Halberdiers at­tending the High Court of Justice, and one who had opposed with more than ordinary vehemence all those who were for the King, was the principal Witness against him. Co­lonel Axtel having first acknowledg'd his Igno­rance in matters of Law, and therefore [...] siring that no undue advantages might [...] taken against him on that account, proceeded to speak to this Effect; That the War was made by the joynt Authority of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, who claimed a Right of employing the military Force of the Nation for the publick Safety, as appears by divers Acts and Declarations published by their Order. This Authority raised an Army, made the Earl of Essex Ge­neral, then the Earl of Manchester of the Forces of the Eastern Association, and after that cre­ated and authorised Sir Thomas Fairfax to be General of all their Forces. Under this Au­thority, said he, I acted, which I conceive to be Legal, because this Parliament was not on­ly called by the King's Writ, and chosen by the People, but also because a Bill had passed, that they should not be Dissolved otherwise than by their own Consent. Having this un­questionable Authority for my Justification, I presume my Case comes not within the reach of the Statute 25th Edward III. which could [Page 84]by no means intend such a Power as was not only owned and obeyed at Home, but ac­knowledged by Princes and States Abroad, to be the chief Authority of the Nation, by sending Agents and Ambassadors to them. The Judges, who ought to be the Eye and Guide of the People acted under them, divers of them publickly declaring that it was Law­ful and Justifiable to obey the Parliament. But if their Acts may not be accounted such, tho' they carried that Title, and were obeyed by the Judges, Ministers, Officers of State and the whole Nation; yet surely they cannot be denied to be Orders of Parliament; which would be sufficient to justify any Man who acted by them. This Parliament so Consti­tuted, so Acknowledged and so Obeyed, ha­ving made choice of a Person to be General of their Forces, I was by that General, in vertue of the Authority he had received from them, constituted an Officer under him: And therefore whatever I have done was as a Sol­dier and according to the Duty of my Office, for if I was in Westminster-Hall at the time of the King's Trial, I was there by a Com­mand of the General: And if it be so great a Crime to have been an Officer in that Army which was raised by the Parliament, the Earls of Essex and Manchester, the Lord Ge­neral Fairfax, Monk and others who have acted by the same Authority, were no less Criminal than my self. He cited the Declarations of [Page 85]the Lords and Commons, published when they engaged the People to take Arms, in which they asserted, That it was repugnant to Reason that the Judgment and Actions of the Parliament might not be a Rule and Guide to the Nation in their Duty; and de­clared that the Persons who should act under their Authority ought not to be questioned for so doing: He therefore presumed that an in­ferior Court would not expound the Law con­trary to the Judgment of the High Court of Parliament; adding, That if the House of Commons who are the Representatives of the whole Nation, may be Guilty of Trea­son, it will follow that all the People of Eng­land, who chose them, are guilty also, and then where will a Jury be found to try this Cause? My Commission is dated the 27th of March, 1648. ten Months before the King's Death. The Commission by which General Fairfax was authorised to give mine to me, he received from the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament. I did nothing but my Duty in going to my Regiment: For if the General says, go to such a Place and stay there, if I refuse, by the Law of Arms I am to Dye. But if I obey, it seems I am in dan­ger also. The Question therefore in Law, I humbly conceive, will be this, and I desire it may be truly and fairly stated, Whether a Man who is guided by the Judgment of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, acting [Page 86]only according to that Judgment of Parliament, and under their Authority can be questioned for Treason? To this the Council answering, That he was not accused of levying War, but of assisting at the Tryal and Execution of the King, and encouraging the Souldiers to clamour for Justice and Execution; the Co­lonel replied, That he was no more Guil­ty than the General, that his Presence in Westminster-Hall was not Voluntary, and that he was there by Command. This he pressed so home upon the Court, appeal­ing to themselves for their Judgment in the Case, that they were necessitated to fly to their old Refuge of questioning the Autho­rity by which he had acted. To the rest of the Evidence he said, That if any Lady had talked aloud during the time of the the King's Tryal, to the Interruption and Disturbance of the Court, he supposed it was no Treason to bid her hold her Tongue; That if he smiled, as Colonel Temple de­pos'd, it could not amount to so great a Crime; That if some Souldiers did cry out Justice, it was not by his Instigation; yet he hoped that to desire Justice, which is one of the principal Attributes of God, is no Treason. Having said these with many other things in his Defence, he address'd him­self to the Jury, and acquainted them that he left his Case and his Life in their Hands.

In answer to these Arguments, Bridgman, who was President of this Assembly, content­ed himself with repeating that strange and unhear'd of Doctrin, That no Person whatso­ever, nor Community, not the People either col­lectively or representatively, have any coercive Power over the King. For this he quoted some Precedents as little to the purpose as the Assertion it self, and then concluded the Case to be so clear, that the Jury needed not to stir from the Bar. It soon appear'd that he knew the Men, for they fully answered his Expectations; and as they were directed, without any difficulty, declared Colonel Ax­tel to be Guilty of the Treason with which he had been charged.

Colonel Francis Hacker being appointed to appear also in this Tragical Scene, he was brought to the Bar; where an Inditement for compassing and imagining the Death of the King was read against him, and to prove the Accusation Witnesses were produced, who depos'd, that he was one of the Persons that were upon the Guard and kept the King Pri­soner; That the Warrant for seeing the Sen­tence that had been pronounced by the High Court of Justice against the King put in Exe­cution, was directed to him with others; That in Prosecution of that Commission, he had sign'd a Warrant for Executing the King; And that he took the King, by vertue of the War­rant he had received, out of the Custody of [Page 88]Colonel Thomlinson, and conducted him to the Scaffold on which he had been put to Death. Colonel Hacker excepted not against any of the Jury, finding all of them to be of the same Stamp; and said little more in his Defence than that he had acted by the command of his Superiours, and that he had always endeavoured to serve his Country in all his publick Actions; so that his Tryal was quickly dispatch'd, and he declared Guilty of High Treason. He was a Gentleman of a considerable Estate, derived to him from his Ancestors, who lived in the County of Leicester: He had passed through several Degrees of Command in the Service of the Parliament, and particularly distinguish'd himself at the Battle of Worcester, in the Head of a Regi­ment of Horse which he had raised on that occasion for the Defence of his Country: He refused his Assistance to support the Usurpa­tion of Mr. Richard Cromwell, tho' he had forced a Knight-hood, as 'tis call'd, upon him, and presented him with two Swords, refu­sing to obey his Orders, and joining with the Common-wealth Party in his Deposition: He had continued in the Command of his Re­giment till he was taken in Custody, having had Assurances from Monk, that he should be fully indemnified. So that when he came to London, he made a Visit to Monk, and was received with all the Appearances of Friend­ship and Affection. But the next day after [Page 89]he had been thus caressed, he was seized, ex­amined and sent to the Tower.

Colonel Daniel Axtel had been Captain, Major and Lieutenant Colonel in a Regiment of Foot; in the last of which Employments he had assisted at the Tryal and Execution of the late King. When Lieutenant General Cromwell was sent by the Parliament into Ire­land with an Army against the Rebels, and the Regiment in which Colonel Axtel served was drawn out by Lot for that Expedition, he cheerfully undertook the Employment; and for his Fidelity, Courage and Conduct, was soon preferred to the Head of a Regi­ment; and not long after was made Gover­nour of Kilkenny and the adjacent Precinct, which important Trust he discharged with Diligence and Success. In this Station he shewed a more than ordinary Zeal in punish­ing those Irish who had been guilty of mur­dering the Protestants; and on this account, as well as for what he had done in relation to the late King, the Court had procured him to be excepted out of the Act of Indem­nity.

Captain William Hewlet was also accused and tried for cutting off the King's Head, or at least for being one of the Persons that stood Mask'd upon the Scaffold during his Execu­tion; and tho' divers creditable Witnesses de­pos'd, that Gregory Bandon, who was common Hangman, had confessed and owned to have [Page 90]executed the King; yet the Jury found him Guilty of the Indictment. But the Court be­ing sensible of the injury done to him, pro­cured his Reprieve.

Those whom I mention'd before to have been excepted both for Life and Estate, with a reserve, that if upon Tryal they should be found Guilty, Sentence of Death should not be executed against any of them except by Act of Parliament, were brought to be tried before this Court; where some of them plead­ed Guilty simply; but others, tho' they ac­knowledged the Guilt, denied the Malice; and some confessing the Fact, denied the Guilt. Of this last Number was Colonel Henry Mar­tin, of whose Tryal I shall only mention some few of the most remarkable Passages, and so leave this melancholy Subject: For if I should give an account, tho' with all pos­sible brevity, of what passed in the Court during their Session, together with what might be necessary to say concerning the Per­sons accused, I should be carried too far from my Purpose. Colonel Henry Martin was charged with Signing and Sealing the Precept for summoning the High Court of Justice; with Signing the Warrant for Executing the King; with sitting in Court almost every day of his Tryal, and particularly that on which he received the Sentence of Death. To these things he answered, That he declined not to acknowledge the Matter of Fact that [Page 91]was alledged against him, the Malice im­puted to him by the Indictment set aside. Upon which, being told by one of the Coun­cil, That he seem'd to be of Opinion, that a Man might sit and adjudge a King to Death, and sign a Warrant for his Execution, meekly, innocently, charitably and honestly. He answer'd, that tho' he should not com­pare his Knowledge in the Law with that of such a learned Gentleman; yet according to that little Understanding he had been capa­ble of acquiring, he presumed, That no Fact could be named, which in it self is a Crime, but only as it is circumstantiated; and to make good that Assertion, gave several Instances. But the Council to prove that he had acted Ma­liciously, produced a Person who depos'd, that he signed the Warrant merrily and in a jesting way, as he was rallying with Lieute­nant General Cromwell. To which he repli­ed, That such a way of doing a thing does by no means imply Malice. The Council finding their Insinuations and Aggravations of the Charge against him so easily blown a­way by these and other Answers, made up with Passion what they wanted in the weight of Reason; the Sollicitor General exclaiming, That all good People abhorr'd the Action; and that he was sorry to see so little Repentance. To this the Colonel only said, He hoped that what was urged by the Council, would not make that Impression upon the Court and Jury as [Page 92]seem'd to be design'd; and that if it were possible for that Blood to be in the Veins a­gain, and every drop of that which was shed in the late Wars, he could wish it with all his Heart: But he presumed it might be lawful to say in his own Defence, That what he did, he thought at that time he might do. There was, said he, a House of Commons as I understood it to be, tho' perhaps Your Lordships think them not to have been a House of Commons: However, they were then the supreme Authority in England, and acknowledged and reputed so to be both at Home and Abroad; I suppose he who gives Obedience to the Authority de facto in being, sufficiently shews himself to be of a peaceable Temper, and far from a Traytor: There was a Statute made in the time of Henry the VII. to indemnify all those who should take Arms for a King de facto, tho' he were not so de jure. And if a supreme Officer de facto can justifie a War, I presume the supreme Au­thority in England, tho' de facto only, may justifie a Court of Judicature. If it should be said, That the Authority by which we acted was only one Estate of three, and but part of that; I answer, It was all that was then Existing. And I have heard Lawyers say, That if there be Commons appurtenant to a Tenement, and that the Tenement be all burnt down except one small Stick, the Commons still belong to that small Piece as [Page 93]much as when the Tenement was all standing. I shall also humbly offer it to Consideration, whether the late King for some time before his Trial, could truly and properly be called a King, who was not in the Execution of his Office, but made a Prisoner, and no way con­cern'd in the Administration of Publick Affairs. But notwithstanding these and divers other things which he said in his Defence with as much Presence of Mind as Solidity of Argu­ment, he was brought in Guilty of the Treason for which he had been accused; in pursuance of which Verdict, the Sentence of Condemna­tion was passed against him, the Convention making no Provision for securing the Lives either of him or the rest of the Gentlemen that had been decoy'd into a Surrender of their Persons, tho' they had implicitely pro­mised them Favour.

The Army that had so long stood in the way of the Court, was now wholly disband­ed, except only Monk's Regiment of Foot; and that was balanced by a Regiment of Horse raised under colour of being a Guard to the King. This, together with the Pay­ment of their Arrears, and a Liberty of trad­ing in Corporations was the Reward they received for their Services, notwithstanding all the fair Promises both of Monk and the King. And thus these Men who had accu­mulated Treachery upon Treachery, were dismiss'd with Infamy; for the very acknow­ledgment that was made by the King, That [Page 94]they had been the chief Instruments of his Return, reproach'd them with Infidelity to the Parliament, and their own desires to be absolved from the Guilt of their former Acti­ons, was a Confession that they had been Re­bels to the King. However, the Dissipation of these Men was not caused by the King's Aversion to a standing Army; for the whole Course of his Life demonstrates the contrary; but being persuaded that they who had al­ready made so many Changes in England, were able to bring about another, and to turn him out again with as little Consideration as they had brought him in, he thought it most safe and necessary to free himself at once from such dangerous Companions.

This Work being accomplish'd, the Court began to take off the Mask: For tho' the King had publish'd a Declaration for Accom­modation in Matters of Publick Worship and Ceremonies, and tho' the Episcopal Party in the Convention had patiently permitted a Committee to be appointed to consider of that Matter; yet being delivered from the terror of the Army, they opposed the Report of the Committee with such violence, that it was not thought fit to press it any more: By which means all the hopes of the Presbyterians va­nished, and this Mountain brought forth a Mouse. The natural Tendency of these things was so visible, that Mr. Pryn, who had ma­nifested a more than ordinary Zeal for dis­banding [Page 95]the Army, finding his Expectations defeated, and the Presbyterian Party so mi­serably deluded, after he had made Report of the number of Regiments that had been dis­banded, desired the House, that they would be mindful not to do those things that might bring them together again. Upon which the adverse Party fell upon him with that fury, that if the House had not risen immediately in great disorder, he had been obliged to explain himself at the Bar.

But for all this, the Convention, tho' called in the Name of the Keepers of the Liberties of England, as if they had designed to put the Peo­ple beyond the Hopes of any Remedy, made a Present to the King of the Customs and Excise during his Life, besides other great Sums charged upon the Nation to supply his pre­sent Occasions: And tho' before the Passing of the Bill of Indemnity they had seemed sen­sible, that they were in honour concern'd to make Provision for the Security of the Lives of those, who having sate as Judges of the late King, had rendred themselves into their Hands upon the Proclamation which had been publish'd by their Advice; yet they not only abandon'd those poor deluded Gentlemen who lay under the Sentence of Condemnation, and waited for the Favour they had implicitly promised; but also passed a Bill of Attainder against those of the King's Judges and other Persons, who having been excepted out of [Page 96]the Act, had escaped their Hands, adding to other unusual Clauses, That all Trusts for their Ʋse should be forfeited. But the Duke of York, upon whom these confiscated Estates were be­stowed, must be supplied by any means.

Henrietta Maria of France, Widow to the late King Charles, who had been a principal Instrument to advise and encourage him in his illegal Actions, passed over into England about this time; and being arrived at Lon­don, the House of Commons, in which were many Persons, who had been Members of that Parliament which had threatned to accuse her of High Treason, not only congratulated her Return, but presented her Daughter that had accompanied her in her Journey, with the Sum of Ten Thousand Pounds. But not­withstanding all the flattering Subserviency they could shew, and all that they could do to procure themselves to be thought fit for the Service of the Court; yet being not thoroughly principled to do the Work of the Church, they were acquainted that they should be dis­solved on the 24th of December next ensuing; against which time it was desired, that all Bills under Consideration might be made rea­dy. And least the People should, upon the Dissolution of this Assembly, form a Body of Men, and assert their Liberties, it was pretended that a Great Plot to seize the King and the Tower, to kill the Queen with all those that should be found of the French Nation, [Page 97]and to restore the Parliament, was carrying on throughout England. Under this colour Major General Overton, Colonel Desborough, Colonel Salmon, Lieutenant Colonel Farley, Major Whitby, and divers other Persons were seized in Lonaon; and Colonel Duckenfield, Ma­jor Anthony Morgan, and several others were imprisoned in the Country.

During the Noise of this Conspiracy, the Queen accompanied by Her Daughter and Jermyn return'd to France, which induced ma­ny to believe that she was terrified by the Designs against her Person. But she, who knew the Plot to be no more than a Fiction, had other real Grounds for her departure. For having endeavoured to persuade her Son to remove the Chancellor Hyde from his Coun­cils, and finding she effected nothing by her continual Sollicitations, she soon grew weary of England; where, tho' by the Importunity of the King, she had at last admitted the new Dutchess of York to come into her Presence; yet by applying her Self to other Company, not desiring her to sit, and taking the first op­portunity to withdraw from the Room, she abundantly shew'd that she thought her not worthy to be treated as a Daughter. These were the principal, if not the only Reasons that moved the Queen to quit the Court of her Son, and to retire into her own Country, tho' to give a better colour to her departure, [Page 98]and to conceal these Domestick Divisions, they made use of the Pretences before men­tioned.

On the Day of the Dissolution of the Con­vention, Sir Harbottle Grimeston who was their Speaker, made a Speech to the King filled with the greatest Flattery: In answer to which, the Chancellor was no way sparing of Complements, applauding the Wisdom of the House in the King's Restitution, and their diligent Endeavours to give his Majesty Satis­faction, by settling Things in such a manner as might prevent new Disturbances and Trou­bles. Yet he could not forbear to reflect upon them for not infesting the King with the Militia, (which he said had been the great Bone of Contention during the late War) nor declaring any thing concerning that Matter, but leaving it uncertain as they found it, and consequently a Foundation of new Differences. To prevent which, and to secure the Peace of the Nation, he acquainted them that the King would be constrained to establish it for the present as formerly his Predecessors had done. And to convince them of the Necessity of this arbitrary Proceeding, he took occasion to put them in mind of the late Plot (an admirable State-Engine fitted for all Times) telling them, That tho' the Persons engaged in this Con­spiracy were only the Lees of the People, yet small Beginnings ought not to be neglected, [Page 99]especially considering that all Things in this Design had been brought to a Head; that I had been nominated to command two thou­sand five hundred Men in London, who were ready to seize the Tower; that the like num­ber was enlisted under my Command in the Western Parts of England; and that another Person, whom he named not, had as many in the North ready to prosecute the same De­sign. To give the best colour they could to these Falshoods, all Places where it could be suspected I might lie concealed, were dili­gently searched; my Wife was several times plundered of her wearing Clothes; the Lodgings of Colonel Kempson my Brother-in-Law were ransack'd, and many of his Goods taken away; all my Writings, which I had recommended to the Care of a Friend, were betray'd by a Servant in hopes of Reward, and seized; and one who had waited on me in my Chamber was imprisoned in the Gate-house, where he lay Ten Weeks, because he could not discover where I was.

Colonel John Barkstead and Colonel Okey, with Colonel Walton and Colonel Dixwel, who had been Commissioners in the High Court of Justice at the Trial of the late King, having made their Escape from England into Germany, were received into Protection at Hanaw, and made Burgesses of the Town. Of these Colonel Barkstead and Colonel Okey took a Journey to Holland, to meet some Re­lations [Page 100]who were contented to banish them­selves with them, and to conduct them to the Place which they had chosen for their Resi­dence. But one Mr. George Downing, who was Agent for the King in Holland, and had formerly been a Preacher and Chaplin to Co­lonel Okey's Regiment, having received Infor­mation that such Persons were in that Coun­try, obtained an Order from the States Gene­ral for their Seizure; by virtue of which they were taken, together with Mr. Miles Corbet, one of the King's Judges also, sent into Eng­land in a Ship of War, and committed Pri­soners to the Tower. Two Things seemed especially remarkable in this Action, the Treachery of Downing, after he had given as­surance to a Person sent to him by Colonel Okey to that end, that he had no Orders to look after him; but chiefly the barbarous part acted by the States in this Conjuncture, who, tho' they had themselves shaken off the Yoak of Tyranny, and to that time had made it a Fundamental Maxim to receive and protect all those who should come among them; yet contrary to the Principles of their Govern­ment, and the Interest of their Common­wealth, to say nothing of the Laws of God, Nature and Nations, without any previous Engagement to the Court of England, con­tributed as much as in them lay to the Destru­ction of these Gentlemen. But a Treaty was to be made with England, and their Trade se­cured [Page 101]at any rate, tho' the Foundations should be laid in Blood.

Mr. Miles Corbet was a Gentleman of an an­cient Family in the County of Norfolk. He had applied himself with Diligence to the Study of the Laws of England in the Society of Lincolns-Inn, and for the space of Thirty seven Years had been chosen to serve his Country in the several Parliaments that were called. Be­ing appointed one of the High Court of Ju­stice for the Trial of the late King, he ap­peared not among the Judges by reason of some Scruples he had entertained, till the Day that Sentence was pronounced. But upon more mature Deliberation finding them to be of no weight, he durst no longer absent himself, coming early on that Day into the Court, that he might give a publick Testimony of his Sa­tisfaction and Concurrence with their Pro­ceedings. He was afterwards by the Parlia­ment made one of their Commissioners for the Civil Government of Ireland, in which Em­ployment he manifested such Integrity, that tho' he was continued for many Years in that Station, yet he impaired his own Estate for the Publick Service, whilst he was the greatest Husband of the Treasure of the Common­wealth. The day before his death he assured his Friends, That he was so throughly convinced of the Justice and Necessity of that Action for which he was to die, that if the Things had been yet intire, and to do, he [Page 102]could not refuse to act as he had done, with­out affronting his Reason, and opposing him­self to the Dictates of his Conscience; adding, that the Immoralities, Lewdness and Cor­ruptions of all sorts, which had been intro­duced and incouraged since the late Revolu­tion, were no inconsiderable Justification of those Proceedings.

Colonel John Barkstead was a Citizen and Goldsmith of London, who being sensible of the Invasions that had been made upon the Liberties of the Nation, took Arms among the first for their Defence, in the Quality of Cap­tain to a Foot Company in the Regiment of Colonel Venn: He had not been long in this Employment, before his Merit advanced him to the degree of a Major, in which Station he was made Governor of Redding: And after­wards being preferr'd to the Command of a Regiment, he was constituted by the Parlia­ment in consideration of his Services, Lieu­tenant of the Tower of London. When he was brought to confirm with the Testimony of his Blood that Cause for which he had fought, he performed that part with Chear­fulness and Courage, no way derogating from the Character of a Soldier and a true English­man.

Colonel — Okey was also a Citizen of London, and one of those who appeared early in the Service of the Parliament. He had been first a Captain of Foot, then a Captain [Page 103]of Horse, and afterwards Major in the Regi­ment of Sir Arthur Haslerig. In the Year 1645. at the time when the Army was new modell'd, he was made Colonel of a Regi­ment of Dragoons, which was afterwards converted into a Regiment of Horse. In these Employments he distinguished himself by his Courage, Conduct and Fidelity; and during the Usurpation of Oliver Cromwel was dismiss'd from his Command in the Army, on account of his Affection to the Common­wealth. He was chosen by the County of Bedford to represent and serve them in the Convention that was called by Richard; and after the Restitution of the Great Parliament, they restored him to his Command in the Army. Being ready to suffer for that Cause which he had strenuously defended, he said in the presence of many Witnesses, That if he had as many Lives as he had Hairs on his Head, he would willingly hazard them all on the same Account. The Sentence against these three Gentlemen having been executed on the 19th of April 1662. the King bestowed the Body of Colonel Okey upon his Wife to dis­pose as she thought fit; upon which she or­dered him to be interr'd at Stepney where his first Wife lay in a Vault that he had purchased for himself and Family. But the Report of this Funeral being spread among the People, several Thousands of them assembled them­selves in and about Newgate Market where [Page 104]the Body lay, resolving to attend it to the Grave. And tho' they behaved themselves with Decency and Modesty, yet the King upon notice of this appearance, was so alar­um'd, that he revoked his Grant to the Colo­nel's Wife, dispatch'd Orders to the Sheriff to disperse the Company, and commanded the Body to be interred in the Tower.

The Report of the Inhumanity of the States towards our Friends being brought to Geneva, we began to doubt whether that little Com­mon-wealth, who were under great Appre­hensions of the King of France, might not, if our Enemies could engage him to press them, follow the Example of the Dutch, and deliver us up also. We resolved therefore either to procure forthwith an assurance of Safety for our Persons, or to make the best Provision we could for our Selves in some other Place. To this end we employ'd Mr. Perrot our Landlord to discourse with Mon­sieur Voisin the principal Syndic, and to desire him to inform us what Usage we might ex­pect, in case we should be demanded of that State. The Syndic upon this Application pro­mised to serve us to the utmost of his Power, assuring us that if any Letters should come to his Hands concerning us, he would not only give us timely Notice, but if such a thing should fall out in the Night, he would cause the Water-Gate, of which he always kept the Key, to be opened for our Escape; and if we [Page 105]should be obliged to depart by Day, we should have a free Passage through any of the City-Gates that we should chuse: To all which he added this farther Promise, That when his Brother Syndic Monsieur Dupain should return from Bern where he then was, they would consult together how to make our Residence more safe to us either by a pub­lick Act or otherwise, as should be found most convenient. With these Assurances I was fully satisfied, being as I thought as much as could be expected. But Mr. Lisle and Mr. Cawley who were likewise in the same Place, made many Objections against our stay, and pressed Mr. Perrot upon the return of Mr. Dupain, to put him upon conferring with Monsieur Voisin touching our Affair. Mr. Per­rot upon this went to the Nephew of the said Monsieur Dupain, who was Procurator-Ge­neral of Geneva, and by him was advised that we should address our selves in a publick man­ner to the Council for their Protection. This way I opposed as a thing not fit for us to ask or the City to grant, least they should be brought into Difficulties, and perhaps Danger upon our account. But Mr. Perrot affirming, that the Procurator was of Opinion, That it was both easy and fit to be done, and that his Brother who was a leading Man in the Coun­cil was of the same Judgment, I thought they were best acquainted with their own Affairs, and therefore resolved to let them proceed as [Page 106]they pleased. Having made their Attempt, they found the Success I expected. For the Business being brought before the Council, Monsieur Let one of the Syndics, from whom the first Syndic had endeavoured to conceal his Correspondence with us, expecting the Payment of a great Debt due to him from the King of England, or possibly inclining in his Affections to that Interest, not only ob­structed the Address, but charged those who had promoted it with a design of surprising the Council. However the Council was so favourable, that tho' they thought not con­venient to grant the Request, yet being un­willing to deny us their Protection, they put off the farther Consideration of that Affair to another Day, some of their Members in Friendship to us advising privately that it should be withdrawn, which was done ac­cordingly. In the mean time that we might not be wanting to our selves in this Conjun­cture, we made Application to the Lords of the Swiss Canton of Bern for their Protection, in which we were most friendly assisted by Monsieur Bailival Lieutenant-Governor of Lausanna, who had been lately put into that Place upon the death of one Godward, the only Friend to Monarchy and Enemy to our Cause that lived in that Town.

Mr. Lisle and Mr. Cawley meeting with this disappointment at Geneva resolved to remove, and to that end hired a Boat to carry them [Page 107]to Lausanna. I accompanied them to the Water-side, and whilst I was taking leave, a Letter was brought to me from the Person we had employ'd to their Excellencies of Bern; in which I was assured, They had readily con­descended to our Desires. This was an In­couragement to me to continue some time longer at Geneva, not doubting their Pro­tection when they should find us to be favoured and countenanced by their best Friends and Allies. Therefore a day or two after the de­parture of my two Friends, I went to the prin­cipal Syndic, and having excused them as well as I could for leaving the Town without wait­ing on him, I acquainted him that the Appli­cation to the Council was made without my Advice, and that I was before, as well as now, fully satisfied with the verbal Engagement he had given for our Security; which I had no sooner said, when he, not without Discom­posure, and as I conjectured, Fear, made an­swer, That he could no longer think himself obliged by his Promises, having gone so far, in expectation that what had passed between us should be kept secret; whereas now he thought the King of England might have notice of it. Upon this Retractation, thinking it too hazard­ous to remain any longer at Geneva, I de­parted the next Day, accompanied by a parti­cular Friend, for Lausanna, where we found Mr. Lisle and Mr. Cawley, who had received the Act of Protection from the Lords of Bern [Page 108]granted under our own proper Names, which I mention for their Honour, who shewed their Courage and Generosity in owning us and our Cause, when we had been abandoned by those, whose true Interest was the same with our own.

In the Month of July 1662. I received Let­ters from England with an Account of the Trial, Sentence and Death of Sir Henry Vane; of which I shall only say, That he behaved himself on all those Occasions in such a manner that he left it doubtful, whether his Eloquence, soundness of Judgment, and presence of Mind, his Gravity and Magnanimity, his constant adherence to the Cause of his Country, and Heroick Carriage during the time of his Con­finement and at the hour of Death; or the Malice of his Enemies and their frivolous Sug­gestions at his Trial, the breach of the Pub­lick Faith in the Usage he found, the Incivi­lity of the Bench, and the savage Rudeness of the Sheriff, who commanded the Trumpets several times to sound that he might not be heard by the People, were more remark­able.

The following Account of this (and ano­ther Transaction which I care not to insist up­on) being sent to me at Geneva, I may not omit to insert in this place, because it seems to give the true Reasons of the Court of England for hurrying Sir Henry, Vane out of the World.

‘On Friday last being the Sixteenth of this Instant June 1662. Sir Henry Vane pleaded for his Life, and Major General Lambert for his; or rather, the first pleaded for the Life and Liberties of his Country, and the other for his own. The Issue in all appear­ance will be, that Sir Henry will be put to death and Lambert pardoned, tho' both are under Sentence of Condemnation. The reason of this distinction is no other, than the manner of their Defence, the one al­ledging the Authority of the Great Parlia­ment for his Justification, and that he was indemnified by the Act of Amnesty; the other meanly extenuating and excusing what he did against Sir George Boothe and Monk (which was the principal part of the Accu­sation against him) by pleading Ignorance of their Intentions, neither of them having declared that they designed to restore the King, and Monk to the contrary having openly declared for the Restitution of the Parliament. Sir Henry Vane was long in his Defence, but not tedious: He much per­plexed both Court and Council, and has acquired eternal Reputation by nobly plead­ing for the dying Liberties of his Country; it being clear that all the Party which seem­ed to be indemnified by the Act of Amnesty, shall be punished in his Person; and that for this Cause only, That in his pleading he undertook by the Authority of the said [Page 110]Parliament to justify what he had done, maintaining, That the House of Commons reprensenting the whole Body of the People, in case of difference between the Authority Royal and Politick, possesses a just Power to defend the Rights of the People, and to authorize the People of England, and every one of them, to defend them.’

Sir Henry Vane was a Gentleman of an an­cient Family in the County of Durham, eldest Son to Sir Henry Vane, who had been Secre­tary of State and Comptroller of the House­hold to the late King. Being scandalized with the Innovations brought into the Publick Worship, he went to New England, and re­mained there for the space of five or six years; the two last of which he was consecutively chosen Governor of that Country, tho' not exceeding the Age of Twenty four Years. In the beginning of the Great Parliament, he was elected to serve his Country among them, without the least application made on his part to that end: And in this Station he soon made appear how capable he was of managing great Affairs, possessing in the highest Perfection, a quick and ready Apprehension, a strong and tenacious Memory, a profound and penetrat­ing Judgment, a just and noble Eloquence, with an easy and graceful manner of Speaking. To these were added, a singular Zeal and Affection for the Good of the Common­wealth, and a Resolution and Courage, not [Page 111]to be shaken or diverted from the Publick Service. He had been removed by the late King from being Treasurer of the Navy, for performing his Duty in the House of Com­mons, and being restored to that Employ­ment by the Parliament, he freely contributed one half of the Profits, amounting to the Sum of Two thousand Pounds yearly, towards carrying on the War for the Liberties of Eng­land. When that War was ended, he put the Receipt for the Navy in such a way, that by Order of the Parliament, the whole Expence of that Office exceeded not One thousand Pounds by Year; Men being brought by this means to understand, that they were not placed in Employments to serve themselves, but to serve the Publick. And that this Con­duct was not mistaken, the Successes of our Arms by Sea against Portugal, France, Holland, and other Enemies, did abundantly manifest. When Cromwel had treacherously advanced himself upon the Ruins of the Common­wealth, he would not be induced by any means to favour or countenance his Usurpa­tion, chusing rather to suffer Imprisonment and other Hardships, than to comply with Tyranny under any form. Upon the return of King Charles, being conscious to himself of having done nothing in relation to Publick Affairs, for which he could not willingly and chearfully suffer, he continued at his House in Hampstead near London; where under false and [Page 112]unworthy Pretences, that he had engaged in Councils with some of the Army to drive him out of England again, he was seized and im­prisoned in the Tower; from whence he was carried from one Place to another for the space of about two Years; after the expiration of which, they who feared his Abilities, and knew his Integrity, thought convenient to violate the publick Faith, and under a Form of Law to put him to death.

The King of France, who had been fully informed of the Importance of the Town of Dunkirk, which had been acquir'd by the Arms of the Common-wealth; and that his Brother of England, notwithstanding the vast Sums he had received from the People, still wanted more to supply the Excesses of his way of Living, tempted him with the Offer of be­tween Three and four hundred thousand Pounds for that Place, which after some Dif­ficulties was accepted, the Bargain struck, and the Town surrendred to the French: An Acti­on so infamous that it wants a Name, rend­ring him equally contemptible both to Prote­stants and Papists, and so astonishing in the Eyes of all Europe, that no Man on this side the Sea would believe it possible, till they found it confirm'd from all Parts, that the French were actually enter'd into Posses­sion.

About the same time a Treaty was conclud­ed between England and Holland, the Founda­tion [Page 113]of which having been laid in the Blood of our three Friends before-mention'd, the Superstructure was raised with the like Ma­terials; and the Dutch agreed to an Article, importing, That if any, who had been the Judges of the late King, or otherwise except­ed from the Benefit of the Act of Indemnity, should be found within their Territories, they should upon demand be forthwith deli­vered into the Hands of such as should be appointed by the King of England to receive them: And that if any other Persons of the English Nation should at any time be de­manded by the King, the States obliged them­selves to surrender them also, in case they should be found in that Country fourteen Days after such demand made.

In the mean time the English Court know­ing themselves to be fallen under the Hatred and Contempt of the People for their Cruelty, Immorality and Corruption, aggravated by the late sale of Dunkirk, resolved by the con­trivance of a Plot to disarm their Enemies, and provide for their present Safety. To this end by the means of Major General Brown and others, Mony was advanced and Arms put into the Hands of some Persons, among whom one Bradley who had formerly belonged to Cromwel was the Principal, that by giving small Sums to indigent Officers of the late Ar­my, and by shewing the Arms they had ready, they might engage them and others [Page 114]in this pretended Design. An Account of this Plot was printed and published, affirm­ing, That divers thousands of ill-affected Per­sons were ready, under my Command, to seize the Tower and the City of London; then to march directly to Whitehall in order to kill the King and Monk, with a Resolution to give no Quarter to any that adhered to them, and after that to declare for a Common-wealth. By this means one Baker, who had been of the Guard to Cromwel, and since the disband­ing of the Army had been reduced to grind Knives for a poor living, having received half a Crown from Bradley, and promised his Assistance when there should be occasion, was executed with some others for this Conspi­racy. However this served the Court for a Pretence to seize five or six hundred Persons; to disarm all those they suspected; to require those they had taken to give Bonds of 200 l. each, not to take up Arms against the King, and to increase their standing Guards. They were not ashamed also to give out, that their Messengers had been so near to seize my Per­son, that they had taken my Cloak and Slip­pers, and committed two Gentlemen to the Tower for accompanying me, as they said, to the Sea-side in order to my escape; tho' at the same time they knew so well where I was, that they had employ'd Instruments to pro­cure me to be assassinated in Switzerland, which was discovered to a Merchant of Lau­sanna [Page 115]by a Person of Quality living in these Parts, who had refused ten thousand Crowns offered to him on the part of the Dutchess of Anjou, Sister to his Gracious Majesty, if he would undertake that Province.

The Earl of Antrim, an Irish Papist, and one who had been concerned among the first in the Rebellion of that Country, having been seized at London, as I mentioned before, and afterwards sent Prisoner to Ireland, was or­dered by a Letter under the King's Hand and Seal to be cleared and set at Liberty, charging the Guilt of that Rebellion upon his Father, and affirming in the said Letter, That the Earl of Antrim had not done any thing, without War­rant and Authority from the King his Father; tho' it was well known that he had his Head and Hands deeply and early engaged in that bloody Work. Thus the Mask was openly taken off, in confidence, that a People depriv­ed of their Leaders, dispirited by the late Exe­cutions, and awed by the Authority of a com­plying House of Commons, would not be able to shew their Resentment.

In the Months of September and October 166, we had a considerable addition to our Company by the arrival of Mr. William Say, Colonel Bisco, Mr. Serjeant Dendy, Mr. Ni­cholas Love, Mr. Andrew Broughton, Mr. Slingsby Bethel, and Mr. Cornelius Holland at Lausanna. The three Gentlemen first named having passed by Bern in their Journey to us [Page 116]had made a Visit to Mr. Humelius, the princi­pal Minister of that Place, who having a competent knowledge of the English Tongue, had been highly kind and serviceable in pro­curing the Order of the Lords of Bern for our Protection. By him they were entertained with all manner of Civilities, and informed that we were at Lausanna, which gave us an opportunity of returning our Acknowledg­ment for his Favour to our Friends and Coun­trymen, with our Desires that he would be pleased to present our humble Thanks to their Excellencies for their honourable Protection; being obliged to use this way rather than any other, not only because of the Respect he had acquired in that Place by his singular Merit, but because we were not sufficiently acquainted with the Language of the Country, to make our Addresses to the Government. Upon the return of his Answer to our Message we per­ceived that he had performed our Desires with great Affection, and that it was the Opinion of our best Friends there, and in particular of Mr. Treasurer Steiger, that for many Reasons it would be more convenient for us to remove to Vevay, than to remain longer at Lausanna. Having received this Advice, six of us, after we had taken leave of the Magistrates, who expressed their Sorrow for our departure, quit­ted our Residence and went to Vevay; but Mr. Phelps and Colonel Bisco having bought Goods at Geneva, and other Places, resolved to try if [Page 117]by Trading in Germany and Holland, they could improve the Stock of Mony they had. Mr. Serjeant Dendy and Mr. Andrew Broughton chose rather to continue at Lausanna than to remove with us, yet promising to make us frequent Visits where-ever we should resolve to fix our Habitation.

At Vevay we were received with the great­est Demonstrations of Kindness and Affection both from the Magistrates and People: The publick Wine was presented to us in great abundance, and the next Morning the Bande­ret or principal Magistrate, accompanied by most of the Members of the Council, came to the Place where we lay to give us a Visit; ex­pressing themselves ready to serve us to the utmost of their Power; giving us Thanks for the Honour they said we did the Town in coming to reside among them; and assuring us, That tho' they were sufficiently informed concerning our Persons and Employments both Civil and Military, yet the principal Motive that inclined them to offer their Ser­vices in so hearty a manner was, the Conside­ration of our Sufferings for the Liberties of our Country. We returned our Thanks as well as we could; and the next Day having retired to a private House belonging to one Monsieur Dubois who was one of the Council of the Town, we were again visited by the Magistrates and presented with Wine, with Assurances that their Excellencies of Born had [Page 118]caused them to understand, That they would take the Civilities they should do to us, as done to themselves. They acquainted us also, That Seats were order'd for us in both their Churches; That the Commander, as they name him, was directed to accompany us the first time to the one, and the Chatelain to the other. These Favours so considerable, so cordial and so sea­sonable, I hope a Man in my Condition may mention, without incurring the charge of Ostentation.

The endless Prodigality of the English Court, the Persecution of the Dissenters, the Sale of Dunkirk, the Articles exhibited in Par­liament by the Earl of Bristol against the Chancellor Hyde, and the Factions ensuing on that Account, together with many other Causes of Discontent and Division, had so alienated the Affections of the People from their King, that the best Judges were of Opi­nion, that if a favourable Conjuncture should happen, they would be as ready to shake off the Yoak, as they had been foolish and incon­siderate in putting it on: And our Friends in all Parts began to entertain hopes that they might be again employ'd to rescue their Country from Servitude. In this posture of Affairs, Colonel Algernon Sidney, who, when Monk acted his treacherous part in England, was one of the three Plenipotentiaries that had been sent by the Parliament to mediate a Peace between the Two Northern Crowns, [Page 119]which they effected in Conjunction with the like number impowered by the States of Hol­land to that end; and since that time had re­sided at Rome and other Parts of Italy, thought convenient to draw nearer home, that if an opportunity should offer, he might not be wanting to his Duty and the publick Service. In his way he was pleased to honour us with a Visit in our retirement in Switzerland, as­suring us of his Affection and Friendship, and no way declining to own us and the Cause for which we suffer'd. He favour'd us with his Company for about three Weeks, and at his departure presented me with a Pair of Pistols, the Barrils of which were made at Brescia in Lombardy by old Lazzarino Cominazzo. De­signing to go for Flanders, where he resolved to pass the ensuing Winter, he took his Journy by the way of Bern, doing all the good Offices he could for us with the Advoyer and other principal Magistrates, assuring them of the great Sense we had of their Excellencies Fa­vours, and of our Desires to have our Acknow­ledgment presented to them in the best man­ner; not forgetting to let them know, that they would oblige a considerable part of the good People of England by their Kindness and Civilities to us. He had a long Conference with the Advoyer about the Affairs of Eng­land, and in a Letter written to me from Bern he acquainted me, that he thought he had left him and others in a Temper rather to add than [Page 120]diminish their Favours to us. But upon the whole Matter our Noble Friend advised that some of us, who might be best able to travel, should go to Bern, and pay our Complement to the Government in our own Persons, inti­mating that so generous and publick a Favour deserved a publick Acknowledgment. Hav­ing imparted this Advice to our Friends, Mr. Nicholas Love, and Mr. Andrew Broughton (who tho' usually residing at Lausanna was then with us) offered their Company; but Mr. Lisle made many Objections against this Undertaking at that time; so that we Three were obliged to go to Bern in the Name of the rest of the Company. Being arrived there we went first to wait on our good Friend Mr. Humelius, who received us with great Affection, and expressed his Joy for the Reso­lution we had taken to present our Thanks personally to their Excellencies. We desired of him that some Means might be found to make our Addresses with as little Ceremony and Noise as possible, which he approved, and promised to see Mr. Treasurer Steiger the same Evening, and to consult with him, in order to serve us according to our Desires, assuring us that the next Morning we should hear from them. In conformity to his Pro­mise Mr. Humelius came to us in Person, with Assurances from the Treasurer of his Affection and Services; acquainting us, That we should have the liberty of making our Acknowledg­ment [Page 121]to the Council of Bern in our own man­ner, either by Speech or Writing, as should be most agreeable to us. Upon which, con­sidering our Inability to express our Selves in the French or German Language as was requi­site on such an Occasion, we resolved to do it in Writing. Having agreed upon this way, we accompanied Mr. Humelius to see his Children, as he called them, who were Or­phans of both Sexes, born of poor Parents, and bred up by the Magistracy in a Place set apart for that purpose, all manner of Neces­saries being provided for them, 'till they should be capable of being employ'd in such Trades as were proper for Persons in their Condition. From thence we retired to pre­pare our Address, which we agreed to pre­sent in the French Tongue as follows.

The same in English.

We had scarce finished this Paper, when Mr. Treasurer Steiger, accompanied by Mr. Humelius, came to our Lodging; and having acquainted us that he should not have failed to be with us in the Morning, if the publick Af­fairs had not required his Presence at the Council, he made us the Offer of his Services in a most affectionate manner, and declared his Resolution to assist us to the utmost of his Power; expressing his Detestation of the late Action of the States of Holland, in delivering up our Friends into the Hands of their mortal Enemies, and purchasing the Security of their [Page 127]Trade with so much Shame to themselves. When we had answered his Civilities in the best manner we could, and given him our Thanks for the Offers of his Favour, we shewed him the Paper above-mentioned; which having perused and approved, he de­sired Mr. Humelius to accompany us to the Advoyer (or President of the Council, by whose Hands all Addresses pass to their Excel­lencies) and took his leave for that time.

The Advoyer being informed that we were waiting to present our selves to him, gave Or­ders for our admittance, and received us with great Kindness, expressing his Sense of the Justice of that Cause which we had defended, and for which we then suffered, together with the Esteem, which he assured us their Excel­lencies in general, and himself in particular, had of our Persons. We desired him to be­lieve, That we had the deepest Sense of His and Their Excellencies Favour, attributing the Civilities and Respect we had received as well from the Magistrates as from the People in all Places within the Territories of their Excellencies, to the Bounty and Favour of the Government towards us: To which he re­plied, That he was very glad, their Officers and others of their Subjects had so well per­formed their Duty. Then proceeding to ac­quaint him with the occasion of our coming to Bern, I delivered the Address into his Hands, with our humble Desires that it might be pre­sented [Page 128]to their Excellencies; which when he had read and intimated that my Name was not unknown to him, he assured us with much Affection, That he would not fail to present it to their Excellencies, and to return a speedy Answer. I would have saved him that Trou­ble, and therefore told him that we expected no Answer, and desired no more than their Excellencies acceptance of our humble Ac­knowledgments. But he said we should have an Answer; accompanying us, when we took leave, to the outward Gate, not permitting us to prevail with him to the contrary.

Having dispatch'd this Business, we went to take a View of the publick Buildings, par­ticularly that, where the Senate and Council of Two hundred are used to assemble. The Chambers are opposite to each other, and di­vided by a narrow Passage, on both sides of which are Rooms for the reception of such as have any Affairs in either of those Places. From thence we were conducted to the Arse­nal, where we saw a Train of Artillery con­sisting of about One hundred Pieces of all kind of Ordnance, with Ammunition and all Things necessary. There were Arms, as I conjectur'd, sufficient for about Twenty thou­sand Foot, and a proportionable number of Horse. But I confess nothing that I saw gave me greater Satisfaction, than to find a Statue erected in one of the Chambers of the Arsenal, to the Memory of William Tel, who may [Page 129]in great measure be called, The Founder of this Common-wealth. For when a certain Knight called Grisler, who was Governor of Ʋry and Suitz, after many repeated Acts of Tyranny, had wantonly caused a Cap to be set on the top of a Pole in the Market-place of Altorf, commanding all those who should pass that way to uncover their Heads, and to pay the same Honours to the Cap, as if he himself had been there present in Person; William Tel refused to obey, and for his Disobedience was sentenced by Grisler to be put to Death, unless he could with one Arrow hit an Apple that should be placed on the Head of his Son. To this hard Condition he was compelled to submit, and on the Day appointed, in the presence of the Governor, struck the Apple with his Arrow from the Child's Head. But Grisler having observed that he had brought with him two Arrows, tho' he might use no more than one; and desiring to be informed why he had so done, William Tel, upon the Governor's Promise that he should not be put to Death, acknowledged, That if he had kil­led his Son with the one, he would have re­veng'd his Blood on the Tyrant with the other. The Governor conscious of his own Crimes, and therefore fearing the Resolution of such a Man, tho' he would not put him to Death, resolved to imprison him during Life; and to that end caused him to be tied and thrown into a Boat, with intention to see him [Page 130]securely laid in the Dungeon of the strong Castle of Cusnach. After they had been some time upon the Lake of Ʋry, a violent Storm arising, the Governor finding his Life in great danger, and knowing Tel to be an expert Wa­terman, caused him to be unbound, that he might help to save the Lives of himself and Company. This he undertook to do, and steering towards Suitz brought the Boat so near the Shoar, that taking up his Cross-bow which lay by him, he leaped out upon a Rock, (called to this Day The Stone of Tel) pushed off the Boat with his Foot, and made his Escape into the Mountains. In the mean time the Governor lay floating in his Boat upon the Water, and not without great danger and dif­ficulty at last arrived in the Port of Brunn, from whence he continued his way to Cusnach; of which William Tel being informed, and well acquainted with every part of the Woods and Hills, he posted himself in a private Place by which the Tyrant was to pass, and with his Cross-bow shot him dead upon the Spot. The Success of this Action so animated the rest of his Associates who had formed a Design to restore the Liberty of their Country, that on a Day appointed they seized their Governors, demolished the Castles where they lived, ba­nished them and their Families, and bravely freed themselves from that Tyranny which they could not bear. Besides the Statue of William Tel taken in full proportion, standing [Page 131]with a Cross-bow in his Hand, and aiming at an Apple on a Child's Head, there is also a Statue of the first Advoyer, with two more, of Persons who were principally eminent in establishing the Common-wealth, armed de cap en pied, and one of them on Horseback, to encourage others to defend that Liberty which their Ancestors had purchased for them.

This Night as we were at Supper we re­ceived a Complement from the Advoyer, ac­companied with a Present of Wine; and the next Morning an Order was brought to Mr. Humelius, who was then with us, from their Excellencies of Bern, written in the German Tongue, which being translated by him into English contained as follows:

Mr. Humelius after he had read this Order, informed us that the Gentlemen therein men­tioned, with some other Magistrates, designed to dine with us that Day, and had desired him to accompany them. Accordingly between Eleven and Twelve Mr. Treasurer Steiger, Colonel Weiss, and one more of the 24 Sena­tors, in the room of Mr. Kilberger, who was diverted by some publick Business, attended by the Grand Sautier with his Mace, and three other Gentlemen, came to us at our Lodging; where after about an hours Discourse, Mr. Treasurer being informed that the Dinner was set upon the Table, invited us to go down into the Hall, and with great Civility placed our Company, which being done he order'd the Grand Sautier to lay aside his Mace. Af­ter we had sat about a quarter of an hour, two Officers clothed in their Excellencies Li­very brought in the Present of Wine that had been order'd, upon which one of the three Gentlemen who came with Mr. Treasurer arising from the Table, harangued us in the Name of their Excellencies; concluding with an assurance of the continuation of their Fa­vour. To this we thought our selves obliged to answer, That as we ow'd our Lives and Liberties to the Protection of their Excellen­cies, we resolved to sacrifice all in their Ser­vice, when we should be so happy to find an Occasion.

Dinner being over, a Question was started by Colonel Weiss, How it came to pass, that We, who for many Years had the whole Power of the Three Nations in our Hands, were removed from the Government without shedding one drop of Blood? To which I an­swer'd, That for the right understanding of the Affairs that had lately passed in England, it would be necessary to take up the Matter from the beginning. But they pressing me to favour them with some Accountof those Transactions, I told them with all the Brevity I could, ‘That most of those Persons who had first engaged in the War, having made their own Peace, had endeavour'd to de­liver Us and the Cause it self into the Hands of our Enemies; and tho' they had many Opportunities to have ended the Dispute by destroying the King's Army, they neglected all, and only endeavoured to reduce the Crown to their own Terms. This was vi­sible in the Conduct of the Earl of Essex on several Occasions, and in that of the Earl of Manchester after the Battle of Newberry, who tho' he had Twenty thousand Men in his Army, flush'd with that Victory, yet suf­fer'd the King with Seven thousand only, to carry off the Cannon he had lest at a Place which stood near the Ground where he had been routed a few Weeks before, without once offering to attack him, giving this at a Council of War for the Reason of his re­fusing [Page 134]to fight, That if the King were beaten twenty times by us, he would be still King; but if he should once beat us, we should be all treat­ed as Traytors: For which being accused in the House of Commons, tho' they thought not convenient to proceed against him cri­minally; yet upon this and divers other Considerations, they removed him, toge­gether with the Earl of Essex and the rest of the Nobility from their Commands in the Army, making choice of Commoners to fill their Places, whose Interest they knew it was to take away the Monarchy it self. By this means they soon put an end to the War, sentenced the King to die for the Blood that had been shed, establish'd a Free Common-wealth, brought their Enemies at home to submit to their Authority, and re­duced those abroad to accept such Terms as they would give. In the midst of all this Prosperity they were betray'd by Oliver Cromwel, whom they had entrusted with the Command of their Army; who, having moulded the greatest part of the Officers to his purpose, by calumniating the Parlia­ment, proposing Advancement to the Am­bitious, and deluding the Simple with a Shew of Religion; back'd by the assistance of the Clergy and Lawyers, (who had been threatned by the Parliament with a Reformation of their Practices) ejected his Masters, and usurped their Authority; [Page 135]endeavouring during the five Years of his Reign, to ruin all that had been faithful to the Interest of the Common-wealth, and advancing those who would not scruple to sacrifice their Consciences to his Ambition. By these ways the Army became so cor­rupted, that tho' after the Usurper's death they had been persuaded with great diffi­culty to depose the Son, and to permit the Restitution of the Parliament, yet they were soon after induced, under frivolous Pretences, to offer Violence to them a se­cond time; which rendring them odious to the People, gave an opportunity to Monk, by declaring for the Parliament, to divide their Councils, and to render them useless. And when the Parliament had in Gratitude for their Restitution conferr'd many unde­served Favours upon Monk, he also, who had been a Creature of Cromwel and ad­vanced by him, betray'd his Trust, and contrary to many Protestations, Oaths and solemn Asseverations, brought a great num­ber of Persons to Vote in Parliament who had formerly been ejected by the House, which turn'd the Ballance from the side of the Common-wealth, and under the Influ­ence of his Forces brought in the Son of the late King.’

Tho' the brevity of this Account would not admit of that Clearness and Perspicuity which I could have wish'd; yet our generous [Page 136]Friends were not only willing to pardon the Imperfections, but gave me Thanks for the Information they said I had given them of our Affairs, expressing themselves deeply sen­sible of the Troubles that had fallen upon us and the honest Interest by so base a Trea­chery.

After this Conversation the Senators rising from their Seats, we gave them Thanks for the Honours they had been pleased to do us, and according to our Duty offered to accom­pany them to their respective Habitations. But these truly noble Persons would by no means permit us; and being desirous that their Favours to us should be yet more pub­lick, they invited us to go to the Church, that all Men might see they were not ashamed to own what they had done. To this end Mr. Treasurer Steiger having ordered the Mace to be carried before him, constrained me to take the right Hand, Monsieur Humelius and Colonel Weiss doing the like to Mr. Love and Mr. Broughton, obliging us to enter the Church before them, and placing us in the most ho­nourable Seats; neither could we prevail with them to go out before us from the Place of publick Worship, or to permit us to accom­pany them to their Houses. The next Day we went to wait on the Advoyer who was then prepairing for his Embassy to France, where he and another Person were appointed to represent the Canton of Bern; and having [Page 137]acquainted him with the deep impression their Excellencies and his Favours had made upon us, he expressed himself highly sensible of our Condition, and heartily desirous of our Re­stitution, with Assurances of his farther Ser­vices on all Occasions, and promising the like Favour and Protection to as many of our Countrymen as should come to them. At our taking leave he accompanied us to the out­ward Gate as in the first Visit, and when we told him he had exceeded in the Honours done to us, he condescended to say, That in his own account he had never received so much Honour his Life. After this we paid our Respects and Thanks to Mr. Treasurer Steiger, to the ancient Bailif Monsieur Lentu­lus, to Colonel Weiss, and to our true Friend Monsieur Humelius, with divers others of the Senate and Council. And being desirous to wait also on General D'Erlach, who, we were informed, had much favour'd us in the Busi­ness of our Protection, we went to his House; but he was gone out of Town, and we had not the Advantage to see him at that time.

Having been thus successful in our Affairs at Bern, we returned to our Residence at Vevay, where we had not been long, before we were informed, That an Irish Man going under the Name of Riardo, and belonging, as he said, to the Dutchess of Orleans, was ar­rived at Turin, and had formed a Design [Page 138]against our Lives; and that Mr. Denzil Hollis, since the late Revolution called Lord Hollis, and at that time Ambassador in France, had been with one Monsieur Lullin, who was Agent at Paris for the Republick of Geneva, to desire Satisfaction for a Book which he sup­posed to be printed in that Place, in favour of those who had been condemn'd for putting the late King to death. But that which alarum'd us most, was a Report, That Letters had been sent from the King of England to their Excellencies of Bern, to demand our Persons. Of this Information having given an Account to Mr. Humelius, and desired him to use his diligence in finding out the Truth of these Things; We soon received in answer, That he had heard nothing of the two first; and as to the last, he assured us that no Letters of that sort from England were yet come to the Hands of their Excellencies; but if such a Thing should happen, he would not fail to give us timely Notice and Advice, for our govern­ment on such an occasion. By a second, which we received from him soon after, he informed us, That General D'Erlach had acquainted him with the arrival of a Courier from France, who had brought Letters for their Ambassa­dor, together with particular Orders to inform himself, whether their Excellencies of Bern might by any means be induced to deliver us up, or at least to withdraw their Protection from us. But not finding the Ambassador in [Page 139]the Country (he having taken a Journy to the Court of France, to be present at the Reception of the Swiss Ambassadors, who had been sent thither to ratify the Treaty lately concluded with that King) he was returned to Paris, and had carried his Letters back with him. And I am inclined to believe that our Enemies, upon Information of the honourable Reception we had found from their Excellencies, were in­tirely discouraged from attempting any thing in that way, and therefore turned their Malice against us into Designs of Violence and Assas­sination.

Divers Letters from Turin, Geneva, Lyons, and other Places, which we and our Friends at Vevay received, were full of Advices from those Parts, that so many and such desperate Persons had engaged against us, that it would be next to impossible to escape their Hands: And one of my best Friends, who was then at Geneva, sent a Messenger Express to me with a Letter to inform me, That he had received a Billet from a Person who knew our Friend­ship, and desired not to be known, with these Expressions at the end, If you wish the preservation of the English General at Vevay, let him know, That he must remove from thence with speed, if he have any regard to his own Safety. We also re­ceived certain Information, That Riardo had been seen in the Pais de Vaux, and in several parts of Savoy. Being somewhat alarum'd with these Things, our Company met, in or­der [Page 140]to consult what was fit to be done on this occasion, and soon came to a Resolution, That we would not remove into any Country that was governed by a Monarch, least we should be guilty of our own Blood, by seeking Pro­tection from those who were concerned in Interest to destroy us. It remained only to consider, whether we should quit the Place of our present Residence for any other under the same Government; or whether we should re­move from the Territories of Bern to some other Republick. The first we were un­willing to do for many Respects, and par­ticularly on account of the good Will and Affection that the People had expressed to us: And to the second we could by no means con­sent, because the Protection of their Excel­lencies, had been so frankly, publickly and generously extended to us. So that having determined to remain at Vevay, and being in­formed that a Fair would be kept there in a few Days, we contented our selves with changing our Lodging for one Night, and procuring the Guard of the Town to be doub­led during the Day of the Fair, least our Ene­mies should disguise themselves, and mixing with the concourse of People pass unsuspected, till they might find an opportunity of sur­prising us.

According to our Information, some of the Villains who were employ'd to destroy'd us, had on the Fourteenth of November 1663. [Page 141]passed the Lake from Savoy, in order to put their bloody Design in execution the next Day as we should be going to the Church. They arrived at Vevay about an hour after Sun-set, and having divided themselves, one part took up their Quarters in one Inn, and the other in another. The next Day being Sunday, Mon­sieur Dubois our Landlord going early to the Church, discovered a Boat at the side of the Lake with four Watermen in her, their Oars in order, and ready to put off. Not far from the Boat stood two Persons with Cloaks thrown over their Shoulders, two sitting under a Tree, and two more in the same posture a little way from them. Monsieur Dubois concluding they had Arms under their Cloaks, and that these Persons had way-laid us, with a design to murder us as we should be going to the Ser­mon, pretending to have forgotten something, returned home and advised us of what he had observed. In his way to us he had met one Mr. Binet, who acquainted him that two Men whom he suspected of some bad Inten­tion, had posted themselves near his House, and that four more had been seen in the Mar­ket-place; but that finding themselves ob­served, they had all retired towards the Lake. By this means the Way leading to the Church through the Town being cleared, we went to the Sermon without any Molestation, and said nothing to any Man of what we had heard, because we had not yet certainly found [Page 142]that they had a Design against us. Returning from Church I was informed, That the sus­pected Persons were all dining at one of the Inns, which excited my Curiosity to take a view of the Boat. Accordingly I went with a small Company, and found the four Water­men by the Boat, the Oars laid in their Places, a great quantity of Straw in the bottom of the Boat, and all Things ready to put off. About an Hour after Dinner I met our Landlord, and having inquired of him concerning the Persons before-mentioned, he assured me they could be no other than a Company of Rogues; that they had Arms under the Straw of the Boat; and that they had cut the Withes that held the Oars of the Town-boats, to prevent any pursuit if they should be forced to fly. But these Ruffians who had observed the Acti­ons of Monsieur Dubois, and suspected he would cause them to be seized, came down soon after I had viewed the Boat, and in great haste caused the Watermen to put off, and returned to Savoy. This Discovery being made, the Chatelain, the Banderet, together with all the Magistrates and People of the Town, were much troubled that we had not given them timely notice, that so they might have been seized. We afterwards understood that one Du Pose of Lyons, Monsieur Du Pre a Savoyard, (of whom I shall have occasion to speak more largely) one Cerise of Lyons, with Riardo before-mention'd, were part of this [Page 143]Crew, and that Riardo paid the whole Expence they made at Vevay.

The Bailiff, the Chatelain and the whole Council, shewing themselves highly sensible of this Affront offered to the Government of their Excellencies, and of the Injury done to us, the Banderet gave Order that the Boats of the Town should be ready to attack them in case they should return to make any Attempt against us. They not only offer'd us a Guard for the Safety of our House, but condescended to tell us, That they were ready to do that Office themselves. The Bailiff directed the Chatelain to require all the Inn-keepers every night to give an account upon Oath, either to him or to Monsieur Dubois our Landlord, of all Persons that should come to lodge at their Houses; and the Council of the Town or­der'd, That no Burgess should entertain any Man, for whom they would not answer. Their Excellencies of Bern also being informed of this Attempt, sent their Orders to the Bai­liffs of Lausanna, Morges and Vevay, to take especial care of our Persons, and to search all Boats coming from Savoy, of which they should have any Suspicion.

Monsieur Du Pre finding himself disap­pointed in this Enterprize, and fearing that for this Affront to their Excellencies of Bern, he might be deprived of the Profits of some Lands lying within their Territories, of which he had lately taken Possession after a long Suit [Page 144]at Law in the right of his Wife, and which had been sequestred from him, because he had violently carried her out of their Country be­fore Marriage, procured one of my good Friends at Geneva to write to me on his Be­half, and to inform me that he had no other­wise engaged in this Affair than to do me Ser­vice. Our Landlord also being unwilling to provoke him any farther, knowing the despe­rate Resolution of the Man, desired that if I should write to any of my Friends at Bern con­cerning this Attempt, I would only name Riardo, who was confessed to be the principal Undertaker. But tho' I thought it not proper for us to be the Accusers and Prosecutors of those who were concerned in this Design; yet being not able to see any Reason to do as was desired in his behalf, I resolved to leave the whole Matter to the Wisdom of their Excel­lencies; who after they had received the Re­port of those in our Parts, to whom they had committed the Examination of this Affair, be­ing assured that Monsieur Du Pre was one of that number, seized again into their Hands the Estate he had enjoy'd in the right of his Wife.

Our Enemies still giving out in all Places where they durst, That they would not desist till they had effected their Design, I received a Letter from a good Friend in which I found these Words. You are hated and feared more than all the rest of your Companions: Your Head [Page 145]is set at a great Price: 'Tis against you they take all this Pains to find Assassins, and 'twas on your account they contrived the late Attempt; so that upon the whole Matter I cannot but advise, that you would resolve to retire to some place where you may be unknown, there being, in my Opinion, no other way left to secure you from the rage of your Enemies. But having strength'ned our House, and made the best Provision we could for our Defence, being assured of the Affections both of the Magistrates and People of the Town, and the Government having given me Power to ring the Alarum-bell upon occasion, and to that end contrived it so that I could do it from my own Chambers, our Lodgings join­ing to one of the Gates, I resolved not to re­move; especially considering that those who had made the late Attempt, being for the most part well known, had render'd them­selves uncapable of returning again to Vevay: Whereas if we should have removed to any other Place, the same Persons would have found greater facility to execute their Design. As to that part of the Advice, tending to per­suade me to go to some Place where I might not be known, I knew it was in vain to think of finding any such within the Territories of their Excellencies, and out of them I resolved not to depart.

In the mean time I was informed by Let­ters from England, That Riardo having been at that Court to give account of the ill Success [Page 146]of the late Attempt against us, was not only well received by the King, but dispatched with new Orders to carry on the same Design; and that in his passage through France he had been with the Dutchess of Orleans, who was the principal Instrument used by his Gracious Majesty for incouraging and carrying on this Manly Attempt. I was also assured from France that in a Letter to that King, he had acquainted him, That not thinking himself safe so long as the principal Traytors were alive, he desired his Assistance to seize or de­stroy those that were on that side the Sea, and particularly those in Switzerland.

In prosecution of the Orders that had been sent from their Excellencies of Bern, the Bailiff of Morges having notice that one of the Wa­termen who had brought the Assassins from Savoy to Vevay was in that Town, caused him to be seized, and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Chillion, which is the Place of Residence for the Bailiff of Vevay. On the first of January we were invited by the Bailiff to a publick Entertainment in the Castle, and by that means were present at his Examination. For some time he confessed nothing material; but being found to contradict himself in his An­swers, and therefore threatned with the Strap­pada by the Bailiff and the Baron de Chatteler, he seeing the Cord made ready, informed them, That one Monsieur De la Broette, and Monsieur Du Fargis, both Savoyards, [Page 147]were among those who came in the Boat with Du Pre, and that one of the four Watermen was the Person who cut the Withes of all the Town-boats to prevent them from pursuing; adding, that Du Pre told them at their return to Savoy, That if they had succeeded in their Enterprize they should have had Mony enough; but constantly denying, that he knew any thing of the Design till it had mis­carried.

Yet neither the care of the Government to provide by their Justice for our future Safety, nor the disappointment of the Assassins in their late Attempt, could remove the Fears our Friends had entertained of new Designs against our Persons, or persuade them to be­lieve that we could be safe whilst we remained in the Place where we were. Among others, Mr. Treasurer Steiger wrote a Letter to the Bailiff of Vevay, in which he desired him to persuade us to remove our Quarters either to Yverden, Lausanna, or some other Place that was near the Center of their Excellencies Ter­ritories, where they might be better able to defend us, than he doubted they could at present, by reason of the Advantages that the Situation of the Lake afforded to our Enemies, who, he said, might come by Water from Savoy, or Versoy a Place belonging to the French, to the foot of our Garden-Wall with­out fear of Surprize or Discovery; assuring him, that having been the first Adviser of our [Page 148]Settlement at Vevay, if any Ill should happen to us whilst we continued in that Place, he should account himself the most unhappy Man in the World. The Bailiff having com­municated this Letter to me, I answered, That our Company was extreamly obliged to Mr. Treasurer Steiger for the Care he expressed to be upon him for our Safety; but that our Disease being intirely Personal and not at all Local, we should, in my Opinion, be so far from mending upon the change of Air, that I feared we should render our Condition worse, by going to a Place where we were not known, and putting our selves under the ne­cessity of making new Friends, which by the Favour and Goodness of the Magistrates and People we had already acquir'd at Vevay; that therefore we should willingly acquit Mr. Trea­surer and all our Friends from the Blame of whatever might befal us, and take the Conse­quences of our stay upon our Selves. With these and other Reasons the Bailiff, and by his means the rest of our Friends were so well satisfied, that we heard no more from them on that account.

About this time I received a Letter from one Monsieur De la Fleschere, a near Relation of that Monsieur Du Pre who was one of the Twelve that came to assassinate us at Vevay, in which he declared his Detestation of that Villany, and promised to inform me from time to time of what he should learn of their [Page 149]Designs; acquainting me of their Intentions to attack us in our way to the Church which was without the Town, and therefore advi­sing that I should go seldom thither, and never without Company and well armed. He counsell'd us by all means to keep toge­ther, and not to separate as he was informed we intended to do, and that we should con­tinue in the Place where we were, because the Lake was a great Impediment to our Enemies Designs, who, he said, assured themselves of Success in their Enterprize, if we should go to Yverden, Lausanna, or any other Place, from whence they might make their Escape on Horseback.

Divers other Advertisements of Designs against us coming to our Hands about the same time, most of them naming me to be the Person, against whom the Malice was princi­pally directed, and insinuating, that the rest of our Company were brought into hazard chiefly on my account, Mr. Lisle either really was, or pretended to be so alarum'd, that he withdrew himself from us and went to Lau­sanna, under colour, that expecting a Visit from his Lady in the Month of May next en­suing, he was unwilling she should come to Vevay, least it should prove prejudicial to her after her return to England. Before he left us, he made his Will, and took leave of the Ma­gistrates, and of all his Friends in the Town in a solemn manner. At our parting, I took [Page 150]liberty to desire him to take the best care he could of himself, and not to be too confident of his Security, upon supposition that Iwas the only Person mark'd out for Destruction; since he well knew, that at a Consult held by our Enemies at Chatillon, they had inquired after him as well as my self: I adjur'd him therefore to be upon his guard, lest presuming too much upon Safety, he might betray him­self into their Hands.

Soon after the departure of Mr. Lisle, I re­ceived advice by the means of Monsieur de la Fleschere, that du Pose and Cerise of Lyons, with one St. Du, had been at Tunno, a Place lying upon the Lake, to confer with du Pre, de la Broette and du Fargis, about resuming their former Design, and that they had passed most part of the night in the Wood of Courent, where it had been at last resolved, That they would come no more to Vevay by the way of the Lake; but that the next Attempt should be made by a smaller number of Persons on foot, with Horses kept ready to receive them, and to carry them off either by the way of Chillion, St. Dennis, or Lausanna; of all which I gave notice to Mr. Lisle, who with others of our Friends and Countrymen was then at Lausanna.

About eight Days after, one Monsieur du Moulin of Vevay, going towards Lausanna, discovered in a Lane not far from the Lake on the way of Safron, three Persons well mount­ed [Page 151]and armed, with one on foot, and thinking them to have no good Design, he sent a Ser­vant to observe them, who upon his return confirming him in his Suspicion, Monsieur du Moulin dismounted, and taking up the foot of his Horse to induce them to believe he only wanted a Shooe, he returned immediately to Vevay. But they suspecting themselves to be discovered, and that he was returned to give us notice, as indeed he was, made so much haste away, that before the People of the Town could reach the Place where they had been seen, they were arrived at Safron; and having a Boat, which had brought them in the Morning from Savoy, lying ready to re­ceive them, they by that means made their escape. They had sent two Persons on foot into the Town to assassinate me by stabbing or shooting, and these Horsemen were to have carried them off, as we afterwards under­stood: But that the Town being raised by the Information of Monsieur du Moulin, they also had thought convenient to shift for them­selves.

On the 21st of July 1664. we were in­formed, That some Savoyards had landed in the Harbour of Ouches belonging to Lausanna, and had let fall some Words of a Design a­gainst the English there. Upon which some of their Friends having notice, went to the Burgomaster in order to procure his Warrant to seize and bring them to be examined before [Page 152]him. But the Burgomaster refusing to do any thing in the Matter without the advice of the Bailiff, they went to the Castle; where, finding the Bridge drawn up, they thought not fit to trouble him that Night. The next Morning they went again to the Castle, and having acquainted the Bailiff with what they had heard, he presently granted his Warrant, and order'd the Fiscal to summon the Savoy­ards before him. But they having notice of what was doing, got into their Boat and were put off, before the Warrant could be served upon them. Yet it was supposed, that if the Town-boats had been order'd to pursue them, they might easily have seized and brought them in; for they were within Musket-shot of the Shore when the Officer came to the Port with the Warrant, the Lake very rough, and the Wind directly in their Teeth. How­ever I must not omit, that these Villains had been seen to stand by the Door of the Church, where Mr. Lisle used to go, all the time the People were going in to the Sermon; but nei­ther he nor any of our Countrymen coming to the Church that Morning, they departed in a Rage, one of them saying, Le B [...]gre ne viendra pas; which Words tho' they were not observed at the time, yet were afterwards too well understood.

Mr. Lisle having received Advice from the Lieutenant Balival that a certain Frenchman, who used to engrave upon Seals and Dishes [Page 153]at Vevay, Lausanna, and other Places, had in­formed these Savoyards of the way they should take for the execution of their wicked Design, procured an Officer of Justice to demand him at his Lodging in Lausanna; where being in­formed that he was gone to Vevay, a Message was dispatch'd to me, that I might cause him to be seized. Accordingly the Bailiff, at my Request, granted a Warrant for taking him in Custody. But he having heard how things had pass'd at Lausanna, and supposing the Alarum to be over, was returned thither. Of which the Government of that Town hav­ing advice, they caused him to be seized and carried before the Burgomaster, who after a slight Examination, contented himself with banishing him from their Jurisdiction. And now Mr. Lisle began to think that he had not much better provided for his Security by aban­doning Vevay.

On the Wednesday of the same Week, two Men in the Habit of Grooms mounted upon good Horses came to lodge at an Inn in Vevay; of which our Landlord having received no­tice, (according to an Order of the Bailiff and Chatelain formerly signified to all Inn-keepers) he went to the House where they were, and upon Examination was assured by them, that they belonged to a German Count who was then at the Bathes in the Pais des Vallces; that they were by his Order come to this Place to wait his return, and that they had already [Page 154]sent a Messenger to acquaint him with their arrival. Being not able to draw any more from them, he came home, and having ac­quainted me with what had pass'd, earnestly desired that I would be upon my guard. In the mean time these pretended Grooms con­tinued at Vevay till the Thursday in the follow­ing Week, when one coming from the Bathes before-mentioned, assured, That no such Per­son, as these Fellows described, had been there; which added to a threatning Message sent by our Landlord to the Innkeeper for en­tertaining such Rogues, they hastned away and went to Lausanna.

On Thursday the 11th of August, 1664. one Monsieur Longeon of Lausanna, brought me the sad News, That Mr. Lisle going that Morning to hear the Sermon in the Church that stood near the Town-gate, was shot dead by a Person on foot, who had a Companion waiting for him on Horseback with a led Horse in his Hand, which the Murderer hav­ing mounted and cried Vive le Roy, they im­mediately rode away together towards Morges. Soon after this barbarous Murder was com­mitted, we understood from Lausanna by the description of the Persons, their Clothes and Horses, that they were the same that had lodged at Vevay. They had continued for a Week in Lausanna before they found an oppor­tunity to put in execution their detestable Plot, and had carried themselves with such [Page 155]Indiscretion, that divers Persons suspected them to have a Design against the English; of which Mr. Lisle being informed, he sent his Landlord twice to try what he could draw from them. But they had so well contrived their Story, that he could find no colour to remove them. Many Persons upon suspicion of these Fellows had desired Mr. Lisle to be upon his guard, and to forbear going to the Church he used; because it lay so near the Town-gate, that if any Persons should make an Attempt against him, they might with little difficulty escape by that way. Our Countrymen also who were with him per­formed the same Office; but he would by no means hearken to their Advice, saying he was in the Hands of God, and had committed him­self intirely to his Protection; adding to this Answer, that my Life was his Defence, and that 'till our Enemies had dispatched me, he assured himself they would not think of him. The Villain that murdered him had waited his coming at a Barber's Shop, where he pre­tended to want something for his Teeth, till seeing Mr. Lisle at distance he stept out of the Shop, and as he came by, saluted him. Then following him into the Church-yard, he drew a Carabine from under his Cloak, and shot him into the Back. With the recoil of the Piece the Villain's Hat was beaten off, and he himself falling over a piece of Timber, dropp'd his Gun, which he left behind him, [Page 158]and as soon as he had recovered himself, run­ning to his Companion who held the led Horse, he mounted and made his escape. Thus died John Lisle, Esq Son to Sir William Lisle of the Isle of Wight, a Member of the Great Parliament, one of the Council of State, Commissioner of the Great Seal, and one of the Assistants to the Lord President, in the High Court of Justice that was erected for the Trial of the late King. The Government of Lausanna was so remiss in the pursuit of the Assassins, that it was suspected they had some Friends among them. And of this the Vil­lains themselves seemed to give proof; for before they had advanced half a League on their way, calling to some Men who were working in the Vineyards, they bid them give their Service to the Governors of Lausanna, and tell them they would drink their Healths. But the common People openly cried out against the Burgomaster, and accused him of having favoured the Assassins. And that I may do Justice to the Bailiff of Lausanna, who had been absent for some time from the Town upon publick Business, I must not omit, that, when he heard of the Assassination of Mr. Lisle, he said, That if he had been at Lau­sanna, those Villains should not have continued so long there without Interruption.

Upon this we received a great number of Letters from our Friends in several Parts, to inform us of the rage of our Enemies, and of [Page 159]their Resolution to leave no means of destroy­ing us unattempted, some of them having affirmed, That if they could not accomplish their Design either by Stabbing, Poisoning or Shooting, they were resolved to attempt us even in our Lodgings. These Advices, to­gether with the death of Mr. Lisle, so alar­um'd my Companions at Vevay, that I found it difficult to bring them to any certain Reso­lution, every one making a different Proposi­tion touching the way we should take to pro­vide for our Safety; tho' for my own part I thought nothing so rational, as to fortify our Interest in that Place, where the Magistrates and People had been always more ready to oblige and serve us, than we could be to ask any Favour from them. To this end, with the Concurrence of my Country-men, which I at last obtained, I went to Monsieur Geoffray, who was then Chatelain and Deputy-Bailiff of Vevay, acquainting him with the Letters we had lately received, and he readily offering to do whatever should be in his Power for our Ser­vice, I proposed, That, considering the De­sign of our Enemies was either to surprize us, as they had done in relation to Mr. Lisle; or, (all other Means failing) to attempt us by open Violence; for prevention of both, Orders might be issued out to the Town of Vevay, and to the other Towns and Villages of that Jurisdiction, to seize and examine such Per­sons as they should find cause to suspect; and [Page 158]that upon the sound of the great Bell at Vevay, upon the firing of a great Gun, or the view of a Fire upon any of the Towers of the said Place, they should take Arms, secure the Pas­ses, and seize all unknown Persons in order to carry them before the Bailiff; and that if these Signals should happen to be given in the Night, they should be appointed to repair with their Arms to our Lodgings at Vevay, to receive such Orders as should be necessary. The Chatelain approved the Proposition, and desir'd, That such an Order might be pre­pared, promising he would send it to the Bai­liff to be signed; which being drawn up and sent to the Castle of Chillion, the Bailiff most readily signed four Orders of the same Tenour, and directed them to Vevay, Moutre, the Tower and Bloney, with Injunction that they should be published two several times in the Market-places, and before the Churches of the said Places, that none might pretend cause of Ignorance. This worthy Person, as he had done us great Honour upon all Occasions, so at this time finding us to be extraordinarily persecuted, he resolved to shew us more than ordinary Marks of his Favour; and therefore when he came to Town, accompanied by the Baron de Chatteler and Monsieur l'Hospitalier of Villa Nova, he was pleased to make us a Visit, and to honour us with his Company at Dinner, expressing his abhorrence of the Base­ness and Treachery of our Enemies, and as­suring [Page 159]us of his Friendship and Services to the utmost of his Power.

But Mr. Say, notwithstanding these Assu­rances and the Care he saw taken by our Friends for our preservation, would by no means be persuaded to think himself safe whilst he continued in these Quarters, where we were all so publickly known, and there­fore resolved to retire to some Place where he might be incognito; and to that end, accom­pained by Colonel Bisco, prepared to depart for Germany, earnestly pressing me to the same Resolution, and professing himself to be as much concerned for my Safety as for his own. I gave him my Thanks for his Friendship; but acquainted him that I thought it much better to be in a condition of making opposi­tion against my Enemies, than to live in the perpetual Fear of being discovered; with which being satisfied, he took leave, after he had assured me that if we should continue at Vevay till the next Spring he would make us a Visit.

The Court of England being informed of the Assassination of Mr. Lisle, that King pro­cured one Dr. Colladon, a Native of Geneva then residing at London, to write to one of his Relations in these Parts for a particular In­formation of that Action, and to inquire of the same Person if I continued still at Vevay, or had removed to Zurich, as was reported; which Particulars being too well known to [Page 162]him, to need any such Information, it may be justly conjectured, that this Message was sent to no other end, than to feel the Pulse of the Gentleman, that by his Answer he might know, whether he were a fit Person to be em­ploy'd in his honourable Designs. Upon the reception of this Letter, the Person to whom it was directed, being a Man of Probity and Honour, not only gave Advice to our Friends of the Contents, but protested that if he had a thousand Lives, he would lose them all, be­fore he would do us the least Injury, utterly refusing to give any Information touching the Things that were demanded. Monsieur de la Fleschere also was pleased to continue his Care of our Safety, advising us, That his Kinsman Monsieur du Pre, accompanied by du Broetti, and du Fargis, had lately given a meeting at Yvian to one of the Duke of Savoy's Guard who used to come into our Parts; and that a certain Frenchman living at the same Place, was also suspected to be of their Gang. He added, That tho' he had received a thousand Assurances from du Pre that he would never make any farther Attempt against us, yet he would not believe him, much less would desire us to rely upon his Word, but rather that we should be constantly upon our Guard, especi­cially in consideration of what had lately hap­pened to our Countryman at Lausanna.

This was the last Message we received from Monsieur de la Fleschere, who without any Obligation laid upon him on our part, from the Motives of Humanity and true Good­ness, had been so generously serviceable to Persons he never saw. For many days had not pass'd, before we were informed, that a Difference arising between this Gentleman and Du Pre, whose Sister he had married, a cer­tain Gentlewoman of Tunno, with whom Du Pre was too familiarly acquainted, under­took to make up the Dispute; to which Monsieur dela Fleschere consenting, and come­ing to her House for that purpose, was there shot into the Body by Du Pre, and afterwards dispatch'd with a Stilletto. But this not be­ing done without Noise, divers Persons came about the Door to enquire what was doing; to whom the Gentlewoman answering, That there had been no other Disturbance in the House, than what had been made by some Children, they presently departed. Night being come, Du Pre went out; and after a short stay, brought two Country-men with him, and compelled them to take up the Body, and to lay it at the Door of an in­famous House in the same Town, threatning to kill them if they disputed his Commands, or should afterwards reveal the Secret. And that it might be believed that his Brother-in-Law had been so used for endeavouring to effect some bad Design, Du Pre went after [Page 164]them to the Place where they laid the Body, and firing a Pistol, left that and a Sword up­on the Ground by him: This Hypocrite seemed to be much concerned for his Death, and in deep Mourning accompanied him to the Grave; protesting to his Sister, that he would willingly expend a great Sum of Mony to find out the Murderer. Yet this Mask was soon taken off; for the Parliament of Chambery in Savoy, having been informed of this Murder, and deputed some of their Num­ber to make Inquiry into the Matter, they, by the Depositions they received, suspecting Du Pre to have been the Author, sent to seize him; but he having notice of their Inten­tions, had made his Escape before the Officers could reach the House where he was.

In England, the Presbyterians had been long before ejected from all the Benefices they possess'd, and rewarded in the current Mony of those, for whose sake they had betray'd their Friends: The Prisons had been fre­quently fill'd with all sorts of Men dissenting from the Church, establish'd by the Act of Uniformity: The People had been exhaust­ed by frequent and excessive Taxes to supply the Luxury of the Court: Great numbers of the Officers of the old Army had under false or frivolous Pretences been imprison'd or exe­cuted: Many of the Irish Rebels had been restored to the Lands that had been settled up­on the English for the Reward of their Ser­vices [Page 165]and Blood: Plots had been contrived to furnish the Court with a Pretence to Transport those they feared, to remote and barbarous Confinements; and the design of subverting the Rights and Liberties of the Na­tion, was become manifest.

In this Posture of Affairs, the Court of England thought fit to declare War against the States-General of the United Provinces; by means of which, some of our Friends con­ceiving great Hopes of the Restitution of the Common-wealth, enter'd into a Treaty with divers Principal Ministers of that Country, for procuring some Forces to join with our op­pressed Party in England, against the Common Enemy. Having received Information of this Treaty, and being pressed by a Person of Ho­nour and Integrity to declare my Concurrence in the thing, I acquainted him, That tho' I should be ready to embrace any good Occa­sion of serving the Common-wealth, and re­lieving my Country from Oppression; and that I had no great Reason to be a Friend to the present Establishment, yet the Treachery of the Dutch, in delivering our three Friends into the Hands of their Enemies, made me fear the same Treatment from them in case of an Accommodation with England. For if they had purchased their former Agreement with the Price of that Blood, I could see no Reason to persuade me that they would not purchase another with ours: I told him, That [Page 166]all Men knew they preferr'd the Profits of Trade before any other things in the World; and how dangerous it might prove to engage with such a sort of Men, I left to his Judg­ment to determine; that being convinced in Conscience, that they had contracted the guilt of the Blood of our Friends upon themselves, my Duty would not permit me to act in con­junction with them, till they should make Sa­tisfaction for that Injustice: However, I of­fer'd that if they might be brought to disown that Action, as done by the influence of a particular Faction, and promise, at a more convenient time, to Punish the immediate Authors, I would freely hazard my Life in the Expedition.

In the mean time I received a Letter from Mr. Say, who was then at Amsterdam; in which, among other things, I found these Expressions;

‘Believe me, Sir, things are so well pre­pared here to answer the good Ends we all desire, that nothing seems to be wanting but Hands to set the Wheels going. In­vitations and Incouragements are not only offered, but pressed upon You; and there is no ground to fear their Retreat, of which You seem to doubt. The ruin of the pre­sent Government in England is certainly in­tended, and I have cause to believe will be effected; the States being unanimously for [Page 167]this War, and at last brought to see that their Common-wealth cannot long subsist, if Monarchy continue in England. Of this they will soon give the clearest Evidence, as well as of their Resolution to assist the Common-wealth Interest as far as shall be desired; in which they seem to be no less Zealous, than how to defend themselves. As to the Usage our three Friends met with in this Country, I have examined the Par­ticulars, and find the thing to have passed in a different manner than has been repre­sented: They are able here to give You or any Person Satisfaction, that the matter does not lie so foul upon them, as is gene­rally conceived; and would, if it might be any way conducing to the Advantage of our Affairs, set that Business in its true Light. But this is not thought advisable at present by many of our Friends, who think such a Course may too much alarum the Court of England, and put them upon Measures of procuring Peace at any rate. The King of England is never mentioned without the utmost Contempt, and Writ­ings every day published to expose his Per­son and Government. You may propose what You please for your Safety, and I dare answer it shall be granted: Only I must take leave to tell You that the most private manner of Treating is best appro­ved by our Friends. The Offers they make [Page 168]here are very great, and yet no Promises exacted from Us for their Security. There­fore I beg of You to think of seeing this place, and quitting the Quarters where You are, that You may be instrumental in the Service of Your Country at this time. I am certainly informed, That considerable numbers in England, Scotland and Ireland, sensible of their present Servitude, will ap­pear for Us; and such measures will be taken here for their assistance, that I have great hopes of Success. Nothing seems now so much wanting as fixed Councils both here and in England, and no One can be more serviceable than Your Self in this important Matter: I beseech You therefore let Us have Your help, for we cannot be without it, and I am perswaded the Work will prosper in Our Hands. Make all the Expedition You can in Your Journy; for tho' this be not the conjuncture of Action, yet I am perswaded 'tis high time to be preparing, and 'twill be to Our Shame if we neglect it.’

About Eight Days after this, I received another from the same Person; in which, having desired me to give credit to the Con­tents of his last, he added, That the Heer Nieuport had at a Conference assured him, That the Intentions of the Government of Holland were to relieve the good People in [Page 169] England; and that he should be glad of any Overtures to that purpose from me or any other Persons; That there was more in the design of this War than was commonly un­derstood, and that the destruction of the whole Protestant Party was intended: That some of the most eminent of that Religion in France, had sent Messengers into Holland to give in­formation of this Matter; advising, That the States would make the best preparations they could for their defence, and assuring, That if they should be born down in this War, the Reformed Religion would soon be extinguish­ed in France: That the Dutch had Thirty Thousand Men ready to put on Board their Fleet, of which number Ten Thousand were Land Soldiers, and to be disposed as we should advise and direct: That a great Sum of Mony was prepared for this Service, and that the whole Fleet should be commanded to favour Our Enterprize: That if it should be thought necessary to transport Horse into England, the States would willingly comply in that al­so, having resolved to endeavour a perfect Friendship with the good People of England, which, he said, he hoped should never be broken. At the bottom of the Letter were these Words, I beg of you to lay aside all former Prejudices, and as you love the Cause in which you have ingaged, come speedily, and set your Heart and Hand to this Work. I can certainly assure you, That the most [Page 170]considerable Minister of this State, has lately very much inquired for you, and having re­ceived some account of you, has given us reason to hope, That if you will come to them in this conjuncture, they will place you at the head of such a number of Men, as should by the Blessing of God, and the Con­currence of our Friends in England, be suffi­cient to restore the Common-wealth. I dare assure you from the best information I can get, That on such an Occasion there would be a greater appearance for us, than at the be­ginning of the late War. Let me therefore not hear from you, but see you.

Tho' these Offers were very advantagious especially to one in my Condition, and the Honour I received more than I could expect, yet these things, I thank God, were no temp­tation to me. The Cause of my Country which is dearer to me than my Life, was that alone which made me earnestly wish, That I could have perswaded my self to lay hold of this opportunity, and to join with my Friends in this Enterprize for our common Deliverance. But the Reasons before men­tioned sate so close upon me; That I was constrained, not without great regret, to ac­quaint my Friends with my Intentions to per­sist in my former Resolution, not to enter in­to a conjunction of Counsels and Interests with the Dutch, till they had given satisfaction touching the Business of the three Gentlemen [Page 171]they had so inhumanly delivered into the Hands of our Enemies, together with some reasonable assurances that they would not a­bandon the Concernments of such as should join with them.

In the mean time, a Person of Honour and Quality of the English Nation whom I had never seen, being then at Paris, took care to let me know by a third Hand, that the King of England suspecting I would join with the Dutch against him, had caused the As­sassins to double their Diligence, and that the Person who had murder'd Mr. Lisle was come to Paris, accompanied with others of the same Trade, and had undertaken either to carry me off alive, or to dispatch me upon the place. St. Du, another of this Tribe, endea­voured also to engage one Monsieur Torneri, a Gentleman of Savoy, and my Friend, in the Design against me, promising him a great Recompence if it proved successful. He dated his Letter from Paris, and de­sired the Answer to be directed to one at Lyons. But Monsieur Torneri suspecting him to be nearer to us than he would have it be­lieved, and being desirous to penetrate farther into their Secrets, told him in his Answer that Mony was not to be refused; but that I kept my self so much upon my Guard, that nothing could be attempted without previous Consultation. This Gentleman did me the fa­vour to give me a sight of the Letter and [Page 172]Answer, with assurances of his Service, and a promise to send me St. Du's Reply as soon as it should come to his Hands. He informed me also that Du Pre had been degraded, and broken on the Wheel in Effigie, for the Mur­der of Monsieur de la Fleschere; that his Estate in Savoy had been confiscated, and that he was fled for protection to the Town of Fri­burg, and that he was countenanced by the Magistrates of that Place. These things made me resolve upon withdrawing from my Lodg­ings at Vevay, and lying privately for some time, that my Enemies might be amused, and uncertain how to lay their Designs; which having done, it produced the effect I desired. For no sooner had I withdrawn my self from the publick View, but it was generally con­cluded that I was gone for Holland, which I conjecture might put a stop to the Designs against me for that time, and rendred my Country-men at Vevay more safe and undi­sturb'd than they had formerly been.

During this retirement, I received Letters from my Friends in England, with Advice that four Persons had been dispatch'd by the King for our Parts with the accustomed In­structions; but hearing no more concerning them, I concluded they were either the Vil­lains of whom I was already informed from Paris, or part of those who had been sent to Ausburg, with Orders from the same Hands to Assassinate Colonel Algenon Sidney; and [Page 173]probably being Ten in number might have effected their Design, if having undertaken a Journey to Holland upon Business relating to the Publick, he had not removed from that Place before their Arrival. After I had con­tinued about six Weeks privately with my Friends at Lausanna, I returned to my Quar­ters at Vevay, and had not been there above eight or ten days, before a French-man, well furnished with Mony, and Arms, came to one Monsieur Du Fort, a Merchant of Vevay, with a Letter Unsealed from a Trader of Ge­neva, who was little known to him, which contained an Account, That the Person who should bring him that Letter, having been prosecuted in France, for getting a Wench with Child, had desired to be known to some Persons in this Place, which he had chosen for his Retreat. Tho' such a Recommenda­tion had been sufficient to have caused him to be Whipp'd out of the Town; yet other things contributed chiefly to his Removal. For it had been observed that he had acknowledg­ed he came lately from England, and seemed to be well informed of the Affairs of that Court; that he was no less instructed of all the Circumstances of the Assassination of Mr. Lisle; that he intruded into all Companies, and had endeavoured to Lodge in several Houses that stood most convenient to discover our usual Walks; that he had expressed his Discontent, that no one would entertain him [Page 174]without the permission of the Council, and had offered to pay double at certain Places for a Lodging. To this was added, That on a Market-day, having dressed himself in the Habit of a Buffoon, with a Basket on his Back, and Wooden Shoes on his Feet, he bought many things that were to be sold at much more than the value, and gave them to the meanest of the People, drawing by that means many idle Persons after him. Up­on Consideration of these things, the Chate­lain, by Order of the Bailiff, went attended with his Officers to the Inn where he Lodged, and upon Examination, finding him unwil­ling to tell his Name, or Business in this Place, he acquainted him, That by reason of divers Attempts that had been made against the Eng­lish Gentlemen, who had been taken by their Excellencies into Protection, it had been re­solved that no Stranger should remain at Ve­vay, without giving a good account of him­self; which he having not done, had incurred the Consequence, and therefore must resolve to depart within the space of Twenty four Hours. He was much disturbed whilst the Chatelain was present; but having recovered his Spirits by drinking Brandy after his de­parture, he hired a Boat for Villa Nova, pre­tending to go directly for Milan, but we were informed afterwards, that from Villa Nova, he turned short to Savoy, and by the way of Lyons went to Paris.

Some Publick Business requiring the pre­sence of Mr. Treasurer Steiger at Vevay, he came accompanied by Monsieur Lentulus, late Bailiff of Lausanna, Commissary General Go­dart, and another Person of the Senat of Bern; and having dispatch'd his Affairs, did us the Honour to make us a Visit, in which having expressed great Kindness and Friendship, he informed us, That Du Pre had procured the Magistrates of Friburg to give instructions to Colonel Pharamond, and their other Deputies then at Bern, to sollicit their Lordships for the Restitution of his Lands; but that the Council was so far from doing as he desired, that they forthwith caused the Advoyer to issue out an Order to seize his Person if he should come within the Territories of their Jurisdiction, and to send new Instructions to the Bailiff of Morges, for receiving his Rents, and employing them in Publick Uses; direct­ing the said Treasurer Steiger to give the De­puties an account of their Proceedings; which when he had done, and acquainted them with the Attempt Du Pre had made to Assassinate us, together with the Murder he had commit­ted upon the Person of his Brother-in-Law, and many other Villanies of which he had been guilty, the Colonel said, That he had not heard any thing of these Matters before; and desiring to be excused, promised never to open his Mouth more in his behalf. The next Day we returned the Visit we had re­ceived [Page 176]from the Treasurer and his Company, and were most affectionately received, all of them expressing themselves with the utmost Friendship, and assuring us of the care and favour of the Government.

Of this we had in a short time the most evident Demonstration; for their Excellencies of Bern having received information that Du Pre designed to take a Journy to a Place in Burgundy, called Joigny, they sent out two Parties to lie upon the way; one of which meeting with him, and commanding him in their Lordships Name to surrender himself, he at first made some resistance: But finding that way too hazardous, he clapp'd Spurrs to his Horse, and when he was at some distance from the Guard, endeavouring to leap a deep and broad Ditch, he fell with his Horse into the middle of it. Some People who were carrying in the Harvest, seeing him in Di­stress, and not knowing that he was pursued by Publick Authority, hastned to his Relief. But he being conscious of his own Crimes, and therefore suspecting all Men to be his E­nemies, fired one of his Pistols upon them, which provoked the Country-men to entertain him with Stones, till the Officers came up, and seized him. They found a Case of Pi­stols at his Saddle, another pair at his Girdle, and a Carabine hanging by his side. In his Pocket was a Letter directed to him without any Name subscribed, containing in substance, [Page 177]That he should inform himself where the great Whale or the little old Fish might be found; and give notice if any Publick Ho­nours had been done to the memory of the English Gentleman who was kill'd at Lausanna. The rest of his Papers and Letters he had torn in pieces before he could be taken; but upon putting them together in the best manner that was possible, it appeared, That most of them had relation to the same Subject, and were full of malicious Expressions against the Go­vernment of Bern. He was carried to the House of one Monsieur De la Berchere, a Gen­tleman living near the Place where he was seized, and being kept there all Night, he was the next Day brought Prisoner to Yverden, and committed to the Castle.

Their Excellencies having received informa­tion of the Seizing and Imprisonment of Du Pre, dispatch'd Orders to their Officers at Vevay, to examin all Persons upon Oath who might know any thing concerning the At­tempt made against us, in which he had been a Principal Actor; and to transmit to them the Examination and Confession of the Water­man which had been taken by the Bailiff at the Castle of Chillion. Whilst the Evidence was preparing against him, great interest was made to their Lordships of Bern for their Fa­vour to the Prisoner. But meeting with cold Reception from them, they applied them­selves to those of Yverden, who were to give [Page 178]the first Judgment in the Case. His Mother being admitted to speak with him in presence of the Guard, told him, That certain Fathers Capuchins would remember him in their Prayers. But he had another Game to play; and having already promised to quit the Ro­mish Superstition, and to Educate his Son in the Reformed Religion, if by that means he might save his Life, answered, That he own­ed no such Persons to be his Fathers; that he needed not their Prayers, and that they might have enough to do if they would pray for themselves. By these and other Artifices that were used by himself and his Friends, the Officers of Justice at Yverden, were per­swaded to Sentence him only to be banished, and to pay the Fine of One Hundred Pounds; But four of the Twelve who were his Judges Dissented from the rest, and not only Voted him worthy of Death, but Signed a Paper to that purpose, and presented it in their own Persons to their Excellencies, that they might acquit themselves from the Blame of this Pro­ceeding. When the Judgment was presented to the Lords of Bern for their Approbation, they esteemed it to intrench upon their Sove­reignty; in that an inferior Jurisdiction had taken upon them not only to moderate the Punishment, but also to ascertain the Fine. His Mother, and divers other Persons who had accompanied the Sentence to Bern, most ear­nestly sollicited to get it confirm'd; but be­cause [Page 179]Mr. Treasurer Steiger was to go to Fri­burg the next Day about some Publick Affairs, the Consideration of this Business was deferr'd for seven or eight Days. At which time the Treasurer being returned, the Cause was heard before their Excellencies; and after ma­ture Deliberation, Du Pre was condemned to lose his Head on the next ensuing Monday. The principal Crimes objected against him were, That he had stollen and ravished the Person he had since Married, who was Born, and resided within the Jurisdiction of Bern; and that he had made an Attempt to Assassi­nate one or more of the English Gentlemen that were protected by their Excellencies. He denied that he had taken his Wife away in a violent manner, or that he designed to take away the Life of any other English-man except me. He said also, That having resolved to use him thus, they might have acquainted him sooner with their Intentions, and not have incouraged him to such a mis-pending of his time as they had done. And indeed, tho' this could not justly be objected to their Excellencies, who designed no more than that he might be civilly entertain'd till the time of his Trial, yet divers of the Magistrates of Yverden, can by no means be excused, who drank and plaid at Cards with him in the Prison. The Day appointed for his Execution being come, he was brought down; but the Terrors of Death, with the dismal Reflections [Page 180]upon his past Life, seized upon him to such a degree, that he fell into a Rage, throwing himself on the Ground, biting and kicking those that stood near, and asking if there were no hopes of Pardon. He was told that he ought to remember, That if he had been taken in his own Country where he had Mur­der'd his Brother-in-Law, and had been bro­ken in Effigie on the Wheel, he should not have been used so gently. He refused to go to the place of Execution any otherwise than by force; so that about two Hours were spent before he arrived at the place where he was to Dye, tho' it was within Musket-shot of the Prison. Here the Executioner put a Cap on his Head, and placed a Chair that he might sit; but he took off the Cap and threw it away, and kick'd down the Chair among the People. When the Executioner saw this he tied his Hands between his Knees, and having assured him, That if he persisted in his Resistance, he would cut him into forty pieces, after about an Hours Contest, he at last performed his Office.

Soon after this, Mr. Treasurer Steiger ac­companied by our Bailiff and some Gentlemen of Bern, was pleased to make us a Publick Visit, leaving the Officers that attended him, who were Fifteen or Sixteen in number at our Gate, to the end as he informed us, That the People observing the Consideration and Favour we received, might be quickened in [Page 181]their Duty upon any occasion that might happen. He gave us an account of the Pro­ceedings against Du Pre, and informed us, That when the Watermen of Morges had car­ried his Mother back to Tunno, and those of that Place had taken the liberty to censure the Justice of Bern; Madam de la Fleschere, the Widow of our good Friend and Sister to Du Pre, coming to meet her Mother at the Wa­ter side, had presently silenc'd them, and o­penly said, That tho' he was her Brother, yet she acknowledged their Excellencies had done nothing in relation to him but that which was most just. In this Conversation he informed us also, That being in Italy in the Year 1643. when the War between the late King and the Parliament was, as he expressed it, most inflamed, he had there seen a Bull from the Pope, for incouraging all good Ca­tholicks to take Arms for the King against the Parliament, promising that those who should lose their Lives on his side in that Quarrel, should go forthwith to Heaven. Which is so plain that it needs no Comment.

By this time, my Friends in Holland began to think they had been deluded with vain hopes from that People; but being unwilling to take the Shame of their Credulity upon themselves, they resolved to lay the Blame upon me; alledging, That those of the States who had treated with them, having inquired why I was not come to Holland, and receiv­ing [Page 182]no satisfactory Answer, had concluded we were not agreed among our selves, and on that account would not proceed to finish the Treaty. Whereas indeed the true Reason was, That they were still in hopes of patching up a Peace with England, or if that should fail, they promised themselves the Assistance of France, whose Interest seemed to be very dif­ferent from ours. Accordingly the King of France being sollicited by the Dutch to make good the last Treaty with that State, and finding he could not procure a Peace for them, withdrew his Ambassador from London, and declared War against England: Soon after which a Declaration of War was also pub­lished in London against the French King, and entertained by the People with great Joy, the Mayor and Aldermen attending on the Pro­clamation in their Habits of Ceremony.

On occasion of this War, one Monsieur Stuppa, a Native of the Grisons, formerly a Minister, and at that time an Officer in the French Service, was sent into his own Country to raise Men; and having performed his Com­mission, resolved to pass by Vevay in his re­turn to Paris. Being come to this Place, he procured some of my Friends to desire me to give him a meeting, to which I consented. After some general Discourse upon the present Conjuncture, he acquainted me, That tho' he had no express Orders either from France or Holland to make any proposition to me; yet [Page 183]he acknowledged, That the Dutch Ambassa­dor then residing at Paris, had so far opened himself, as to tell him, That his Masters de­signing nothing more in this War than to se­cure themselves from such double Dealing as they had met with from the English Court; and their Quarrel not being against the Peo­ple, but only against the King of England, he hoped I might be brought to Act in Con­junction with them for the good of my own Country. Then he proceeded to ask what grounds there might be to hope that the Com­mon-wealth Party, with a moderate number of Forces to join with them, would be able to carry their Point, professing himself to be as well in Judgment as Interest disposed to wish them well: And on this Head we went over many Particulars, tho' I durst not be so free with him as was requisite to a full clear­ing of such Matters. Some Days after this, we had another Conference, in which by the perswasion of a particular Friend, I acquaint­ed him, That if any just and honourable way should be proposed for the restitution of the Republick in England, I would readily use the best of my Endeavours, and hazard my Life in that Service. He seemed well satisfied with this Answer; and having assured me that a great sum of Mony would be advanced to give Life to the interest of our Friends, and to assist them in their preparations for Action, we a­greed on a way of Correspondence, and so parted.

The next Morning, one Mr. Constance came to me from the Count of Donnagh, with a Message to desire me to meet him privately at Lausanna, which I promised to do the more willingly, because the said Count had lately given Proof of his Kindness to us, by sending me Advice, That his Ladies Father passing through Chatillion, (the princpal Place of our Enemies Rendevouz) had been certain­ly informed, That those who had Murder'd Mr. Lisle, were come again into these Parts with intentions to Assassinate us; and more particularly me, assuring, That I might give credit to the thing, because it had been im­parted to his Father-in-Law, on supposition that he approved the Design. The Gentleman informed me also, That the Count had a Commission from the States of Holland to raise Three Thousand Men in these Parts; that the Heer John de Witte had advised him to see me, and that he hoped the Levies he was to make, might be imploy'd for the restitution of the Common-wealth in England. To which I answered, as I had done before to Monsieur Stuppa, that I was always ready to lay down my Life in so good a Cause.

Few Days after this, I received a Letter from Holland to inform me, That our Friends were entring into new Measures, and that the Heer John de Witte, together with the Heer Nieuport, and others who seemed most Affe­ctionate to us, had advised, That for several [Page 185]Reasons, the Treaty between Holland and our Friends might be carried on at Paris; that Colonel Algernon Sidney and I would repair to France for that purpose, where we should be Lodged at the House of the Dutch Ambassa­dor, promising that we should have Pastports in the best Form, requiring all Magistrates and other Officers in that Kingdom to be ser­viceable and assisting to us. In the same Packet I had another from England to inform me, That the Condition of our Friends there was not Contemptible, and that they thought no Hazards too great to be ventur'd in order to deliver themselves from the Evils they suf­fer'd, and greater which they had just Cause to fear. They exhorted me therefore to lay aside all Scruples and former Prejudices, and to improve the present favourable Conjuncture to the advantage of the Common-wealth. These Letters were accompanied with three more; One from Colonel Algernon Sidney, in­viting me to give him a meeting at Basle, in order to continue our Journy from thence to Paris. The other two were written by Mr. Say, and Colonel Bisco, to press me to engage in this Undertaking, promising, That if I would resolve to go, all the Exiles would not fail to accompany me; and adding, That if I refused, they believed no Man would stir. I found by these Letters that there had been some Heats and Jealousies between Colonel Sidney and Mr. Say, the former charging Mr. [Page 186] Say with having privately disswaded me from engaging in this Enterprise, and Mr. Say ac­cusing Colonel Sidney of using all the means he could to discourage me; but to do them Justice, I must needs say, That they both en­deavoured to the utmost of their Power to engage me in this Affair.

These things brought me into great Doubts and Difficulties. For on the one hand, if I should neglect the present Offers, and the Design should miscarry, I foresaw that my Friends, who had sollicited me to engage, would not fail to attribute the Fault to me, by whatever means the ill Success should hap­pen. On the other side, if I should resolve to enter upon such a Treaty, besides my own want of Ability for the management of so great an Affair, the unsuitableness of my Prin­ciples and Circumstances, together with the Aversion I had to treat in France, and per­haps with that King's Ministers, who had all along favour'd those bloody Designs which had been contrived against my Life, I could not see how I might come to any Resolution what to offer, demand, promise or perform. Being under this Perplexity, I was attack'd again on the same account by two of our Friends, who made a Journy from Holland on purpose to perswade me to take part in this Affair; so that finding my self thus pres­sed on all Hands, I told them, That the Lord Jermyn being lately arrived at Paris, with [Page 187]Orders from the Court of England, to treat of an Accommodation with the King of France, in which he would not fail to be powerfully assisted by the Queen-Mother of England; this Treaty might take effect, as that of the Bishop of Munster with the States had already done; by which means it would certainly fall out, That, tho' we should not be betray'd by the French, which I doubted, yet the Lords of Bern would no longer think them­selves obliged to protect us as they had hi­therto done; that if the Levies of Suiss Sol­diers which the States were about to make, should be designed for England as we had been informed, I thought my present Stay in these Parts might be of more use to the Publick, than if I should take the Journy that was proposed; and that for many Reasons I was very unwilling to put my self into the Hands of the King of France. Yet that they might see I would go as great a length in this Bu­siness as I could, I offer'd, That if the States should think fit to publish a Declaration to ac­knowledge the Error of delivering up our three Friends; promise to use their Endea­vours to restore the Common-wealth to the Exercise of their Authority; furnish such a number of Troops of the Reformed Religion as might be probably sufficient to protect our Friends in coming into them, and oblige themselves not to leave us in a worse condi­tion than we were at that time, I would [Page 188]heartily engage in the Enterprize. With this Answer my two Friends returned to Holland, and being on their way sent me Word, That the Person who resided for the King of France at Mentz, and is Brother to his Ambassador at Ratisbonne, had been at Frankfurt on purpose to meet Colonel Sidney and me, supposing we had both been at that place; where in a Conference with the Colonel, he had commu­nicated to him a Letter from Monsieur de Lyonne Secretary of State, written in Cypher by the Order of the King of France, in which he was commanded to acquaint us, That if we would go to Paris, we should have all the Se­curity the Government could give or we could desire for the Safety of our Per­sons.

The Court of England having received some obscure Informations of a Design carried on by the Dutch to land some Forces to assist their Enemies at home, published a Proclama­tion to require Colonel John Desbrowe, Colonel Thomas Kelsey, Colonel John White, Major John Grove, Sir Robert Honywood Junior, Cap­tain John Nicholas of Monmouth, and divers other Persons, to return into England and to surrender themselves into the Hands of some Justice of the Peace in the County where they should land, before the 23d Day of the next ensuing July, on pain of being proceeded a­gainst as Traytors. But not being contented with this, they employed a Jesuite to procure [Page 189]the Pensioner John de Witte to be murder'd, who not only undertook that Employment, but promised to get me to be assassinated also. Myn Heer Nieuport, who had formerly been Ambassador for the States in England, sent his Son to Mr. Say to acquaint him with this Matter, assuring him that the Jesuite was already come to Holland, and that they hoped to seize him; but lest other Persons might be engaged with him in the Design against me, of whom they had no Information, he de­sired that I might be forthwith advised of what they had discovered; which Mr. Say. punctually performed.

Our Friends began now to perceive the Ef­fects of Jermyn's Negociation, and that the French King would rather chuse to procure to himself the management of the Court of Eng­land at any rate, than either to do an honour­able thing for Men in distress, or to give his Allies common Satisfaction in the smallest Things that might disgust his Brother of Eng­land in this Conjuncture. For the Dutch Am­bassador having demanded that Te Deum might be sung in the great Church at Paris for the late Victory they had obtained against the English Fleet commanded by Monk and Prince Rupert; he refused to permit it for three Reasons. First, On account that they differed in Religion. In the second place, That having had no Forces in the Engage­ment, he could have no share in the Victory. [Page 190]And Thirdly, That it would be of little ad­vantage to either of the States to triumph over their Enemies. Our Friends had been made to believe that they should have the assistance of France in a great Sum of Mony; but few of them approved of their sending Forces, as was at last proposed, suspecting their Fidelity in case of Success. And I think the Event shew'd that this last Proposition was made by the French (who had been lately intriguing with the Court of England) in confidence that it would not be accepted.

But however Affairs might stand in France, yet our Friends in Holland had not lost all hopes, as may appear by the following Letter which I received from thence.

This Letter being subscribed by many Per­sons was sent to me by the way of Germany, and a Duplicate being dispatch'd at the same time through France, I received both. From all which, considering that so much weight was laid upon my Presence in Holland, tho' I could see little reason for their Opinion, I re­solved to insist no longer upon any thing to be [Page 192]done by the States previous to my Engage­ment, but only that they would disclaim that Action which had passed in relation to our three Friends, and promise to make Provision, in any Treaty they should make with our Enemies, for all those who should engage with them, or at least to leave them in as good a Condition as they were at the time of their Engagement. If this could be effected I de­termined to make use of the following Pass­port, which I had received from the Count D'Estrades Ambassador for the King of France to the States General of the United Pro­vinces.

The same in English.

Some time after this, an Engagement hap­pening between the English and Dutch Fleets, tho' both Parties made Bonfires for the Victo­ry, yet the Court of England conceiving the Advantage to have been on their side, resolved to improve the opportunity for the advance­ment of the Prince of Orange. To this end the Earl of Arlington, who was then Secretary of State, wrote a Letter to one Buat a French Man, with whom he had Correspondence; and knowing him to be well affected to the Prince, acquainted him that he judged this to be the time of promoting that Interest. Buat, who, tho' he had a Military Command in Holland, yet pretended to serve that State with Intelligence from Foreign Parts, having on that account some Paper to present to the Pen­sionary John de Witte, put the Lord Arlington's Letter by mistake into his Hands. Upon this, Buat was seized with his Papers; which, as was said, gave them so much Light, that Trump with his Brother-in-Law the Sieur Kuivoit of Roterdam, were removed from their Employments, and forbidden to appear in any publick Council; the latter, with one Vander­hulst of the same Place, departing the Coun­try. Many others were seized, and Orders being given to prosecute Buat for Treason, he was found guilty and condemned to lose his Head. Trump was confined to his House, and the Baron de Ghent was appointed to succeed him in his Command by Sea.

About the middle of September, 1666. The Count of Donagh sent me Advice by M. Con­stance, That, having been at Chatillion, the usual place of our Enemies Rendevouz, he had obliged the Master of the Inn where they met, to promise, That if he should discover any Persons to have a Design against us for the future, or if those who formerly frequent­ed his House on that account should at any time return thither, he would not fail to in­form him forthwith. This Message was the more seasonable, because within few Days, our good Friend Monsieur Torneri, upon whom alone, since the Death of Monsieur de la Fleschere, we depended for Intelligence from Savoy, was Murder'd by Du Fargis, one of those who with Du Pre attempted to As­sassinate us in the Year 1664. It was said, That Monsieur Torneri had spoken some words concerning Du Fargis, which containing too much Truth, and therefore most Offending; Du Fargis having waited some time for an occasion of Revenge, at last shot him in the Head, as he was on Horseback taking leave of his Sister at her House in Yvian; of which Wound he died the same Day.

The Court of England having procured from the Parliament a Grant of about Eigh­teen Hundred Thousand Pounds, under co­lour of carrying on the War against Holland and France; began immediately after the Pro­rogation of the Parliament, to discover their [Page 196]Intentions to make Peace with their Neigh­bours. Presents and Offices of Civility passed frequently between Paris and London; and the King of France sent Orders to all his Ports, That if any English Ships should be forced into them by stress of Weather or otherwise, they should be received and assisted with all things necessary. The King of England ac­quainted the Ambassador of Sweden, that as Mediator he might intimate to the States, That upon an invitation from them, they should not find them averse from Peace, and that he was contented the Hague should be the place of treating. But the Pensionary John [...] Witte, who well knew what Opportunities [...] sowing Divisions among them the Hague would afford, calling to mind that the King had formerly pretended he would never be brought to treat in any other place than at London, and therefore suspecting that by this seeming Condescension he might propose to himself to do that by little Arts, which he could not compass by open force, procured the States to excuse themselves from treating at the Hague, under colour that being an open Town, they could not so well protect such Ministers as should be sent to treat, from the insults of the People, as they had formerly experienced to their great Regret, and to of­fer Ʋtretcht, Breda or Maestricht for the place of treating, at the choice of the King of Eng­land. When the Swedish Ambassador had [Page 197]communicated this Answer to the King, he fell into a great Passion, not so much on ac­count of their refusal, but because he saw his Designs discovered. However, being resolved not to set out the Fleet, and therefore con­strained to be Calm, he swallow'd the bitter Draught, and made choice of Breda for this purpose. He nominated Mr. Denzil Hollis, who for his Merits in helping to bring about the late change, was now called Lord Hollis, together with one Mr. Coventry to be his Commissioners for treating the Peace, putting on an appearance of caressing the Dutch, cal­ling them his Allies, offering that each Party should keep what they possess'd, and that the Treaty concluded between them in the Year 1662. should be the foundation of this. The Seamen wanting Employment, enter'd them­selves for the most part into the Service of the Merchants, and some of them into that of the States; by which means it became im­possible to Man out a Fleet upon any occa­sion however pressing.

The Dutch being well inform'd of what pass'd in England, and thinking this Oppor­tunity not to be neglected, made as great preparations for War as they had ever done. De Ruyter was appointed to command the Fleet, and Four Thousand Land men were put on Board under the Conduct of one Colo­nel Doleman, an Experienc'd Officer, and who for not rendring himself within the time [Page 198]limited by the late Proclamation, had incur­red the penalty of Treason by Virtue of a late Act passed at Westminster, and on that account believed to be more firm to their In­terest. In this Conjuncture, my Friends and Country-men in Holland attack'd me again with Letters, assuring me, That nothing could hinder the speedy Dispatch of this Fleet but the Expectation of my Arrival; That the States had resolved to Land a considerable Force in a certain place in England by their Advice, and that our Friends in England should have timely notice of their Intentions; That Colonel Doleman was to command those Troops as General, unless I should arrive be­fore the Sailing of the Fleet, and in such case it was order'd that he should have the next Post under me. But having received no sa­tisfaction touching those things upon which I had formerly insisted; being of Opinion that it lay within the Power of the Court of Eng­land to make Peace with the Dutch when they pleased, and conceiving that the great Prepa­rations made by the Dutch, and the Correspon­dences kept on foot with our Friends were only in order to constrain the King to a Com­pliance with them; I returned for my An­swer, that I thought Colonel Doleman, who was in the actual Service of the States; and an able Officer, to be much fitter for that Em­ployment than my self. But if, contrary to my Sense of things, the States and our Friends [Page 199]should judge otherwise, I told them again, That if I might have satisfaction in the two Points I formerly mentioned, I would not be wanting to contribute my best assistance to the Service of the Publick, tho' in the lowest degree of Employment; and that if I might be assured that a Journy to Holland at this time would not tend to deprive me of the Protection I now enjoy'd, I would not fail for their Satisfaction to undertake it without delay, that we might debate these things to­gether upon the Place. It soon appeared that I had good ground for this Caution; for up­on the Arming of the Bishop of Munster con­trary to the late Agreement he had made, and the Restitution of Rhynberg demanded by the Elector of Colen, together with some o­ther Accidents, the Dutch shewed themselves ready to treat with England, upon the foot of the Treaty concluded between them in the Year 1662. with little alteration in the Articles touching the King's Enemies, and none at all in that relating to the late King's Judges.

The English Plenipotentiaries, notwith­standing the ill Condition of Affairs at home, spent a whole Month at Breda without en­tring into Conference with those of Holland, which with the Quarrels that happened be­tween these two Ministers, gave the States a farther occasion to improve the present Con­juncture to the best advantage; many of them [Page 200]declaring openly that they would protect the most obnoxious of the King's Enemies. In this Resolution they sent their Fleet to Sea, and made directly for the River of Thames with their Land-Forces on Board. The Court of England having made no preparations for the defence of the Nation, was alarum'd to the last degree with the News of their Ap­proach; and at the first meeting of the Coun­cil, a Proposition was made to Assemble the Parliament with all possible Expedition, tho' they had been Adjourn'd to the Tenth of Octo­ber, that by their Advice either a Peace might be made to the Satisfaction of the Nation, or the War carried on to the best Advantage. On the other side, the Chancellor Hyde know­ing himself to be in danger from the Parlia­ment, did all that he could to oppose that Motion; and conceiving an Army more use­ful to promote the Arbitrary Designs of the Court, took this occasion to propose the raising of Twelve Thousand Men. And tho' the Major part of the Council carried it for As­sembling the Parliament on the 25th of the next ensuing July, and that a Proclamation should be forthwith published to that end, yet the design of raising an Army was not laid aside.

The Dutch Admiral finding no Enemies at Sea, resolv'd to attack the English in their own Harbours, and to that end made all Sail for the River. The first English Ships he saw [Page 201]were Eight or Nine outward bound Mer­chant-men with their Convoy, which upon discovery of the Holland Fleet having tack'd about, he chaced them up to the Hope; but being suddenly becalmed, he was oblig'd to come to an Anchor. Here he met with a Storm, which ending in a favourable North-East Wind, he stood towards the Isle of Shep­way, and being arriv'd there he Landed about Eight Hundred Men, seized the Island, and took the Fort of Sheerness, a Ship of War that lay for the Guard of that Fort, being taken by some of their great Ships at the same time. Having possessed themselves of this Fort, Eighteen of their lesser Vessels with some Fire-ships, under the Conduct of Vice-Admi­ral Van Ghent, sailed the next Day into the River of Chatham, and notwithstanding the Ships that had been sunk to hinder their Pas­sage, came up to an Iron Chain that traversed the River, and had been made on this occa­sion, fought the Mathias and Charles the fifth, which were order'd to defend it, killed most of their Men, burnt the Ships and broke the Chain. Then passing by Ʋpner-Castle they burnt the Mary, took the Ʋnity and the Royal Charles, and placed their Colours upon the latter in view of her Master who stood on the Shore, observing the Effects of his prudent and vigilant Government. On the third Day they burnt the Royal Oak, the Royal James, and the Loyal London, with divers other [Page 202]smaller Vessels. In this deplorable State of Affairs, Monk being desirous to save the re­maining Ships, he caused them to be sunk in the River, and order'd five Fire-ships to fall in among the Dutch Fleet, but without the Success he expected. In the mean time, the Trained Bands from all the adjacent Parts were Marching towards Chatham, to endea­vour to prevent farther Mischief by Land; Nine Ships were sunk at Woolwich, and four at Blackwal; and Platforms furnished with Ar­tillery and Works to defend them, were raised in divers Places to hinder the Enemy from coming up to London. But the Dutch, who had another Game to play, having exacted a Sum of Mony from the Inhabitants of Shep­way, and carried off the Guns and Ammuni­tion they found at Sheerness, fell down with their Fleet to the Buoy in the Nore, and Sole­bay; giving leisure to all Parties to make their Reflections upon this Expedition; the Court in the mean time taking hold of this occasion to colour the raising of Land-Forces.

These Losses, and this Dishonour falling upon the English, were not without effect at Breda. For their Plenipotentiaries, who had hitherto been very slow in their Negotiation, now applied themselves so effectually to the Work, that in two or three Days they made a considerable progress in the Treaty, and agreed to the Articles that were thought to [Page 203]contain the greatest Difficulties. One Article concerning Denmark retarded the conclusion for some Days, the English Ambassadors desir­ing time to know the King's Pleasure in that Matter. But he being compell'd to submit to the present Necessity, order'd them to Sign all, expecting to take Revenge at a more con­venient time.

By this time it was manifest, That tho' the Pensionary John de Witte, and the Heer Nieu­port, with one or two more might be sincere in their Dealings with us; yet the far greater part of the States and their Officers had de­sired our Conjunction with them for no other end, than to procure better Terms for them­selves from our common Enemy, chusing ra­ther to see a Tyranny than a Common-wealth Established in England, as knowing by Expe­rience that they could corrupt the former, and by that means possess themselves of the most profitable parts of Trade. And therefore hav­ing procured from the English Court some new Advantages for their Commerce, not­withstanding all that had passed, and their most solemn Protestations made to our Friends, they agreed to Articles touching the King's Enemies, which were the same in sub­stance with those of 1662. promising to deli­ver up those they call Regicides into the hands of the King's Ministers, or others appointed by him; and to deal with all Persons who should be declared Fugitives or Rebels, as I [Page 204]have mentioned already in another place: On­ly forsooth those who flie to them for matters of Conscience shall not be judged to be com­prehended in that Article; as if the King would not be glad to clear his Hands of all those who have any Conscience, having pres­sed them long since to shew their peaceable Disposition by retiring into some of the Ame­rican Plantations, where they might enjoy the liberty of their Consciences without interrup­tion. Besides, if he should desire to reach any Persons who might withdraw to Holland on this account, 'tis but charging them with some heinous Crime, and then they are to be treated as Rebels and Fugitives. But having purchased the former Peace with the price of Blood, they resolved to strengthen the second with the same Cement. So that I think it may be concluded without Injustice, that the Dutch had no real intention to do any good to those who were oppressed in England, and that it was in the Power of that Court to make Peace with them whenever they pleased, tho' with the ruin of those who should en­gage on their side. And I conceive my self obliged to bless God for the caution I used in requiring them to deal plainly and openly in the things which I demanded, and they pre­tended to do for us, before I would join in the Undertaking. If the Dutch had been necessi­tated by ill success to accept such Terms as they could get from the Court of England. [Page 205]I doubt not all the Blame would have been thrown upon me; but since it pleased God to put it into their Power to do us all the good imaginable, and our Enemies all the hurt, 'tis past Dispute that the defect was altogether in their Will.

Whilst these things were in agitation, the Parliament met on the 25th of July, accord­ing to the late Proclamation; and entring im­mediately upon the Debate of the Army, which they resolv'd to break, spoke so clearly and freely touching that Matter, That the Court resolv'd to give them a little Interrup­tion, hoping in that time to take off some of those who had appeared with the greatest warmth by such means as they had in their Hands, or if that Design should not succeed, to think upon taking new Measures. To this end they were acquainted by the Chancellor Hyde, That it was the King's Pleasure they should Adjourn till the 29th of the same Month: But before this Message came to them, they had passed a Resolution, That the King should be desired forthwith to Disband the Army he had lately raised. The Day to which they had been Adjourned being come, and the House full of Members, their Speaker appear'd not, till the King came to the House of Peers, where, having sent for the House of Commons, he made a short Speech touching the late Peace, and then directed the Chan­cellor to do as he had commanded; Who, [Page 206]without any Preamble told them, That it was His Majesties Pleasure they should be Ad­journed to the Tenth of October next. But for all this, some of the Council had the Courage to oppose these violent Courses, and to advise, That the Army might be Disbanded according to the desire of the House of Commons, That the Seal should be taken from Hyde, and that the Parliament should meet at the time ap­pointed, and be left to the liberty of provid­ing for the Publick Safety in their own way. Pursuant to this Advice, Monk was employ'd to demand the Seal of the Chancellor, and embraced this occasion of Revenge with Joy; for the Chancellor had openly blamed his Conduct in presuming to attack the whole Dutch Fleet the last Year, whilst Prince Ru­pert with part of the English Fleet was sepa­rated from him. The Chancellor refused to deliver the Seal to Monk, under pretence that some Men had suffered for parting with it too easily, telling him, That he would bring it to the King in Council the next Day, being not without hopes by his interest and presence to prevail with them to change their Re­solution. But his Master finding himself obliged to give way to the present Torrent, persisted in his Demand, and having received the Seal from his Hands, entrusted it to Sir Orlando Bridgman, with the Title of Lord-Keeper.

Among the various Reasons that were given to justifie the King in abandoning the Chan­cellor to the Resentment of the People, one was, That he had Countermined the King in the Design he had to be Divorced from the Queen, under pretence that She had been pre­ingaged to another Person; That She had made a Vow of Chastity before her Marriage, and that She was uncapable of having Chil­dren. The Person designed to fill her place was one Mrs. Stuart, a Young and Beautiful Lady, who had some Office under the Queen. The Chancellor, who had procured his Daugh­ter to be Married to the Duke of York, and was therefore suspected of having made the Match with the Infanta of Portugal, that he might make way for the succession of the col­lateral Line, sent for the Duke of Richmond; and pretending to be sorry that a Person of his Worth, and near Relation to the King should receive no Marks of his Favour, ad­vised him to Marry Mrs. Stuart, as the most certain way he could take to advance himself. The Young Man unwarily took in the Bait, and credulously relying upon what the Old Volpone had said, made immediate Application to the Young Lady, who was ignorant of the King's Intentions, and in a few Days Mar­ried her. The King being thus disappointed, and soon after informed by what means this Match had been brought about, banished the Duke with his new Dutchess from the Court, [Page 208]and kept his Resentment against the Chancel­lor to a more convenient Opportunity.

By Letters from Paris I was informed, That the Dutchess of Orleans, not at all dis­couraged by the Unsuccessfulness of the At­tempts of her Instruments against us, had o­penly declared, That she would not rest, till the Design should be effected, if Mony would bring it about; and to that end had employed other Persons than those who had formerly endeavoured to Assassinate us. Few Days af­ter, a Swiss Merchant residing at Lyons, com­ing to Vevay upon Business relating to his Pro­fession, acquainted me, That having observed an English Gentleman of a reserved Carriage to have taken a Lodging in a private House at Lyons, and finding upon inquiry that he was no Trader; thinking him to be too far advanced in Age to travel either for Pleasure, or to acquire Experience, and disliking the Company he frequented, he began to suspect him to be one of those who were employed in the Design against us; and being desirous to know the truth in order to do us what Ser­vice he could, he soon found means to be in­troduced into his Acquaintance. After two or three Days Conversation, the Gentleman finding him to be a Swiss, and of the Canton of Friburg, inquired of him whether Vevay were within that Jurisdiction, whether the English Gentlemen were still there, and in what Number, and whether he had any Ac­quaintance [Page 209]or Interest in the Place; and up­on Answer that he had many Friends there, he began to make him great Offers if he would enter into an Engagement against us. He proceeded to tell me, That in order to draw out what he could of the Design, he had ob­jected the difficulty of the Undertaking, by reason those Gentlemen were so constantly up­on their Guard, and so well beloved by all Persons in the Town, that no Stranger could come thither without being strictly examined and diligently observ'd: Besides, that their Excellencies of Bern, by so severely punishing one of those who had attempted to Assassi­nate them, had sufficiently declared to the World what Usage others might expect, who should engage in such an Enterprize. To which the Assassin made answer, That he was convinced there was no hope of carrying any of us off by force, or attempting against us in an open manner, but that the Business might be done from a Hedge or a Wall by Persons Disguised; adding, That Riardo and others had foolishly squander'd away the Mo­ny of the Dutchess of Orleans; but that now the Design was so well laid that it could not easily miscarry. This Person he describ'd to be of a low Stature, his Hair of a dark Brown beginning to turn Gray, of quick Apprehen­sion, and of an active and strong Constitu­tion. He informed me also, That tho' some Persons in Savoy had undertaken for a consi­derable [Page 210]Sum to raise such a Party of Men as might seize us by open force; yet those who had engaged them, failing to supply them with Mony according to Agreement, that Design, and all others of that Nature, he be­lieved, were totally laid aside. He concluded with assuring me, That he would take pains to learn what he could of this or any other thing that might concern us, and not fail to give me timely and faithful Advice of what he should discover.

The part in this Scene, on which our Ene­mies laid most weight, was to be acted by one Roux, a quick witted, nimble tongued and confident French-man, who upon Recom­mendation from France was entertain'd at the House of one Colonel Balthazar, in the Coun­try of Veaux, as others had been who were engaged in the same villanous Design. He gave himself out for a considerable Person, and pretended to be Commissionated from the King of England, to treat about Affairs of great Importance with the four Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, and more particular­ly with their Lordships of Bern. Colonel Balthazar had lived for some time in the Pala­tinate under mean Circumstances; but put­ting himself into the Armies of the King of France, he in a short time by Plunder and Rapine had accumulated great Riches. Be­tween these two it was concerted, That Co­lonel Weiss, a Senator of Bern, whom I have [Page 211]had occasion to mention before, being at Ge­neva, by Order of their Excellencies, for ad­justing some Matters in diffreence between that Republick and the Duke of Savoy, should, after he had dispatch'd his Affairs, be invited to the House of Colonel Balthazar. Which being accordingly done, Roux was introduc'd into his Company, and after some Discourse inform'd him, That the King of England was desirous to entertain a more particular Cor­respondence with the Protestant Cantons, and especially that of Bern, than he had done for the time past, if on their part they would make him the Compliment to desire it by an Agent to be sent into England on that account, and preliminary to this Treaty, would with­draw their Protection from those who had contributed to the Death of his Father, ex­pressing himself amaz'd that their Excellen­cies should favour those whom France and the Low-Countries had deliver'd up, and all other Nations had abandon'd. An account of this Business being sent to Bern, was imparted by Mr. Treasurer Steiger, to our true Friend Mr. John Henry Humelius, with Advice to inform me forthwith of what was doing. In the mean time, Roux made it his Business where­soever he came, to endeavour by Aspersions to render us odious, and to justifie those who had kill'd Mr. Lisle at Lausanna, affirming they had been most liberally rewarded both in England and France, and that the King of [Page 212] England wanted not means to gratifie all those who should do him Service. Of this I had certain and speedy information by divers Per­sons, who at several times had heard these and the like Discourses from Roux; which I may not let pass without observing, that what he said concerning those who Murder'd Mr. Lisle was so far from being true, that one of them died not long after he had committed that Vil­lany, in extream want, at a mean Lodging in Westminster: And the other, tho' advanc'd to be a Captain in France, complain'd of the Ingratitude of those who had employ'd them, protesting they had never receiv'd any other reward than Three Hundred Pistoles from the Dutchess of Orleans, of which Two Hun­dred had been spent in laying the Design, and waiting an occasion of putting it it Exe­cution.

Roux having inform'd himself as well as he could of things in these parts, address'd himself to some of the Government of Zurich, pretending to be sent from the King of Eng­land with a Commission to propose that the four Protestant Cantons would enter into the Alliance lately made by the King of England; the States of Holland, and the Crown of Swe­den, for securing the Peace between the Kings of Spain and France. Which Proposition be­ing communicated to the Council, they hav­ing been inform'd concerning the pretended Agent, and the condition annex'd to his Busi­ness, [Page 213] That their Excellencies of Bern should aban­don the English, refus'd him Audience under pretext that he had not any Letters of Cre­dence, which he would have perswaded them he had left at a place in Burgundy call'd St. Claud. Having met with this cold Reception at Zurich, he resolv'd to make tryal of the Government of Bern; and accordingly pro­cur'd one of their number to acquaint them with his Propositions; but they us'd him more roughly, and order'd the Person he had en­gag'd to inform them of his Business, to let him know, That they approv'd neither of his Person nor of his Propositions, and that he might return by the same way he came. Yet all this was not enough to check the Impudence of this Fellow. For upon the return of Colo­nel Weiss from Geneva, (who had left the Dif­ferences between that State and the Duke of Savoy in a fair way of Accommodation) he attack'd him again, in hopes by his means to procure some Interest at Bern; protesting that the King of England had a great desire to en­ter into a more particular Alliance with that Canton than any other, provided they would deliver those who had adjudg'd his Father to Death into his Hands, or at least withdraw the Protection they had granted to them, tempting him with assurances, That whoever should carry the News of their Concurrence to the King, should receive Fifty Thousand Crowns for a Gratuity. To which the Colo­nel [Page 214]made answer with more than ordinary In­dignation, That he could not think of the Proposition without Horrour; That it was derogatory to the Honour of their Excellen­cies, and that it was not the custom of the Swiss to betray those who had put themselves under their Protection. This Attempt was seconded by a Letter pretended to be written from the Court of England, by one who would be thought a great Friend to the Swiss Interest, dated in August 1668. and address'd to one of the Syndics of Geneva, in order to be communicated to the Governors of Bern. Having obtain'd a sight of this Paper, I found in it the following Words:

‘YOU are desir'd to give immediate notice to the Lords of Bern, That their Enemies have endeavour'd to perswade His Majesty, that they have neither the Respect nor Affection for his Person, that he might justly expect from them; That they have not only taken the Murderers of the late King into their Protection, but have publickly honour'd them with extra­ordinary Favours. This Report I have en­deavour'd to discredit, even in the presence of the Person who kill'd Mr. Lisle at Lau­sanna, assuring His Majesty, That if any such Persons were within the Territories of Bern, the Government was not inform'd of their Crimes; and that I firmly believ'd, [Page 215]If His Majesty should desire it, they would not only banish them, but deliver them up, as the Hollanders had done, to receive the just Punishment of so horrible a Crime.’

Upon this Letter, and other Artifices us'd by our Enemies, Colonel Balthazar openly gave out, That this would be the last Year of our residence at Vevay; But their Excellen­cies of Bern having perus'd the Letter, and finding no Name subscrib'd, concluded it to be written by some mercenary Fellow, who had been hir'd to that purpose; and some of them did us the favour to promise that they would endeavour to find out the Authors of the Contrivance. Colonel Weiss also sent to inform me of the late Conversation he had with Roux, and to assure us, That tho' he had been deluded into a good Opinion of him, by the false Pretences of Balthazar; yet being sufficiently convinc'd of his Mistake, he should be always ready to serve us to the utmost of his Power, and would answer, That General D'Erlach should also do the same, with as many of the Senate as he could make to be our Friends. These assurances were accom­pany'd with a Message from the Advoyer, by one Captain Bartholomeo Turene, who had been an active Officer in the defence of his Country-men of the Vallies of Piedmont, a­gainst the Tyranny of the Duke of Savoy. The Contents of this Message were to let us [Page 216]know, That tho' we might have some Ene­mies, yet we had many more Friends at Bern; promising to continue his care of us, and to do his best to defeat the Designs of our Ene­mies.

About the same time, Mr. Treasurer Steiger coming to Vevay about the Publick Affairs, made us another Visit, and did us the honour to Dine at our Quarters, accompany'd by the Bailiff of the Town, and other Principal Per­sons of the Country. In this Conversation he inform'd us, That when Application was made to their Excellencies, that they would appoint some Persons to treat with Roux, or at least give him an Audience, he had taken the liberty to say in the Council, That tho' there were no ground to suspect him of ill Designs, as there was but too much, and that the King of England should send to them with all the Ceremony and Forms requisite to desire them to withdraw their Protection from us, he could never prevail with himself to give his consent to such a Resolution; because the Protection having been granted after serious deliberation, and the English Gentlemen hav­ing done nothing to forfeit their Excellencies Favour, it ought in his Opinion to be esteem'd Sacred. He told us, That the Person who had mov'd the Council to take Roux's Busi­ness into Consideration, had been publickly Reprimanded for his forwardness in that Mat­ter; and that their Excellencies had refus'd to [Page 217]receive an Agent from the King of England to reside among them, returning for Answer, That they had no Business with that King for the present; but if at any time they should have Affairs to treat with him, they would ad­dress themselves by their own Ministers.

Roux having met with the Repulses above mention'd, and receiving information from the Bailiff of Nyon, That Monsieur Gabriel de Diesbach, at that time Bailiff of the Jurisdi­ction of Vevay, had threatned to treat him ac­cording to his Merits if he should presume to come within his Power, retir'd to St. Claud, in the Free-County of Burgundy; having made great Complaints of the Usage he had receiv'd at Bern and Zurich; boasting of his Correspondencies with the Ministers of Sweden and Holland, as well as of his prefent Employ­ment from the King of England, and shewing Letters from Don Diego de Castel-Rodrigo, Governor of Flanders to the Governor of the County of Burgundy, desiring him to furnish Mony and whatever might be necessary to his Undertaking. From hence he went to Geneva, and was there seen frequently in the Company of a certain Stranger, who, by the description we receiv'd of his Person, we found to be the same that had been for some time at Lyons, and of whom I had an account by the Swiss Merchant of Friburg. After a short stay at Geneva, he return'd to St. Claud, and appearing in better Equipage than he had [Page 218]formerly done, he sent one of his Companions to the Bailiff of Nyon to inform him, That having receiv'd fresh Instructions from the King of England, he had Propositions to make to their Excellencies of Bern, which would be of great advantage to their Republick, parti­cularly in the way of Trade; desiring leave to be admitted to impart the Heads of his Ne­gotiation to him. The Bailiff who had been sufficiently inform'd touching his Person and Designs, soon dismiss'd his Messenger with this Answer, That being abundantly satisfy'd, his principal Errant was to attempt something a­gainst those English Gentlemen, whom their Excellencies had taken into their Protection, and were resolv'd to defend, he would have nothing to do with him. But this proving not sufficient to oblige him to desist, he sent his Messenger a second time to the Bailiff, to propose that he would surrender himself into the Hands of the Government of Bern for Caution, that he intended no Mischief to our Persons; but indeed confess'd, That being charg'd by the King of England with Propo­sitions to those of Bern, tending highly to their Advantage, he should not consult the Honour of his Master, by treating with them, whilst his most dangerous and avow'd Enemies were openly protected in their Territories. Which being in effect the same with what he had said before, the Bailiff contented himself to return the same Answer, and immediately dispatch'd [Page 219]his Son-in-Law to give me notice of what had pass'd, and to advise me, tho' there seem'd to be little probability of his daring to attempt us openly, and that Balthazar would not be thought to correspond with him, yet that we would be upon our Guard against the private Designs of both.

In the mean time, Monsieur Mouliere, who was then Resident for the King of France in Switzerland, having receiv'd information from some Persons (as I think I have Reason to be­lieve) that wish'd well to us. That this Roux, tho' a Native of France, had sollicited the Cantons to enter into Measures prejudicial to that King's Interest, he presently dispatch'd Advice of what he had heard to the Court; upon which Orders were given to one Mon­sieur Martel, who had serv'd under the Ma­reschal Turenne, to surprise and seize him. Martel having travers'd the Country for some Months, before he could find an opportunity to compass his Design, at last fell acquainted with and easily corrupted a Priest of St. Claud, who was a great Confident of Roux, pro­curing him to send a Messenger to Balthazar's House, where Roux then was, with a Letter to invite him to the House of another Priest at Roussaire, on the Frontier of Burgundy, where he promis'd a great Regale should be provided for his Entertainment. Roux would by no means disappoint his Friend the Priest, and therefore attended only by one Servant, [Page 220]and the Priest's Man he set forward in the Morning, that he might reach the Place of appointment in convenient time. But Martel with his Party having placed themselves in the way by which he was to pass, as soon as he saw him approaching, rode up to him and seized him. Roux his Servant made his escape and left his Master to shift for himself. But the Priest's Man who was ignorant of the De­sign, supposing them to be Robbers, made what Resistance he could, and received a Shot in the Shoulder of which he died in a few days at Nyon. Roux being thus seized, Martel or­der'd his Hands to be tied to the Pommel of the Saddle, and his Feet under the Horses Belly, and in this posture carried him off. As they passed by the Abbey of Beaumont, which is situated within the Territories of Bern, he began to call for Aid, but a Handkerchief be­ing presently put into his Mouth, his Voice was not heard. In three Days they arrived at Lyons, and secured their Prisoner in the Castle of Pierre en Scize, where after he had remained some Days, he was transported to Paris, and imprisoned in the Bastile.

For this Service the King of France reward­ed Monsieur Martel with a thousand Pistoles in Mony, and a Promise of the first Company that should be vacant in his Guards. The second Person in this Party received six hun­dred Pistoles, and a Promise of a Foot Com­pany. The rest had fifty Pistoles a Man, and [Page 221]Assurances of Preferment according to their Capacity. During the Confinement of Roux, Monsieur de Lyonne, Secretary of State, went frequently to him in the Prison; but tho' it had been reported that he had contributed much to the making of the League called The Tripple Alliance, yet he could draw nothing from him concerning any Negotiations in which, 'twas said, he had been concerned. Only he told him, That he had Things of great Importance to discover, which he re­solved not to communicate to any Person but the King. In the mean time despairing of Life, and dreading the Punishment of the Wheel with which he had been threatned, he gave himself a Wound in the small Guts with a Knife he had procured from one of his Keep­ers; hoping by that Means and an obstinate refraining from eating, he might put an end to his Fears. On the 21st of June finding himself very weak, and as he thought almost ready to expire, he sent to acquaint Monsieur de Lyonne with his Condition, and to let him know that he had hesitated too long. Upon this the Secretary went immediately to the King, and having informed him of the Mes­sage he had receiv'd from Roux, the King sent one of his Phisitians to him; who returning with all possible Expedition, and representing the Danger he was in, a Letter was immedi­ately drawn by Monsieur Colbert; signed by the King, and directed to the Lieutenant-Criminal [Page 222]to proceed without delay to his Trial. Being brought before his Judges, the Witnesses deposed, that he had said, There were thirty Ravaillac's in France, which the King should find before the next August; with other Things tending to prove that he had engaged in Designs against the King's Person. But he denied all, and refused, as before, to make any Discovery of the Things he knew, unless to the King himself. He was con­demned upon the Evidence to be broken alive on the Wheel, and afterwards to be thrown into the Common Shore for endeavouring to kill himself in the Prison; which Sentence was order'd to be put in execution at the end of the Pont Neuf; but by reason of his Weak­ness it was performed before the Prison of the Chastellette, whither he had been removed from the Bastille. This Roux alias Font-covert, and St. Marcelle, was a Native of Nismes in the Province of Languedoc, and had been a Spy for the Court in the time of Cardinal Maza­rin; for which Service he had been rewarded with a Patent for Licensing Stage-Coaches and other publick Carriages in the said Pro­vince. But the Cardinal upon some Informa­tion having suppress'd that Grant, and re­mov'd his Brother from another Employment, he became so discontented, that he quitted the Kingdom, and procur'd himself to be natura­liz'd in Holland. During his Imprisonment, Spain, Holland and Switzerland demanded him [Page 223]of the King of France; the first, because he was employ'd in their Service; the Hollander for the same reason, and on account of his Naturalization; the Swiss, only to lay claim to their Right, he having been seized within their Jurisdiction. But the Court of England was by this time become so intirely French, that they said not one Word in his behalf.

Our Friends at Bern, according to their ac­customed Vigilance, gave us notice that a cer­tain English Man going by the Name of Tho­mas Schugar, had applied himself to some of the Magistrates, to procure them to recom­mend him to teach the Mathematicks in that place, pretending to have been converted first from Popery to Lutheranism, and then from that to Calvinism, acknowledging that he had been a Priest and a Servant to the Queen-Mother of England, and that he had been in Arms for the late King to the year, 1646. at which time, upon the dissipation of that Party, he had transported himself beyond the Seas, and continued abroad till the year 1660. They described him to be of low Stature, ill Looks, speaking seven or eight Languages, and that he was very inquisitive after the Eng­lish Gentlemen, who had put themselves un­der their Excellencies Protection. This Per­son, under pretext that he could find no Em­ployment at Bern, came to Vevay, and used all means possible to become acquainted with some of our Company, denying to them that [Page 224]he had ever been either a Papist, Priest, or Servant to the Queen Mother. But being told that we had too good Information from Bern to doubt of that Matter, he finding him­self suspected, and therefore not likely to suc­ceed in his Designs, departed from Vevay the next Morning after this Discourse. We un­derstood afterwards that passing by Ausburg he had been entertained for eight or ten days at the House of Mr. Oliver St. Johns who had been formerly Chief Justice of the Common-pleas in England, and that having gotten the Name of the Person by whose means he re­ceived his Letters, he had procured his Cor­respondence to be interrupted; which caused us to suspect that he had found means to serve us in the like manner, our Intercourse with England being for some Months wholly cut off 'till we had taken new Measures to renew it.

About this time Henrietta Maria, Queen-Mother of England, and Aunt to the present King of France, having been formerly an active Instrument in contriving and fomenting the long and bloody Civil War in England, and encouraging the barbarous Massacre of the Protestants in Ireland; and more lately from a Spirit of Revenge and Malice, a prin­cipal Adviser of the Cruelties acted in England upon the alteration of the Government, died at Paris. Her Distemper at first seem'd not to be dangerous, but upon taking something [Page 225]prescrib'd by the Physicians to procure Sleep, the Potion operated in such a manner that she wak'd no more. She receiv'd Threescore Thousand Pounds Yearly from England, and yet left many and great Debts unpay'd. She was our particular Enemy, and had constant­ly favour'd the Designs that had been carry'd on against our Lives.

The Parliament in England having been Prorogu'd for about Eighteen Months, met on the 20th of October, and the House of Commons being sent for to the Lords House, after the King had acquainted them with his Joy to see them again after so long absence, he desir'd they would consider his Debts, and exhorted both Houses to Ʋnion. Which last Admonition was thought to arise from a Pam­phlet that had been publish'd by the Lord Hollis, touching the Case of one Mr. Skynner a Merchant of London, against the East-India Company, in which Discourse he seem'd to out-do the highest of all those who had ever written for the Privileges of the Lords. This was a strange Reverse of the Medal; especi­ally to those, who knew, That when he was a Member of the House of Commons, he had so far despis'd the Privileges of the Lords, that at a Conference between the two Houses, in which the Lords shew'd themselves unwilling to comply with the Commons; he had open­ly said, That if they persisted to refuse their Concurrence, the Commons would do the [Page 226]thing in Dispute without them. However, one of the Members of the House of Com­mons answer'd Hollis's Pamphlet with such force and sharpness, that upon Debate they came to three Resolutions to this Effect: That divers things affirm'd in his Book were false and scandalous: That from this time the Lords shall never originally intermeddle with the Cause of any Commoner: And that what the Lords have done in the Business of Mr. Skynner shall be razed out of their Books. These Votes being carry'd to the Lords for their Approbation, they return'd for Answer, That they would shortly send them a Bill touching this Matter.

The King of France having resolv'd to visit his late Acquisitions in the Low-Countries, put himself at the Head of a great Body of Troops to that purpose; of which the States of Hol­land having receiv'd information, and that the Dutchess of Orleans would accompany the King to the Sea-Coast, and then pass over to meet her Brother at Dover, they began not only to dislike the personal Neighbourhood of the King of France, but vehemently to suspect that this Interview was design'd to unite the two Kings against them. And that they might not be wanting to themselves in this Conjuncture, they immediately dispatch'd an Ambassador to complement the King of France in his Progress, and sent the Heer Van Beu­ningen into England, to endeavour to dissipate [Page 227]the Clouds that threatn'd from that side. The Court of France, who were not ignorant of the Designs carry'd on by the King of England, to subvert the Laws and Liberties of the Eng­lish Nation; and well understood how much the Establishment of an Arbitrary Power in the Crown would contribute to weaken that Force which had been so formidable under a Free Government, had instructed the Dutchess of Orleans not only to offer Mony to her Bro­ther, in case the usual way of supplying his Luxury by Parliamentary Aids should fail, but also to give him Assurances of whatever number of Forces he should judge requisite to render the Monarchy absolute and uncon­troll'd. To these she her self had added ano­ther Argument to be propos'd, no less preva­lent where it was to be apply'd than the for­mer. For she had in her Train one Mrs. Que­roualle, of a Family in Low-Britany, who, be­sides her French Education and Carriage, was Young, and had pass'd in France for a great Beauty. With such Baits the Monarch was easily taken, and for this Tinsel Ware was contented to barter the Affections and good of the People, together with the quiet of almost all Europe. Puff'd up with this Success the Dutchess returns to Paris, and found such a Reception from the King as so great Services seem'd to deserve. But her Husband the Duke of Orleans, either upon suspicion of her too great Familiarity with her Brother, or of [Page 228]some other Gallantry, to which she was not a little inclin'd, did not shew himself so well contented with her Negotiation. However it was, she being at St. Cloud, a Palace be­longing to the Duke, few Weeks after her re­turn, having taken a Glass of Limonade, or other cooling Liquor, was suddenly seized with such violent Convulsions that she died at Two of the Clock the next Morning.

The Death of the Dutchess of Orleans being signify'd to the King her Brother, he at first seem'd to be highly dissatisfy'd with the Con­duct of her Husband, and full of suspicion that she had been us'd in a manner not uncom­mon among Princes. But having resolv'd that nothing should disturb the Measures lately taken between the two Courts, he soon cool'd, and sent the Duke of Buckingham with the Character of his Ambassador to the Court of France, in appearance to condole with them for the Death of the Dutchess, but indeed to confirm the late Agreement made at Dover, and to concert the Methods of pursuing their Design. The Duke was receiv'd with all pos­sible Demonstrations of Esteem and Favour. The Forces about Paris were exercis'd in his Presence; Balls and Comedies were prepar'd to divert him; the King gave him divers rich Presents, and made a publick Feast on the Day of St. Louis, principally on his account. Soon after his arrival, Things began to pro­ceed vigorously. A great Sum of Mony was [Page 229]sent into England; the French Army was or­der'd to break up, and to march towards the New Conquests; Draught-Horses were bought, and dispatch'd to them with all Ex­pedition, and no Man doubted any longer ei­ther of the League between France and Eng­land, or of their Intentions to employ their Joint Forces against the Common-wealth of Holland. The Dutch Ambassador at Paris was so alarum'd with this News, that he went in great haste to Monsieur de Lyonne, and desir'd to be inform'd whether the French Army were to be employ'd against his Masters. But the Secretary assur'd him there was no ground for any such Apprehensions, and that if those Troops were us'd in an Expedition, the Storm would fall far enough from their Territories. And accordingly the Mareschal de Crequi at the head of about Twenty five Thousand Men enter'd Lorrain, seiz'd Nancy, and all the Places that lay on his way, and was within half an Hour of surprizing the Duke himself at Espinal. The French King pretended for the reason of this sudden Invasion, That the Duke of Lorrain had contrary to a late Treaty, fortify'd some of his own Towns, and had endeavour'd in a clandestin manner to be admitted into the Triple Alliance; declaring that he intended not to retain the Dutchy in his Possession, but designed to put it into the Hands of some other Person of the Lorrain Family who should be more worthy. In the [Page 230]mean time the Mareschal de Crequi having driven the Duke out of his Territories, pub­lished an Order, forbidding his Subjects to yield him Obedience; commanding those who had been in Arms for him, to quit his Ser­vice, and to put themselves into that of the King, and requiring all Orders of Men in that Country to do Homage and swear Alle­giance to him, under pain of Death and Con­fiscation of Estate.

The Duke of Lorrain being in this manner dispossess'd of his Dutchy, without any pre­ceeding Declaration of War on the part of France, fill'd all Europe with his Complaints, and dispatch'd a Minister to the King of Eng­land to desire his good Offices with the French King in this Conjuncture, which he thought he had no reason to doubt, on account of the Obligations he had formerly laid upon him, in offering to serve him with his Person and Troops during the time of his Exile. But in­stead of the Favour expected, his Minister re­ceived no other Answer, than that he was sorry for what had happened, and that the present Violence, like the Mischiefs of a sud­den Inundation, must be endured at this time.

The Duke of Buckingham, after he had fi­nished the Business of his Embassy and re­ceived many extraordinary Favours and Pre­sents of great Value from the King of France, return'd to England; soon after which, in or­der [Page 231]to find new Pretences of breaking with the Dutch, a Message was sent to the English Minister residing at the Hague to demand the surrender of Cornet Joyce, who having for­merly by Command of the Army, seized the late King at Holmby, where he was treating with the Parliaments Commissioners, had since the late Revolution withdrawn himself from the Fury of his Enemies, and retired with his Family to Roterdam. The Pretext used by the Court of England to colour this Demand was, That Joyce being told that a Shot had been lately made at the King, an­swered, That tho' that had miss'd, another might prove more successful; to which they added, That they had received Information that he had actually engaged himself in a De­sign against the present Government in Eng­land. By this means they hoped it would come to pass, either that the States by refusing to deliver him according to an Article of the late Treaty, might justly be charged with breaking the Peace; or by surrendring his Person, would totally disoblige the Common-wealth Party, and make them less averse to the intended War. Pursuant to his Instructi­ons the Minister of England makes his De­mand; and the States perceiving the Snare that was laid for them, immediately signed an Order to the Magistrates of Roterdam for seizing the Cornet, and delivered it into his Hands: But so contrived the Matter, that the [Page 232]Officers who were appointed to take him in Custody, walked so long before his Door, that he had time to go out by a back way, and by that means made his escape.

Our ancient and hearty Friend Mr. Trea­surer Steiger falling into a Paralytical Distem­per, of which he soon after died, surrendred his Employments into the Hands of their Excellencies, and one Monsieur Velden was chosen to succeed him, who being well in­formed of the many Favours we had received from his Predecessor, assured us upon his first Journey into our Parts, That he would do us all the good Offices that should be in his Power, and would be as careful of our Concernments as the late Treasurer had been. And here I may not omit, that one La Rue of Lyons, who had been engaged with Du Pre in his Attempt to assassinate us, having some Acquaintance with Monsieur Du Four a Merchant of Ge­neva, wrote a Letter to let him know that he had heartily repented of that Action, and would be more ready to serve us for the future than he had been to take part in so base a De­sign. He informed him also that the Irish­man, who had pass'd under the Name of Ri­ardo, and was one of the principal Instruments that were employed against us by the Dutchess of Orleans, had lately been at Lyons, and had told him, That if he had known how many well-wishers I had among the best of his Friends, he would not have enter'd into any [Page 233]Engagement against me; That he had quitted the Service of the King of England on account of his Ingratitude, and that he desired above all Things to have my good Opinion, and to keep a constant Correspondence with me; That he had been with Mr. Richard Cromwell, where he had met with so good reception, that he had resolved never more to apply him­self to the Court, and that he would serve the honest Party in England with the last drop of his Blood; all which being communicated to me by Monsieur Du Four, I concluded, that Riardo (if not La Rue also) designed, according to the best of his Understanding, to act the Devil's part, first to ensnare and then to accuse.

In the mean time Colonel Balthazar who had entertained this Riardo at his House whilst the design of our Assassination was forming, and had received Roux also with the same familiarity, finding himself disappointed in the hopes he had conceived and openly pub­lished of our removal from Vevay, resolved to take new Measures, and to employ Artifices to persuade their Excellencies to withdraw their Protection from us. To this end he went to Commissary-General Godart, who was a Member of the Council of Bern, and pretending to have received Letters from Eng­land, informed him, That the Ambassador of the Duke of Savoy then in that Court, had offered to the Commissioners appointed to [Page 234]treat with him, That if the King of England would by his Interest and other Means, en­deavour to procure the restitution of such Places as were kept from him by the Canton of Bern, his Master would undertake to de­liver us dead or alive into his Hands. The Commissary-General coming to Vevay by or­der of their Excellencies to terminate some Matters in dispute between the Baron de Cha­steler and his Tenants, was pleased to give me an account of this Business; and upon Con­ference we agreed, That there was no proba­bility of any such Offers made, for many Reasons, and particularly that the Duke had refused to countenance the Design against us, when he had been sollicited by Riardo and others to that purpose; concluding it to be a contrivance of Balthazar to persuade the Go­vernment that the Favour extended to us might prove prejudicial to the publick Safety. But he who had endeavoured to bring us into Danger, could not without difficulty preserve himself. For the Court of France upon In­formation that Roux, who had been executed at Paris, as I have already related, had left his Papers in Balthazar's House, sent a Party of between twenty or thirty Horse into the Pais de Gex, who hovering about that Country for some time put him into so great a Fright that he burnt the Papers. He had at first slighted the Report; but being informed by one Beauregard his Wife's Brother that some [Page 235]of them were the same who had assisted Mon­sieur Martel in seizing Roux, he made the best Provision he could for his Defence.

As the Memory of those Men whose Lives have been remarkable for great and generous Actions, ought to be transmitted to Posterity with the Praises they have deserved, that o­thers may be excited to the Imitation of their Virtues: 'Tis as just that the Names of those who have render'd themselves detestable by the Baseness of their Crimes, should be record­ed, that Men may be deterr'd from treading in their Steps, lest they draw upon themselves the same Infamy. For this Reason I think it necessary to insert in this Place the true Names of some of those Assassins who were employ'd by the Court of England and others to take away our Lives, as I received them from an English Gentleman who was well acquainted with their Affairs, and who having passed some time in Italy, made me a Visit at Vevay in his return to England. He assured me that the Villain who murder'd Mr. Lisle by shooting him into the Back, is an Irish-man and named O Croli; that the Name of his Companion, who waited with a fresh Horse to carry him off, is Cotter, and that he is a Native of the same Country; That the Assassin who goes under the Name of Riardo is also an Irish-man, and his true Name Mac Carty, who having murther'd one Colonel Dillon his Country-man at Paris, had been [Page 236]punished with death, if the Queen-Mother of England had not interceeded for him and procured his Pardon, for the good Services he had already done, and others that he promised to do for the time to come. Which Favour that he might farther merit, he went into Hol­land soon after he was discharged from Prison, where he attempted to assassinate one Mr. Will. Carr, who having been a Servant to the King, had taken liberty to write some Things that displeased the Court, and on that account had been obliged to retire from England.

The King of France making great Prepa­rations for War, obtained a new Levy of Switzers from the Cantons, and procured six thousand Men to be raised in England to be imploy'd in his Service. And that he might divide the Strength of the Empire, and render them uncapable of assisting the Hollanders when he should think fit to attack them, he sent an Agent into Hungary to foment the Dis­contents of that People who had been invaded in their Privileges, and persecuted for Reli­gion by the influence of the Emperor's bigot­ted Council. He caused his Brother the Duke of Orleans to marry the Daughter of the Ele­ctor Palatine, and on that account made many large Promises to that Prince which were never performed. He tamper'd with divers other Princes of Germany; and knowing that the Elector of Cologn had a Design to seize and subvert the Rights and Privileges of that [Page 237]City, he tempted him with Offers of his As­sistance. The Court of England on their part recalled Sir William Temple from his Employ­ment in Holland, suspecting him not to favour the French Interest, but rather to be zealously inclined to maintain the Triple Alliance which they were resolved to break, and sent Down­ing to supply his Place who was a much fitter Instrument to carry on the Designs they had on foot. And since my Subject has led me to speak of this Gentleman, I must here acknow­ledge, That tho' Downing had acted contrary to his Faith, former Pretences and Obliga­tions, in betraying our Friends as I mentioned before; yet none of those who remained in Holland, or afterwards retired thither were ever molested during his Ministry, which was as much as could reasonably be expected from a Person in his Post. To this was added an Attempt, which for the singularity of the thing deserves to be remember'd. For upon notice that a considerable number of Dutch Men of War were riding in the Channel, the King to procure by any means some Pretences for the intended War, gave Orders to the Commander of a Yacht to pass through the Fleet, and to oblige the Admiral to take down his Flag. The Captain, pursuant to his In­structions sets sail with his Yacht, and en­countring the whole Dutch Fleet, who would not be brought to take down the Flag, falls upon them and fired on all sides till his Pow­der [Page 238]and Ball was quite spent. But the Dutch well understanding the design of this Insult, chose rather to suffer patiently the tearing of their Tackle, than to return one Shot. Thus they endeavoured by all means to keep fair Weather with their Neighbours: And that they might prevent the City of Cologn from falling into the Hands of those who might make use of it to their Prejudice, they treat­ed with the Magistrates of that Place, and finding them disposed to receive their Assist­ance, they sent them a Regiment of Foot com­manded by Colonel Bampfield.

The Canton of Bern having raised Two thousand four hundred Men for the Service of the King of France in twelve Companies, proceeded to nominate the Officers that were to command ten of them, leaving to that King the nomination of Officers for the other two, according to the Agreement made between them. They stipulated in their Treaty, That none of their Forces should be employ'd a­gainst any People of the Reformed Religion; which Condition was readily accepted by the King of France, who knew that if he should break with the King of Spain or the Emperor, he might use the Protestant Switzers against them, whilst those that were furnished by the Popish Cantons should be employ'd against the Dutch. This Contract with France was made without consulting the other Cantons, and at a lower rate than had been settled by [Page 239]the last Treaty with that Crown; on which last account chiefly some Members of this Union shewed themselves much disgusted. But upon the whole Matter, tho' I have heard many Arguments brought to justify the way used by the Switzers for keeping their People continually exercised to Arms, yet it were to be wish'd, that some Means might be found to cause this Traffick to cease, and to persuade those who have Authority, to examine the Ju­stice of every Cause in which they engage, and not to suffer their Subjects to make a Trade of War. The King of France was much displeased with the Government of Zu­rich for refusing to permit any Levies of Men to be made among them at this time; but he sent Letters of Thanks to those of Bern for their ready compliance with his Demands, confirming what had been promised on his part, and offering (as they had desired) his Mediation to compose the Differences between them and the Bishop of Basle, with Assurances of his Assistance to constrain the Bishop to accept reasonable Conditions. He promised to maintain them in possession of the Pais de Veaux, and to pay all the Arrears of Pensions that should appear to be due to any of them.

In the mean time the Dutch with the ut­most diligence prepare to send out their Fleet. They nominated Michael Adrian de Ruyter to be their Admiral, and the Heer Cornelius de [Page 240]Wit to be Commissioner for the States at Sea, allowing a Guard of twelve Halberdiers to attend his Person. They hoped to prevent the Conjunction of the English and French Fleets, but could not: For the English hav­ing notice that the Count D'Estrees, who com­manded the French, was arrived with his Ships at the Isle of Wight, found means to join them in that Road, yet not without the loss of one of their Frigats which carried thirty eight Guns, and was taken by the Zelandia almost without Resistance, the Seamen being gene­rally unwilling to be employ'd in this War. On the seventh of June 1672. the two Fleets engaged near Solebay, the French Squadron against Admiral Bankart; the English Blue Squadron commanded by the Earl of Sand­wich, against the Heer Van Ghent Admiral of Amsterdam; and the Red Squadron com­manded by the Duke of York, against the Dutch Admiral de Ruyter. The Fight was bloody, and continued from Eight in the Morning to Sun-set. The French behaved themselves as if they desired to be Spectators rather than Actors in this Tragedy: The Duke of York was obliged to shift his Ship, either because she was disabled, or the better to provide for his own Safety. But the great­est Loss fell upon the Blue Squadron, the Ad­miral of which was burnt by a Dutch Fireship, the Earl of Sandwich drown'd, many Volun­tiers and Officers killed, with a great number [Page 241]of private Seamen. On the Dutch side, the Admiral of Amsterdam, the Vice-Admiral of Zealand, and Captain Brakel were kill'd. Three of De Wit's Guards were shot by his side, and a fourth lost both his Legs by a Can­non Ball. After this Fight the French set Sail for Brest and the English retired into Port, leaving the Dutch Masters at Sea for that time.

The States of Holland well knowing that the Alliance between the English Court and the King of France was not at all pleasing to the People of England, published a Declara­tion, to shew that they had been constrained to make War against the King and his private Council, who had designed and endeavoured to deprive them of their Commerce and Li­berty, and to render the Crown of England absolute and independent. But that they were ready to consent that the People of England might Trade freely either with them or others. They discharged and set at Liberty such Ships, Men and Merchandize belonging to the English Nation, as they had seized in their Ports in requital of the Attempt made by the Court of England to surprize their Home­ward-bound Smyrna Fleet, before any Decla­ration of War had been published against them. These Things obliged the King to promise Restitution of what had been unjustly taken from the Dutch before the date of the said Declaration. But whatever Advantages [Page 242]the Dutch might have by Sea, they were infinitely over-balanced by their Losses at Land.

The King of France having drawn together One hundred and twenty thousand effective Men, divided them into three Bodies: The First, consisting of Seventy thousand, he took under his own peculiar Command. At the Head of the Second, which was of Forty thousand, he placed the Prince of Conde; and gave about Ten thousand Men more to the Count of Chamilly to serve as a Flying Camp. All these Forces directing their march towards Mastricht, a Council of War was held in the King's Quarters, and a Debate arising about besieging that Place, it was adjudged to be an Enterprize so full of Hazard and Difficulty by reason of the numerous Garrison and good Fortifications about the Town, that they re­solved to turn their march towards the Rhine, where the Places were not in so good Condi­tion. Yet it was thought convenient to leave Chamilly near Tongeren to prevent the Excursi­ons of the Garrison of Mastricht, which was done. The two Armies commanded by the King and Prince of Conde marched several Days without seeing an Enemy, except only about Two hundred Men who had intrenched themselves on the side of the Rhine, and ren­dred themselves Prisoners after little Resistance. From thence the Prince of Conde was sent to besiege Wesel, whilst the King besieged Orsoy, [Page 243]and the Mareschal Turenne Burick. These three Sieges being undertaken at the same time caused a general Alarum. But when they saw that Orsoy had hardly held out twenty four Hours, and that Burick and We­sel had been surrendred in little more than the same time, the Consternation greatly in­creased. The Governor of Wesel, which was accounted a strong Place, was sentenced to lose his Head; but having some Friends a­bout the Prince of Orange, the Executioner was order'd only to pass the Sword over him. The Count Destrades was, in consideration of his Services and particular Correspondencies in Holland, made Governor of this Place. Reez, Emerik, Beavize and Dedekom follow'd the Example; and an Irish-man who com­manded at Rhijnberg, finding himself besieg'd by the King of France, was so frighted, that he delivered the Town without a Shot; and was afterwards beheaded for his Cowardice. The King designing to pass the Yssel, in order to attack the Places on the other side of that River, communicated his Design to the Prince of Conde and to the Mareschal de Turenne, who having dissuaded him from the Attempt as too dangerous, it was resolved to try to pass the Rhine, which they thought more practicable. In pursuance of this Resolution, they procured the best Advice they could get, and were informed by a Betrayer of his Country, that there was a Place where the [Page 244]Water was low and the Passage safe: Which being tried and found to be according to the Information, the King expressed more than ordinary Satisfaction, because he could as well enter the Country that way as by the Yssel, and fall upon the Enemies Rear. The Dutch suspecting this Place, had already sent an Officer to secure the Passage; but he find­ing himself too weak, abandoned the Post with the Approbation of the States Deputies; and Lieutenant General Wurtz was sent by the Prince of Orange with a greater Force. By this means much time was lost, and the King of France had liesure to erect Batteries, which gall'd the Horse of Wurtz in such a manner, that they found themselves obliged to shelter in the Woods. All Things being prepared by the French, part of a Regiment of Horse passed the River, and were received so warmly by Wurtz, that they were forced back into the Water: But being seconded by more of their Companions, they soon became strong enough to make good their Ground, and to put the Dutch Horse to Flight. How­ever in this Passage the Duke of Longueville Nephew to the Prince of Conde was killed, and the Prince himself wounded in the Wrist by a Musket-ball. After this the French took the Castle of Tolhuys, and laid a Bridge of Boats over the Rhine; which so terrified the Dutch, that they abandoned all their In­trenchments: So that the King, who had [Page 245]designed to attack them, finding that Work over, repassed the River, and sent the Mares­chal Turenne to command the Prince of Conde's Army during his absence. Then the King resolved to pass the Yssel, and was not a little surprized to find the Passage so easy, and quite otherwise than had been represented to him. Having besieg'd and taken Doesburg, Depu­ties arrived in his Camp from Ʋtrecht, offer­ing to deliver the Town and Dependencies. The Duke of Orleans took Zutphen in Gelder­land; and the King himself advanced to Ʋtrecht, having sent a Lieutenant-General with some Troops to take Possession before. Here he received the Dutch Ambassadors who were sent by the States to know upon what Terms he would treat. In the mean time the Mareschal Turenne possessed himself of Arn­heim, the Fort of Knotsemburg and Nimeguen; which last Place was better defended than any other had been. Upon this News the Dutch abandoned Graven, which Turenne siezed. Bommel and the Sckincken Scans fell also into the Hands of the French: The Bishop of Munster took Grol and Deventer: And the Marquis de Roehefort made himself Master of Naerden and some other Places.

This astonishing Success attending the French in every Attempt, drove the common People of Holland into Rage and Despair. Di­sasters came so thick upon them, that they could not discern the Inequality of their Forces [Page 246]when compared to the united Strength of France and England. They would not reflect upon the natural Impetuosity of the French Nation, or the suddenness of the Invasion: But in spite to common Sense would needs believe that Men of Republican Principles had conspired to betray the Common-wealth to one or both of the Confederated Monarchs. And tho' I am not concerned to defend those who at that time had the principal part in the Administration of Affairs in Holland; yet the King of England himself shall be their Com­purgator, not only on his own Account, but laso in respect of his Brother of France. His Words are these: Letter written by K. Ch. 2. The Insolencies, and continual Contrivances against me, of certain Persons, who for some time past have had the principal direction of Affairs in the Go­vernment of the United Netherlands, have necessita­ted me to make an Alliance with the Most Christian King, who also has the same Grounds of Com­plaint against them, having no other end, than to suppress the insupportable Greatness of the Louvestein Faction; and to secure our selves from the like Insults and Affronts for the time to come, &c. But the People being deaf to all Reason, Things every where tended to Sedi­tion and Tumult; divers of the Clergy, par­ticularly one Lantman at the Hague, and Bor­stius at Roterdam, exciting the Populace both by Printing and Preaching, against their Go­vernors. In this unhappy State of Affairs it [Page 247]fell out, that on the 20th of June 1672. the Pensionary John de Wit coming out of the Council in the Hague at eleven a Clock at Night, accompanied only by one Servant who carried a Torch in his Hand, was assault­ed by four Persons, wounded, and left for dead. The next Day one of these Assassins by Name Jacob Vander Graef was siezed, tried, condemn'd, and in a few days executed, the States of Holland judging this Expedition to be absolutely necessary for the Security of their own Persons in the exercise of their Employ­ments. On the 24th of July in the same Year Cornelius de Wit, ancient Burger-master of Dort, Grand Baily of Putten, and elder Brother to the Pensionary, was brought Pri­soner to the Hague, upon the Accusation of one Tichelaar a Barber-Surgeon, who deposed, That the Prisoner would have hired him to poyson the Prince of Orange. He was several times put to the Rack, and constantly asserted his Innocence. Yet he was sentenced to lose his Offices and Dignities, and to be banished for ever from Holland and West-Friesland. This Sentence being published, caused Men to murmur, as their Passions variously in­clined them. Some said that if he were guilty, the Punishment was too little; and if inno­cent, too much. Others said that he was cer­tainly guilty, because his Judges had set the Accuser at liberty. Tichelaar in the mean time went about the Hague, and told the Peo­ple [Page 248]that he had convicted the Grand Baily; which Suggestion brought great numbers of them about the Prison-doors. In the mean time his Brother John de Wit came in his Coach to take him out of the Prison, upon which one of the Populace cried out, That now the two Traytors were together, they should not escape. In this instant a false Report was spread among the People, that some thousands of Boors were coming to plunder the Hague, by which means the two Brothers were de­prived of all hopes of Safety. For upon this Report, the Guards that been placed by the Council of State about the Prison for the de­fence of the Prisoner, took occasion to draw off, and left them to the Mercy of the Rabble; who growing impatient of any farther delay, immediately broke open the doors of the Pri­son, and divers of them rushed into the Chamber where the two Brothers were. John de Wit, who was sitting on the Bed-side with a Book in his Hand, demanded of them what they would have; and receiving for answer, that they should see if they would go down, he took his Brother by the Hand and led him down to the Street; where they were no sooner arrived, but the enraged Multitude fell upon them, and with a thousand Wounds most barbarously murder'd them. The Parti­culars of this Cruelty are so abominable and so exceeding all Example, that I purposely omit any farther mention of this Tragical Story.

The King of France in pursuance of the Agreement he had made with the Canton of Bern, procured the Differences between them and the Bishop of Basle to be adjusted accod­ing to their Excellencies desire. But that part of the Treaty by which he had promised not to employ their Subjects against any of the Reformed Religion was not so well observed; for he had used them in the War against the States of Holland, and obliged them to serve on all Occasions without distinction, contrary to his Promise, and to the Oath that both Officers and Soliders had taken before their departure from Switzerland. This Usage the Swiss Officers and Soldiers resenting, deputed one Monsieur de Beur an Officer of their Body to acquaint their Excellencies, That they had been constrained against their Inclinations to do what they had done. Of which the French having notice, they caused him to be seized at Metz, where he was put into a Dungeon. And tho' upon the Sollicitation of his Friends in Switzerland, their Excellencies desired his Liberty, they could not for some time obtain any more than a better Accommodation for him in the Prison; the late Successes of France having carried that Court to such a height, that they caused a Letter to be written by Monsieur Stuppa to the Canton of Bern, to let them know, That the King accounted him­self little obliged to them for the Men they had raised under pretence of serving him; and [Page 250]that he was better satisfied with the refusal of the Canton of Zurich, than with their Grant which was accompanied with such Restrictions and Regret. The Government of Bern finding their Affairs with France to be in this uncertain Condition, were doubtful what Measures to take in the Dispute which had been on foot for some time, and still con­tinued between the Duke of Savoy and those of Geneva on account of a Fort which had been built by the Duke within half a League of that City, under colour of a Magazine for the Vessels he had built, and to secure a Port for their use; positively requiring all those of Geneva who possessed Lands within the Juris­diction of Savoy, to hear Mass on pain of For­feiture. However, the Protestant Cantons having seriously considered the Importance of this Affair, sent to the Duke of Savoy to de­mand, Whether he would have Peace or War, and whether he would in all Things make good the Treaties that had been concluded with them by his Ancestors, or not. But be­fore the Duke had determined what Answer to give to this Message, an Accident happen'd which served to secure those of Geneva from any Apprehensions from Savoy at that time. For the Duke of Savoy having corrupt­ed the Governor of Savona (which belongs to the Republick of Genoa) and received his Pro­mise to put him into possession of the Place, had raised Forces, and order'd them to [Page 251]march thither. But the Officers not agreeing, either concerning the manner, or the time of putting the Enterprize in execution, it was so long delay'd that the Government of Genoa had notice of their March; and suspecting their Design, immediately removed the Go­vernor and changed the Garrison. The Duke finding his Project defeated, was yet unwilling to have it believed that he designed any Clan­destin Attempt (for no sort of Men will avow an unsuccessful Treachery) and therefore he published a Declaration of the Reasons that moved him to make War against Genoa; which were so slight and trivial, that it plainly appeared he rather sought to cover his Design upon Savona, that that he had any just cause of Quarrel to pretend, it being notorious to all Persons concern'd, that the Duke had re­ceiv'd Offers of Satisfaction to the utmost of what he could demand. In consequence of the Declaration his Forces possess'd themselves of Pieve, a Place belonging to the Genoeses, but of no great Strength or Importance. On the other side, the Government of Genoa sent to complain to the King of France, That con­trary to the Agreement, which he by his Agent had made between the Duke of Savoy and them, the Duke's Forces had attacked them in a hostile manner; but yet they omit­ted not, at the same time, to draw together what Force they could to do themselves right, if other Means should fail. The Duke's Army [Page 252]finding Pieve not to be tenable, quitted the Place and marched to Castelvecchio, with in­tention to fortify it by reason of its advantagi­ous Situation. But the Genoeses well knowing the Importance of Castelvecchio, drew together about nine thousand Men and seized all the Avenues, before the Savoyards had made any Provision for their Subsistence. So that the Governor with about three hundred Officers and Soldiers found no other way to prevent falling into the Hands of the Enemy but by withdrawing privately, which they effected, leaving the rest to shift for themselves, and the next day the Genoeses possessed themselves of the Place, killing and taking Prisoners all those that were within. From thence they went to Oneglia, resolving to storm the Town by Sea and Land; but the Savoyards prevented them, and capitulated to leave both Officers and Soldiers to be Prisoners of War. In these Actions the Marq. of Parella with many of the principal Nobility, were taken and carried Pri­soners to Genoa: Which, with some other Suc­cesses obtained by that Common-wealth against the Duke of Savoy, obliged him to entertain cooler Thoughts than he had done, and to hasten his Answer to the Demands of the Pro­testant Cantons; in which he professed, he would have no difference with them, being sincerely desirous of their Friendship; That, indeed, he had been much surprized they should take any Umbrage on account of a [Page 253]House he had built in his own Territories, and interest themselves in the Differences which had happened between him and those of Geneva, who, he said, had broken the Treaty of St. Julian, which yet for their Ex­cellencies sake, he would observe, as if it were still in full force.