THE CONDUCT OF FRANCE Since the PEACE AT NIMEGUEN.

Written lately in French by a Person of Quality, made English.

LONDON, Printed by H. Hills Jun. for William Cademan, at the Sign of the Popes-head, in the New-Exchange in the Strand. 1684.

THE PREFACE TO THE Reader.

I Can't well tell of all Mankind, how I come to be giving to the Public what I now present them with; was neither by my Birth, nor Profession, cut out for an Au­thor, and without vanity [Page]could much better draw up a Regiment, than write a Book: Have made one however be­fore I was aware, heard by some Friends of mine to dis­course pertinently enough, or as they thought I did, of the present conjuncture of Af­fairs, engag'd me insensibly to couch it them in a Me­moire to the End, as I suppose, they not all speaking so good French, as I perhaps might do, not having been the time I was in the Country, should by the means be better un­derstood [Page]by that Nation, as they happen'd to have con­verse together. But as 'tis observable plurality of words steals from a Mans Mouth when Tongue is once upon the Wheel, fluency of Ink too is generally occasion'd, when once People take their Pen in hand: The remembrance of one thing brings another into Mind, and when one thinks to be drawing to conclusion, wonders to see we again are to begin afresh.

A Book then 'tis I have writ, as I told you, when I thought nothing less, and more, have let the Book ap­pear in Print; vast Field I had for subject, and could still have had something yet to say, would I say all I knew: But I conceiv'd this suf­ficiently enough to let the designs of a Crown be under­stood, whose Ambition reaches at more then it can grasp: Now as I make no manner of Question, Ocean of Faults will be found in this small [Page]Tract, I beg the Reader will forgive, considering as I have all my days profess't Arms, may be better at my Sword than Pen.

THE CONDUCT OF FRANCE Since the Peace of NIMEGUEN.

THere is not any tho but little verst in Publick affairs ignorant, what 'twas some years since induced France to make a Peace; She then saw the better Part of Germany United against Her, and Spain with Holland agreed to the same purpose, And though till then their Arms had all along met with favourable Success, be­ing [Page 2]more then they could promise the continuance of, was glad to prevent with caution those Possible misfortunes, which might have happened in case once their Good Fortune should begin to leave them: But what most power­fully obliged to the taking of those mea­sures, was, finding [...]er self loudly threat­ne'd from England, whose Weighty Arms in Conjunction with so many o­thers, were capable of Sinking Her to as low a Pitch, as She then seem'd Flou­rishing in a topping Condition.

It had been Remonstrated by more then one hand to the Kingdom of Eng­land, that of all Things they should lay hold of the Fair Occasion to invade France, where they had formerly been the Masters of many Fair and Rich Pro­vinces, that whilst France had her For­ces imploy'd without, and her hands full abroad, those of England would meet with no resistance, means not only to an accession of Dominion, but also of Glory.

These Considerations, or the Jealou­sies rather that people had of the Grow­ing Greatness of the French, sway'd with them to resolve to do something more, then the bent of some Private In­terests had a mind they should: There being then a good understanding be­tween the Court of France, and that of England, a Rupture of this Kind went much against the hair: The French no sooner sensible how far those reasons I now touch't upon were prevailing, pre­sently satisfied England they not only were ready to lay down their arms, but even to submit to Terms. Store of good Guineys cleverly bestowed in the right place, and amongst those most violent for a War with France, rebated imme­diately the passion, and rendred their propositions for a Peace the most reaso­nable imaginable; upon the point of declaring, England was now become a Solicitous Mediator of an accommodati­on. Proposals were accordingly made on either side, and whilst each insisted upon the matter of their right, which [Page 4]was long in debate without Redressing of the mischief in matter of Fact, France, whose Aim it was to take Hol­land off from her other Allies, handsom­ly in the mean while insinuated by her Agents thither express sent amongst the Common Sort of People, How their State was not to be Retriev'd in Na­ture, but by the means of a Peace, that their only Shoulders had hitherto born the burthen of the War, and must expect to bear on so long as War con­tinued: That trade never flourisht in a time of desolation and misery, and since in Trading their chiefest welfare, as that of their State it self did absolute­ly consist in, the regaining of their Peace again, which had made that State once so flourishing, ought now to be the scope of their utmost endeavours.

The strength of these reasons carry'd a poison not to every Eye perceivable, for though a truth it was the United Provinces did really stand in need of a Peace, they should however have had regard to the proper Interest of their [Page 5]respective Allys, who for their only preservation had engaged in the War. But as reflections of that kind went not with the Grain of the People, who long'd for nothing so much as the re­turn of their dear Trade, they made no impression. They were besides ex­treamly harrast now, and weary of War, for as the French had right enough observed to them, that State of theirs was forc'd to pay a good part of the Emperor's Brandenburg's, and other of their Allys Forces, which oc­casioned of necessity an Augmentation of Subsidies, & Subsidies so extraordinary heavy that the whole thing it was rais'd out of, did not answer: And indeed a Man of Four hundred Pound a Year Rent was obliged to pay the State Five hun­dred, and to see himself undone, and mouldred to nothing, without the pos­sibility of a remedy: Every Body then sensible of their particular inconvenien­cies, thought of nothing but present redress, without the least concerning for what might be hereafter: Of the whole [Page 6]Body of that Common-wealth, none but his Highness the Prince of Orange truly penetrated the consequences of the Peace, which in that present face of things must of necessity to all the Al­lys in general prove very disadvantage­ous; since without lending hand to deceive our selves, we could not flatter with the hopes of Restitution from France, high, and haughty, in the glo­ries of her Conquests; and common sense might tell us, we first ought to have obliged it to one by force of Arms, before so much as the proposal of any thing like it could be proper. Now to leave France in the actual possession of so many important places, bordering upon Germany and Flanders so close, and so many Baits to its usual Ambition, was properly by leaving him one foot in the Country, to give him the oppor­tunity of placing the other, as they saw occasion; 'twas a thing not unnotic'd the great difficulty occurr'd in the uniting of the German Princes, which neither more nor less, but just like an Engin [Page 7]of many Springs, was brought into motion, but with all the pains and trouble in the World: It was rational then Enough to fear, if once suffered to knock off, they were not when one would have them to be got together again; the Prince of Orange had repre­sented all this at large in the Assembly of the States General, where some he ne­ver mist of, opposing his Opinion, 'twas flatly told him there, the Charge of the War was not a thing supportable, the excess of which had quite already drain'd their Bank, and reduced the People to the last degrees of Indi­gence; that a respite of necessity must be given, or resolve in a very little to see the utter ruine of the Nation: That Prince would have reply'd the respite not at all like to last, and France seek­ing but to sever them from their Allys, having, once wrought their Ends, would again be playing over her Old Pranks within a Year or two: But Burgima­ster Ofteè, of Amsterdam, stopt his Mouth, in telling the Provinces were [Page 8]indeed consenting with all their Hearts to the carrying on the War, if his Highness could but hit the way of do­ing it without▪ Mony, that the Pro­vince of Holland would give not a Sti­ver more towards it, or at least the City of Amsterdam would not, as whose Representative he was commis­sion'd to speak: Now you must know all the Subsidies whatever, rais'd upon the Seven Provinces, that of Holland furnishes almost the half, and of that half more then the two Fifts are paid by the City of Amsterdam. That in the Quota of Subsidies if the Province of Holland be reckon'd to pay Fifteen Mil­lions, of that Fifteen, Seven is near pay'd by that City.

After Ofteè's having thus declar'd him­self there was no likelihood of thinking to continue the War any longer, chiefly for that the rest of the Provinces confor­med for the most part in Opinion much with that of Holland, was easily obser­vable, and that though they yet had not explain'd themselves so fully upon [Page 9]the point as Holland had, their great in­clination to Peace was like their's appa­rently obvious. As the Emperor tho­roughly understood at bottom, the French intentions drove of a long time at Universal Monarchy, at hearing what had past in Holland was much concern'd at the News: Yet to divert if possible those Provinces from the re­solutions they had taken, had it told them, he required no more of them the Subsidies they us'd to pay him, of­fering to return them again upon the like occasion the same assistance: The Hollanders thank't the Emperor for his good will, but could not be induced for that to continue the War, adding that seeing his Imperial Majesty as well as the rest of the Allys produced every day some fresh Obstacles or other to the Peace then in Treaty at Nimeguen, warn'd him, that if he did not think good to conclude the Peace, and that very suddenly, they should be oblig'd to do it without him; what made the Dutch so pressing was, that as France [Page 10]laid the conditions of the Treaty very disadvantageous to the rest of the Allys, as advantageous and beneficial were the Terms she made for Holland, for Ma­strícht they offer'd to restore, the only remaining place of all their Conquests, upon that State since the first of the War, so that though once reduced within an Inch of their Destruction entire, they were now in prospect of a re-establish­ment by Vertue of the Peace to the same it ever had in times of its great­est Prosperity: Something too there was over and above that caress't their Courage in the proposed Treaty, as they saw the King of France made it his business to distinguish them from the other Allys, they thence imagin'd they should retrieve their lost reputation amongst other Nations, who formerly held their Forces in such good Opinion, and should yet think very well of them, seeing they were able to make their party good, and to defend themselves against a prevailing Power so very for­midable: To say the Truth 'tis won­derfully [Page 11]strange, and worthy without doubt of the admiration of Posterity for ever, that a little Nook of Land, as one may say, and Handful of People, has not been only able to withstand such mighty Armies, but likewise in condi­tion to afford succour to her Neigh­bours. 'Twill be subject of surprize enough to them who shall succeed us, to read in History, that Hollanders, Spa­niards [...]rreconcilable Enemies, should be the People who have sav'd the Pro­vinces to the King of Spain, nor the Spaniards heretofore so inveterate a­gainst [...]e Hollanders, to find no where a more firm support, nor a more ready assistance, then that they receiv'd at hands of their most Ancient Enemies: That by a fetch of Fortune so very strange, the Spaniards must have been ruin'd had those of Holland never revol­ted from the Spanish subjection, & should there come to find their safety, where they ever reckon'd on as their certain Destruction: One may well enough say the Hollanders have twice scap't [Page 12]a scowring, by their freeing of them­selves from the Tyranny of the Spa­niards, for had they still continued un­der that Dominion, the whole Seven­teen Provinces had equally been lost. And indeed there needs no stress of Po­liticks to discover the safety, and well being, of the United Provinces, is meerly to be own'd to the prudent conduct of those who were at Helm, as a peculiar reward in store from Hea­ven, for what their Fore-Fathers had endured for their Religion's sake:

But to resume my Discourse, the Hollanders suffering themselves to be thus over-reach't by all those glossy appearances, signed cheerfully to the Peace apart, seeing their Allys re­main'd obstinate in pursuing of the War, contrary to their Opinion; I shall neither say in doing so they did well or ill, one may judge enough of it by what since has happen'd: The Empe­ror, however and Spaniard, finding their strongest recourse had thus aban­don'd them, accepted of the Peace on [Page 13]their side too, and in like manner aban­don'd the Duke of Brandenburg, who could not be brought to admit of Con­ditions offer'd him so very prejudicial. France then direct'd her Arms that way, and as that Elector was not of himself to resist alone, did what seem'd good in her Eyes in Treaty with that Prince, with this comfort at the least, what he was forc't to by France, was with his Sword in his Hand, and that his last action did not derogate from a Thou­sand others, wherein he had during the War so worthily behav'd himself: The Peace being then so happily finisht to the content of France, as it rather had suspended then relinquisht its design of Universal Monarchy, began now to manage those Princes she saw divided, where there was ground to hope she might do it to effect, The Duke of Brandenburg could not be well more discontented with the Emperor, then he then was, obliged to restore back all he had made Conquest of, without the least shew of the Imperial assistance, [Page 14] France therefore proposes an Alliance with him, with high Promises of a more Honorable Faith then he had yet found with any of the other; at the same time the French Money was not wanting in its Benevolencies to that Court for the acquiring of some confiding Person proper for the backing their design, and soothed was that Elector with the assu­rance of a prop from such a Crown as shak't besides those of all its Neighbours, great things were offer'd him and to say in a word his resolutions in the Matter stagger'd by Thousand of advantage­ous tempting proffers. He did object though against the project of that Alliance his Disputes with Swede at that time siding with the Interest of France, & as those Disputes have often produc't but ill effects, 'tis not forreign to our pur­pose for the Readers better instruction, to discourse it in a word or two.

A certain Marquis of Branden­burg, made in former time some agreement with the Duke of Pome­rania by which they settled their [Page 15]Dominions respectively upon one ano­ther, and to their Children after them of both Parties in case any who succee­ded of either should happen to decease without Issue of his Body: The Entail taking place, and the Duke of Pome­rania dying without Issue some Two hundred years ago, or thereabouts, the Marquis of Brandenburg by Virtue of the said Settlement succeeded to the Dutchy of Pomerania remaining the peaceable Possessor thereof till the Great Gustavus took it from him by force of Arms: Gustavus or his Successors were confirmed in their possession of that Country by the Treaty of Munster, but as the Marquis thereunto consen­ted but with regret and per force, a secret certain inckling of having it again has remain'd, which so often as the occasi­on presents him 'tis not to be doubted but he makes it his endeavor. When France then understood what 'twas stuck with the Duke of Brandenburg, and hinder'd his engaging in her Inte­rests in favour of him she resolv'd to [Page 16]make a Sacrifice of Swede, but pre­vious to it, made first sure of the King of Denmark for that Crown, then in conjunction with Brandenburg, found her self by the projection of that Confe­deracy of Strength enough in the North, not to fear what the rest of its Princes might be undertaking in opposition to the French designs: The King of Denmark who had a sample himself like others of the Puissant force of France in the last War, rejected not the Alliance; but as Brandenburg had before opposed the interferings too of his Interest with that of Swede, let France understand it only declin'd Proposals upon that account: France was otherwise not over satisfied with Swede, for its hove­ring as one may call it so long about the Matter before it could finally de­clare it self in the late War, that after its declaring, had acted nothing an­swerable to that high Reputation the great Gustavus had gain'd his Nation by the great things he had done, that far from managing as formerly that [Page 17]People seem'd to have no great regard of upon several occasions.

The first token she gave of this was in the pretentions she made appear relating to Homage claim'd for the Dutchy of Deux-ponts of which she was got seized in the War time, even in the life of its late Duke, upon pretext of keeping it for the King of Swedes Use, who was then the presumptive Heir, but in effect to keep it for them­selves, and to make their own uses of it, for the Promotion of their Designs: And since it here falls out to treat of the Fealty and Homage that Crown lays claim to from so many Sovereign Heads, 'twill not be improper to re­late upon what bottom that Chimera is grounded, & which at this very time is the coercive cause why the quiet of all Europe is so unhappily disturbed.

At Metz there is a Sovereign sort of Court of Judicature, and a Solicitor Ge­neral belonging to it, who having had commands from the King of France to give in an exact Memoir of all that ever [Page 18]was within the jurisdiction, limits, and precinct of that Parliament, and to re­mit up the same to Court, he presently fills his Paper with several Villages which never had been belonging, but withal with their remarks upon them, how they had been formerly separatd, & how they had acknowledged the juris­diction of other Neighbouring Princes who had been very well satisfied to U­surp that Power. The Instrument was drawn with Argument enough, and though it might want a foundation, did not want for colour and pretext; the State Ministers relishing the Draft, Mr. Solicitor General is forthwith sent for to Court, to help clear some few Scruples, which yet remain'd upon their Mind, the Solicitor come not only maintain'd what he had before sent up, but pleasing of himself with the offici­ous part of useful Man deposes he had found some old Records by which it was to be made out that the Dutchy of Deux-ponts had ever held of the Bisho­prick, and that many more considerable [Page 19]Lands by the connivance, and contri­vance of the several Bishops with their own private Relations had been alienated and dismember'd, for that those Bishops being but Tenants for life, were well enough content in Estates of easie acquisition to accommodate their respective Families with the convenien­cies of Church-Lands. The French Ministers savour'd well the Opinion of Mr. Solicitor, and order'd him dili­gently to inspect all publick Registers, for what might there be found of New, and thereof to forthwith make an Ab­stract with Care, to be afterwards made use of in time & place. But to avoid a par­tiality which all should do, who under­take a publick Information; something there was of what Mr. Solicitor did al­ledge for many of the Good Bishops to oblige their Kindred, had truly let them have some Lands within their particular Donation, but in exchange had received other Lands back again in lieu; so that those Lands in Justice ought to be restored again which had [Page 20]been given to the Bishops, or to what had been alienated and granted by the Bishops to make no pretence. But to the thred of my Discourse, the Soli­citor General was no sooner return'd home again to Metz, but fell a sear­ching not only all the public Registers, but too of all the old Archives of Churches and Abbeys he could lay his Hand on, and as he was provided with Commission from above Express, swept them all away without the act of any Witness or making of the least Invento­ry in the point, which he ought not to have done, that every Body that way might have the better understood what properly pertain'd to them, and that the Jealousie since conceived of the great Antiquity of those Parchments, (not so very Old as made believe) might so have been remov'd; so be it Mr. Soli­citor was observ'd long closeted close up about fixing his Memoirs, which having fram'd as he pleas'd himself re­turns again to Court swell'd with the presumption of an Eminent Service, not [Page 21]doubting what he brought could be ill received: Now the Contents of those Memoirs are the pretensions which we have since seen break out, and at this day make such a rattle all Europe over.

The Marquis of Louvois State-Secre­tary at Wars, who has a very great In­terest in that Kingdom, whom Mr. Solici­tor presented his Memoirs to, could not at sight of them forbear laughing, for tho 'twas his Business more then any Bodies to disturb the Peace which turned not to that account time of War might do, perceiving little in them that would hold Water, was not so willing to expose his Master upon a light occasion, who when he had mind to be making of a War, wanted not variety of specious pretexts: He would needs know tho of the Solicitor whence he had fisht all those Discoveries; Mr. Solicitor Gene­ral seeing him so hard of belief draws out of his Pocket another Schedule which contain'd the Dates of all the true and false deeds from out of which he had collected the Instrument he be­fore [Page 22]had given in; as Mr. Solicitor proposed to himself the making of a great fortune from the success of that Affair he so closely ply'd Mr. De Lou­vois with the Scheme of so many useful things that at last prevail'd with that Minister to promise, when at better lei­sure, the full perusal of his Memoir, and thereon to return his Answer.

The Answer to Mr. Solicitor prov'd more in his Favour then off hand the first Reception had given him reason to expect: Mr. De Louvois directs him to pursue his undertaking, and after the Institution of a judicial Court for the Examining of such pretensions which the King of France might have to se­veral Territories and Principalities; Mr. Solicitor for his pains was nomi­nated of that Court Judge in chief which is no more than setting the concern'd party in the Cause upon the Bench.

I know not if I have exspatiated a little too far upon the subject, but I thought it an incumbent upon me to report here the Original causes of the [Page 23]Miseries which afflict us, and ready now to involve so many States in trou­ble and confusion.

We revert then to where we left, which as I take it was, the King of France not caring greatly for his Swe­dish Alliance, Summons that Crown to do him Fealty and Homage for the Dukedome of Deux-ponts: The King of Swede being a young Prince, brave, and inferior to none in Resolution and courage, thought the Chimerical pre­tention very strange, but not willing to fall out with France upon a frivolous Matter, his Ambassador had Instructi­ons to shew that King the injustice done him. That the Dukedom of Deux-ponts had ever been a Sovereign State, and that they who had it acknowledg'd Fealty and Homage for it to no Man living, except they meant for a Fealty and Homage, the usual investures they were obliged to take at the hands of the Emperor.

These Reasons the Court of France ap­prov'd not of, proceeding on still in her [Page 24]unjust demands of a Homage, and af­ter a canvas past of pro and con between the Ambassadors and Ministers, the new Court of Justice pronounces round­ly decree of Re-union, and that Dutchy to be annex't to the Crown of France, unless within such a set time the King of Swede acknowledged for the same his Fealty and Homage: Now that the World might see it was not from any covet of our Neighbours goods that Decree of Metz aris'd, the King freely offer'd the Investure of that Dukedom to the Duke Adolphus Uncle to the King of Swede in case the King his Nephew conform'd not to the Te­nure of the Decree which to be sure he was not like to do.

Whilst Duke Adolphus halted between the hopes of getting that Dukedom and fear of disobliging the King his Nephew the King of France sends in the interim the Prince Palatine of Bir­kenfield, a Prince of the Palatine Fami­ly, to keep that Dutchy in the Name of Duke Alfonsus his near Kinsman, pro­mising [Page 25]in case that Duke accepted of it not upon the conditions proposed him, he himself should be then immediately invested; the Prince of Birkenfield ha­ving return'd his thanks for the Kings good will towards him, and having done him Fealty and Homage for the the Dukedom in name of Duke Alphon­sus, he repair'd accordingly to the Ex­ecution of his Commission, I shall be si­lent here in reflecting upon the Extra­vagancys of this way of proceeding. A Reader does not so much care to have the point decided to his hand, 'tis limi­ting his Fancy, and by reasoning first upon the subject, but giving Laws to his Faith in what he should believe: And indeed 'tis as much as is requisite for the Relator to tell of things as they nakedly are, and for the Reader to judge as he thinks good: But to close the small digression not unseasonable to the profession of Writers, the King of Swede had no sooner heard what had been transacted in France, but upon it immediately deserted the Alliance he [Page 26]had embrac't during the late Wars at the hazard of his whole Country, and peril of his Life, having exposed him­self the first Man in Person, in Three or Four several Battels for the sake and interest of that Crown, expecting ano­ther kind of usage for his pains from France then that he met with: Den­mark and Brandenburg no sooner well assur'd what side the King of Swede would take, but both strike up with France, which had engaged to furnish the King of Denmark both with Ships and Men for the recovery not only of some Provinces which the Father of this King of Swede had taken from the Dane, but likewise for that of Lubeck, upon which City by vertue of some imagina­ry Titles Denmark of long hand had great Designs: Brandenburg did pro­mise to himself too a beneficial Alliance; insomuch as these Three Potentates united but to the breeding a distur­bance in the Northern Peace: France having thus made sure of these two lea­ning Staffs, by Vertue of the like De­crees [Page 27]I now mention'd, proceeds in the same way against other Sovereign Princes, requiring of them the submissi­on of Fealty and Homage: Many who saw themselves not in condition to resist acquiesc'd in all they would demand, others shew'd themselves more stub­born, but smarted for their standing out by the Quartering, and Garisoning their Country, forc't by fowl means, to do what by fair they had refused. But here I must give account what happen'd to the Rinegrave, his Autho­rity in the Country being great, and his example of influence to others, France let him understand he had to comply immediately without a boggle, and that after they would replace him again in all his Rights & Priviledges: The Rinegrave not suspecting the honorable Word of so august a Crown was over­joy'd to be so advantageously distin­guisht among so many unfortunate suf­ferers, and having given his Obedience wrought in others the same acknow­ledgment, which as they thought was [Page 28]unavoidable, having without so much as hesitating seen the Rinegrave Count per­form the like submissions, but when the Count on his side expected they should keep their Word with him, was told they were not the Masters, and that he must make his Applications to the Court, thither then must he take a Jour­ney & little to the purpose, for instead of gaining the thing he made demand of, they e'en told him he might go as he came, and wonder'd in their Hearts such a petty Fellow as he should be un­willing to hold his Country in Fee of so great a King as was the great King of France: A little before such another Answer had been made to the Palatine Elector who sending to the Court of France to complain of his Country be­ing made daily havoc of by the Licen­tiousness of the French Forces, to an in­fringement of the late Peace, the com­plainer was answer'd when a little Prince like that Elector had the Honour to be Neighbour to so great a King 'twas not for such as he to be that nice: [Page 29]Short and sweet this, hitherto Roses; but in conclusion we shall have Thorn and all.

France still claims on their right of Dependencys, and finding Spain weak & apparently helpless, the County of Alost is demanded of them as an ap­pertenance of the late Conquests; Spain troubled at the demand, because Ou­dermond with other Towns and Villa­ges did all belong to the same County, let France understand the great Iniqui­ty of her pretended right, but whilst this was under debate between the Spa­nish Embassador and the Ministers they yet made more demands as intricate all out and as perplext as their first: The County of Chini had been granted France by the Tenure of the Treaty with all its appertenancies, and as those Dependancies had not receiv'd their full Explanation in the wording of the Peace, France now become what Spain did use to be, to say, a wrangler, and full of her fetches, and quibling tricks, alledged the Dependancies of Chini [Page 30]reacht to the very Gates of Luxemburg, and therefore requir'd to have possession thereof given them by the Spaniards, if not they would give it themselves: The Spanish Embassador as very able Man as he was, was puzzled at the new quiddity, and demanded time to make his Master acquainted; the time he ask't was granted him, but when ex­pir'd, France finding Spain endea­vouring to elude its pretensions causes Forces openly to march into the Country of Luxemburg, blocks up all the High-ways that lead to the County, Town, raises Forts round about, and tho then in the midst of a profound Peace, commits all the acts of an actu­al Hostility which could possibly be committed in a declar'd War; the Go­vernor of Luxemburg sends his Trum­pet to the Commander in chief of those Forces to know if France mean'd a De­claration of a War with Spain: But he was answer'd they meant no such thing, and that they only were about taking possession of what belong'd to them. [Page 31]Mean while under the Notion of pos­session-taking they hindred every thing from coming into the Town of Luxem­burg, and every thing from going out on't, and if any offer'd to pass their way, they sent them back to the Town again, pretending they came out as Spies upon their actions, and if there came any from the Country, such as their Market-people, or the like with Provisions to sell in Town as they were us'd to do, they sent them back too, having first strip't them of all they had, to teach them not to come again a second time, and if those Country People offer'd to pass them without Provisions were suffer'd to go by after a due Examine of all they had about them, but when they would repass home again, were drove back into the Town, that so the Provisions of the Place might be consumed the soo­ner.

When for my part, I reflect upon these violent Courses I could not but be extreamly surpriz'd to see England the [Page 32]Mediator and Garanty of the Peace, troubled themselves no further in its due execution, they saw before their Eyes what pass'd, but without the least concern for the visible infraction; and as if France had made all sure upon that hand, pursued in their constant and daily acts of open Hostility; but yet offer'd still to make England the Umpire of their debate, which left Spain without all sort of hope; for upon one side not having confidence enough in England to trust its Interest in their hands, upon t'other knew not what well to say to the King of France so fairly offering to refer the Matter: Perplext on both hands, Spain resolves to put something to the ven­ture of a chance, and seeing the Town of Luxemburg must apparently be lost for want of Provisions sent the Governour of the place private Orders to open a passage by force come what will: The Governour who for a long time desir'd no better, sallies out at a time when the French least expected him, and setting [Page 33]upon one of their Quarters, charged them home as they just were upon the point of making head to dispute the passage: The French made a great re­sistance, but over-power'd by number, being forc't to give way, the Gover­nour advancing and joining his con­voy which he of long hand held before in a readiness, put his relief into the Town. Some two hundred of the French were killed in the action, and about Eighteen or Twenty of the Spanish, but among all these not a Man of note lost, nor so much as one Offi­cer.

France no sooner had the News, but thunder'd it against the Spaniards as much indeed to blame they quietly would not endure starving: Drew eve­ry where presently their Forces down towards the Towns that held for Spain, but at the instant of acting with them, England hinder'd from further procee­ding by making France get full satis­faction in the point from Spain, who disown'd not only all the Governor of [Page 34] Luxemburg had done, but offering even to discharge him of his Govern­ment, and in short so supinely weak, paid for the Damage in conclusion su­stain'd by the French, for a certain Sum of Money agreed upon. After this de­licate Treaty, the Blocus of Luxem­burg was afresh begun again, and the French reinforc't their Quarter, and pa­trol'd the Avenues duly for their grea­ter security of being in haste catcht as they before had been: Truly I can't contain from a little digression here, and say Posterity will be hardly made believe that in the mid'st of Peace, the one side shall be allow'd them to make War, but the other shall be punisht be­cause they submit not in every thing their Enemies would impose upon them. Howbeit the Luxemburg Gar­rison being large, and the Convoy not sufficient for a long supply began again to feel the same inconveniences it had before: The Governour being a brave Man, who had much rather have chose to die with his Arms in his Hand, then [Page 35]lead out a life so very shameful and so unworthy of any Man of Courage, was for all that necessitated to bear with a Thousand of their Insolencies, and in­sults without the least daring to gain­say: For the French who well knew his Instructions, and whose Fingers itcht to be doing, would frequently come within half a Mile sight of the Town, where having trodden down the Corn under their Horses feet made shew of a defying to engage. Whil'st this was doing France Treats for Cazal, with the Duke of Mantoua, which threw not a little Jealousie Italy all over: The Emperor too resented it in a high measure for Cazal; besides, being a Feif of the Empire, he was by descent too the presumptive Heir, and so doubly intitled as Emperor, and the next near Kinsman to the Duke of Mantoua: It was not to be expected, the King of France would so much lessen himself to be sending to the Emperor, to demand investure as was customary to be done for all Feifs of the Empire, he was not [Page 36]a Prince to be prescrib'd the confor­mity of ordinary rules, and his uncon­trolable power freed him in every thing; which indeed Mr. Solicitor Gene­ral of the Court of Metz, of whom I have before spoken, did ingenuously confess as much one day, to some of his Friends ta­king freedom to be telling him they did not conceive the strength of his Decrees was of validity sufficient to be binding in the case of so many Sovereign Princes: Reply'd he serv'd a Master who had at beck, a Hundred pieces of Canon, a Hundred thousand Men, and a Hun­dred Millions of Money to put those Decrees in Execution. The Taking of Cazal was not the only thing Italy was alarm'd at, France, whose ambition nothing less then the subjection of the whole World could satisfie, began now to grumble too at the Republic of Genoua, to have that colour of invading its liber­ty: They of Genoua send their Em­bassador to France at the same time, to excuse themselves in what they could, but as France was not without her Rea­sons, [Page 37]I mean good or bad, the Excu­ses of the poor Genoesses were ill received, took the occasion to pick a New quarrel in requiring them to make re­stitution of an Estate formerly of the House of Fieske, with the Interest of the whole for an Age before since ac­crued; now as every Body is well satis­fied what the case of the House of Fieske is, and how they were, and for what expell'd Genoua would be here superflu­ous to mention: I shall but say, never Demand appear'd more extraordina­ry then that did, not to say never a more unjust, and a more unreasonable. France would oblige a Gree State to re­store to the Heirs and Successors of a Traitor, and Estate forfeited and con­fiscated for its delinquency, as if France never had her self confiscated, and daily did not confiscate Estates of such as she found faulty, and deficient in their duty: Mean while though the Matter has not been drove much further, 'tis not to be imagin'd notwithstanding wholly laid aside, 'tis a smothering Fire in Ashes, [Page 38]which one day will consume all Italy, if not prevented by the Hand of Hea­ven; and indeed 'tis not to be thought France has quitted therefore the De­sign of mastering that Common-wealth, because she defers the doing it to another time, for that the present was of more consequence to be looking to the Conquest of Flanders which hi­therto had been so tedious a work, and now lay naked and exposed to his am­bition through the unfortunate diver­sion of the Imperial Arms: 'Twas then ill Policy to draw so many Enemies upon her Hands at once, whose Business she the easier might all do, the one after the other: 'Twas an advice worth ta­king which a grand Politician once gave his Children upon the point of Death, caus'd a great many arrows to be laid before them, some of which in bundle, others lose, and bid the Children to try the breaking of those unbound, which they easily snap't in two, then commanded them to try the other, bid­ding them to break those likewise, [Page 39]but that being more then they were able, took his occasion from that In­stance to admonish them to remain ever in Union with one another, if they expected their Enemies should take no hold upon them. Now France deals with most of the other Princes, as the Children by those Arrows not bound to­gether, she easily subdues them one after another, which in case they were linkt, and united as they should be, might perhaps be in a posture of reducing her again within the bounds of Reason: In­deed what hinders the setting Armies upon foot as well as France, and there­by an endeavor used for the resettling of things in that condition again, where every one concern'd might find his security.

It looks as if our Fore-Fathers were much the prudenter People: For I re­member well after the Battel of Pavie, where Charles the Fifth Triumph't over the Affairs and Fortune of Francis the First, they wisely consider'd not fit to suffer any more the growth and [Page 40]mightiness of that Power, which al­ready was become but too formidable among them, and so retrieved again the State of France at that time much more desperate, & at a lower Ebb then is ours now. But 'tis not for want of every Bo­dies knowing what course was taken in the times of our Ancestors, but few they be make a true use of what they know.

But all this while, I perceive not my deviation insensibly stealing me from my Subject, too far carried off by force of Truth: To come then to the point again, I shall tell you, that whilst Italy took the alarm at the surrender of Ca­zal, another business was then brew­ing in that Country, which might well occasion its further disturbance. Sa­voy, as every one knows, lies closed up between France on one side, and the Provinces of Spain: I mean between those Countrys in Italy under Spanish Dominion: The Neighbourhood of these two Powers has been Reason enough in all former Ages, why the Dukes of Savoy enjoy little quiet: For [Page 41]at the same time that either of those two Crowns denounced War upon the other, he must of necessity side with one of the two, to prevent his Coun­try from being over-run by both, as is the general case of all Neuters. Now as Savoy turn'd very much the Scale to the side it inclin'd to, the two Crowns strove their utmost which should have him of their party, that sometimes the Daughters of France, sometimes the Infanta's of Spain found Wives of State for that Duke, and the need both had of him, was still the Mediums of new advantages from either: France who knew at what dear rates that Alliance was sometimes to be purchas'd, proje­cted a Treaty with him, such as for ever should debar him from being Spa­nish any more. The Cardinal De­strée they send to Savoy, a Rela­tion of that Dutchess, and as she Go­vern'd all during the Minority of her Son, proposes to her a Match between the young Duke, and the Infanta of Portugal, his Cousin German, Heir pre­sumptive [Page 42]of that Crown, the then Prince Regent having no more Chil­dren: The Dutchess of Savoy being Born in France, and French in all her Inclinations relishes the Proposal with pleasure: Thinking the Quality of a King of Portugal, was every whit Equivalent to a Duke of Savoy: But as they have a Law in Portugal, which Forfeits in a Daughter her right of Succession to the Crown in case of Marriage with a Stranger, that Law how to abolish must first be thought of; The Cardinal Destrée in Name of his Master undertook the thing: France sends then to Portugal to that effect, and as she was in a happy post of carrying all before her, did in that conjuncture too carry that Affair, insomuch as the having of that Law abrogated, and the Dukes Marriage with their Infanta fi­nally agreed upon: The Grandees of Savoy, without whose advice this Bu­siness had been determin'd unsatisfied with the Match, which ended in a de­privement of their natural Prince, and [Page 43]the Subordination of a Governour, had their private Cabals to consult the breaking the Neck of the Marriage, and stop it from further going on. I cannot justly say, if they confederated for sake of public good, or meerly for their private ends; howbeit the Por­tugal Match far from being of advan­tage to the Duke, one may truly say he was a loser by the Bargain, no less then the Princes in general of his Family; besides, whilst he was to have resided in Portugal who should have succor'd Savoy, in case France had had a mind to set up right of Conveniency, a right which they endeavor'd equally to establish as well as right of Depen­dency, and for no other Reason indeed was the Prince of Montbelliard drove out of his Country then that it did ac­commodate the Crown: But they hee­ded little all that could be said against it, and still went on their Road, where but a glimpse appear'd of probable suc­scess: Madam, the Dutches of Savoy smoakt the drift, as well as any, but [Page 44]the powerful desire of Sovereign Rule, carried it above all other considerations; and as Alexander of Farnese, Duke of Parma sent off his Mother in former days, not to be oblig'd to share with her the Government of the Low-Coun­tries: So the Dutchess of Savoy was for packing away her Son, that she might remain still the absolute Mistress of that State: She knew well enough they would not fail detaining the Duke in Portugal to inure him to the ways and customs of a Nation which one day he was design'd to govern; and by the shift secure to her self the Supreme Authority: In the mean while discon­tents amongst the Grandees encreas'd daily, and have frequent meetings to advise upon what they had to do; could not for all that meet so in private, but the Dutchess had Intelligence, willing to secure her self from the Designs her Grandees might well have of troubling the Government, caused Forces to be fetcht from France in good store to be dispers'd in the Neigbourhood about, [Page 45]under a pretence of covering Cazal.

The Nobility of Savoy, though alarm'd at the French assisting thus of the Dutchess, gave not over for all that their Intentions of helping their young Duke, and having found her out in her Treaty with France, into whose hands she had agreed to deliver the most im­portant places of strength in the Coun­try, in Pledge of some Loans of Money she had borrow'd of them, for the de­fray of her Son's Marriage, were una­nimously resolv'd to hazard all than suffer thus a general ruine; and as they watch't their opportunity to compass their design, the Dutchess her self favour'd them with one, which they conceiv'd might serve their turn, for having left her Son at Turin, contrary to her custom, whilst her self stept a Mile or two out of Town, the Gran­dees, took that Time to speak to their Duke: That he must look upon himself in French hands, every where surrounding him as now their Prisoner in a manner, that the Dutchess his Mother had sold [Page 46]them his best Towns, and would yet be selling what remain'd if not preven­ted by his great goodness to his Peo­ple: That she sent him to Portugal not to be the Soveraign there, but that at home she might be so: That in case he met with freedom to his Person there, he must at least expect to meet a Ma­ster, whereas if he vouchsafed to stay with them, he should meet with no­thing but their entire obedience and dutiful respects, that the Portuguises naturally hated Strangers; and if they did assent to his marrying their Infan­ta, 'twas by constraint, and with re­gret: That he might rest assur'd the Prince Regent once dead, they would retract again from what they had done, and bar him of his Crown as formerly they had done to the King of Spain, that it was not easie to foresee what might then become of him, for that the French having once seized his Country perhaps might not be in hu­mor to restore it him again.

These remonstrances startled the [Page 47]young Duke, who yet had not Brains ripe enough to apprehend among a great many Truths they represented, there was Lies in an equal number, he ask't them what best for him to act to shun so many threatning misfortunes: They answer'd no other way left, then the se­curing of his Mother; the expedient was surprizing, but finding they had struck from the first an impression up­on the young Prince, gave him no time to the recollections of a Natural affecti­on, prest him with telling his own safety lay for the future in his own power, to resolve for good and all of being a happy or unhappy Duke the remain­der of his life; as for their parts resolv'd to be the lookers on of what every Day produced no longer, had design'd retiring into some other Country, where at least they should gain that comfort of Knowing they had no kind of Hand in any thing that would be attempted against his Dignity or Per­son. A few Tears artificially shed, or out of compassionate good Nature, [Page 48]accomplisht persuading of the Duke, calls for Pen and Paper, and signs a War­rant immediately for the seizing of his Mother: In the mean while before they could get together to take their mea­sures for execution of their Order, the Dutchess was return'd into the Town, and being arriv'd at her Palais was extremely surprized to find her Son sad and pensive, and much beside him­self, askt what he ail'd, conjuring him to tell her, but finding him not an­swering, she adds to her entreaties the blandishments of a Mother, as she em­braced him, perceiv'd he wep't, and Tears to tricle down his Cheeks which troubled her to the highest degree, sell then to a redoublement of muching, calls him her own dearest Child, falls her self a crying, and in the end so softens, he confesses to her they had sur­prized him, and that he had signed an Order for the commitment of her Per­son: The Dutchess was her self struck with amaze at the sort of News, but having now no time to lose, and [Page 49]that every Minut was to her of highest consequence, sent for those about her immediately she could most confide in, doubles the Palace Guards, and causes those to be seiz'd in fine who had re­solv'd her ruine & makes her manifesto, those very Persons were intended to take away the young Duke, and carry him to Spain, which is more then I can say they meant, not knowing whether true or not, or whether only a Sham to render them the more odious to the People: Be it as 'twill, the Dutchess having once retriev'd her self from so very great a danger, order'd the French Forces to March into the Town thereby to shew she trusted more to them, then to those of the Country.

A certain Print for all this remain'd with the young Duke of what had been remonstrated; insomuch that though his Equipage was gone already before to Portugal, and himself soon to follow after, he talk't no more of the Voyage: And as still some body there was in place about him, who privately che­risht [Page 50]the suspicion they had rais'd, broke him clean off, order'd his Family to return their ways home again, to the unspeakable satisfaction of his whole People; France only remain'd much mortifid, promising already to it self the conjunction of Savoy to that Kingdom, and to enchase it amongst the fairest Flowers of the Crown: The dissatis­faction conceiv'd lay not long hid, the Count of Soisson who in case of decease of the young Duke was Heir presump­tive to the Dukedom of Savoy, after the Death of Prince Carignan his Uncle, was then in love with a private Damo­sel in France, call'd Madamoseille de Beauais; all the Relations had thither­to opposed the thing, in fear of his de­sign to marry her, the King himself had signifi'd as much, and that he ought to think of bestowing himself some other way, but being thus disoblig'd by the Grandees of Savoy, he suffer'd Count Soisson to do what he had most mind to, to humble him, and that Count did do what his passion persuaded.

This what past in Piemont, let us now go see a little what a doing in Germany; France for a long time had a Months mind to the City of Stras­burgh, it had defeated them a number of its measures during the late War, and France had so well felt the importance of that place to resolve upon the having it, cost it ne're so much: To speak of having it by force, lookt a little dif­ficult, and to do that a War must be openly declar'd, and the adjacent Princes round about would have en­gag'd in her defence. The easier way then seem'd the getting it by trick: A Resident they kept at Strasburgh, in Character more of Spy then public Mi­nister, whose Business was to observe all that past; he had given the King often times account no good was to be done till those Burgemasters of the Town in present station were out of place, when new came to be made, had by that time gain'd a great many of the Votes, got Per­sons elected to the Magistracy affection'd to the Interests of France, ready fitted to make sale of their Country for a piece of [Page 52]Money, with these after that, he strikes a Bargain for the delivery of the Town upon the first occasion, and they for their Reward to have each a Hundred Thousand Crowns a Man. The Mar­ket being thus set, these Traytors give the Town to consider the great Burthens of their Debt they stood charg'd with occasion'd by her vast Expences incurr'd in the late War, and that now in time of Peace they should reduce the Garison which was too nu­merous: That the King of France, whom they had the most cause to fear, had his whole thoughts took up towards Italy, whither he had drawn the best part of all his Forces, and that before he could march them back again they should have time enough to implore the assi­stance of their Neighbours, whose pro­per concern in their preservation was too great not to afford them aid; hap­pen what would they had the Winter before to look about them, which was now at hand: That the King was great way distant from them, as indeed he was, and Summer then near spent, [Page 53]there was no manner of likelihood, he durst undertake any thing actually that season, & by the means save a good Sum of Money in their Purses; that when Spring time came, they then should see what other measures were fittest to be taken.

The advice took with the People, who were all for the sparing point, and for all the ablest men amongst them could formally oppose what the People once would have of necessity to be, there was no withstanding, one part of the Garison must then be dismist, and which was re­markable of those the Forces of the El­dest standing: But as the King of France lay perdue, but for the occasion, took Journey forthwith from Fountain-bleau at the same time caus'd his Men to draw down with expedition and invests the City, at a time they imagin'd him in the midst of his Kingdom. Some play­ing with the Cannon there was upon both sides, to take off all suspicion off In­telligence, which hinder'd not, but those of Strasburgh well enough un­derstood themselves betray'd. And tho [Page 54]they now understood so with the latest, they yet entertain'd thoughts of ma­king a Defence: But a rable of Peo­ple hired at the same time by the French Resident, or it may be as well by the Burgemasters themselves came flocking to the Town-house, crying out for a surrender of the Town, which otherwise would be suddenly consum'd by the Fire of the Booms, and by the red hot Bullets. The Burgemasters soon listn'd to that demand, cause beat a Parly, set up the White Colours for token of a general readiness to capitu­late, and in a word to say all, yields up the Town.

I do not condemn France, for an act of this importance, since not of humor to matter much her Faith in point of Treaty; but what I am most scandal'd at, to have the Face to colour it with a shew of Justice. The Emperor indeed having sent Count Mansfeld to com­plain of the Breach of Peace, was an­swer'd that they much wonder'd the Emperor would concern himself, where [Page 55]he had not to do, that it was but lawful for the King to reduce a rebellious City: That Strasburgh, as the Capital of Alsace did belong to him, by Ver­tue of the Munster Treaty, and if he did not lay hold on't sooner 'twas be­cause he had more pressing work in Hand: But any would but answer me, if that City had been granted him as pretended, why entertain'd he there his public Ministers so long time, why did he in the last War treat with her in Order to her remaining Neuter, and why so often complaining of her not remaining so? But all that France can say upon the subject, is indeed not so much as worth an answer, & so I proceed to her Enterprizes elsewhere: The taking of Strasburgh open'd the Eyes of a great many German Princes, lull'd for a long time like England in a profound Sleep. Every one was for revenging the inju­ry, but when they came to act accor­ding there was none but met with a Difficulty and Lyon in the way, one had no Money to begin a War, another [Page 56]for not hazarding his Men, which he reserv'd for some other time, another he would first know, to whom the Town should fall when retaken; in short, if any seem'd to be accorded together 'twas but as they conspir'd each by their mutual ill conducts in the twi­sting of Cords for their own Bondage. In the mean while France lost not her good time thus in unuseful Discourses: During the last War had all along kept a correspondence with Teckely, by the help of one Bohan of Ardenn by Nation, and whom I remember to have seen a Lieu­tenant of Horse in the French Army. He afterwards was in Service with the Pole, but being reform'd upon the Peace made between the Port and that Nati­on, went to seek his Fortune with Tecke­ly, who took care to advance him, for that besides being a Man of good parts, was very likely to make a good Offi­cer; some three or four years since he had been in France, discours'd the Ministers, & setled there correspon­dence with them, that being call'd up­on [Page 57]to make good his Word he had given them, order'd so his matters, as to con­tent their expectations, and to the pur­pose; Teckely engages to give diversion in Hungary, and that he might be the bet­ter in condition to bring in the Turks, has granted him great supplies of Mo­ny, and far greater promis'd him, if once able to put in execution, the thing he had undertaken.

This Business has been so generally known, that 'tis not to be doubted, by any who have had the least instru­ction of what passes in the World: Let­ters went from France to Germany, from Germany to Bohan by the means of a Se­cretary, to a certain Envoy the King there entertain'd, and from Bohan to Teckely: The Secretary lay long by the heels for this Business, and had not the King of France clapt up Count Mans­feld's Secretary in requital, he had not been freed upon so easie a reckoning; but he being committed to the Bastille, and told he might be sure to have the same usage, whatever the other had at [Page 58]the hands of the Emperor, oblig'd him quickly to post some a way to Vienna to give notice: The Emperor upon that stopt any further proceedings, and ra­ther chose to forgive the Guilty, then de­stroy the Innocent; yet to let see how sensible he was of the Injury, had the Prisoner let loose, but at Brisac, where for the greater Marks of Infamy he was brought upon a Cart, bolted with Irons Hand and Foot, and under Guard suf­ficient; 'twas fear'd France provoked by the Treatment, might do as much to Count Mansfeld's Secretary; but whe­ther out of a better knowledge of her self, or that she fear'd offering violence to the Right of Nations, of which I must needs say she is a most Religious Observer, he was let go out of the Ba­stille, without using of any Reprisals in the case, and even suffer'd to con­tinue in Paris, where I have been told he yet remains.

The Mighty Huff that follow'd after the taking of Strasburgh being vanisht into Air: France as I said before, whose [Page 59]Stomach still mended at the sight of a fresh Dish, began again in Right of her Dependencies, which in proportion to her greedy Belly she extended, to de­mand one part of Liege, even to the Moity of its Capital City, mean while as a Country frontier to Ger­many, as well as the Low-Countries, and for the designs she had on both it was expedient for her purpose to meet with no resistance, she had during the late Wars, thrown down all the Forts, and dismantled the Walls, already was in possession of the Castle of Dinan, by force of an Article in the Nemiguen Treaty by which the Spaniards lay un­der an Obligation to procure them the Propriety of from the Elector of Cullen, Prince and Bishop of Liege, to whom it of Right pertain'd, and the same to get ratifi'd at the Diet of Ratisbonne, or otherwise to give them Charlemont in stead. The Spaniards not able to pre­vail with the Bishop of Cullen, to dis­member the place from off his Country, or rather France having underhand [Page 60]hinder'd him from dismembring to have always pretext in hand to be tormen­ting of the poor Spaniard with, when they so pleas'd: Besides, the Diet of the Empire would consent to no such alienation; France finding all these obstacles lay daily pressing of the Spa­niards to put Charlemont into their Hands, according to the Tenure of the Treaty; the Spaniards they hung back all they could, as if they had foreseen what would come on't. But at last seeing France, who well knew how to make her use of the misunderstandings of one and t'other, threatned to fall downright upon Flanders if they made not good their Engagements, Charlemont was deliver'd, which is one of the best places France is this day in possession of, though possessing of a great many good ones. When once Charlemont was in their Hands, the redelivering of Dinan, was no more mention'd, and so blocks up Namur by the Meuse, that when she pleases, can hinder any thing from coming [Page 61]to it by Water carriage: For as Mi­stress of the whole Liege Country, I know not which way Namur can re­ceive relief, but on the Land side. The Spaniards might complain their Heart out of being thus dealt with France, was ne're the more concern'd, but the contrary, the first to cry out, The Spaniards had not perform'd to them their Peace of Nimeguen, since as yet they could not oblige them to a rendi­dition of the County of Alost, which of Right did to them belong.

All the Electors, bordering upon the Rhine, had a Crow to pull with France, about her Right of Dependance by the help of it pretending to swallow all places that lay commodious for her pur­pose, but when the thing demanded was had, or indeed the thing she would give her self, like the Fire which ha­ving consum'd all near to it insensibly spreads it self to places more remote, so she having laid her clutches upon an in­finite Tract of Country pushes on her designs upon the very Capital [Page 62]Towns of the Electoral Princes; to that effect alledg'd she that the ground where stood the Stables be­longing to the Elector of Mayence did ap­pertain with all the Hame, Country Soil, remarkable for the excellent Rhenish that there grows: Her pretentions up­on the City of Cullen, and upon that of Mayence, bounds not with so small a Business; France maintain'd that as these two Cities were much encreas'd by length of time, all that had been built for Four or Five preceeding Ages; was built upon what was granted her by Vertue of the Treaty, that therefore the buildings must be demolisht, and the City restrain'd again to its Antient limits, or the Proprietors of those Houses from thence forward to pay Allegiance to the Crown of France.

These Things thus acted by that King, nothing more could shew how extremely they were deceived who said he aimed so much at having his Son chose King of the Romans, so far was he from designing that he should [Page 63]ever arrive at the Empire, that 'twas his Business to give it rather an absolute overthrow; and so began first with the Electors, that for the future such a thing as Emperor might be no more in Nature.

The Emperor, the Princes of the Empire, the Spaniards, and in fine, all those of the Cordial Allies saw but too plain the tendency of all these De­signs; but it seems such was the Fate of Europe, whilst they lost whole years in deliberating about triffles, France brings them under in the mean while, and prepares their Chains, whose weight is known by none, but by those they load: For in fine, her own Ancient Subjects, and those very Men, who daily spend themselves to the last drop of their Blood in assisting them to compass their intentions meet with the same sort of Treatment is mett to others, and to begin with those who serve in their Armies must be understood are all obliged to make a profuse Expence till [Page 64]their all be whole run out, when she Knows they have nothing left them, they pick a Fob-quarrel as one may call it, are after all glad to take to an Hospital for the final recompence of Service. 'Tis for that end, has she truly built, and that a most sumptuous one, but which stands them not in no great matter of keeping, having laid hold on certain Lands which the par­ticular Devotion of some People had given towards the relief of Lepers, and converted to the use of that Hospital, but as those Rents suffice not for the maintenance or at least will have it so supposed, she detains in her Hands a cer­tain Sum from both of the pay of Soul­dier and Officer, and that way makes them purchase their Places beforehand which each is very well pleased to do for that they are satisfied, thither they all must come and lay their Bones. And those out of her Service have not a much better time on't, for though not oblig'd to so great an Expence as others are, they squeese them to little by lit­tle [Page 65]till they have squeezed out the last of what they have. And though they have continu'd some time in Peace, they have diminisht nothing of their Taxes, so that their King is the only Gainer by the War, all besides lo­sers.

The Franch County he has added to his Provinces with a great many more several Conquests, which have very much augmented his Revenue, which by his several new impositions he has greatly added to, readier to lay more on then to suppress the Old. Now if they who serve, and who serve him not have so much to suffer, there yet re­mains another sort of People in that State who certainly are yet much more to be pittied: I mean those of the Re­form'd Religion, who must endure on all sort of outragious violences, for tho they do not outright put them to death by the Hands of a Hangman, as they are daily made to perish by little and little, their death is but the crueller in that it is the more languishing, and have [Page 66]for all that never given but Eminent proofs of their Fidelity and Allegi­ance; and though when Henry the Fourth came to the Crown did he desert them, it came not into their Thoughts to do as much by him, which at that time had wholly ruin'd his Affairs; some time they did remain quiet, and enjoy'd the benefit of their Edicts, but just it was they who were the great di­sturbers of Europe, should too disturb a company of poor unhappy wretches, ex­cluded for ever from all Marks of Ho­nour and places of trust, have this how­ever to comfort themselves, that for their Religion 'tis that they suffer. Amongst the many of all sorts France thus undoes, whether within or without the Kingdom, the Prince of Orange was the only, as one may say, that nos'd them. And though his power was no more then what the Common­wealth of Holland were pleased to li­mit him, his great Heart was not so bounded, and was incomparably grea­ter then his Fortune, he never gave [Page 67]over remonstrating to some, that rather they should choose to perish, then sub­mit to Power so terribly dangerous, to other some the absolute necessity of ar­ming against her: many things that Prince had retrencht himself to raise a Fund for the subsistance of some well deserving Officers, which that State at making of the Peace had reform'd, that so through necessity of Bread, they might not be oblig'd to seek Employ­ment elsewhere, and when he had occa­sion for them, might know where to find them. France which knew she had in him an Enemy she most of all fear'd, resolv'd he should feel in his Personal concerns, a touch of her Resentment, not to say of her Injustice, his Princi­pality of Orange lies between Languedoc and Avignon, which as Sovereign of, he had enjoy'd, he, and his Predecessors from the time it past out of the House of Chalon into that of Nassaw. But that King who was for suffering no Sove­reign in France, nor in Europe neither, besides himself, had the Town of [Page 68] Orange dismantled; and the Prince of O­range left without any reparation, what complaint soever at that time he made of it to the King never so Instant: But the King stopt not there in relation to his Affairs, for having resolv'd to strip him absolutely of that Sovereignty, he makes the Dutchess of Nemours put in, who by colour of some foolish and idle pre­tences, had the Prince cited at Law to their Courts of Judicature, where not giving his appearance, the Prin­cipality of Orange was adjudg'd her; no body can, no more than I, tell upon what bottom that Decree could ground: For if by Vertue of some pretended old Entail from the House of Chalon, to which they will say the Predecessors of the Prince of Orange did not comply with, as it is easie to give proof suffi­cient to the contrary, 'tis not without a likelihood of Truth to say, that tho Madam de Nemours could make out the Title, her time was laps'd in point of claim; for that by the Laws of that Kingdom, such at least as I have seen [Page 69]them in case of Custom, the prescrip­tion of Thirty years Possession was sufficient to quiet a Title, and that the Prince of Orange, I mean, the Prince and his Predecessors together have en­joy'd for above a Hundred and fifty years: But whether this be so or not, it hinder'd not, but Madam de Nemours obtain'd her Decree, which tho has for all that been since revok't, in the mean while the Prince has sent Mr. Hemsius to Paris, to shew the King the wrong done him: The States General upon their part have particularly recom­mended that Affair to their Embassa­dour in France, but hitherto ineffectu­ally; and tho 'tis now six Months that Mr. Hemsius is working at it, it yet appears not to have made any pro­gress; but let us pass to some other matter, this being but trifle in com­parison with what I have yet to say.

The King of Poland had ever been a Friend of France, 'twas by her means he got the Crown which every foot was sending him presents, in token of her [Page 70]Friendship, had given him her Order of Holy Ghost, and the only Prince she in fine, thought well of in Europe besides. Now let us see how they came to break with him, and at whose Door lies the fault; 'tis indeed with difficulty I must discover this, but out it must being got so far there is no going back: The Money sent by France to Teckely was no use­less supply, he had for it engag'd the Turks to fall upon the Emperor; and France having due Intelligence of all that past, both of time and place, and of the other side preferr'd the carrying on of her Intregues to all other con­cerns, made no Bones of Soliciting the King of Poland at that time to attack the Emperors Country upon his side, as the right of conveniency was an at­tractive sort of right in her Eyes, which sway'd with her, imagin'd it might do the same with the King of Poland, and propos'd to him the Conquest of Silesia, where in probability he was not like to meet with any great resi­stance from the Moment the Ottoman [Page 71]Forces had made their descent into Hungary, the King of Poland who is a sharp Prince, and who needs no prompters to teach him his Lesson, thought it improper to his own Ho­nour, as to that of his Crown, to make use of the advice, on the con­trary, he accepts of an Alliance with the Emperor then propos'd him by which they mutually engaged by League Offensive and Defensive to assist each other against the Turk: France had no sooner learnt what the King of Poland had done but her former Kindness was immediately chang'd into an irreconci­lable hate, sends to the Marquis of Vitry her Ambassadour in that Court a Man of Parts, and good at an Intregue, to employ his skill to set all at work in creating misunderstandings betwixt him and his people, and Morstein high Treasurer of Poland, who was a Pen­tioner of France, and where he had thoughts to settle himself, and where he already had purchas'd great posses­sions, assists Vitry in his design; already [Page 72]had they tamper'd with some of the discontented Senators, who talk't at no lower rates then the obliging the King of Poland to relinquish the Government. For the purpose already cast their Eyes upon a Person they had design'd the Throne to in his stead; When as good fortune would have it, the King of Po­land intercepted a Letter of Morstein's writ in Cyphers, he sends for him forthwith, and having enquir'd of him the meaning of the Letter, and find­ing he endeavour'd to shift the Truth, bid him give the Key, Morstein re­ply'd 'twas with his Wite, which forc't the King to send for her, when she came, and found for what the King had sent for her, told, she had burnt the Key, and not being able to get out any better account, commanded the Commitment of them both under a strong Guard till he sifted the af­fair a little more narrowly: I shall say no more upon this Chapter; every one knows the French Embas­sador convinc'd of Tampering in the [Page 73]Business, a certain Senator out of pure love to his King and Country was bold enough to say in full assembly, speaking of Morstan, that for attempts of a less na­ture the Turks had given Two hundred Bastinadoes to an Embassadour of France, and 'twas his Opinion, Mr. De Vitry deserv'd four hundred: The King of Poland, a sagacious Prince, and great Politician, would suf­fer him to say no more, for fear the heat he was in might transport him too far, hinder'd also the Entry of his Opinion upon their publick Records, contenting himself to let Mr. De Vitry know he had strain'd his Character of Embassa­dour; Mr. De Vitry remain'd not long after this in Poland, and if ever he have Embassy elsewhere, I make no doubt the Princes they fend him to, will take due care to watch his Water. I have formerly toucht upon some circum­stances of Luxemburg, but as insensi­bly I fell to other subjects, 'tis yet not unseasonable to relate what was the success, though to have done [Page 74]things, exactly methodical it should have been before handled. As the Conquest of Strasburgh, and the acquisition of Ca­sal had strangely alarm'd both Empe­ror and Spaniard, had been instant with all their Neigbouring Princes to use their Endeavours for their regaining of them again, but as some were feeble in all respects, others gain'd by the French, they remitted all to the Diet of Franckfort, where whole Months were spent in canvasing a Pass-port, four or five Months more took up in a debate whether they should speak La­tin, high Dutch or French, that so far from hopes of some Redress that way our Disease became the more incurable. These delatories then making the Im­perialists and Spain despair of gaining their point by means of the Diet, they by concerted Measures march their Forces towards Strasburgh and Casal, which the French was then beginning to fortifie, & which lay almost every where open for that the old works had been thrown down to put new in the room: [Page 75]The Emperor & Spaniard were but in an ill condition to go through with any thing they undertook. But the King of France newly settled in his Conquest of those two places, imagining they marcht not their Forces but with some design, and might not be without hold­ing some private Intelligence in both the Towns, raises the Blocus of Luxemburgh to have Forces in readiness to oppose.

Now as he was willing to have the thanks of that action, sends for the Marquis of Fuentes Embassadour of Spain, to tell him, that upon the advice he had receiv'd the Turk was falling upon Hungary, he thought good to withdraw his Forces from Luxemburg, that so the King of Spain might have the greater liberty to assist the Em­peror: The Marquis of Fuentes who knew well enough what to think of the Business, made his Compliment of thanks to his Majesty notwithstand­ing, as an act of great grace and favor, but amongst Friends where he could be free, would be telling them what [Page 76]was the real cause of so great a change, which was in every Bodies mouth al­ready who had but the least smacker­ing in publick Affairs: And indeed if I may be allow'd a little to argue the point, who is it does not see the art of this management was too too gross to pass upon good Eyes? For if true, France had such good natur'd, and such pious considerations, why has she since contradicted them by so many of her actions to the contrary? why a cor­respondence with Teckely? why Intregues carried on in Poland? why those Alli­ances with Denmark and Brandenburgh? why Princes so warmly ply'd to draw them to her side? And in short, why those Huffs at the Imperial Diet, if they consent not to her pretensions? I know before hand what answer I shall have, I know nothing less will be al­low'd neither in regard to Teckely nor to the King of Poland, that to what concerns the rest will be answer'd, it was the Master-piece of a Politick King vers'd in King-craft, and the Arts of [Page 77]Government to be making sometimes such sort of Alliances which have their use, not so much in order to the support of War abroad amongst his Neighbours, as to hinder his Neighbours from car­rying the War home to his own door. I do know, as I said, the unthinking part of Mankind may be put upon in dis­owning of the one, and in giving some kind of gloss to palliate the other, but I would a little fain know if they can answer this too which I am now about saying, France was willing to raise the Blocus of Luxemburg a whole year be­fore the Turks came down upon Hun­gary, and when effectually they came with a Vengeance he frames a Camp in Alsatia, to hold the Emperor in play, makes another in Flanders, to oblige Spain to be upon her Guard, a Camp upon the River Soare he orders, to frighten the Electors, and in fine, has another Camp drawn upon the Saonne to keep the rest of Europe in a Jealousie: France would shew to the World she becomes less rapacious upon the consi­derations [Page 78]of the great misfortunes that hung now over the Head of Christen­dom, and when those misfortunes are actually befallen her, it then Thun­ders, Threats and Rants, and lets the Diet be roundly told he onely will give but such certain short day to grant her injust pretentions in and if not then granted would do her self that right by force of Arms: And to be doing as well as saying, presents with a great Army upon the Frontier, ready at a mouthfull to swallow several of the Spainish Provinces; War indeed they can't be said to make, but make alto­gether as much mischief, by their hindring those Princes which she just dreaded as she did the Turk, from em­ploying their Forces in favour of the Emperor: The Emperor indeed himself obliged to leave his to guard the Rhine, whilst a Company of Infidels invades his Dominions, ravages to the very Heart of his Country, and carries off for Slaves a hundred Thousand Souls, burns his Palaces, lays waste the Coun­try [Page 79]round, and in conclusion claps Siege to Vienna, his Capital City, and place of Residence.

But I perceive not all this while, that having but now documented others, I insensibly fall into the same Error my self I would have them avoid: I fall off arguing the point, as if every one could not do it as well without me, let us have done then with these kind of entertainments, and go on to our Exa­mine of other places whether France aspiring to the Universal Monarchy be Truth, or Fiction, or rather let us see if she already usurps not upon the right of Sovereigns as if she actually were the Mistress of the World: Let us see what she is about, with her Mines in all the Courts of Europe; not that I pretend to say Policy is a thing forbid­den amongst Princes, but that her meaning may no more be doubted of, every one can tell what an Errand she sent the Republic of Genoua, whose Coat she fain would pick a hole in, sends word she will not have her put her [Page 80]Gally's out, lest they should come to joyn with those of Spain, if otherwise should take it for an act of Hostility, and should use her accordingly as an Enemy declared: The Hollanders just so dealt with about a Month or two since, upon the intent they had of send­ing some new Ships to the King of Swede: So that over those two Com­mon-wealths, where she hath nothing to do, she already Lords it as absolute Sovereign, she will not suffer Free States, who have bought their Liberty with the Price of their Blood shall think to make Alliances, and succour their Allies, and they that call them­selves the eldest Sons of the Church can yet suffer an Alliance with her most mortal Enemy: But then let us see how she deals with those that leave her Interest, and those it self, who are mean spirited enough to adhere to her, let us look a little upon the different Springs she sets at work to bring her matters about; what says she not of the Duke of Bavaria, for deserting the [Page 81]side, and his so very generously em­bracing that of the Emperor; what does she not at Leige, where she makes it her Business to soment the Rebellion of that People against their lawful Prince, that so the Prince not able to master them, may not with the assistance of other Princes be in a post to make a Barrier of that City, and stop her passage that way into the Territories of other States? What does she not act at Cullen, where the Inhabitants are all banding one against t'other, and cutting one ano­thers Throats, whilst the Enemy is at their Gates, ready to devour? What not at Hamburgh and Lubec, where Intregues apparent as the Sun are car­rying on to the ruine both of their Li­berty and Country? What leave they undone in the Courts of the Lunebourg Princes, where People banisht France are most in Credit, but banisht after such a fashion as to return again into that Kingdom, when they will, and privately to see, and discourse the Mi­nisters? Indeed what is she not brewing [Page 82]in the Emperors Court it self, where she foments Jealousies among the chief, where she opens the very Cabinet Counsels with her Silver Key, where not one resolution can be taken, but she gets notice of, at the same time? Some may say, I discourse but of these affairs conjecturally: I shall most willing­ly leave them to their own thoughts after, saying, what I have in answer.

After the routing the Marshal of Crequi at the Seige of Treves, France lay open to the prevailing side, there then stood no more Forces in their way, and had they been so minded might well have carried the Terror of their Arms into the Heart of the Coun­try: The French were much afraid they would, and begun to pack their most valuable goods within the wall'd Towns, when Mr. De Louvois told a certain Person with whom I had par­ticular acquaintance during the time I was in France, and whom I have it from, that the Enemy would act no far­ther that Campagne, and were then [Page 83]upon their drawing off; I willingly would ask now if this was news one could reasonably well credit in the then present posture of Affairs, if one ought not to be supernaturally gifted, if one needed not a spirit of Revelation to be believing the contrary to what every one else had reason to believe: But what will not a Man do, as a certain old Author has remark't, who devotes his whole thought to become rich? To that very effect have the Suisses took the Bridle in their Mouths by the Fort of Huninghen, and made sale both of Liberty and Country; a Counsellor of their State might remonstrate his Heart out in full assembly, the Interest those People had to be early in their opposition to a power, who in her am­bitious thoughts devour'd Europe, the Pensioners of France soon stops his Mouth, and as they struck the greatest stroke with that Common-wealth, must submit to what they pleas'd to do: That way 'twas that Nation suffer'd without opposing the Franch County to be sei­zed [Page 84]by France, from whence it might have hoped the speedy assistance of a Neighbour: I speak not of a great ma­ny more things happen'd of the same batch in the time of the late Wars, will seem too superannuated, and too tri­fling: For in fine, who is't, but right well knows that to be the opening Key the French have with unlockt the Gates of so many Towns; every one can tell 'tis with that Instrument she renders all undertakings to her prejudice Abor­tive, and did retard the Seige of Phil­lipsburgh; but 'twere too much work to say here how very useful their Coin has been in their regard, and how very prejudicial to the World besides. And yet can't hold from speaking of a late passage happen'd in Denmark, to shew she is no such squanderer neither of her Mony, as one would well ima­gine, Denmark becoming Pensioner to France, or say rather took Her Money to act as France would have her, Mr. Colbert, through whose hands the Mo­ny went design'd for that Court, having [Page 85]fancy to try, how the Dane would take it to have his Pension retrench't, caus'd write to that effect to the French Embassadour in Denmark by the Hand of Mr. Colbert De Croissy his Brother, whose Province 'tis to take care of For­reign Affairs; the Embassadour having receiv'd his Instructions went imme­diately to wait upon the King of Den­mark surprized in the highest Nature, at the proceeding told him, he had no answer to return, but should give the King of France, one by the hands of his own Envoy then in Court, and at the same time send Directions to his Envoy to speak to the King in the Bu­siness, and to let him know how ill he took it at his hands: The King told the Envoy of Denmark, that he understood not what 'twas he spoke to him about, that his Embassad our had acted with­out order, that 'twas never his thought neither to add nor diminish any thing in the Treaty he had made with the King his Master, and should call home his Embassadour to teach him under­taking [Page 86]thus things of his own Head, so the poor Embassadour was Sacrificed just like the Governor of Luxemburg, disown'd by the Spaniards, as before related: France too disowns her Em­bassadour to preserve Amity with the Crown of Denmark.

It now remains to inspect the cause why France so potent in her Arms, and knowing how disunited and divided were all her Neighbours, has for all that been so long without engaging. To this a reason is given with much fa­cility, nor is there in it much of puzzle.

The private Alliance she had made with the Turks, was the String to her Bow she most trusted to, but that Al­liance could not be expected should produce the wish't effect of a sudden, for the Truce then a foot between the Em­peror and the Port expired but in the Year 1682. and had a mind it should expire first before any thing was to be undertaken, was not over sure whether the Turks, whose Faith in that affair could not be well relied on, would ef­fectually [Page 87]declare against the Emperor, or whether would accept those very ad­vantagious Terms propos'd by the Impe­rialists, ont'other hand she was upon the fortifying of a world of places, where much time was requisite to finish the works, and was against the Rules of common Policy, not to enter upon a War, till she had seen those places in some probable Perfection, and thi­therto truly one might do her that right she had let slip no favourable occasion, but on the contrary had been imprudently done to act otherwise: And indeed to shew clearly her Design was to draw her men into the Field from the very critical Minut: The Turks began the dance with theirs, that no sooner had advice they had fall'n upon Hungary, but the King parts froms Versailles to head their Army, at the same time a Detachment had already been drawn of those en­camp't upon the Saone, with orders for their March towards the Frontier, and nothing now in Mouths of the [Page 88] French, but the beseiging of Cullen or Philipsburgh, when all of a sudden a very extraordinary piece of news alter'd the resolutions of that Prince: he had heard the Hungarians had abandon'd the pass at Raab, and that the Turks without the least of stopping at Raab, or Comorra, as was pretended they would have stopt at, advance on with an innumerable, vast Army towards Vienna, which they had determin'd to beseige: Now France was well enough satisfi'd the Turks should make Diver­sion, but sorry they should make them­selves Master of the Empire which he now look't on as his proper Patrimo­ny: France trusted to their beseiging Raab and Comorra places of great strength both by Art and Nature, and that they would spend both their time and pains before they gain'd their point, in the interim made sure of doing his own Business, and to oblige the Ele­ctors seeing themselves on all hands so surrounded with Enemies to conde­scend to what she pleas'd her self: Hoped [Page 89]after the reinforcing his own, with the Forces of the Empire, to march them straight up to the Turk, & force him to a Battel or to retire home again: Noble designs of a great Prince, and brim full of Ambition; But learning as I said, the Turks had laid Seige to Vienna was oblig'd to take new measures: To that effect he found it was no more to his purpose to set upon the Empire which another was about taking the possessi­on of by the taking of a single Town: For as that was the only place of De­fence it was possible for him indeed to have caus'd a great deal of desolation, and terror of his side, but was the wrong way to settle in the Throne.

France then chose rather at a di­stance to take her prospect of what might be the event of the Seige of Vi­enna, and send her Creatures about still representing to all the Princes of the Empire, how the Emperor was but a weak Prince, fitter to hold beads then a Scepter, and to fit in a Cloister by much then at Helm: That the Em­pire [Page 90]was Tottering, and even now ready to fall under his conduct, that henceforth they would need rather a stout, vigorous Prince, which with a Thousand good qualities besides un­derstood perfectly well that of Leading of an Army: That if the Turks come once to get Vienna, they ought all to expect no better then absolute destru­ction: That their true and only means to be secured from so imminent a mis­chief was to implore the aid of the King of France, who would soon listen to it, provided they elected the Dauphin King of the Romans, as 'twas a thing he had been instant with them for of a long time, they should no sooner have answer'd his desire in that particular, the Face of their Empire should soon see chang'd, that the Kings Forces lay ready at their Gates for their nearer assistance, and would in short retrive the Empire again into that flourishing condition it had ever yet been in under its greatest Emperors.

Prince William of Furstenburgh Bi­shop [Page 91]of Strasburgh de voted wholly to the Interests of France, who for some Years has been labouring to deliver up his Country, was one of those most powerfully endeavor'd to insinuate these kind of things: But the aversion the Empire had for the French in general, was so great, and so universal, so far from calling of them into their help, would have much sooner call'd in the Turk: And indeed the Turk troubles no Body for his Religion sake, leaving every one to his Liberty of Conscience, keeping strictly to their word, where they once give it, and provided their Tribute be but paid which you promise them, Exact no more, no Leeches there preying upon the Blood of the People to be seen as in France swar­ming under the Name of Partisan, or Farmers of the Kings Revenue, there no laying of new Taxes upon every sort of thing, or when necessity obliges them to lay any are taken off again, as the necessity ceases, the Souldier is not there ill handled, nor the Ministers at [Page 92]every turn threatning to lay them by the heels; on the contrary the Sword-Man is in great esteem amongst them, and a brave Fellow there is not without his Mark of Distinction: In a word they had heard so much of the French Do­mination and way of Government that they had resolv'd as one Man to stand it out to the last then ever have sub­mitted.

In vain then did all these good French men take the pains in giving out as I was saying they did: The King then seeing he lost his time that way, resolv'd upon the employing it somewhere else to better purposes, whilst the occasion was opportune; his Pretentions to the County of Alost he still kept up, and so marches to Flanders side with his Forces, proceeds to nominating of his general Officers, which he is never accustom'd to do but upon the neck of a War, and in fine making all ready to enter upon the Country: But just upon the point of putting his design in execution, God [Page 93]was pleas'd to take out of this World the Queen his Wife, one of the best Princesses upon Earth, after a sickness of two or three Days.

Her Disease appear'd not visibly dan­gerous, and was but a swelling, which kindly enough inclin'd to suppuration, but the Doctors instead of letting Na­ture have her Course which was e'en ready to throw off the malignity as I was saying, having through Ignorance let her Blood, contrary to the Opinion of Mr. Fagon her chief Physician, it struck in again to the Heart, and kill'd her: So soon as the Queen's con­dition was perceiv'd Dangerous, the King had notice, who came presently to her Chamber, and seem'd most ex­tremly sensible, threw himself upon her Bed, with the Tears in his Eyes speak­ing to her in Spanish, but the Queens Eyes now setting in Head, and Death approaching died in his Arms without being able to answer: They had an Hour or two before given Emetick Wine but had not strength enough [Page 94]to bear it, that instead of doing her good, serv'd only but to shorten her time, they forc't the King away from her, who lay taking on like wild in her Arms, and the Queen they left upon the Bed of State, till the next Day, then put her into a Coffin of Lead, placing instead of the Body a waxen Image made in resemblance, which for Nine days together was serv'd up as if yet alive, or rather as if it was the Queen her self: She was afterwards carried to St. Dennis the ordinary Bu­rying place of the Kings of France, with a Magnificence truly Royal: Six­teen thousand Flambeauxs, Six hun­dred poor People clad in Black, besides the Servants of her own Family, and those of all the Princes, and Princesses of the Blood Royal, an infinite of other Persons of the first quality, with an endless train of Coaches. Her Heart had been carried some days before to Val-de grace, and placed in the Nuns Quire, right against the Chappel, where is kept that of the Queen Mo­ther.

Two or three days before the Queen dy'd, there happen'd a thing of an odd Nature enough: That Princess who was extremely addicted to her Religi­on, having call'd for an Almanack to her Bed-side to see when such a Holy­day would fall to which she had a par­ticular Devotion, perceiv'd the Com­poser of the Almanack in his Predicti­ons upon the Month July, foretold the withdrawing of a Prince, and Death of some great Lady who would be much regretted, and as the Prince of Condy's leaving the Court, shew'd perfectly he had hit extreme right, She turns her self to Madam La Marshalle de Hu­miers Lady of her Bed-chamber, who stood at her Beds-head and askt if 'twas not she they meant; The particular of this I had from Madam La Marshalle d' Humiers her self, and since have had the curiosity to view the Almanack, where those very two things are litterally to be found. However the grief of the King slopt his Flanders expedition, re­tir'd immediately to St. Clou, his Bro­thers [Page 96]the Duke of Orleance's Country House, from thence to Fountain-bleau, where in vain they strive to divert him, as the Queen took great pleasure in that place made him often call to mind his Queen, tears are frequent in his Eyes, and nothing but length of time can make him forget her.

Notwithstanding they give out, he persists still in his great designs the Truth of which we shall soon Know with a little patience: But for me, I think God sent him that affliction to move him, and that in a little time, he not only will leave Europe in Peace, but by joining his Arms with the Chri­stians will force the Turk to leave the Empire in quiet, which we ought all to wish.

FINIS.

THis Book was given to the Bookseller, the Fifteenth of August, by which 'tis to be seen, the Author must be well enough acquain­ted with the Business of Alost, the manifesto in Relation to it being to come out upon the Satur­day, and her Majesty dying but the day be­fore, &c.

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