Considerations Concerning IRELAND, In Relation to ENGLAND. And Particularly in respect of an UNION.

I. IT is necessary for England, that Ireland shou'd be intirely in the English hands.

This can't be done, but by a strong party of English in this Kingdom of Ireland.

How such a Party is to be kept up here, is to be consider'd.

In order to it let us suppose;

If this Kingdom were now first reduced; the Lands reserv'd to the Irish, the same as are now restor'd to them, or at present enjoy'd by them; and the remainder were to be dispos'd of to English Planters and Purchasers:

The Question wou'd be, What Encouragements wou'd be sufficient to induce the English to Purchase and Plant here, in such numbers as should answer the Intent and Interest of England? What Advantages wou'd these Planters expect, and wou'd it be reasonable the English shou'd grant them?

II. 'Tis certain few wou'd be willing to leave their native Countrey and secure Dwelling, to come to a strange Place, less secure; unless they cou'd propose to themselves some profit here, beyond what they cou'd make by staying in England. This Advantage it's reasonable England shou'd allow them, if they wou'd have this Country well Peopled with English. And this Advantage wou'd be had,

1. By the easie Penny-worths of Land, or Rent of Farms, in a fruitful and improving Soil as Ireland is.

2. By a Liberty of using English or Forreign Markets for their Growth and Product.

3. It's reasonable also, that the Profits they make shou'd be some way secur'd to them, that is, that they might have competent Assurance of enjoying what they shou'd gain; so as not to fear that it shou'd be taken from them, either by the Irish over-running them, or by Arbitrary Impositions of England without their Consent. These two Assurances they wou'd competently have, by being granted,

(1.) The Civil Government of England, (for it's suppos'd they wou'd desire no better, both for Them­selves and the Irish.)

(2.) Setled Laws; and a Power of altering them by Themselves or Representatives, according to Emergencies.

(3.) That they shou'd not wholly lose their Priviledges in England, as English men, by removing hi­ther; and that the Irish shou'd partake (in some degree) of the same Priviledges, in order to unite them as one People with the English in this Kingdom.

(4.) With these Advantages, they ought to be content that England shou'd have a Power of over-ru­ling [Page] [...] dice of England.

III. On this foot we seem now to stand: And the Magna Charta of Ireland, that confirms to us all these Advantages inviolably, is the Interest of England; which is, That the English here shou'd be strengthened and supported against both Irish and Forreigners; so that England, (if they will see and be guided by their true Interest) cannot infringe these Advantages without manifest prejudice to them­selves: Nor make any Laws for us that shall weaken us, without weakning themselves.

IV. But there is this difference between the Case Suppos'd, and the Case in Fact, of this Kingdom.

It has hapned through the calamitousness of times, that whatever sums English Planters have laid out on Estates here, the People of England have more than over again purchas'd the same Estates, by rescu­ing them out of the hands of Irish Rebels or Enemies, at their own Expence.

And tho' they have not taken the Advantage of these repeated Purchases, so as to make the English Planters redeem their several Estates: Partly from their own Interest, that they might not too much weaken the English here; and partly out of Generousness and Charity in thinking that their Countrey-men sustain'd loss enough, by having their Countrey the Seat of War, and their Stocks and Improve­ments ruin'd;

Yet it may seem that England at this time may reasonably take the Advantages of their repeated Pur­chases so far, as to consider whether the present Constitutions of this Kingdom are best for their Inte­rest, or how otherwise they might be modell'd more for their Advantage.

Nor is there any danger hereby of discouragement to the English in Ireland: Since the Interest of England will necessarily lead the English Parliament to take such measures for Ireland, as may most strengthen the English that are here, and encourage others to come to them; which is all that the Eng­lish in Ireland can desire.

V. By what right the People of Ireland hold a Parliament, does not appear; neither by what right they did put it into the hands of the Court of England, by Poynings Act; However the Crown having been so long possest of this Priviledge, it shou'd seem, that tho' the People of England may have right against the People of this Kingdom, to take the Constitutions of it at present into their own hands, and to dispose of them as they think fit, yet they have not that right against the Crown. If they have pur­chas'd us out of our Rights, they have not purchas'd the King and his Councils out of theirs. Besides, his present Majesty has expos'd his Person, and exhausted his Treasure in the Reduction of Ireland; and has been a Party Purchaser with the People of England, for whatever might be claim'd to be had by right of Purchase here, if the Constitutions of this Kingdom may be reckon'd among such.

VI. How (now) to unite the Interest of the People of England with the Interest, or rather Privi­ledges, of the Crown in this point, will be the Question. But to pass this by at present; it is here to be consider'd how far it is now the Interest of the People of England to new model the Constitutions of this Kingdom, and to take them into their own hands. In order to examine this, we may observe; First,

VII. That it is wonderful to consider, that there shou'd be such strangeness between two Countreys so nearly united in Interest, as there has been between England and this place; if we enquire into the Reasons of it, they seem to be,

1st. On the part of England; Their People find that the flourishing of this Kingdom makes their Rents in England fall; perhaps it is too true, and there's no help for it. The Question is, whether they had better have their Rents fall alittle, or be frequently at the Expence of so many millions as they have been at in reducing Ireland. That their Rents must fall by the flourishing of Ireland, seems plain from hence;

First, Farmers remove themselves thither, where they may have the easiest Bargains.

Secondly, The Corn, Hides, Tallow, Linnen and Woollen Cloath, and Manufactures of Ireland, (if they were permitted to be sold only in Forreign Markets, and not in England) will yet sink the value of these Commodities in England, which must necessarily sink the Rents there.

2ly. A second Reason of the strangeness of England to Ireland, is, that they look upon the People here in gross, as different from them, and their Enemies. They consider not the English stake here; but look upon all here in effect to be Irish. And indeed the English Planters here have given too much occasion for it, by closing in with the Irish, and degenerating to their humours. But this will make the thing proposed of Englands taking this Kingdom into its own hands, now more necessary, as the only probable means to remedy this Evil; for while we lookt upon our selves to be a distinct King­dom, and to have a Legislative Power within our Selves, we were more ready to forget England, and to bandy and side with the Irish; and as this bred aversion in the People of England to us, it reciprocally increas'd ours to them. Hence grew those Jealousies, even among the English here, of the Power of Eng­land over this place, and our great stickling against their making Laws for us. But who it was fomented these Debates, and put these Jealousies into our Heads, appears by what the Irish lately did wh [...] it came into their Power, by their Act past in their pretended Parliament, in which they utterly cut off this Kingdom from England; and declared against the Right of England to make any Laws for this Kingdom.

3ly. A third Reason of the strangeness of England to Ireland, was, that we seem'd remote to them; in­dependent on them; a People setting up for our selves. And this, because there was no Communica­tion [Page] [...] proceedings; They look'd upon us at a distance, and were in the dark as to our affairs, which bred jealousies and distrusts: and thought it enough to wish this Island sunk in the Sea; tho' they might with the same pains, have wish'd it to be turn'd to Gold.

IV. A fourth reason is, that they look'd upon this Kingdom to be Peopled with Men of desperate fortunes, and the scum of their Nation, that have come over hither with the several English Armies, and planted here; and with the Bankrupts and Cheats of England, that have from time to time fled hi­ther from England for refuge, to defraud their Creditors there. Also many in England have had consi­derable stakes here; who have intrusted them to their Agents, and have been defrauded and abused by them; All this is too true. But then it must be considered, that there are some English of worth and goodness here, who deserve their favour and esteem, and for whose sake they ought to look more kindly on the whole. And next, that let them that are here be what they will, if they are English, they ought to be countenanced and upheld as the Bulwark of England against the Irish and Forreigners.

Secondly, On the part of Ireland; The reasons of strangeness have been.

I. That the People of England have disregarded and cast off the English here; They have set them­selves to suppress them, and keep them low; and this has made the English here more readily to c [...]se in with the Irish, and to set up for an Interest different from England.

II. The English here having no Representatives in the Parliament in England, the debates there (for want of some to possess them with the Condition of Ireland, and the true interest of England, in respect of it) have run so high in disfavour of Ireland, (without regard to any difference between the English and Irish Inhabitants of it,) that it very much alienated the minds of the English here from England.

III. Interest helps on the same thing. For while the People of England, through intentness on their private interest (in respect of their Rents) set themselves to keep Ireland as poor as they can, (which they have done by prohibiting the Transportation of Cattle, and the Plantation Trade they made those that were here espouse the concern of this Country, without regard to England. And it was observa­ble, that when an English-Man came hither, he quickly degenerated in his affections; and his Interest byass'd for Ireland, insomuch that we hardly find a Man who had liv'd seven years in Ireland, and de­sign'd to Live in it, but he became sensibly averse to England, and grew something of an Irish-man in his affections; And it is a melancholy thing for Men to have the prospect of their Children in a Gene­ration or two, to be treated as Rebels, which too often happens.

The result of the whole is this, that from what reason soever this strangeness between Ireland and Eng­land has grown, the Consequences of it have been too apparent, and prejudicial to both sides; and some remedy ought to be thought on for it.

VIII. The second thing to be observed is, that Ireland, as it is manag'd, has been a constant Charge to England. It has now thrice in a hundred years put England to a new Conquest: and by joyning with the Enemies of England, as it did in Queen Elizabeths Rebellion, and this present; and endeavour'd to do in King Charles the first's time: it has not only endangered the Peace of England but even the Crown it self It bears no part of Englands burden; And England is so much the weaker by having it; as it is harder to defend a great Scope of ground than a little; Nay, as it is harder to fight against a Forreign Enemy, and suppress a domestick Rebellion, (which usually happens at the same time,) than to defend against an Invasion only.

IX. Thirdly, We may observe, that between England and Wales there is none of this strangeness, be­cause the Interests of both are United in one Legislative Power. An English-man that removes into Wales, doth not lose his Birth-right or Priviledges he had before in the Legislative Power of England; And therefore he is as stanch to the Interest of England as ever; and he still bears the same proportion of the burden of the Kingdom in Taxes as he did before; And therefore no body grudges what riches he carries with him when he removes.

But the case is different, if a Man remove to Ireland; He loses this Birth-right and Priviledges; he neither is represented in the English Parliament, nor is under their Laws; He loses the benefit of Tra­ding, and many other advantages. On the contrary, in bearing none of the burden of England; what­ever he brings with him is lost out of the Common stock there: which is therefore grudged by the People of England, and look'd on with a jealous eye, because the same riches which he brings from them, serves to encrease the Trade here, which must necessarily sink their Rents there.

X. The fundamental remedy to all these inconveniencies, is plainly the Uniting this Kingdom to England, in the Legislative Power. This is the only means to Unite the Interests of both Kingdoms, and that will Unite the affections; their interests will ever be different, while they are under different Legislative Powers; For, though they have but one individual King, yet he stands in two capacities to them whilst they are two Kingdoms, and their Interests are almost as different as if they were under two Kings. But if the Legislative Power were the same, and by consequence the Laws and Priviled­ges the same, there wou'd be no more Clashing of Interests between them, than between one Shire of England and another: at most no greater than between England and Wales. And tho' (as has been said) the flourishing of this Kingdom must necessarily sink the Rents in England, yet the People of England, when they have the Legislative Power of this Kingdom in their hands, will see that this is not to be avoided without greater prejudice to themselves, and will submit more willingly to it when it is in their own Power to help it, and choose to pass it by for a greater good, since if it cou'd be safe, it will [Page] [...] as Ireland yields, it must in course have Trade. But they will also find, that the flourish­ing of this Kingdom will make some amends to England, for the prejudice of sinking its Rents, since it will be able to bear a greater share of Englands Taxes; To say nothing of the strengthening it may give to England, by Shipping, Sea-men, and Souldiers, in proportion to its flourishing.

XI. As to accommodating this Union to his Majesties Interest in the Legislative Power of this King­dom by Poynings Act;

'Tis certain this is too considerable a Flower in the Prerogative to be expected to be parted with easi­ly. The late King James was so sensible of this, when tho' he consented to an Act that cut off this Kingdom from the Parliament of England, yet he cou'd not be brought to the Repeal of Poynings Act; [which Act has in effect sold this Kingdom into the hands of the Courtiers; so that whoever in this Kingdom can see best, either of the Irish or English, are in a fair way of carrying their terms: than which nothing can be more opposite to the Interest of England; nor does hardly any thing concern them more than to provide some remedy for it.

XII. The advantages of such an Union must be many to both Kingdoms, besides the removing the inconveniencies before spoken of; And among these it ought not to be reckon'd the least, that it will greatly conduce to Unite the Irish and English in this Country; for while the Irish have hitherto liv'd under a separate Legislative Power from England, they have look'd upon themselves still as a distinct People; but their coming under the English Legislative Power, and being United to England, the Pri­viledges and Immunities will by degrees carry them off from their old distinction, and they will be­gin to think themselves English-men, and to be affected accordingly. This, tho' with much imperfection and partiality, was practised in the late Usurpers time, and was doubtless one of the causes that gave Ireland so sudden a recovery as it obtain'd then.

XIII. The objection against this Union, on the part of Ireland, is, that it will become then Subje­cted to the English Taxes: and that tho' Ireland shou'd have Representatives in the Parliament there, yet the rest, being so much the greater number, will always over-vote them.

The Answer to this is,

1. 'Tis probable it will be agreed at first, that for some years Ireland may be exempted from Taxes.

2. A certain proportion may be agreed on according to the value of the Rents of Ireland, by which, and not beyond, it may hereafter be Tax'd in all mony Bills, till its Improvements shall induce the making a new proportion.

3. It had better bear such a proportion in every Tax in England, with the security it will then enjoy, than be liable so often as it now is, to be turn'd upside down, and totally ruin'd; And it will abundantly ballance for its bearing a part of the English Taxes, that it shall have a proportional interest in the Laws, and Immunities and Priviledges of England, which now it wants, and which will be so much more beneficial to it, than those Taxes can be a burden. It will then have liberty to represent its grie­vances, and it will be in the Power, as well as in the care of the Parliament of England to redress them. We all foresaw (for instance) by what steps this last War grew, but cou'd not prevent it, because we were not allow'd a Parliament; and the English Parliament cou'd neither fully understand nor prevent it. But if there had been a sufficient number of Members from Ireland in it, and Ireland part of the Parliaments Province, it had been much easier to have found remedies in time against it.

XIV. As to the manner of this Union, it may very well be left to the Parliament in England to determine it; Their Interest bound up in ours, is our sole and great security.

FINIS.

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