THE INSTRUMENTS OF A KING.

IN a Successi [...] [...] [...]ng­dome, as ENGLAND is known and acknowledged to be by all Parties now in opposition, There are 3 things which are inalienable from the Person of the KING: they are,

• 1. The Crowne.
• 2. The Scepter.
• 3. The Sword.

The one, He is to carry on His Head, the other in His Hand, and the third at His Side; and they may be tear­med all three the ensignes or peculiar instruments of a KING: by the first, He Reignes, by the second He makes Lawes, by the third He maintaines them: and the two first are but bables without the last.

[Page 2] 1 1. Touching the Crowne or royall Diadem of Eng­land, there is none, whether Presbyterian, Independent, Protestant, or others now in action, but confesse that it descends by a right hereditary Line, (though through divers Races, and some of them Conquerours) upon the Head of CHARLES the first now Regnant: 'tis His owne by inherent birthright and nature, by Gods law, and the Law of the Land, and these Parliament­men at their first sitting did agnize subjection unto Him accordingly, and recognize Him for their Soveraigne liege Lord: Nay, the Roman Catholick denies not this, for though there were Bulls sent to dispense with the English Subjects for their allegiance to Queen Eliza­beth, yet the Pope did this against Her as he too [...] [...] for a Heretique, not an Usur [...] he knew [...] enough that She had been [...] [...]timate by the Act of [...] Parliament.

[...] Crown of England is adorned and [...] with many faire Flowers, which are called, royall Prerogatives; and they are of such a transcendent na­ture, that they are unforfeitable, individuall, and un­transferable to any other: The KING can only sum­mon and dissolve Parliaments: The KING can onely Pardon (for when He is Crowned, He is sworn to rule in mercy as well as in justice:) The KING can onely Coyn Money, and enhance or decry the value of it: The power of electing Officers of State, of Justices of Peace, and Assise is in the KING; He can only grant soveraign Commissions: The KING can only wage War, and make Out-landish Leagues: The KING may make all the Courts of justice ambulatory with His Person, as they were used of old; 'tis true, the Court of Common Pleas must be sedentary in some certain place for such a time; but that expired, 'tis removeable at His pleasure: [Page 3] The KING can only employ Ambassadours and Treat with forain States, &c. These, with other royal Preroga­tives which I shall touch hereafter, are those rare and wholsome flowers wherewith the Crowne of England is embellished, nor can they stick any where else but in the Crowne, and all confesse the Crowne is as much the KING'S, as any private man's Cap is his own.

The second regall Instrument is the Scepter, which 2 may be called an inseparable companion, or a necessary ap­pendix to the Crowne; this invests the KING with the sole Authority of making Lawes, for before His confir­mation all results and determinations of Parliament are but Bills or [...], they are but abortive things, and meer Embryos; nay, they have no life at all in them till the KING puts breath and vigour into them: and the antient custome was for the KING to touch them with His Scepter, then they are Lawes, and have a virtue in them to impose an obligation of universall obedience upon all sorts of people, It being an undeniable maxime, That nothing can be generally binding without the King's royall assent, nor doth the Law of England take notice of any thing without it: This being done, they are ever after stil'd the King's Lawes, and the Judges are said to deliver the King's judgments, which agrees with the holy Text, The King by judgment shall stablish the Land: nay, the Law presumes the King to be alwaies the sole Judge Paramount, and Lord chief Justice of England, for he whom He pleaseth to depute for His chiefest Ju­stice, is but stil'd Lord chief Justice of the King's Bench, not Lord chief Justice of England, which title is peculiar to the KING Himself, and observable it is, that where­as He grants Commissions and Patents to the Lord Chancellour (who is no other then Keeper of His Con­science) [Page 4] and to all other Judges, He names the Chief Ju­stice of His own Bench by a short Writ only containing two or three lines: Now, though the King be liable to the Law, and is contented to be within their verge, be­cause they are chiefly His owne productions, yet He is still their Protector, Moderator, and Soveraigne, which attributes are incommunicable to any other conjunctly or separately.

Thus the KING with His Scepter, and by the mature advice of His two Houses of Parl. which are His highest Councel & Court, hath the sole power of making Laws; other Courts of judicature doe but expound them and distribute them by His appointment, they have but Juris dati dictionem or declarationem, and herein, I meane for the Exposition of the Lawes the twelve Judges are to be believed before the whole Kingdom besides. They are as the Areopagites in Athens, the chief Presidents in France and Spaine in an extraordinary Junta, as the Cape-Syn­diques in the Rota's of Rome, and the Republique of Ve­nice whose judgments in point of interpreting Lawes are incontroulable, and preferred before the opinion of the whole Senate whence they received their being; and who hath still power to repeal them, though not to ex­pound them. In France they have a Law-maxime, Arrest donné en Robbe rouge est irrevocable, which is, a Scarlet Sentence is irrevocable, meaning when all the Judges are met in their Robes, and the Client against whom the Cause goes, may chafe and chomp upon the bit, and say what he will for the space of 24 howers a­gainst his Judges, but if ever after he traduces them, he is punishable: It is no otherwise here where every igno­rant peevish Client, every puny Barister, specially if he become a Member of the House will be ready to arraign and vie knowledge with all the reverend Judges in the [Page 5] Land, whose judgement in points of Law shold be only tripodicall and sterling: so that he may be truly call'd a just King, and to rule according to Law, who rules ac­cording to the opinion of his Judges; therfore, under fa­vor, I do not see how his Majestie for his part could be call'd injust when he leavied the Ship-money, conside­ing he had the judges for it.

I now take the Sword in hand, which is the third Instru­ment 3 of a King, (and which this short discours chiefly points at) it is aswell as the two first, incommunicable and inalienable from his Person; nothing concernes his honor more both at home and abroad; the Crown and the Scepter are but unweildy and impotent naked indefen­sible things without it. There's none so simple as to think there's meant hereby an ordinary single sword, such as ev'ry one carrieth by his side, or som imaginary thing or chymera of a sword; No, 'tis the polemical publique sword of the whole Kingdom, 'tis an aggregative com­pound sword, and 'tis moulded of bell-metall; for 'tis made up of all the ammunition and armes small and great, of all the military strengths both by Land and Sea, of all the Forts, Castles and tenable places within and round a­bout the whole Ile: The Kings of England have had this sword by vertue of their royall signory from all times, the Laws have girded it to their sides, they have employ­ed it for repelling all forren force, for revenging all for­ren wrongs or affronts, for quelling all intestine tu­mults, and for protecting the weal of the whole body po­litike at home: The peeple were never capable of this sword, the fundamentall constitutions of this Kingdom deny it them; 'tis all one to put the sword in a mad mans hand, as in the peeples; or for them to have a disposing [Page 6] power in whose hands it shall be. Such was the case once of the French sword, in that notorious insurrection call'd to this day La Jaqueris de Beauvoisin, when the Pesants and Mechanics had a design to wrest it out of the Kings hand, and to depresse all the Peers & Gentry of the Kingdom; & the busines had gone very far, had not the Prelats stuck close to the Nobility; But afterwards poor hare-brain'd things they desire the King upon bended knees to take it againe; Such popular puffs have blowen often in Po­land, Naples and other places, where while they sought and fought for liberty by retrenching the regall power, they fool'd themselfs into a slavery unawares, and found the rule right, that excess of freedom turns to thral­dom, and ushers in all confusions. If one shold go back to the nonage of the world, when Governers and Rulers began first, one will find the peeple desir'd to live under Kings for their own advantage, that they might be re­strain'd from wild exorbitant liberty, and kept in unity; Now unity is as requisit for the welbeing of all naturall things, as entity is for their being, and 'tis a receiv'd max­im in policy, that nothing pres [...]ves Unity more exactly then Royall Government: besides 'tis known to be the noblest sort of sway; In so much that by the Law of Nations, if Subjects of equall degrees, and under differing Princes shold meet, the Subjects of a King shold take pre­dency of those under any Republique, and those of a suc­cessif Kingdom, of those that are under an Electif.

But to take up the Sword again. I say that the Sword of public power & authoritie is fit only to hang at the Kings side, & so indeed shold the great Seal hang only at his gir­dle, because 'tis the Key of the Kingdom: which makes me think of what I read of Charlemain, how he had the impe­riall Seal emboss'd alwaies upon the pommell of his [Page 7] sword, and his reason was, that he was ready to maintain whatsoever he signed, and sealed.

The Civilians, who are not in all points so great friends to Monarchy as the Common Law of England is, say, there are six Iura Regalia, six Regall Rights, viz. 1. Po­testas Iudicatoria, 2. Potestas vitae & necis, 3. Arma­menta, 4. Bona adespota, 5. Census, 6. Monetarum va­lor: to wit, Power of Judicature, power of life and death, all kind of arming, masterlesse goods, Sessements, and the va­lue of money.

Among these Regalias, we find that Arming, which in effect is nought else but the Kings Sword, is among the chiefest; and 'tis as proper and peculiar to his person, as either Crown or Scepter. By these two he drawes a loose voluntary love and opinion onely from his Subjects, but by the Sword he drawes reverence and awe, which are the chiefest ingredients of allegiance, it being a maxime, That the best mixture of government is made of feare and love. With this sword he conferrs honor, he dubbs Knights, he creates magistrats, the Lord Deputy of Ire­land, the Lord Mayor of London with all other Corpo­rations have their swords from him, and when he en­treth any place corporat, we know the first thing that is presented him is the Sword: With this Sword he shields and preserves all his peeple that ev'ry one may sit quietly under his own Vine, sleep securely in his own House, and enjoy sweetly the fruits of his labours.

Nor doth the point of this sword reach only to ev'ry corner of his own dominions, but it extends beyond the seas to gard his Subjects from oppression, and denial of justice, as well as to vindicate the publike wrongs, make good the interests of his Crown, and to assist his con­federates; This is the sword that Edward the third tied the [Page 8] Flower deluces unto (which stick still unto it,) when ha­ving sent to France to demand that Crown by maternall right, the Counsell there sent him word that the Crown of France was not tied to a distaff, to which scoffing answer he replied that then he wold tie it to his sword, and he was as good as his word. Nor is this publike sword concredited or intrusted by the peeple in a fiduciary conditionall way to the King, but it is properly and peculiarly belonging unto him, as an inseparable concomitant, perpetuall Usher and attendant to his Crowne. The King, we know, u­seth to maintain all garrisons upon his own charge, not the peeples; he fortifies upon his own charge, not the pee­ples: And though I will not averr, that the King may im­presse any of his Subjects, unlesse it be upon an actuall in­vasion by Sea, or a sudden irruption into his Kingdom by Land, as the Scots have often don, yet at any time the King may raise Volunteers, and those who have received his money, the Law makes it felony, if they forsake his service.

Thus we see there's nothing that conduceth more to the glory, and indeed the very essence of a King then the Sword, which is the Armes and military strength of his Kingdome; wherfore under favor, there cannot be a grea­ter point of dishonor to a King then to be disarmed, then to have his Sword taken from him, or dispos'd of and intrusted to any but those whom he shall appoint; for as à minori ad majus. the Argument often holds, if a privat Gentleman chance to be disarm'd upon a quarrell, 'tis held the utmost of disgraces, much greater and more public is the dishonor that falls upon a King, if after some traverses of difference 'twixt him and his Subjects, they shold offer to disarme him, or demand his sword of him: when the Eagle parted with his talons, and the Lion with his teeth and ongles, the Apolog tells us how [Page 9] contemptible afterwards the one grew to be among Birds, the other among Beasts. For a King to part with the Sword politic is to render himself such a ridiculous King, as that logg of wood was which Jupiter let down among the froggs for their King at the importunity of their croaking; 'tis to make him a King of clouts, or as the Spaniard hath it, Rey de Havas, a Bean-King, such as we use to choose in sport at Twelf-night.

But my hopes are, that the two present Houses of Par­lement (for now they may be call'd so, because they begin to parley with their King,) wilbe more tender of the honor of their Soverain Liege Lord, which, together with all his Rights and Dignities, by severall solemn Oaths, and by their own binding instruments of Protestation and Co­venant, (not yet revok'd) they are sworn to maintain, and that they will demand nothing of him which may savour of Aspertè or force, but what may hold water hereafter: But now, touching the Militia or Sword of the Kingdom, I think, under favor, the King cannot transfer it to any other; for that were to desert the protection of his peo­ple, which is point-blank against his Coronation Oath and his Office: What forren Prince or State will send either Ambassador, Resident or Agent to him, when they understand his Sword is taken from him? What reformed forren Church wil acknowledg Him Defender of the Faith, when they hear of this? Nay, they who wish England no good will, will go neer to paint him out, as not long since another King was, with a fair velvet Scabbard, a spe­cious golden hilt and chape, but the blade within was of wood. I hope that they who sway now, will make bet­ter use of their successes: Many of them know 'tis as dif­ficult a thing to use a victory well, as to get one; there is as much prudence requir'd in the one, as prowesse in the o­ther; [Page 10] they wilbe wiser sure then turn it to the dishonor of their King: it being a certaine rule, that the glory of a Nation all the world over depends upon the glory of their King, and if he be any way obscur'd, the whole Kingdom is under an eclipse.

I have observed, that among other characters of gal­lantry, which forren Writers appropriat to the English Nation, one is, that they use to be most zealous to pre­serve the Honor of their King; I trust that they who are now upp will return to the steps of their Progenitors, both in this particular and divers other; that their successes may serve to sweeten and moderat things, and suppresse the popular Sword which still rages; And it had been hearti­ly wished that a suspension of Arms had preceded this Treaty, which useth to be the ordinary fore-runner, and a necessarie antecedent to all Treaties; for while acts of hostility continue, som ill favour'd newes may intervene which may imbitter and disturb all: nor can it be expected that the proceedings will goe on with that candor and confidence, while the old rancor is still in action; 'tis im­possible a sore shold heale till the inflamation be taken a­way; To cast water into a wound instead of oyle is not the way to cure it: or to cast oyle upon a fire instead of wa­ter is not the way to quench it; poor England hath had a consuming fire within her bowells many yeeres, she is also mortally wounded in all her members, that she is still in a high Fever, which hath made her rave and speak idle a long time; and 'tis like to turn to a Hectic if not timely prevented. I p ay God she may have no occasion to make use of the same complaint as Alexander the great made when he was expiring his last, Perti turba Me­dicorum: too many Physitians have undon me.

To conclude in a word, there is but one only way, under [Page 11] favor, to put a period to all these fearfull confusions; it is, to put the great Master-wheele in order, and in its due place again, and then all the inferior wheels will move regularly; let the King be restor'd, and ev'ry one will com to his own, all interests will be satisfied, all things quick­ly rectified; till this be done, 'tis as absurd to attempt the setling of peace, as if one shold go about to set a Watch by the gnomon of an horizontall Diall when the Sun is in a cloud.

A Winter Dream.

IT was in the dead of a long Winter night, when no eyes were open but Watchmen, and Centinell's, that I was fallen soundly asleep, the Cinq out-Ports were shut up closer then usually, and my sences so treble lock'd, that the Moon, had she descended from her watry Orb, might have don much more to me then she did to Endymion when he lay snoaring upon the brow of Latmus Hill; nay, (be it spoken without prophane­nesse) if a rib had bin taken out of me that night, to have made a new model of a woman, I shold hardly have felt it.

Yet, though the Cousin-german of Death had so strongly seiz'd thus upon the exterior parts of this poore Tabernacle of flesh, my inward were never more actif, and fuller of employ­ments then they were that night.

Me thought my soul made a sallie abroad into the world, and fetch'd a vast compas; she seem'd to soar up and slice the air, to crosse seas, clammer up huge Hills, and never rested till she had arriv'd at the Antipodes: Now som of the most judicious Geometricians and Chorographers hold that the whole Masse of the Earth being round like the rest of her fellow Elements, ther be places, and poizing parts of the Continent, there be [Page 2] Peninsulas, Promontories and Ilands upon the other face of the Earth that correspond and concenter with all those Regi­ons and Iles that are upon this superficies which we tread; Countries that symbolize with them in qualities, in tempera­ture of air and clime, as well as in nature of soile; The Inhabi­tants also of those places which are so perpendicularly opposit, do sympathize one with another in disposition, complexions and humors, though the Astronomers wold have their East to be our West, and so all things vice versa in point of position, which division of the Heaven is only mans institution.

But to give an account of the strange progres my soule made that night; the first Country she lighted on was a very low flat Countrey, and it was such an odd amphibious Countrey, being so indented up and down with Rivers and armes of the sea, that I made a question whither I shold call it Water or Land; yet though the Sea be invited and usher'd in into som places, he is churlistly pen'd out in som other: so that though he foam and swell, and appeer as high Walls hard by, yet they keep him out, maugre all his roaring and swelling.

As I wandred up and down in this Watry Region, I might behold from a streight long Dike whereon I stood, a strange kind of Forrest, for the trees mov'd up and down; they look'd afar off as if they had bin blasted by thunder; for they had no leafs at all; but making a neerer approach unto them, I found they were a nomberlesse company of Ship Masts, and before them appeer'd a great Town incorporated up and down with Water;Amsterdam. As I mus'd with my self upon the sight of all this, I concluded, that the Inhabitants of that Countrey were notable industrious peeple, who could give Law so to the angry Ocean, and occupie those places where the great Leviathan should tum­ble and take his pastime in; As my thought ran thus, I met with a man, whom I conjectur'd to be 'twixt a Marchant and a Mariner, his salutation was so homely; the air also was so foggie that me thought it stuck like cobbwebs in his Mustachos; & he [Page 3] was so dull in point of motion, as if his veines had bin filld with buttermilk in lieu of blood: I began to mingle words with him, and to expostulate somthing about that Coun­trey and peeple; and then I found a great deal of downright ci­vilities in him: He told me that They were the only men who did miracles of late yeers; Those innumerable piles of stones you see before you in such comely neat fabriques, is a place (said he) that from a Fish Market in effect is com to be one of the greatest Marts in this part of the world, which hath made her swell thrice bigger then she was 50. yeers ago; and as you be­hold this floating Forrest of Masts before her mole, so if you could see the foundations of her houses, you shold see another great Forrest, being rear'd from under ground upon fair piles of timber, which if they chance to sink in this Marshy soyl, we have an art to scrue them up again. We have for 70. yeers and above without any intermission, except a short-liv'd truce that once was made, wrastled with one of the greatest Potentates up­on Earth, and born up stoutly against him, gramercy our two next neighbour Kings, and their Reason of State, with the advan­tage of our situation. We have fought our selfs into a free State, and now quite out of that ancient alleageance we ow'd him; and though we pay 20. times more in taxes of all sorts then we did to him, yet we are contented: We have turn'd War into a trade, and that which useth to beggar others, hath benefited us: Be­sides, we have bin and are still the rendevous of most disconten­ted Subjects, when by the motions of unquiet consciences in points of Religion, or by the fury of the sword, they are forc'd to quit their own Countreys, who bring their arts of Manufa­cture, and moveables, hither; In so much that our Lombards are full of their goods, and our banks superabound with their gold and silver which they bring hither in specie. To secure our selfs, and cut the Enemy more work, and to engage our Confiderats in a war with him, we have kindled fires in evry corner; and now that they are together by the Eares, we have bin content [Page 5] lately, being long woo'd thereunto, to make a peace with that King to whom we once acknowledged vassalage; which King out of a height of spirit, hath spent 500. times more upon us for our reduction, then all our Countrey is worth; But now he hath bin well contented to renounce and abjure all claimes and rights of Soverainty over us; In so much, that being now without an Enemy, we hope in a short time to be masters of all the comerce in this part of the world, and to eat our Neighbours out of trade in their own Comodities: We fear nothing but that exces of Wealth, and a surfet of ease may make us careles and breed quarrells among our selfs, and that our Generall, be­ing married to a great Kings daughter, may—

Here he suddenly broke the threed of his discourse, and got hastily away, being hal'd by a ship that was sailing hard by.

Hereupon my soul took wing again, and cut her way through that foggy condens'd aire, till she lighted on a fair, spacious, cleare Continent, a generous and rich Soile mantled up and downe with large woods, where, as I rang'd to and fro, I might see divers faire Houses, Townes, Palaces and Castles, looking like so many Carkases, for no humane soule appear'd in them; me thought I felt my heart melting within me in a soft resentment of the case of so gallant a Countrey, and as I stood at amaze, and in a kind of astonishment, a goodly perso­nage makes towards me, whom both for his comportment, and countenance, I perceiv'd to be of a finer mould then that companion I had met withall before: by the trace of his looks I guessed he might be som Nobleman that had bin ruin'd by som disaster: having acosted him with a fitting distance, he be­gan in a Masculin strong winded language full of aspirations and tough collision of Consonants, to tell me as followeth: Sir, I find you are a stranger in this Countrey, because you stand so agast at the devastations of such a fair piece of the Con­tinent, then know Sir, because I beleeve you are curious to carry away with you the causes thereof, that those ruthfull ob­jects [Page 5] which you behold, are the effects of a long lingring war, and of the fury of the Sword, a cruentous civill War that hath rag'd here ubove 30. yeares: one of the grounds of it was the infortunate undertaking of a Prince, who liv'd not far off in an affluence of all earthly felicity; he had the greatest Lady to his wife, the best purse of money, the fairest Stable of horse, and choicest Library of books of any other of his neighbour Princes. But being by desperate and aspiring coun­sells put upon a Kingdome, while he was catching at the sha­dow of a Crowne, he lost the substance of all his own ancient possessions: by the many powerfull alliances he had (which was the cause he was pitched upon) [...]he feud continued long; for among others a Northern King took advantage to rush in, who did a world of mischiefs, but in a few yeers that King and he found their graves in their own ruins neer upon the same time; but now, may heaven have due thanks for it, there is a pe [...]ce concluded, a peace which hath bin 14. long yeers a moulding, and will I hope, be shortly put in execution; yet 'tis with this fatall disadvantage, that the said Northerne pe [...]ple, besides a masse of ready money we are to give them, are to have firme footing, and a warm nest ever in this C [...]untrey hereafter, so that I fear we shall hear from them too often: upon these words this noble personage fetch'd a deep sigh, but in such a ge [...]erous manner, that he seem'd to breake and check it before it c [...]me halfe forth.

Thence my soule taking her flight o're divers huge and hor­rid cacuminous mountaines, at last I found my selfe in a great populous Towne, but her buildings were miserably battered up and downe, she had a world of Palaces, Castles, Convents and goodly Churches: as I stepped out of curiosity into one of them, upon the West side there was a huge Grate, where a creature all in white beckned at me, making my app oach to the Grate, I found her to be a Nun, a lovely creature she was, for I could not distinguish which was whiter, her hue or her [Page 6] habit, her vaile other face, it made me remember (though in a dream my self) that saying, If Dreams and wishes had been tru, there had not been found a tru maid to make a Nun of ever since a Cloyster'd life began first among women; I asked her the reason how so many ugly devastations should befall so beautifull a City, she in a dolorous gentle tone, and ruthfull accents, the tears trickling down her cheeks like so many pearles, (such pearly teares that wold have dissolv'd a Diamond) sobb'd out unto me this speech: Gentle Sir, 'tis far beyond any expressi­ons of mine, and indeed beyond humane imagination to con­ceive the late calamities which have befallen this faire though infortunate City, a pernicious popular Rebellion broke out here upon a sudden into most horrid barbarismes, a Fate that hangs over most rich popular places that swim in luxe and plen­ty; but touching the grounds thereof, one may say that rebel­lion entred into this City, as sin first entred into the world by an apple: For our King now in his great extremities having almost halfe the world banding against him, and putting but a small tax upon a basket of fruit to last only for a time, this fruit-tax did put the peeples teeth so on edge, that it made them gnash against the Government, and rush into Armes; but they are sensible now of their own follies, for I thinke never any place suffered more in so short a time: the civill combustions abroad in other Kingdomes may be said to be but small squibs compar'd to those horrid flakes of fire which have rag'd here, and much adoe we had to keep our Vestall fire free from the fu­ry of it: in lesse then the revolution of a yeer it consum'd a­bove fourscore thousand soules within the walls of this Ci­ty; But 'tis not the first time of forty, that this luxurious foo­lish peeple hath smarted for their insurrections and insolencies, and that this mad horse hath o'rethrowne his Rider, and drawn a worse upon his back; who instead of a saddle, put a pack-saddle and Panniers upon him: but indeed the voluptuousnesse of this peeple was growne ripe for the judgement of heaven; [Page 7] she was then beginning to expostulat with me about the state of my Countrey, and I had a mighty mind to satisfie her, for I could have corresponded with her in the relation of as strange things, but the Lady Ahadesse calling her away, she departed in an instant, obedience seem'd to be there so precise and punctuall.

I steer'd my course thence through a most delicious Countrey to another City that lay in the very bosome of the Sea, she was at first nothing els but a kind of posie made up of dainty green hillocks, tied together by above 400. bridges, and so coagulated into a curious Citie; though she be espous'd to Neptune very solemnly once evry yeer, yet she still reserves her maydenhead, and beares the title of the Virgin Citie in that part of the world; But I found her tug­ging mainly with a huge Giant that wold ravish her; He hath shrewdly set on her skirts, and a great shame it is, that she is not now assisted by her Neighbours, & that they shold be together by the eares when they shold do so necessary a work, considering how that great Giant is their common E­nemy; and hath lately vow'd seven yeers warrs against her; specially considering, that if he comes once to ravish her, he will quickly ruin them; She (to her high honor be it spoken) being their only rampart against the incursion of the said Giant, and by consequence their greatest security.

From this Maiden Citie, mee thought, I was in a trice carried over a long gulf, and so through a Midland Sea, into another Kingdome, where I felt the Clime hotter by some Degrees; a rough hew'n soile, for the most part, it was, full of craggie barren [...]ills; but where there were valleys and water enough, the coun [...]rey was extraor­dinarily fruitfull, whereby nature (it seems) made her a com­pensation for the sterility of the rest. Yet notwithstanding the hardship of the soyl, I found her full of Abbeys, Mona­steries, Hermitages, Convents, Churches, and other places of devotion; As I rov'd there a while, I encountred a grave [Page 8] man in a long black cloak, by the fashion whereof, and by the brimms of his hat, I perceived him to be a Jesuit; I clos'd with him, and question'd with him about that Coun­trey: He told me the King of that Countrey was the great­est Potentat of that part of the world; and, to draw power to a greater unitie, they of our Order could be well conten­ted, that he were universall Head over Temporalls, because 'tis most probable to be effected by him, as we have already one universall Head over Spiritualls: This is the Monark of the Mines, I mean of Gold and Silver, who furnishes all the world, but most of all his own Enemies with money, which money foments all the warrs in this part of the world: Never did any earthly Monark thrive so much in so short a tract of time; But of late yeers he hath bin illfavou­redly shaken by the revolt and utter defection of two sorts of Subjects, who are now in actuall armes against him on both sides of him at his own doors. There hath bin also a long deadly feud 'twixt the next tramontan Kingdom and him, though the Queen that rules there be his own sister, an unnaturall odious thing: But it seems God Almighty hath a quarrell of late yeers with all earthly Potentats; for in so short a time there never happen'd such strange shocks and revolutions: The great Emperour of Ethiopia hath bin outed, he and all his children by a petty companion: The King of China a greater Emperour then he, hath lost almost all that huge Monarchy by the incursion of the Tartar, who broke ore the Wall upon him; The grand Turk hath bin strangled, with 30. of his Concubines; The Emperur of Mus­covy hath bin content to beg his life of his own vassalls, & to see before his face divers of his chief Officers hack'd to pee­ces, & their heads cut off & steep'd in strong water, to make them burn more bright in the market place. Besides theabove mentioned, this King hath also divers Enemies more, yet he bears up against them all indifferently well, though with [Page 9] infinite expence of treasure: and the Church, specially our Society, hath stuck close unto him in these his exigents: whence may be inferr'd, that let men repine as long as they will at the possessions of the Church, they are the best anchors to a State in a storme, and in time of need to preserve it from sinking; besides acts of charity wold be quite lost among men, did not the wealth of the Church keep life in them: Hereupon drawing a huge paire of Beads from under his cloak, he began to aske me of my Religion; I told him I had a long journey to go, so that I could not stay to wait on him longer; so we parted, and me thought I was very glad, to be rid of him so well.

My soule then made another flight over an Assembly of hideous high hills, and lighted under another Clyme, on a rich and copious Countrey resembling the form of a Lo­senge, but me thought, I never saw so many poor peeple in my life; I encountred a Peasan, and asked him what the reason was, that there shold be so much poverty in a Coun­trey where there was so much plenty: Sir, they keep the Commonalty poor in pure policy here; for being a peeple, as the world observes us to be, that are more humerous then others, and that love variety and change, if we were suffered to be pamper'd with wealth, we wold ever and anon rise up in tumults, and so this Kingdome shold never be quiet, but subject to intestine broyles, and so to the hazard of any invasion: But there was of late a devillish Cardinall, whose humour being as sanguin as his habit, and working upon the weaknes of his Master, hath made us not onely poore, but stark beggars, and we are like to continue so by an eternall war, wherein he hath plung'd this poore Kingdom, which war must be maintained with our very vi­tall spirits: but as dejected and indigent as we are, yet upon the death of that ambitious Cardinall, we had risen up a­gainst this, who hath the Vogue now, (with whom he hath [Page 10] left his principles) had not the fearfull example of our next transmarin Western neighbours, and the knowledge we have of a worse kind of slavery, of those endles arbitrary taxes, and horrid confusions they have fool'd themselfs lately into, utterly deterr'd us, though we have twenty times more reason to rise then ever they had: yet our great City hath shew'd her teeth, and gnash'd them ilfavouredly of late, but we find she hath drawn water only for her owne Mill, we fare little the better, yet we hope it will conduce to peace, which hath been so long in agitation. I cannot remember how I parted with that Peasan, but in an instant I was landed upon a large Island, and me thought, 'twas the temperat'st Region I had been in all the while; the heat of the Sun there is as harmles as his light, the evening serenes are as wholsome there, as the morning dew; the Dog-daies as innocuous as any of the two Equinoxes. As I rang'd to and fro that fair Iland, I spied a huge City whose length did far exceed her latitude, but neither for length or latitude did she seem to beare any politicall proportion with that Iland: she look'd, me thought, like the Jesuits hat whom I had met withall before, whose brimms were bigger then the crowne, or like a petticoat, whose fringe was longer then the body. As I did cast my eyes upwards, me thought I discern'd a strange Inscription in the aire which hung just over the midst of that Citie written in such huge visible characters, that any one might have read it, which was this: Woe be to the bloody City.

Hereupon a reverend Bishop presented himselfe to my view, his gray haires, and grave aspect struck in mee an extraordinary reverence of him: so performing those com­plements which were fitting, I asked him of the condition of the place, he in a submisse sad tone, with clouds of me­lancholy waving up and downe his lookes, told me; Sir, this Iland was reputed few years since to have been in the [Page 11] completest condition of happinesse of any part on earth, insomuch that she was repin'd at for her prosperity and peace by all her neighbours, who were plung'd in warre round about her, but now she is fallen into as deep a gulf of misery, and servitude, as she was in a height of felicity and freedom before: Touching the grounds of this change, I cannot impute it to any other then to a surfet of happinesse; now there is no surfet so dangerous as that of happines: There are such horrid divisions here, that if they were a foot in hell, they were able to destroy the Kingdom of Satan: truly Sir, there are crep'd in more opinions among us about mat­ters of Religion, then the Pagans had of old of the Summum bonum, which Varro saith were 300. the understandings of poor men were never so puzzled & distracted; a great while there were two opposit powers who swayed here in a kind of equality that people knew not whom to obey, many thou­sands complied with both, as the men of Calecut who adore God and the Devill, (Tamum Squantum, as it is in the Indian language) the one for love, the other for feare: there is a monstrous kind of wild liberty here that ever was upon earth; that which was complained of as a stalking horse to draw on our miseries at first, is now only in practice, which is meer arbitrary rule; for now both Law, Religion, and Allegiance are here arbitrary: Touching the last, 'tis quite lost, 'tis per­mitted that any one may prate, preach, or print what they will in derogation of their anointed King: which word King was once a Monosyllable of some weight in this Ile, but 'tis as little regarded now as the word Pope (among som) which was also a mighty Monosyllable once among us: the rule of the Law is, that the King can do no wrong, there is a contrary rule now crept in, that the King can receive no wrong; and truly Sir, 'tis a great judgement both upon Prince and peeple, upon the one, that the love of his vassalls shold be so alienated from him; upon the other, that their [Page 12] hearts shold be so poysond, and certainly 'tis the effects of an ill spirit; both the one and the other in all probability tend to the ruine of this Kingdom. I will illustrat this unto you, Sir, by an Apologue as followeth.

There happen'd a shrewd commotion & distemper in the Body Natural 'twixt the Head and the Members; not one­ly the Noble parts (som of them) but the common inferior organs also banded against him in a high way of unnaturall presumption; The heart, which is the source of life, with the Pericardiū about it, did swell against him; the Liver, which is the shop of sanguification, gather'd ill blood: all the humors turn'd to Choler against him; The Arms lift up themselfs against him, neither back, hams or knees wold bow to him, nay the very feet offer'd to kick him; The foure and twenty ribs, the reines, the Hypocondrium, the Diaphragma, the Mise­raic, & Emulgent veins were fil'd with corrupt blood against him: yea the Hypogastrium and the bowells made an intestin war against him. While the feud lasted, it hapned that these tumultuary Members fell out among themselfs; The Hand wold have all the fingers equall, nay the toes wold be of even length, & the rest of the subservient members wold be independent: They grew so foolish, that they wold have the fondament to be where the mouth is, the brest where the bask, the belly where the braine, and the yard where the nose, the sholders shold be no more said to be backwards, nor the leggs downwards; A bloody quarrell fell 'twixt the Heart and Liver, which of them receiv'd the first formation, and whither of the two be the chiefest officine of sanguificati­on; which question bred so much gaul 'twixt the Aristotelians & the Galenists; While this Spleen & strange tympany of pride lasted, it cau'sd such an ebullition and heat in the masse of bloud, that it put the Microcosm, the whole Body in a high burning Feaver or Frenzy rather, which in a very short time grew to be a Heptic, and so all perish'd by a fatall consump­tion.

I fear the same fate attends this infortunate Iland, for such as was the condition of that naturall head, this Apolog speaks of, the same is the case of the politic Head and Body of this Iland; Never was Soverain Prince so banded against by his own Subjects, never was the patience of a Prince so put upon the tenter; He is still no lesse then a Captif, his children are in banishment in one Countrey, his Queen in another, the greatest Queen of bloud upon earth; a Queen that brought with her the greatest portion that ever Queen did in treasure; yet in twenty yeers and upwards, her join­ture hath not bin setled as it shold be; nor hath she bin crown'd all this while according to matrimoniall Articles; notwithstanding that, for the comfort of this Nation, and the establishment of the Throne, she hath brought forth so many hopefull Princes.

But now Sir; because I see you are so attentive, and seem to be much mov'd at this Discourse, as I have discover'd un­to you the generall cause of our calamities, which was not onely a satiety, but a surfeit of happinesse, so I will de­scend now to a more particular cause of them; it was a Nor­thern Nation that brought these cataracts of mischief: upon us; and you know the old saying,

Far be it from me to charge the whole Nation herewith; no, but onely some pernicions Instruments that had insinu­ated themselfs, and incorporated among us, and sway'd both in our Court and Counsells: They had a hand in eve­ry Monopoly; they had out of our Exchequer, and Cu­stoms neer upon 400000. Crowns in yeerly Pensions, viis & modis; yet they could not be content, but they must puzzle the peace and policy of this Church and State: and though they are people of differing Intellectualls, differing Lawes, Customes, and Manners unto us, yet for matter of consci­ence [Page 14] they wold bring our necks into their yoak, as if they had a greater talent of reason, & cleerer illuminations, as if they understood Scripture better, and were better acquain­ted with God Almighty then we, who brought them first from Paganisme to Christianity, and also to be reformed Christians: but it seems, matters have little thriven with them; nay the visible hand of heaven hath bin heavily up­on them divers wayes since they did lift their hands against their native King; For notwithstanding the vast summs they had hence, yet is the generality of them as beggarly as ever they were; besides, the Civill Sword hath rag'd there as furiously as here, and did as much execution a­mong them. Moreover the Pestilence hath beene more violent, and sweeping in their chief Town then ever it was since they were a peeple. And now lately ther's the notablest dishonour befaln them that possibly could light upon a Nation, in that 7000. of ours shold upon eeven ground encounter, kill, slay, rout and utterly discomfit thrice as many of theirs, though as well appointed and arm'd as men could be: And truly Sir, the advantages that accru to this Nation are not a few by that exploit; For of late yeers that Nation was cried up abroad to be a more Mar­tiall peeple then we, and to have baffled us in open field in divers traverses: besides, I hope a small matter will pay now their Arrerages here, and elswhere; but principally, I hope they will not be so busie hereafter in our Court and Counsell, as they have been formerly.

Another cause of our calamity is a strange race of peeple sprung up among our selfs, who were confederat with those of the North; they wold make Gods House cleane, and put out the candle of all ancient learning & knowledg; they would sweep it only by the light of an Ignis fatuus: but 'tis visibly found that they have brought much more rubbage into it; and wheras in reforming this house, they shold ra­ther find out the groat that is lost, they go about to take away [Page 15] the mite that's left, and so put Christs Spouse to live on meer almes: true it is, there is a kind of Zeal that burns in them, (& I could wish there were so much piety) but this zeal burns with too much violence and presumption, which is no good symptom of spirituall health, it being a rule, that as the naturall heat, so the spirituall shold be moderat, els it commonly turns to a frenzy: and that is the thing which causeth such a giddines and distraction in their braines; This (proceeding from the suggestions of an ill spirit) puffs them up with so much mentall pride; for the Devill is so cunning a Wrastler, that he oftentimes lifts men up to give them the greater fall: they think they have an inerring spirit, and that their Diall must needs go tru, howsoever the Sun goes: they wold make the Gospell, as the Caddies make the Alchoran, to decide all civill temporall matters under the large notion of slander, whereof they to be the Judges, and so in time to hook in all things to their Classis: I believe if these men were dissected when they are dead, there would be a great deale of Quick-silver found in their braines.

But I could pitty the giddinesse of their braines, had they not so much gaules in their breasts, were they not so thir­sting after blood, so full of poison and irreconcileable ma­lice, in so much that it may be very well thought, these men are a kin to that race which sprung out of the Serpents teeth: these are they which have seduced our great Coun­sell, and led this foolish City by the nose to begin and fo­ment this ugly War, insomuch that if those numberlesse bo­dies which have perish'd in these commotions, were cast in­to her streets, and before her doores, many thousand Citi­zens noses wold bleed of pure guilt.

Not to hold you long, these are the men, who have baf­fled [Page 16] common sense, blasted the beams of nature, and offered violence to reason; these are they who have infatuated most of the peeple of this Iland; so that whereas in times past, som call'd her the Ile of Angells, she may be [...]erm'd now the Ile of Gulls, or more properly the Ile of Doggs, or ra­ther indeed the Ile of Wolfs, there is such a true Lycanthropy com in among us: I am loth to call her the Iland of Devills, though she hath bin branded so abroad.

To conclude Sir, the glory of this Isle is quite blasted; 'tis tru they speake of peace, but while the King speakes to them of it, they make themselfs ready for battell; I much fear, that Ixion-like, we imbrace a cloud for peace, out of which ther will issue out Centaures, and Monsters, as sprung out of that cloud.

Touching that ancient'st holy Order whereof you see me to be; I well hoped, that in regard they pretended to reform things only, they wold not have quite extirpated, but regu­lated only this Order: it had bin enough to brayle our wings, not to have fear'd them: to have lopp'd & prun'd, not to have destroid root & branch of that ancient tree which was plan­ted by the hands of the Apostles themselfs: In fine Sir, we are a lost peeple, 'tis no other Daedalus, but the high D [...]y of hea­ven can clue us out of this labyrinth of confusions, can extri­cat us out of this maze of miseries: the Philosopher saith, 'tis impossible for man to quadrat a Circle; so 'tis not in the power of man, but of God alone, to make a loyall Subject of a Roundhead: Among other things that strangers report of this Iland, they say that Winter here hath too many teares in his eyes: Helas Sir, 'tis impossible he shold have too many now, to bewaile the lamentable base slavery, that a free-born peeple is com to: and though they are grown so tame as to kisse the rod that whips them, yet their Taskmasters wil not throw it into the fire.

Truly Sir, as my tongue is too feeble to expresse our mise­ries, [Page 17] so the plummet of the best understanding is too short to sadom the depth of them.

With this, the grave Venerable Bishop giving me his be­nediction, fetcht such a sigh, that wold have rended a rock asunder; and suddenly vanish'd (me thought) out of my sight up towards Heaven. I presently after awoke about the dawnings of the day, when one could hardly discern Dog from Wolf; and my soule, my Animulae vagula blan­dula, being re-entred through the Horn gate of sleep into her former mansion, half tyr'd after so long a Peregrination; and having rub'd my eyes, distended my limms, and return'd to a full expergefaction, I began to call my self to account touching those world of objects my fancy had represented unto me that night; and when by way of reminisence I fell to examine and ruminate upon them; Lord, what a masse of Ideas ran in my head! but when I call'd to mind the last Countrey my soule wandred in, me thought I felt my heart like a lump of lead within me, when I considerd how pat every circumstance might be applied to the present con­dition of England: I was meditating with my self what kind of dream this might be; whereupon I thought upon the common division that Philosophers make of dreames, that they are either

• Divine,
• Diabolicall,
• Naturall, or
• Humane.

For the first, they are Visions more properly or Revelations, whereof there are divers examples in the holy Oracles of God, but the puddled cranies of my brain are not roomes clean enough to entertain such: Touching the second kind, which com by the impulses of the Devill, I have heard of divers of them, as when one did rise up out of his sleep, and fetcht a poyniard to stab his bedfellow, which he had don, [Page 18] had he not bin awake; Another went to the next chamber abed to his mother, and wold have ravish'd her; but I thank God this dream of mine was not of that kind? Touching the third species of dreames; which are naturall dreames, they are according to the humor which predominats; if Melancholy sway, we dream of black darksom devious pla­ces; if Phlegm, of waters; if Choler, of frayes, fightings and troubles; if Sanguin predominat, we dream of green fields, gardens, and other pleasant representations; and the Physitian comes often to know the quality of a disease by the nocturnall objects of the patients fancy.

Humane dreams relate to the actions of the day past, or of the day following, & som representations are clear & even; others are amphibious, mongrell, distorted and squalid ob­jects, according to the species of things in troubled matters; and the object is cleer or otherwise, according to the tenui­ty or the grossnes of the vapors which ascend from the ven­tricle up to the brain.

Touching my dream, I think it was of this last kind; for I was discoursing of, and condoling the sad distempers of our times the day before: I pray God som part of it prove not propheticall; for, although the Frenchman sayeth, Son­ges sont Mensonges, dreames are delusions, and that they turn to contraries, yet the Spaniard hath a saying,

Insomuch that some Dreams oftentimes prove tru; as S. Au­stin makes mention of a rich Merchant in Milan, who being dead, one of his Creditors comes to his son to demand such a sum of money which he had lent his father; the son was confident 'twas paid, but not finding the Creditors Receipt, he was impleaded and like to be cast in the Sute, had not his [Page 19] fathers Ghost appeared to him, and directed him to the place where the Acquittance was, which he found the next day accordingly. Galen speaks of one that dreamt he had a wooden leg, and the next day he was taken with a dead Pal­sie in one whole side. Such a Dream was that of William Rufus, when he thought he had felt a cold gust passing through his bowells; and the next day he was slain in the guts, by the glance of an arrow, in new Forrest, a place where he and his Father had committed so many Sacrile­ges. I have read in Artimedorus, of a woman that dreamt she had seen the pictures of three faces in the Moone like her self, and she was brought to bed of three daughters a little after, who all died within the compas of a moneth. Ano­ther dreamt, that Xanthus water ran red, and the next day he fell a spitting of blood.

To this I will add another fore-telling Dream, whereof I have read, which was thus: two young Gentlemen be­ing travelling abroad in strange Countreyes, and being come to a great towne, the one lay far in the Citie, the o­ther in an Hostry without the walls in the Suburbs: he in the City did dream in the dead of night, that his friend which he had left in the Suburbs rush'd into his chamber panting and blowing, being pursued by others; he dreamt so againe, and the third time he might see his friends Ghost appeering at his beds side with blood trickling down his throat, and a Poyniard in his brest, telling him; Dear friend, I am come now to take my last farewell of thee, and if thou rise be­times, thou shalt meet me in the way going to be buried; the next morning his friend going with his Host towards the Inn in the Suburbs where he left his friend, they met with a Cart laden with dung in the way, which being staid and search'd, the dead body was found naked in the dung.

I will conclude with a notable Dreame that Osman the great Turk had, not many yeers since, a few dayes before he [Page 20] was murthered by his Janizaries, 1623. He dreamt, that be­ing mounted upon a huge Camell, he could not make him go, though he switch'd and spur'd him never so much; at last the Camell overthrew him, and being upon the ground, onely the bridle was left in his hand, but the body of the Camell was vanished: the Mufti not being illuminated e­nough to interpret this Dream, a Santon who was a kind of Idiot, told him, the Camell represented the Ottoman Empire, which he not being able to govern, he should be o'erthrown, which two dayes after proved tru.

By these, and a cloud of examples more, we may con­clude, that Dreams are not altogether impertinent, but som­thing may be gathered out of them; though the application and meaning of them be denied to man, unlesse by speciall illumination.

A TRANCE.
The Proeme.

SVch is the force of Fancy, so large is the reach, so boundlesse is the prerogative of humane Imagi­nation, that though the small concave of a scull some two or three spans compasse be her ordina­ry and naturall habitation, yet the whole Globe of the Earth, nor all the elementary world can totally confine her, but she will at pleasure clime up to the skies, and make a scale of the Starrs to conduct her to the Empyrean Heaven; Thence she can descend in a trice to the great Abysse, and take a survey of the Kingdom of darknesse; And though it be a maxime among Divines that ab Orco nulla redemptio, there's no return out of Hell, and that the passage back thence is irreme­able, yet the Imagination of man hath this privilege, that she can make egresses and regresses, she can enter, and come off cleer thence when she list, and all this if need be in an instant; wherein she seemes to partake of that admired quality which is inherent in that most comfortable creature the Light, who is held the soveraign of all sensible qualities among the Philo­sophers, and to come neerest to the nature of a Spirit, which creature requires but an instantaneous moment and point of [Page 5] time to performe his office of illumination, and dilate him­self throughout the Hemisphear; whence some inferre that he is not corporeall, in regard it is an unquestioned principle in nature that all bodies require a succession of time in their moti­on: but there is this difference twixt the Imagination and Light, that there be some places whereinto Light cannot enter, but there is no part of the Vnivers so impervious, where the Ima­gination may not make his accesses and recesses at pleasure; as will appeare by the following example.

Bella Scot-Anglica. A Briefe of all the Battels and Martiall Encounters, which have happen'd 'twixt England and Scotland, from all times to this present, &c.

COROLLARIE.

THus have I run over, and faithfull related by collation of many Authors, with their concurrent testimonies, those traverses of warre which have passed betwixt the English and Scots since the Conquest, having omitted many circumstances which might have tended further to the glory of England, to avoyd prolixity, for I intended at first that this Discourse should be like a skein of Silke wound up close upon a small bot­tome, which a freer hand might put upon the loom and draw to a large peice.

Any man of a clear and unpassionate judgement will hence inferre that the Scots have been alwayes farre inferiour to the English (except in these latter unlucky Invasions) in poynt of true prowesse, and National Power: In some examples you may finde how the English carryed away more Captives then they were Souldiers of themselves, driving them as sheep before them; most of the Battails they fought were in Scotland herself, when the English had been tir'd with long marches, over un­couth, and strange places, being ignorant of the advenues, and advantages of them.

Indeed in Edward the Seconds reign they got three battails, and one at the fag end of Hen. the 8. wherein Sir Ralph Evers was slaine, but it was more by stratagem than strength, and besides the English might have been said to have fought rather against the Heaven and Elements then men, having Wind and Sun in their faces, but that might have been tearmed more pro­perly a petty defeat then Victory, for there fell not above 200. But what use did the Scot ever make of those Victories, though the North parts have many places of fastnesse, and tenable, yet I reade not of any place they kept except Barwick; all the rest of their Warres were but tumultuary sallies, and predatory devastations, and pilfrings. But the English have taken foure [Page 18] of their Kings captives, killed two of them in the Field, car­ried away their Crown (which they give out to be greater and more weighty than that of England) their Ragman-Roll, the Blacke Crosse, with other instruments of Soveraignty, and did sundry acts equivalent to a Conquest. They pierced the very heart of the K [...]ngdom, and the Scot may be said to have onely trod upon England toe, for they never came farther than the Walls of Yorke, till the reigne of this thing that cals it selfe Parliament. But if one should aske me why the English ha­ving made such firme Invasions from time to time into the very bowels of Scotland, did not reduce it to a vassallage and perfect provincial obedience, as well as to make their Kings fuedetary in which state they continued towards England near upon five hundred yeares?

My Answer shall be the same that Suetonius gives in behalfe of the Romans, who notwithstanding they lorded, over the rest of Brittany four hundred and odde yeares, yet they never went about to conquer Scotland, because they knew the prize would not have countervail'd the paines, by reason of the cragginesse of the Countrey and incommodity of habitation, therefore they thought it enough that Adrians Wall which extended from Tinmouth to Solway Frith, near upon fourscore miles should be the Westerne Bounds of their Empire.

Out of the precedent Examples we may also gather, that the Scot hath been alwayes of a genius apt and forward to stir against England upon any the least occasion. For of those five and twenty Kings and Queens that have been since the Conquest, onely five have been free of their insolencies: yet did England never begin with them till she was justly provo­ked thereunto, nor could Alliances nor Leagues, or any tyes of Treaty confirmed by Solemne Oathes (which are those re­ligious Bonds that passe 'twixt God and the Soul) detain the Scotish Kings from puzling and disturbing England, when her Kings were most distracted in Warres with France, and the better halfe of her strength imployed abroad, so that the Scots may be said to have been from time to time as goads in Eng­lands sides, or a thorne in her toe; and France leaguing meerly [Page 19] for his own advantage with them, may be said to have made use of Scotland as the Fox did of the Cats foot to pull the Apple out of the Fire for his own eating: yet for all these eager and irrefragable Combinations 'twixt the French and Her against England, England ever bore up, and made her party good, and that in a victorious way against both, and for Scotland she may be said to have given Her blowes for phil­lips.

But it seemes that Italian was well versed in the Scotishmens humours, who understanding of the late Vnion between the two Kingdomes, said that England had got no great catch by the addition of Scotland, she had onely got a Wolfe by the eares, who must be held very fast, else he will run away to France.

Some there are who much magnifie and cry up the Scots of late yeares, for great Souldiers, tacitly derogating thereby from the English, as if they should stand in some apprehension of fear of them; but I cannot imagine upon what grounds they should do it; true it is, that since the Revolt of the Hol­lander, and these seventy yeares Tumults in the Netherlands, some of them are much improved in the Art of Warre, and knowledge of Armes from what they were; they have also pushed on their Fortunes in the Warres of Denmarke, Sweden, Russia, Germany, and France; for Poland, their Profession there is to trusse Packes rather than traile Pikes. By reason of the quality of the Soile and Clime they have tough and hardy bodies, and it may adde to their courage that they venture for a better Countrey, in regard they cannot go to a worse than their own. Now it must be granted that the greatest ad­vantage wherewith Nature doth recompence a mountainous and sterile Soile above a luxurious and easie, is, to make it produce suffering bodies; which made the Romans [...]e nine-score yeares conquering of Spain, when they were but nine conquering of France.

For the first, 'tis answered, that if the Scot hath made sallies abroad into other Countries of late yeares, the English also have done the like, and are in some places in greater nu [...] ­bers, [Page 18] as in the Low-countries, where at this day they treble the number of the Scots, so that the Netherlands may be said to be a Military Yard for the English as well: and he that is never so little versed in the Moderne Stories will finde that the Foundation of that State hath been chiefly cimented with English Bloud.

For the East-countrey, 'tis true, there are many able Scots Leaders, and there are also many English of abilities and fame.

To the second, if the Scots are a hardy People because of their cragges and mountaines: I answer that the Welch and Cornish with them that dwell about the Northerne Alpes in England, are as mountainous as they, and I believe have as suffering and sturdy bodies; which makes the world yield it for a Ma­xime, that no Prince of Christendom hath a better choice to make Souldiers of than the King of Great Britain.

I will conclude with certain Prophesies the Scots do much speak of. The first is out of Polychronicon, whe [...]e the Authour Ranulphus Cistrensis relates the words of a certain Anchorite who lived in King Egelbert his time, now near upon 900. yeares ago, and the words are these, Angli, quia proditioni, ebrietati, & negligentia domus Dei dediti sunt, primùm per Da­nos, deinde per Normanos tertiùm per Scotos, quos vilissimos ha­bent, conterentur: varium erit saeculum, & varietas mentium, designabitur varietate vestium. 1. The English [...]en for that they wonneth themselves to treason, to drunkennesse, and wretchlesnesse of Gods House; first by the Danes, then by the Normans, and lastly by the Scots, whom they holden least in esteem, shallen be overthrown, 'twill be an instable Age, and the variablenesse of mens mindes shall appear by the variablenesse of their vestments.

The Danish and Norman Conquest have happened since, and the third is to follow in the same manner, say they, not by Succession, but by the Sword.

2 The second are those Prophesies of Merlin, who much tampers with the single Lion, and of the Feats that he should do, which they say, is meant of their Lion within a double Treasure Rampant, Mars counterflowred.

3. Then come they to the Stone wherein they say, the Fortune [Page 19] of their Kingdom is fixed, which hath lain in Westminster, now near upon five hundred yeares.

Which they interpret also must be by the Sword not by Suc­cession.

4. Then do they apply to themselves a Prophesie that the Irish have very frequent amongst them, which is, That the day will come, when the Irish shall weep over the Engl [...]shmens graves.

5. Lastly, that which is so common in the English mens mouthes, [Lincolne was, London is, and Yorke shall be] which they say, shall be at last the Seat of the British Empire, to be erected there by them.

But I am none of those that afford much faith to rambling Prophesies, but will conclude with a late much cried up Wise-man, (Sir W. R) that Prophesies are as seeds sown in the vast field of time, whereof not one grain of a thousandcomes to grow up: yet these Prophesies may serve as so many Prospe­ctives for England, to behold, though a far off in a mist, the danger and destiny which may befall her, from this growing Nation if not timely prevented.

6. Hereunto may be added another very old and il-favoured one, which shall fore run her fall.

AN INQUISITION AFTER BLOOD.

THE scope of this short discourse is to make some researches after Truth, and to rectifie the world according­ly in point of opinion, specially touching the first Author and Ag­gressor of the late ugly war in Eng­land, which brought with it such an inundation of blood, and so let in so huge a torrent of mischiefs to rush upon us. There be many, and they not only Presbyterians and Indepen­dents, but Cavaliers also, who think that the King had taken the guilt of all this blood upon himselfe, in regard of that Concession he passed in the preamble of the late Treaty at the Isle of Wight; The aime of this Pa­per is to cleere that point, but in so temperate a way, that [Page 2] I hope 'twill give no cause of exception, much lesse of offence to any: the blood that's sought after here, shall not be mingled with gaule, much lesse with anie ve­nome at all.

We know there is no Principle either in Divinity, Law, or Phylosophie, but may be wrested to a wrong sense; there is no truth so demonstrative and cleere, but may be subject to cavillations; no Tenet so plaine, but per­verse inferences may be drawne out of it; such a fate be­fell that preambular Concession His Majesty passed at the Transactions of the late Treaty, in that he acknow­ledg'd therein that the two Houses of Parliament were neces­sitated to undertake a war in their owne just and lawfull de­fence, &c. and that therfore all Oaths, Declarations, or o­ther public Instruments against the Houses of Parliament, or any for adhering to them, &c. be declared null, suppressed, and forbidden.

'Tis true, His Majesty passed this grant, but with this weighty consideration, as it had reference to two ends.

First, to smoothen and facilitate things thereby to ope a passage, and pave the way to a happy peace, which this poor Iland did so thirst after, having been so long glutted with civill blood.

Secondly, that it might conduce to the further secu­rity, and the indemnifying of the two Houses of Parle­ment, with all their instruments, assistants, and adherents, and so rid them of all jealousies, and fear (of future dan­gers) which still lodg'd within them. Now touching the expressions and words of this Grant, they were not his owne, nor did he give order for the dictating or penning thereof; the King was not the Author of them, but an Assenter only unto them: nor was He or his Par­ty accus'd, or as much as mentioned in any of them, to [Page 3] draw the least guilt upon themselves. Besides, He pass'd them as he doth all Lawes and Acts of Parlement, which in case of absence another may do for him in his politic capacity, therefore they cannot prejudice his person a­ny way. I am loth to say that he condescended to this Grant, ‘—Cùm stricta novacula supra,’ When the razor was as it were at his throat, when ther was an Army of about thirty thousand effect if Horse and Foot that were in motion against him, when his Person had continued under a black long lingring restraint, and dangerous menacing Petitions and Papers daily obtru­ded against him. Moreover, His Majesty pass'd this Concession with these two provisos and reserva­tio [...],

First, that it should be of no vertu or validity at all, till the whole Treaty were intirely consummated.

Secondly, that he might when he pleas'd inlarge and cleer the truth with the reservedness of his meaning here­in, by public Declaration: Now the Treaty being confu­sedly huddled up, without discussing, or as much as recei­ving any Proposition from himself as was capitulated, (and reciprocal Proposals are of the essence of all Treaties) it could neither bind him, or turne any way to his dis­advantage: Therfore under favour, ther was too much hast us'd by the Parlement, to draw that hipothetick or provisional Concession to the form of an Act so suddenly after in the very heat of the Treaty, with­out His Majesties knowledge, or the least intimation of his pleasure.

Add hereunto, that this Grant was but a meer pream­bular Proposition, 'twas not of the essence of the Treaty it self: And as the Philosophers and Schoolemen tell us, there is no valid proof can be drawn out of Proemes, In­troductions [Page 4] or Corallaries in any science, but out of the positive assertions and body of the Text, which is only argument-proof; so in the Constitutions and Lawes of England, as also in all accusations and charges, forerun­ning prefaces and preambles (which commonly weak causes want most) are not pleadable: and though they use to be first in place, like gentlemen-Ushers, yet are they last in dignity, as also in framing, nor had they ever the force of Lawes, but may be term'd their attendants to make way for them.

Besides, ther's not a syllable in this preface which re­peales or connives at any former Law of the Land, there­fore those Lawes that so strictly inhibit English Subjects to raise armes against their liege Lord the King, and those Lawes è contrario, which exempt from all dangers, penalties or molestation any Subject that adheres to the person of the King in any cause or quarrell whatsoever, are still in force.

Furthermore, this introductory Concession of the Kings, wherein he is contented to declare, That the two Houses were necessitated to take Armes for their defence, may be said to have relation to the necessity, à parte pòst, not à par­te antè: self-defence is the universall Law of Nature, and it extends to all other creatures, as well as the rationall: As the fluent Roman Orator in that sentence of his, which is accounted among the Critiques the excel­lentest that ever drop'd from him; Est enim haec non scrip­ta, sed nata Lex, quam non didicimus, accepimus, legimus, verùm ex natura ipsa arripuimus, hausimus, expressimus, ad quam non docti, sed facti, non instituti, sed imbuti sumus, ut si vita nostra in &c. For this (meaning self-defence) is not a written, but a Law born with us; A Law which we have not learnt, receiv'd or read, but that which we have suck'd, drawn forth, and wrung out of Nature her self; A Law to which we are not taught, but made unto, [Page 5] wherewith we are not instructed, but indued withall, that if our lifes be in jeopardy, &c. we may repell force by force. Therefore when the House of Parliament had drawn upon them a necessity of self-defence (and I could have wish'd it had been against any other but their own Soveraign Prince) his Majesty was contented to ac­knowledge that necessity. As for example: A man of war meets with a Marchant man at Sea, he makes towards him, and assaults him; The Marchant man having a good stout vessell under him, and resolute generous Seamen, bears up against him, gives him a whole broad side, and shoots him 'twixt wind and water; so there happens a furious fight betwixt them, which being ended, the Marchant cannot deny but that the man of war, though the first Assailant, was necessitated to fight, and that just­ly in his own defence, which necessity he drew upon himself, and so was excusable, à posteriori, not à priori; As the Civilians speak of a clandestine marriage, Fieri non debuit, sed factum valet; It ought not to have been, but being done 'tis valid: whereunto relates another saying, Multa sunt quae non nisi per acta approbantur. There are many things which are not allowable till they are pass'd.

The Kings of France have had sundry civill warrs, ma­ny bloudy encounters and clashes with their Subjects, specially the last King Lewis the thirteenth, which turn'd all at last to his advantage; among other Treaties upon that of Lond [...]n, he was by force of Article to publish an Edict, Dons lequel le Roy approuvoit tout le passé comme ay­ant esté fait pour son service, &c. Whrein the King approv'd of all that was pass'd, as done for his service, &c. and these concessions and extenuations are usuall at the close of most civill warrs; but there was never any further ad­vantage made of them, then to make the adverse party [Page 6] more capable of grace and pardon, to enable them to bear up against the brunt of Lawes, and secure them more firmly from all afterclaps; They were pass'd in order to an Act of Abolition, to a generall pardon, and consequent­ly to a reestablishment of Peace; now, Peace and VVarr (we know) are like VVater and Ice, they engender one ano­ther: But I do not remember to have read either in the French story, or any other, that such Royall Concessi­ons at the period of any intestin war were ever wrung so hard, as to draw any inference from them, to cast therby the guilt of blood or indeed the least stain of dishonor upon the King; For Royall Indulgences and grants of this nature are like nurses breasts, if you presse them gently there will milk come forth, if you wring them too hard you will draw forth blood in lieu of milk: And I have observed, that upon the conclusion of such Trea­ti [...]s in France, both pa [...]ties wold hugg and mutually em­brace one another in a gallant way of national humanity; all rancor, all plundrings, sequestration, and imprison­ment, wold cease, nor wold any be prosecuted, much lesse made away afterwards in cold bloud.

Touching the Comencer of this monstrous war of ours, the world knows too well, that the first man of bloud was Blewcap, who shew'd Subjects the way, how to present their King with Petitions upon the pikes point, and what visible judgements have fallen upon him since by such confusions of discord and pestilence at home, and irreparable d [...]shonour abroad, let the world judge. The Irish took his rise from him: and whereas it hath been often suggested, that his Majesty had fore­knowledge thereof, among a world of convincing argu­ments which may cleer him in this particular, the Lord Maguair upon the ladder, and another upon the Scaffold, when they were ready to breath their last, and to appear [Page 7] before the Tribunall of heaven, did absolutely acquit him, and that spontaneously of their own accord, being unsought unto, but only out of a love to truth, and the discharge of a good conscience: But touching those cru­entous Irish warrs, in regard there was nothing where­of more advantage was made against His late Majesty, to imbitter and poison the hearts of his Subjects against him then that Rebellion, I will take leave to wind up the main causes of them upon a small bottome.

1. They who kept intelligence and complied with the Scot, in his first and second insurrection.

2. They who dismiss'd the first Irish Commissioners (who came of purpose to attend our Parlement with some grievances) with such a short unpolitic harsh an­swer.

3. They who took off Straffords head, (which had it stood on, that Rebellion had never been) and afterwards retarded the dispatch of the Earl of Leicester from going over to be Lord-Lievtenant.

4. Lastly, they who hindred part of that disbanded Army of 8000. men rais'd there by the Earl of Strafford, which His Majesty, in regard they were souldiers of for­tune, and loose casheer'd men, to prevent the mischiefs that might befall that Kingdome by their insolencies, had promised the two Spanish Ambassadors, the Mar­quesses of Velada and Malvezzi, then resident in this Court: which souldiers rise up first of any, and put fire to the tumult to find somthing to do.

They, I say, who did all this, may be justly said to have been the true causes of that horrid Insurrection in Ireland; and consequently 'tis easie to judge upon the ac­count of whose souls must be laid the blood of those hundred and odd thousand poor Christians who perished in that war: and had it been possible to have brought o're [Page 8] their bodies unputrified to England, and to have cast them at the lower House door, and in the presence of some Members, which are now either secluded, or gone to give account in another world, I believe their noses would have gush'd out with blood for discovery of the true murtherers.

Touching this last fire-brand of warre, which was throwne into England, who kindled it first, the conscien­ces of those indifferent and unbiassed men are fittest to be judges, who have been curious to observe with impar­tiall eyes, the carriage of things from the beginning: I confesse 'twas a fatall infortunate thing, that the King should put such a distance 'twixt his Person and his Par­liament, but a more fatall and barbarous thing it was, that he should be driven away from it, that there should be a desperate designe to surprize his Person, that Ven with his Myrmidons, and Bourges with his Bandogs, (for so they call'd the riffraff of the City they brought a­long with them) should rabble him away, with above four parts in five of the Lords, and neere upon two parts in three of the Commons: Yet 'tis fit it should be re­membred, what reiterated Messages his Majesty sent from time to time afterward, that he was alwaies ready to return, provided there might be a course taken to se­cure his Person, with those Peers and others who were rioted from the Houses; 'tis fit it should be remembred, that there was not the least motion of war at all, till Hotham kept his Majesty out of his owne Towne King­ston upon Hull, where being attended by a few of his meniall Servants, he came only to visit her, which act of shutting the gates against him was voted warrantable by the House of Commons, and it may be call'd the first thunderbolt of war: 'Tis fit it should be remembred, that a while after there was a compleat Army of 16000. [Page 9] effect [...]f Horse and Foot inrolled in and about London to fetch him to his Parliament by force (before he put up his Royall Standard) and remove ill Counsellors from about him, and the Generall nam'd to live and die with them: and very observable it is, how that Generalls Fa­ther was executed for a Traytor, for but attempting such a thing upon Queen Elizabeth, I meane to remove ill Counsellors from about her by force. 'Tis also to be observed, that the same Army which was rais'd to bring him to his Parliament, was continued to a clean contrary end two yeers afterwards to keep him from his Parle­ment. 'Tis fit it should be remembred who interdicted Trade first, and brought in Forraigners to help them, and whose Commissions of Warre were neere upon two moneths date before the Kings. 'Tis fit it should be re­membred how his Majesty in all his Declarations and public Instruments made alwaies deep Protestations, that 'twas not against his Parliament he raised Armes, but against some seditious Members, against whom he had onely desired the common benefit of the Law, but could not obtaine it. 'Tis fit to remember, that after any good successes or advantage of his, he still Courted both Parlement and City to an Accommodation; how upon the Treaty at Uxbridge, with much importu­nity for the generall advantage and comfort of his people and to prepare matters more fitly for a peace, he desi [...]ed there might be freedom of trade from Town to Town, and a Cessation of all Acts of Hostility for the time, that the inflamation being allayd, the wound might be cur'd the sooner: all which was denied him. 'Tis fit to remem­ber how a Noble Lord at that time told the Parlements Commissioners in his Majesties Name, at the most un­happy rupture of the said Treaty, that when he was at the highest he wold be ready to treat with them, and fight with [Page 10] them when he was at the lowest: 'Tis fit the present Army shold remember how often both in their Proposalls, and public Declarations they have inform'd the world, and deeply protested that their principall aime was to re­store his Majestie to honor, freedom and safety, where­unto they were formerly bound, both by their own Pro­testation and Covenant, that the two Commanders in chief pawn'd unto him their soules thereupon. Let them remember, that since he was first snatch't away to their custody, he never displeas'd them in the least particular, but in all his Overtures for Peace, and all his Propositi­ons he had regard still that the Army shold be satisfied: let it be remembred, that to settle a blessed Peace to preserve his Subjects from rapine and ruine, and to give content­ment to his Parlement, he did in effect freely part with his Sword, Scepter, and Crown, and ev'ry thing that was personall to him: Let it be remembred with what an admired temper, with what prudence and constancie with what moderation and mansuetude hee compor­ted himselfe since his deep afflictions, insomuch that those Commissioners and others who resorted unto him, and had had their hearts so averse unto him before, return'd his Converts, crying him up to be one of the sanctifiedst persons upon earth: and will not the blood of such a Prince cry aloud for vengeance?

Let it be remembred, that though there be some Pre­cedents of deposing Kings in this Kingdome, and else­where, when there was a competition for the right Title to the Crown by some other of the blood Royall, yet 'tis a thing not only unsampled, but unheard of in any age, that a King of England whose Title was without the least scruple, shold be summon'd and arraign'd, tryed, con­demn'd, and executed in his own Kingdom, by his own Subjects, and by the name of their own King, to whom they had sworn Alleagiance.

The meanest Barister that hath but tasted the Laws of the Land can tell you, that it is an unquestionable funda­mentall Maxime, The King can do no wrong, because he acts by the mediation of his Agents and Ministers, he heares with other mens eares, he sees with other mens eyes, he consults with other mens braines, he executes with other mens hands, and judges with other mens con­sciences; therefore his Officers Counsellors or favorits are punishable, not He: and I know not one yet whom he hath spar'd, but sacrificed to Justice. The Crown of England is of so coruscant and pu [...]e a mettall, that it can­not receive the least taint or blemish; and if there were any before in the person of the Prince, it takes them all a­way and makes him to be Rectus in Curia. This as in many others may be exemplified in Henry the Seventh, and the late Queen Elizabeth: when the first came to the Crown 'twas mention'd in Parlement, that the attainder might be taken off him, under which he lay all the time he liv'd an Exile in France; it was then by the whole House of Pa [...]lement resolv'd upon the question, that it was unne­cessary, because the Crown purg'd all. So likewise when Queen Elizabeth was brought as it were from the Scaffold to the Throne; though she was under a former attainder, yet 'twas thought superfluous to take it off, for the Crown washeth away al spots, and darteth such a brightnesse, such resplendent beams of Majesty, that quite dispel al former clouds: so that put case King Iames died a violent death, and his Son had been accessary to it, (which is as base a lie as ever the devil belch'd out) yet his accesse to the Crown had purg'd all. This businesse about the playster which was applied to King Iames, was sifted & winnow'd as nar­rowly as possibly a thing could be in former Parlements, yet when it was exhibited as an Article against the Duke of Buckingham, 'twas term'd but a presumption or misde­meanure [Page 12] of a high nature, and 'tis strange that these new accusers shold make that a parricide in the King, which was found but a presumption in the Duke, who in case it had been so, must needs have been the chiefest Acces­sary.

And as the antient Crown and Royall Diadem of England is made of such pure allay, and cast in so dainty a mould, that it can receive no taint, or contract the least speck of enormity and foulenesse in it self, so it doth en­dow the person of the Prince that weares it with such high Prerogative, that it exempts him from all sorts of publique blemishes, from all Attainders, Empeachments, Summons, Arraignments and Tryalls; nor is there or ever was any Law or Precedent in this Land, to lay any Crime or capitall charge against him, though touching civill matters, touching propertie of meum and tuum, he may be impleaded by the meanest vassall that hath sworn fealty to him; as the Subjects of France, and Spain may against their Kings, though never so absolute Mo­narchs.

In the Constitution of England, there are two incon­troulable Maximes, whereof the meanest mootman that hath but saluted Littleton cannot be ignorant: the first is, Rex in suis Dominiis ne{que} habet Parem, nec Superiorem. The King in his own Dominions hath neither Peer, or Supe­rior. The other is Satis habet Rex ad poenam quod Deum ex­pectet ultorem: 'Tis punishment enough for a King that God will take revenge of him. Therefore if it be the Funda­mentall Constitution of the Land, that all just Tryalls must be by Peers, and the Law proclaimes the King to have none in his own Dominions, I leave the world to judge, what capacity or power those men had to arraigne the late King, to be in effect his Judges, Accusers; and that an exorbitant unsampled Tribunall shold be erected, [Page 13] with power and purpose to condemn all that came before it, to cleer none, and that sentence of death shold passe without conviction or Law, upon him that was the head and protector of all the Lawes. Lastly, that they who by their own confession represent but the Common people, should assume power to cut off him who immediately represented God, Cui dabit partes scelus expiandi Iupiter? Well, we have seen such portentous things, that former Ages never beheld, nor will future Ages ever be witnesse of the like: And now with thoughts full of consternati­on and horror; with a heart full of amazement and trem­bling for the flagrant and crying sins of this forlorn Na­tion, which hath drawn such an endlesse warr, and an unheard of slaverie upon it self, I will conclude with this short prayer, which carrieth with it as much of uni­versall charity, as of particular: God amend all, and me first.