THE CONTRE-LEAGVE and ansvvere to certaine let­ters sent to the Maisters of Renes, by one of the League who termeth himselfe Lord of the valley of Mayne, and Gentle­man of the late Duke of Guizes traine. Faithfully translated into English by E A.

[Woodcut printer's device of a fleur-de-lys (McKerrow, 251).]

LONDON Printed by Iohn Wolfe. 1589.

THE CONTRE-LEAGVE AND Answere to certaine letters sent to the Maisters of Renes, by one of the league, who termeth himselfe Lord of the valley of Mayne, and Gentleman of the late Duke of Guyzes traine.

XERXES being misused with many the reproches of a soldiour of his ar­my, made for the time no farther ac­count thereof, but caused to be pro­claimed throughout the campe, that that franticke fellow had leaue to say what he list, and the king to say and do according to equitie, wherevpon may be gathered it seemeth that there is no account to be made of the impudencie or fury of thy letters. Howbeit, in as much as the holy Scripture attributeth to kings, the names of Shepheards, of Fathers, yea euen of Gods, (as like­wise God hath adorned them with some beames of his Maiestie) sith also the Apostles doctrine condem­neth such as reproue principalities, as a most perniti­ous pestilence, it is requisite to let thee see thy frenzye. Considering also that these warres, kindled in this Realme vnder your goodly pretence of religion, haue brought in such vnbrideled licentiousnes, as there is no longer regard of the king, of the Princes of his bloud, or of any other men of honour, but rather it seemeth that some kind of Gyants are sprong from vnder the earth to conspire against heauen, to terrifie the Angels, to raise warre against God, to fill the earth with fire and bloud, and to banish all pitie and iustice.

But in so bold an enterprise, as is this warre, you will serue for a trompet, togither with the Iesuits and other [Page 2] your seditious preachers vnto whom in the chiefe ci­ties of the realme at this day the vailes of the great tem­ples do yeeld no other eccho, but fire, bloud, & death. To which ende certaine verses vomited out of thy sedi­tious stomach thou hast intituled, The Catholike Trumpet: so as were not this argument so wofull, yea euen one of the most lamentable, we might let thee see that this is as fit for thee as for the Asse in the Lyons warre. Neuerthelesse, sith thou art not such a beast but that thou knowest what miseries ciuill warres do bring in, and of a iolity thou sekest thereafter, and doest ther­to enflame euery man as well by sermons as seditious writings, must we not needes inferre that it is some rage of hell fire which flameth within thee: whereof we haue sufficient testimonie in thy letters written to the citi­zens of Renes: as well in thy impudencie to counsell those that asked no counsaile of thee, to rebell against the king, as also in that thou concludest their honour to consist in such rebellion and felonie. For thesebe thy wordes in the beginning of thy letters: That it concer­neth their honor, which they haue greatly blemished in rebelling against the Lord Gouernour: but in case the gouernour conspire against the king, for whom should the towne hold, but for the king? Is it rebellion? Yea (saiest thou) against the gouernor: and is it not re­bellion to withstand God and the king? Whom should we rather obey, God and our king, or the gouernour when he disturbeth the kings estate? And to resist him is it not fidelity to the king and obedience to God? For the gouernours sake shall we cast the king out at dores? Or for the placing of the seruant in the maisters rome must we cast downe the king? Or are the house­hold children to be reproued, if seeing the stuard of the house seeke to driue away his Lord, take their mo­ther [Page 3] perforce and endeuour to make himselfe Lord of the house, they do resist him? What dastardlines is it being able to withstand him, yet to let him alone, and to yeelde vnto him; or what do such deserue? Thinkest thou that the kings subiects and officers with the par­liaments, and other men of authoritie, especially the Nobilitie, should deserue any lesse, if seeing the gouer­nour practise to seize vpon the kings estate, they should shut their eies, looke asside, or make as if they see him not. For being able to let him, if they suffer him, they be as guilty as they that put the scepter in his hand, set the crowne vpon his head, or placed him vpon the kings throne: and yet sayest thou that at Renes they haue greatly blemished their honour in that they tooke not part with the Lord Gouernour against the King. This is the first argument, dost thou not then beginne well? How durst thou write this to a parliament town? Thou leauest God for his Saincts, the king for his ser­uants, and if we list, euen God for the king. Is it not ig­norance therefore that raigneth in you, yea euen the power of darkenes? Nay rather impudencie in thee, who determinest that the honour of the towne con­sisteth in rebelling against the king. Peraduenture you will say that they of the religion haue done as much. That is false, for they neuer did as you do: It neuer came in their mindes: They neuer practised any thing against the kings estate, against his person, his honor, his life, or his edicts, but were alwaies armed in fauour of the same, hauing both them and the chiefe princes and officers of the towne on their sides: yea euen those who now do hazard their liues for the kings estate, for his person, his life, and the benefite of the realme. How then haue they practised against the king? But you will replie that you likewise haue nowe the edict of [Page 4] vnion made by the king and his estates. I will not enter into the nullity of your estates, neither will I shew that they were counterfeit, that the voyces were purchased contrarie to the kinges will, or that the deputies were corrupted, for thou knowest it well enough, as also that most of them were of the league, and came not to pro­cure peace, but contrarie to the kinges pleasure, to draw all France into an immortall warre. This is eui­dent, therefore I leaue it, to the ende to answere thee that those of the religion beare date first, that their edicts go before yours: and that euen the Captaines of your league haue sworne irreuocably to them: therfore that they can not be broken. Their first edict was a­greed vnto by the king, by his whole counsaile, by all the states of the land, by all the princes of the bloud, and by all the parliaments of the Realme for the welth and quiet thereof: Can you say as much of yours? Nay yours haue bene wrested forth for to enfringe theirs, wherto they haue alwaies held, and which haue conti­nually bene mainteined by the chiefe princes of the bloud. Thus haue you offered violence to the lawe, to the peace, to the welth and helth of the realme: your edicts are repugnant to the quiet thereof, neither were they euer desired but by you of the league, and that on­ly to this accursed ende, (notwithstanding whatsoeuer pretences of religion you haue propounded to depriue the realme of peace, to set it in trouble: to maintaine warre: to destroy the goodly forces thereof: and to bring it into that ruine which by this edict of vnion you do seeke and draw vpon it so much as you may, contraty to all right, all lawe, and the kings holy will which ten­deth onely to the peace, benefite, and safety of his king­dome: this haue they of the religion alwaies thought to be the kings minde: and they hoped that one day he [Page 5] should know his enimies, whereof you were shrewdely afeard, and therefore thought it good to arme your selues with this edict of vnion. The king hath knowne you: witnes the sequell therof.

Moreouer when they of the religion tooke armes, it was onely in their owne defence, to kepe themselues, their wiues, their children, and their goods from you, and according to the kings edicts, to maintaine their religion which you went about to take from them, yea which you had taken away: but can you say that any man hath taken away yours, or gone about to take it away? Thou wilt paraduenture say, their religion is heresie and must not therefore be suffered in the land: shalt thou prescribe a lawe to the king and the states of the realme. Shall the Lorraine or any other make de­crees in the land? It hath bene thus thought good by the king, his princes and estates, besides it is the religi­on of the most part of the kingdoms in Europe: moreo­uer it may be told thee that they haue shewed their re­ligion to be no heresie: and are still ready so to proue it by the word of God. Can any man say more. But you do put the decision thereof in the sword: helas, how well do you know that such matters are not to bee iudged by wepons? What do you get? But what other pretence might you haue to deuide the kingdome? to take away the defence thereof: or to destroie the forces of the same? What coulour could you finde whereby to leuie warre against the king, and to take him, or make him to lose his estate? Do what you will, right, reason and truth shall ouercome. True it is that they of the religion haue vsed the kings treasure and townes: and reason good: for it was for the safetie and preseruation of the best French men and chiefest princes of the bloud against the Spaniards and other seditious per­sons: [Page 6] it was for the defence of the kings best seruants, as this day doth testifie, and for his Maiesties seruice a­gainst you his perpetuall enimies, and in maintenance of the auctoritie of his edicts, which contrarie to the kings pleasure you haue euermore violated. These of the religion haue alwaies rendred vnto the king his townes, and still haue acknowledged themselues to be his faithfull and loyall subiectes: and by the edicts haue continually beene freed from all blame of seeking alte­ration in the estate: but this can not you say of your selues: for you haue thrust foorth the king: you haue proceeded against him and the presidentes of his iu­stice: you haue misused his picture: nay what coulde you do to him, if God preserued him not from your rage? But your Iesuites and other seditious preachers which seeke warre rather then peace, and the alterati­on of the state rather then the kingdome of heauen (as if they were borne for no other ende, but to giue the realme in pray, to make vs kill one an other, and to leade our soules into hell?) do say that for religion the state was altered in Israell, as when Elizeus (at the least by him whom he sent) annointed Iehu king. But let them take that example, either els the exam­ple of Lobna who rebelled against Ioram king of Iuda: what wil they do with it? For both the Iorams had for­saken the true religion, that Moises commaunded by God, which was not lawfull for them to do. Hath the king done so? Nay, holdeth he not their Religion, or rather they his? What would they more? What oc­casion haue they to deale with the king as Israell did with those kings? They feare the change of their religion? Why so? Belyke they thinke it to bee nought: If it bee of God, God will maintaine it. Were it not better to rest there, [Page 7] then vnder a false feare to leauie warre: they take the alarme too soone: this cost the realme too deare: wee must not be so slye: euery day hath malice enough for it selfe, neither ought we to torment our selues before the time saith the Lord. But if they sweare that this was the onely cause of their taking of armes they forsweare them selues: witnes their behauiours towardes the king, and towarde his picture, also all that they haue writen against him, wherein they shewe that they rather seeke alteration of the enact, then feare any change in religion. Moreouer such examples of Israell, whether of the Priestes or Prophets, yea or of the kinges, are not to bee drawne into conse­quence, for they concerned Israell onely, neither are they any longer in vse. Euen this example of Iehu is a matter exraordinarie, and was but once put in practise: Besides God brought vpon Iehu all the bloud that he had shed: for cloking himselfe with zeale of religion he (euen as you) sought nothing lesse then religion, neither labored so sore after any thing as af­ter the aduauncement of his house and the kingdome. But what taketh our gouernment of that of Israell? we take not so much as the manor of electing our pastors, and shall we fetch thence the forme or polllcie of crea­ting kinges? Hath not euery realme a fondumentall law for those matters and a manner of creation of kinges? Wherein it is not lawfull to make any inno­uation, or to motion any speech tending thereto, no not for the Princes of the bloud, much lesse for others, and least of all for straungers which are not to looke thereinto. Besides, the date of the olde Te­stament is out: It was the time of miracles: God wrought them in those dayes in Israell, sometime in the Prophets, sometime in the Priestes, and [Page 8] sometime in the realme and persons of the kinges: God doth not so now: let vs graunt you your demand, and the realme shall be bound to chaunge kinges as often as the priestes list, also to take what kinges they please: so what shall become of vs? A­gaine the pollicie of Israell belonged to Israell one­ly, and died together with the kingdome of Isra­ell.

Moreouer I praie thee, where is Eliazer to an­noint vs an other king? Let him proue vnto us his sending: Let him worke some miracle: to the ende thereby wé may know that God purposeth to alter our estate, But religion vseth miracles no longer, neither chaungeth estates: For albeit shee require reformation as much as may bee, whether in pi­tie, in iustice, in pollicie, or in manners, yet doth religion still leaue vnto euery man his right, as ap­peareth in sundrie places of the newe testament. The alteration of the state of Israell repugneth not my saying: For that was a holy kingdome, and Gods royall Priesthood: a Nation which God preferred by extraordinarie meanes, vntill the comming of the Messias. That people depended immediatelie vpon God, and vsed no other pollicie then the same which God had established for them onelie, nei­ther had they anie other estate then the same which God erected both when, and as he pleased: As al­so God would haue the people to depend immedi­ately vpon him in the estate of his kingdome: so as if he made anie alteration hee did it by mira­cle, whereby it euidentlye appeared to bee his will.

But where is this annnointed one whom you would make king? Nay, you wil rather ech kill other, then [Page 9] agree vpon any one. For as wee shall see hereafter the townes shoote at one thing, the cleargie at an other, and the gouernours at an other: For these doe pretend to make the kinges electiue, or else to erect an other Empire in Fraunce: wee knowe it well enough. Had not the Duke of Guyse this posie, Euerye one in his turne: according whereunto through Gods iust iudgment hath hee not left his place to his brother? Him you haue to your head: hee hath his Lieutenauntes euerye where, where­soeuer you haue any holdes, and in all the prouin­ces. Were he the stronger in the fielde, he would commaunde the townes: Thus you haue a king chosen, or an other Empire. This head being dead an other will succeede, and rather the craftiest and most wicked (for others you can not furnish) al­waies prouided that hee bee the forwardest in the degree of armes, after the manner of the olde Em­pire, and strongest in the fielde. Then must wea­pons walke, poyson, or thrust out, and anye o­ther game wherby each one may supplant his com­panion. This game must bee played vpon the bel­ly of Fraunce: These townes which were too free, and set themselues at libertie, will bee deceaued: The Nobilitie shall bee brought into slauerye: on­lye the Cleargie shall liue at ease and pleasure: For there must bee ordinarily some hundreth and fiftie thousand men in the fielde to compasse this mat­ter about, and yet perhaps will bee scarce enow. Such an election (which can bee no other but a tumult) especiallye in France, bringeth with it all this, and hath within it, euen as the fire hath the propertye alwaies to burne. This is it which [Page 10] your Iesuits and other mutinous preachers do seeke, when in their sermons replenished with felonie, they alleadge these examples of the olde testament, wre­sting the Scriptures to their owne destruction, the ouerthrowe of the Realme, and the damnation of an infinite nomber of soules.

Nowe will I returne to thy speeches, and would gladly knowe vpon what reason thou sayest that the towne of Renes and the Lord of Mom-Barot, being therein for the king, with other the Lordes of Brit­tayne which held out for his Maiesties seruice, ought to haue taken part with the Lord of Mercoeur who enterprised against the king. They perceaued your dryftes, and the holye purposes of your League: they smell out the zeale of your holy mother church which is continually in your mouthes: they tooke heede of you, and still with their due respect to his person. Was this euill done? Who will blame them? What lawe will condemne them? Consi­dering that euen at a kinges death, if the go­uernour detayneth the towne, and doth not keepe and restore it to the heyre of the realme, hee is ta­ken for an vsurper, and is denounced an enimie to the king and kingdome, and worthy to loose his life togeather with his head. But who are you, that would haue the kinges succession euen before his death? That would strippe and vncloth him before hee bee willing to go to bed? I would moreouer demaund, wherefore doth the king place gouer­nours in his townes, but to keepe them for him selfe, in case the gouernour of the prouince would practise any thing against his maiestie. If thy speech must take place, then take all right from among men: [Page 11] all pollicie from kingdomes: & all iustice from off the earth. Raze out the lawes out of our bookes: yea euen plucke God out of his seate, and take from him his Empire: Enstall the seruant in his Masters throne: a­bolish all equitie: make the subtillest mightiest, the seruant, master of the house, and the wickedest wretch king. For such as thou art there neede neither God, law, heauen, nor iustice vpon earth? Thou speakest of Atheistes, but is there any Atheist, if thou beest none? Well, hearken a while, he that confoundeth all lawe both of God and man, and will deale as if there were no God in heauen, the same is in that point an Atheist: But thou doest this, for thou wilt take from thy king his townes and estate, and giue them to his seruant: thou confessest him to be no longer king: thou callest him but plaine Henrie of Valois: tell me therefore who thou art. The king whom God hath established doest thou cast downe: thou disgradest him from all power and authoritie: contrarie to Gods word and his ex­presse defence, thou speakest so vnreuerently of him, that the verie Deuils, (as a man may say) should bee affraide, neither carest thou for God in this matter, nor fearest anie other but thy dead Idols. Tell vs then if thou beest no Atheist, what thou art. God preser­ueth kings, he placeth them vpon their thrones: they are his Lieuetenants, and pettie Gods in power. I haue saide, you are Gods, (saith Dauid) speaking euen so, and with such reuerence of his enemie Saul, who wrought so much mischiefe against him, yea and a­gainst the Sacrificers and Priestes annointed by the li­uing God, for his sake. Kings do giue life and death. Iupiter (saide the Heathen to this purpose) beareth the thunderboult about him, and therefore wee see that some Emperours caused him to bee grauen in their [Page 12] coynes with two or three thunderboultes in his hand. And Salomon sayth that the frouning of the kinges countenance is the messenger of death: for their eies sende lightning and yet thou art not afeard. Speake therefore wisely and make account that the wise king scattereth the wicked, and driueth the wheele ouer them. But what? It is the loue thou bearest to the towne of Renes, which thus transporteth thee. Doest thou not loue it well? In deede it is greatly beholding vnto thee, as well for the good counsell which in thy letters thou giuest it, as for thy great endeuour to vp­hold the honor thereof against all that speake there-a­gainst. For to whom may they complaine but to thee? Or in whom might they more safely repose their con­fidence then in thee? yet know wee scarce who thou art: but thou answerest, that all the mischiefe is to be im­puted to the Gouernour Mon-Barot whom thou tearmest a resolute Hereticke and sayest that he will vndoo both him­selfe and the towne together, the reason, for sayest thou, he will plant Heresie and Atheisme. In deed that were the way to vndo the towne and in case he were so minded he should not only loose himselfe, but should alreadie be a lost man. But sith there is no such matter, also that there is no Heresie in him vnlesse it be heresie to be in the Romish Church, (couldst thou be content to con­fesse this?) what other thing doth there then remaine but that all the worlde should perceiue that thy spee­ches proceede from a troubled head? not that he is to be suspected of Atheisme: hast thou seene him in pro­fession or act doe any thing likely thereto? It were per­aduenture good that thou wert none no more then he: but our debter chalengeth vs: to hold out for the king, to feare God, to stand in awe of his horrible vengeāce, which euermore foloweth the perturbatiōs of an estate: [Page 13] to loue peace: to obey the lawes: to withstande your wofull League: to bewayle the apprehension of these mischiefes which it bringeth with it: to quench the fire of sedition: to vphold godlinesse: to keepe France out of hell: to reduce it to quiet: to staunch the bleeding thereof: to wipe away the teares of the same: to preserue that so noble estate before the Lorde and his Angels: to restore euery one to his goods: to replenish our houses, our streets, and our fields with ioy, peace, wealth & all mirth: terme you all this heresie? to cause euery Frenchman to fall vpō their knees before God: to force them to lift vp their hands to heauen: to moisten their eyes with the teares of ioy: to procure all men to giue God thankes for the peace­able estate of the Realme: to stoppe the course of blasphemie, periurie, cursinges, denials of God, and murmuringes against God and the king which the warres do breede (as the Prophet sayth, that it maketh man to looke a skue vpō heauen & to accurse the king) callest thou it Atheisme to cease all this? It is the kings pleasure. The Lord of Mon-Barot had respect thereto: houlding for the king according to duetie he meant to eschue a wofull warre for Brittaine: call you him ther­fore an heretike or an Atheist? Where haue you gone to schole? Was it Sorbonne, or the Iesuites that taught you to say that the procuring a good and holy peace is the way to plant heresie and Atheisme? Moreouer if we should enter into consideration of his action, it is enough for him that the king doth finde him faith­full, and commendeth him for his wife dealing. Neyther taketh he it other then for an honour that thou shouldest iniurie him for dooing his king good seruice. For hee hath kept the Towne to the kings vse: he hath maintayned his Maiesties authoritie: he hath [Page 14] caused his edicts to be there reuerenced and receaued: he doth his endeuour to vphold Britaine in peace and in all honor: to preserue in the Towne many soules that are faithfull to the king, such as feare God, as well of the one as of the other religion of all Brittaine and the confines thereof, whom the king next vnto God hath committed to his diligence and fidelitie, least they should become a pray to your insatiable League. And gromble thou as much as thou wilt: let thy Iesuistes with their sermons heate thee: yea let the Diuels thē­selues fret, what careth he, considering that next after God he hath the king for his warrant: his sacred Par­liament for his Counsaile: the most noble for his com­fort: Gods Angels for his lookers on: and all good men for aduowers of his actions? Yea I will nowe prooue that euen by thy owne writing hee deserueth commendation. For thou sayest that Brittaine hath alwaies carried away the commendation for the inte­gritie of their fidelitie: which is true. Knowing then the integritie, and vprightnesse of the Nation, with their reuerence and obedience to the king, who would euer haue imagined that the League could finde anie place there? as in deede it hath not in any the great and auncient families, whom God hath hetherto pre­serued in their former eminencie. Herein doth Brit­taine triumph ouer all the other Prouinces of the Realme, in respect of the great number of mightie and noble families that it hath, whereof there is none found worthie to be of the League, but onely that one which thou extollest. But peraduenture it is more ex­pected that Israell will restore vnto him his fathers pre­tended kingdome: That did this famelie attend in the former troubles, witnesse the late Lord of Lorrains let­ters. For when your faction meant to infringe the [Page 15] peace and renue the wars by his letters he wrought to his partakers that hee was assured that that family would not be the last at worke. What shall I tell thee? that all they which make those commotions in the estate haue no other meaning but to rent a sunder the Realme, and to catch euery man his fleese: thou knowest it well enough. Thou seekest to take awaie the king: thou hast disgraded him: In your Sor­bonne ye haue condemned him: you haue executed him in his picture, which neuer any people did, no not the most barbarous: the verye sunne might haue abhorred your deede, and the heauens beene asto­nyed thereat: did you it because you would not make an other king? But thou wotest whom thou appoin­test in his place, at the least for Brittaine: but be thou sure it shall neuer come to passe. For if Brittaine hath euermore continued sounde in fidelitie, will shee nowe loose that reputation and derogate from the honour of her auncesters? Nay rather as beeing couetous of honour, shee will in this affayre still compasse matters woorthie her memorie. Hath the Lorde of Mon-Barot doone anie thing contrarie to this fidelitie: nay contrariwise, hath hee not perse­uered in the same fidelitie and obedience that Brit­taine hath sworne to the crowne and kingdome? What then meanest thou? If thy wordes be true, he togither with the other Lordes and Gentlemen who with a good consent assisted him with one minde in withstanding the certaine and ineuitable ruine of Bri­taine, deserueth commendation: for the League would haue entangled it in such warres as the posteritie shoulde neuer haue seene the ende. What mea­nest thou therefore to reprooue that which thou art forced to commend? But blame prouidence, a singuler [Page 16] gift of God: blame that care that euery one ought to haue of his safetie, and the peace and benefite of our posteritie: defame vertue, condemne goodnesse: spit at glorie, yet haue all this valiant and braue nobilitie, this graue Parliament, this peaceable towne done nothing but what deserueth true, great, perfect and especially honor. In the meane time thou sayest it is a peruerse perswasion, namely their deede, an vnreasonable ouer­weening, thou tearmest them, Gyantes the children of the earth: But thou art deceaued: thou takest others for thy owne: for who is worse perswaded then he that taketh falshoode for trueth, wrong for right, and euill for good? Who is so presumptuous as he that riseth against the king, the peace, and the lawe? Who doe more ouerweene, then such as seeke to scale heauen, to beate downe equitie, to take away all lawe and policie of kingdomes and to cast downe and subuert the principalities which the God of heauen hath established vpon earth? Thou speakest of Giants, but wootest thou what they are? No man doubteth but there haue beene Giants in olde time, whom the Poetes haue tearmed the children of the earth. Fayning of them that they sought to scale heauen, and to plucke God out of his throne, also that be­ing high and mightie they so heaped mountayne vp­pon mountayne, that the Gods were a fearde and fled into Egypt: that Iupiter looked downe from a­boue vppon those Giantes, beeing displeased with their so vnreasonable presumption in his iust displea­sure shooke his glorious head, and withall made hea­uen and earth to tremble, and commanded the Ci­clopes to make headie his thunderboultes which the diligent Eagle brought vnto him, he shot them from aboue, and fought from heauen: Hercules also [Page 17] fought for him vpon the earth against the sayde Gi­ants, who thereby were broken and ouercome, their mountaynes were cast vppon them, and themselues brought lower then before they were high: then was their kingdome in the bowels of their mother the earth, and hell it selfe was their heauen: their glo­rie was turned into reproch, and their name defa­med for euer. But nowe hearken to the ende of that fable, and thou shalt see what moued the learned Poets to faine it.

We finde in certaine olde fragments of auncient Histories that Osiris who reigned in Egypt, and was afterwarde surnamed Iupiter, the same who was called Pharao, and who tooke to him Sara Abra­hams wife (indeede in purpose to marrie her) was a king of singular pietie, iustice, and clemencie, as ap­peared in the exhortations that he made to Abraham and Sara when hee restored her againe, also in the good that he did to them and in his feare of GOD which kept him from touching her. We finde like­wise that hee trauayled into diuerse partes of this worlde with Isis his wife, who is also named Iuno: that he taught men good lawes and pollicie, and name­ly the art of husbandrie, also to liue more ciuilly then the rude worlde yet did. To be briefe, that he left a notable memorie of him selfe, as appeareth by the coynes that are to be seene and read together with other monuments and antiquities: or that thus do­ing much good among men hee purchased great honour and fame among those kinges whome the holy scripture nameth Gods. His Empire was great, yea hee was accounted a great and mightie king and the most famous amongest the kings of the earth, which bred him the name of the Great God Iupiter [Page 16] or helping father, and to be the greatest of the kinges that were called Gods. I will not speake of the super­stition and Idolatry that sprang thereof, for with the excessiue commendation of his rare vertues, and by giuing him those magnificall titles of God, men so farre forgat themselues that after his death they inuo­cated him, had recourse to him as to God, and accoun­ted him a God both in heauen and earth: neither will I say that the Philosophers knewe this errour and had him in derision, but not very openly. Which cost Socrates his life, so deepe roote had this infernall su­perstition taken throughout the worlde: All this will I omit to come to the storie, namely that Iupiter li­uing and reigning in his kingdome which was of great extent, the Gyants (so tearmed for their bould­nesse, corpulence, and the great strength and autho­ritie that they had vnder this Iupiter) with their great townes, inaccessible as mountaines, rebelled against him: And indeede in those dayes all townes were builded vppon mountaynes, whereuppon the Poets write that they heaped mountaine vpon moun­taine, meaning that they so fortefyed themselues that they were throughly perswaded to thrust Iupiter out of his throne: then many other smaller kinges (who also were called Gods and tooke Iupiters part) were forced for their safetie to get into Egypt, as the su­rest fenced parte of the earth, where also Iupiters chiefe strength laye: what got these children of the earth? So did Poetes tearme those Gyantes in this case, to signifie that they were newe come, sprong from some obscure race, like mushrommes that shoot foorth of the earth in one night, also to shewe that they were not of the race of the kinges, whom for honor they termed the heauenly originall of the gods. [Page 19] They gained as much as they that went about to steale heauen. They lift vp them selues against God, in rising against their king, but God cast them down into hel, and buried them vnder the great montaines which he ouerturned vpon them, so as there remained no speech or fame of them, but with infamie and horror to the posterity. Of this matter did the auncient Poets compose diuers songes, whereby to shew that king Iu­piter ouercame them through the fauour of the hea­uens, also that he had no other meane to compasse it, but they haue entermingled and hidden all vnder their fables and poeticall fictions, in weening to write most excellently of such notable matters. I will omit all that afterward happened to the said Osiris through the se­cond League or conspiracie of the remainder of those giants, also their horrible, yea detestable and infamous crueltie: Likewise the reuenge that Isis tooke, together with the incredible exploits of their sonne Hercules or Horus. But what wilt thou now say? Who be these giants that seeke to scale heauen? Who is that king whom they seeke to thrust out of his throne. Whom do they set vpon? What will become of it? Doth not God preserue the mightie kinges? saith Dauid, yet the holy historie testifieth that hee heareth and keepeth them from those calamities wherinto they are brought for their sinnes, so often as they returne and crie vnto him: the onely example of Manasses among many o­ther may suffise for proofe thereof: yea for such a profe, that when we see that they haue recourse vnto God, we may well say that it is a testimonie and infallible to­ken of their saluation.

Thou tearmest those that held for the king Busiris and proud Tirants: But for whom but their king should they hold? They belong to the king, they be bound to [Page 20] the king: they haue liued to the king, they owe their goods, persons and liues to the king and the preseruatiō of his crown. Shall they leaue their king? The bees do neuer leaue theirs, yet are they but flyes: without him they can not liue: when hee is abroad all is scattered: when they see him not, O wondrous worke of God, all is without conduct: when he is dead they all die, and without a king they yelde no profite. Thinke vpon this, you that wil haue no king, or that at the deuotion of the holy mother Church, desirest to make an electiō. Wise men do finde it were the way to make a very hell of the realme: and to bring fire, sword, famine, bloud & death into all partes thereof: for euery one would be maister. Why not a French man as soone as a Lorraine, a Sa­uoyan or an other stranger? The state will bee ouer­throwne: when wilt thou haue formed such an other? This legue of our kings formed it, to them doth the ho­nor therof appertaine: alter so stedfast an estate, & bring in one, and place an other, and what will it be? Euen as much as the deuiding of the realme to euery man his share: Then will one ouerrun an others portion, and the warres will florish all ouer, one warre will followe an other: our forces shalbe brought low: the gate shal be open to the straunger: what should petie kings easie to be deuided, and peraduenture in continuall contro­uersie, be able to do against a mighty stranger, either English, Spanish, Germaine, Muscouite, Tuck or Tatta­rian, whom the least of the three last is taken to be nere hand as mightie as all Europe? They trauaile not, saiest thou, so farre: yes indeede do they, If God do but whi­stle they march much farther. They go where they see deuision: They haue heretofore come into our coun­tries, yea out of the farthest part of the worlde, as did the Gothes, Ostrogothes, Wisigothes, Wādalles, Huns [Page 21] Germaines & Switzers. Came not the Romaines whē we had but common welthes and principalities? Came not also the Sarazens from the desertes of Arabia into France: or held they not all Guyen and Languedocke euen vnto Auignon? How many battailes had we to ex­pell them? Who now doth or hath kept the straunger out, so as he durst not so much as thinke vpon entring? The forces of the realme: Helas, that consisteth in loue, and obedience to the king: for we haue no other strēgth in France. I shall neuer beleeue thee to be a Frenchmā: for so farre as in thee lyeth, thou settest deuision in the land betweene the people and the king, with furious ir­reuerence thou makest the king odious: thou breakest the vnion of the realme, and the power thereof, which consisteth in vnion. Thou goest about to giue the realme for a pray, to disperse the estate thereof, to open the gate to the enimie, to deliuer our fieldes, townes, and castles into his hand, and to bring Fraunce into the Spaniards bondage. Settest thou deuision in the realme? Thou beatest the bushes and huntest for him. He lyeth in waite: He watcheth time conuenient to fall vpon Fraunce, and thou giuest it a pray into his hands, and submittest it to the barbarous crueltie of the in­quisition, which is a thousand and a thousand times more cruel then euer was that of Busiris, of whom thou speakest. Your selues must not tarry at home: you must go into exile: you must repeople the Indies. The Spaniardes are no lesse fierce to the Frenchmen then to the wilde Indians, of whose flesh they haue kept open shambles for the nourishment of their dogges, witnes one of their owne Bishoppes, euen Bartel­mew de las Casas, who hauing seene it did write it. Then must the Frenchmen search the myues for golde, and yet haue none, but rather there [Page 22] shall raigne more bastonadoes vpon their backes, then maluedies in their handes. Thou speakest of proude tyrants, go but into Flaunders, and thou shalt see what the Spaniards are. Thou mentionest Busiris, read ther­fore but what the Spaniards haue done in India. And you like wretches would put France into their hands, what do you therefore deserue? Neuer alleadge your zeale of religion: for there is no religion that will make you do that. Had the king forbidden your religi­on when you begun this warre, and forced him to fight against those of the religion? Nay you did it of malice, to bring downe the state of the land: for you saw well enough that by breaking the occasion thereof, you tooke away the defence also. Neither speake of the warre that is now leuied against you: for others must defend them selues: sith you began the warre, what if now they giue you enough of it, and a little too much? Say not likewise that now the king doth mistrust you: rather thinke that he is sorie he hath no better subiects of you to trust vnto. For you see what you haue alrea­die done to those of the religion: haue you yet repen­ted it? Yea, that you haue done no more. Yet herein your crueltie was greater then was Busiris, as maie eui­dentlie be proued vnto you: but let this be forgotten, and let vs speake of that you haue done, and yet do vn­to your king: therein is your passion more then furie, as shall appeare in place conuenient. Yea, it is euen rage it selfe, witnes that which is vttered in your ser­mons, done in your processions, and practised in your shriftes: you helpe your selues with your religion, as with an instrument of crueltie to warre vpon your king and to kindle his people against him, so as wee must needes saie that you haue a grudge against him. What shall I speake of your leasings, slaunders, falshoodes, [Page 23] cursings and imprecations, either of your attempts in al sortes against his Maiestie? Therein hath he matter sufficient to mistrust you: yet is it you that haue grea­ter mistrust of the king then his Maiestie hath of you: for he calleth you, but you runne away: he hath pro­mised and giuen you pardon, and yet you stil returne to your rebellion: therein are you relapsed. Gods vengeance followeth you: you seeke your woe, and eschew your safety. Yet are you not afraid to be forced vnder paine of death to chaunge your religion, as they of the reformed religion haue bene: you are sure of your religion, and therin are out of feare of that which they of the religion haue found harder then death. For your liues there resteth mercie in God and the king, and of necessitie you must come to that, sith you haue no other meane of safety, before either God or man: yet is it the thing which you still shunne with mortall hatred. Why do you then saye that others mistrust you, when indeede there is no malice nor mistrust but in you? But would you take away this mistrust, loue your country, flye from deuision as from a pestilence in your houses, abhorre whatsoeuer is repugnant to the kings welth, honor, life, and the peace and safety of the realme and lands vnion. Otherwise who can trust you? Shall you be accounted Frenchmen so long as you vio­late the vnion, obedience, and reuerence of the king? Nay being in the realme, who will not take you for eni­mies to the realme, because by bringing in troubles and deuision, you extinguish the force therefore: For there is no force in France either in the townes, Nobi­litie, Princes of the bloud and all estates, or in confede­racie with straungers, but onely in vnion with the king. The same is it which with Gods helpe hath bene the only batrier of France to make it vnaccessible to all mē. [Page 22] For God hath thought good to employ this meane to the ende to shew that he delighteth in vnion, that hee blesseth it, that he curseth deuision, then which there is nothing more to be seared: for it bringeth fire, bloud, death and destruction vpon the foure corners of the realme. Yea I may say thus much more, that as wee ought to appose our selues against present death: so likewise that when an estate is once established and assured we are not to dispute whether it be lawfully, nei­ther to seeke after the vsurpations or right which some would pretend or challenge, but rather to rest quiet vn­der the same, which being once established, assured, approued, receaued, consented vnto, and accepted of the estates of the land, albeit the beginninges seme not so lawfull, yet being once done, doth passe for a lawe, in such sort that the innouating or altering of any thing bringeth in more mischiefes then the yeel­ding thereunto: Neither can any man conspire there against, but he must withall shake of Gods yoake, ouer­throw the order that hee hath established, disturbe the estate which hee hath pacified, and abolish the peace of the lande to bring in warre: Whereof per­aduenture this onely example may bee proofe suffici­ent. Viz. that as Pompei, Cato, Cicero, and the Se­nate had some reason seing Cesars ambition and pur­poses, to withstand him: and to keepe him from alte­ring their estate, and becomming Lord thereof. So neuerthelesse when hee had once atchiued it, Brutus, Cassius, and their partakers did euill to conspire a­gainst him, neither did their conspiracie purchase any other thing then those great mischifes that were wrought vnder the triumuirat, the onely rehearsall whereof would make mens haire to stand vpright, and yet the estate remayned in the famely of the Cesars, [Page 23] euen after they had encurred all sortes of calamities for the assurance thereof. In such like cases there­fore we must alwaies haue respect to Gods will as appeareth in this that our Lord saith: Giue vnto Ce­sar that belongeth vnto Cesar. The Apostle likewise Honor vnto whom honor belongeth: and afterwarde commaundeth obedience vnto principalities, which are no principalities, before they bee peaceably esta­blished: yea the Apostle saith that wee owe this obedience not onely for feare of the sworde, but also for conscience sake: Thus it imputeth more then the ma­gistrates punishment, or any bodily paine, because it concerneth the conscience, also that the soules of those that continue it, that rebelleth against it, and that gainesaieth the yeelding of Cesars due, are guiltie be­fore God. Secondly Gods will herein also appeareth that sith there appeareth no alteration without a verie gulph of mischiefes where the alteration chaunceth, we may well say that God will not haue vs to starte from the yoake which hee hath once laid vpon vs. If they therefore whom thou slaunderest, haue feared these mischiefes, haue continued in the kinges obedi­ence, haue holden for the estate, haue endeuored to keepe and obserue their faith sworne to the crowne, would not force the right, & violate the politicke estate established by their fathers, and haue singularly reue­renced the vnion of Brittaine with the king and king­dome, are they to be blamed? What haue they done? They haue resisted the L. of Mercoeur. Yea, but to the end not to disobey God and the king, or to make an o­ther hell in Brittaine: for els they might haue brought in so many calamities as perhaps they shoulde neuer haue sene the end of thē: are they for that cause proude tyrants or Busiris as thou tearmest?

Now must we speake of the Church: for thou sayest that they whom thou callest giants, Busiris and proude tyrants haue denounced war against God, Iesus Christ and the church: but wherein? Because they would not that which the church would: hereto they will answere that the priestes are to take care for their portuises, not for matters of estate, wherein they haue not to do, no not his holines: for his dominion should not passe the walies of Rome, with the townes and villages adiacent, according as the first counsell of Nice in the presence of Constantine did limit. His drifts are suspicious, and many good men did murmure in their heartes, when at the beginning of this warre in some partes of this land it was said that the drumme stroke vp for his ho­linesse. The Pope is but a Priest, who peraduenture would bee an honester man if hee were the poorest priest in Rome. Ought he to haue dominion? No saith the Lord, if he follow the Apostles steppes, or be their successor as he boasteth, for speaking to the Apo­stles of the dominion of kings he faid vnto them It shall not be so with you. To conclude, let him say that he is Christes vicker, or successor to the Apostles, as he tear­meth himselfe, yet would not the auncient kinges of France knowing their ambition, permit any other Bishoppe or Cardinall to enter into their counsell: For they haue giuen their faith to the Pope, they are his creatures, and doe call him their creator, whereby they make a seuerall bodye which will acknowledge no King for their Superiour but per­sorce, neither is so giuen to heauenly matters, but that they will bee doing also accordinglye with ter­restiall, and is indeede more diligent to intrude in­to princes affaires, and to gouerne kingdomes, then to preach the kingdome of heauen. For without feare [Page 27] of the losse of the first, they will take no care for the second: yet will in the meane time pretende the hand­ling of both. Witnesse Pope Boniface, who came forth of his parlour with two swordes, crying, Ecce duo gladij, see here two swordes: Is not this proofe sufficient that the Pope hath like authoritie ouer the kingdomes of the earth, as ouer the kingdome of heauen, that hee weareth two kniues in one sheath, that he hath two ar­med handes, either that he is armed with double au­thoritie, that is, with as much in earth as in heauen? Is not he an heretike that doubteth thereof? Nay a beast that beleeueth it. As Phillip the fayre the 49. king of France gaue his holinesse to vnderstand. For thus had the Pope written vnto him.

Bonifacius, &c. Boniface Bishop, seruant to the seruant of God, to Phillip king of the French, Serue God, keepe his commandements. We will thee to know that thou art subiect to vs both in spirituall and temporall causes: that thou art not to conferre benefices: If thou hast any that be voyd, re­serue the fruites for their successors: and if thou hast confer­red any benefices, we declare the same collations to be voyde and do reuoke them in respect that thou hast conferred them, and whosoeuer shall thinke otherwise, we denounce to be an heretike. Giuen at Lateram the nones of December in the first yeaere of our Bish. &c. Here also followeth the kinges answere.

Phillip by the grace of God king of France, to Boniface tearming himselfe souereigne Bishop, litle or no greeting at all. Let thy soueraigne foolishnes knowe that in temporall causes we are subiect to none: that the collation of Churches and prebends belongeth to vs by our Royall prerogatiue, as also to conuert the fruites of vacations to our owne vse: that such collations as hetherto we haue made or hereafter shall make, are of force and by vertue of the same wee will [Page 28] manfully defend such as are in possessiō against all men: & all those that shal otherwise beleeue, we accoūt fooles & madmē.

But will some man say, he was an impudent person, as also it is said of him that he entered the papacie like a Lyon, reigned like a foxe, and died like a dogge. In deed it was a maruellous impudencie as the Chronicles of France doe note, yet tooke he vpon him to be Christs Vicker vpon earth: this was the zeale, pietie and faith of those holy fathers. And hereby we may perceaue whether that sea is so wel guided by the holy ghost that it can neuer erre, as they preach vnto vs and perforce they would make vs to beleeue. And indeede that Pope gaue the Realme of France to the Emperour Albert: but would he haue giuen it to an other if hee could haue gotten it for himselfe? Would hee haue made any conscience of it? Did the Bishops of Co­logne, Treuers, Magance, Liedge or others make any difficultie to ioyne the sworde with the crosse, and so to lay hould vpon both swordes, when euerie one fell vpon the Empire? Thinkest thou that we see not well enough that there is neuer a one of your League, but would do as much against the state of France if once it were ouerthrowen? No, peraduenture the primate of Lions would not. We see their cunning well enough: what made them to enter into this League? The expe­ctation of some better kingdome from the house of Guize, Lorraine, Spaine or else where, then from their naturall king? They are not (I weene) such beasts as to thinke so. Who will imagine that they made anie shewe as if they would choose this man or that man king? It was more likely that as the Gouernors hauing gotten like authoritie as the king in their gouernments would haue made the same their house, so that those would haue made their parts better, & become euerie [Page 29] man king of his owne. Esay sheweth vs almost the like conspiracie of the king of Israel, the king of Assiria, & the son of Tabeal. They should seaze vpon Ierusalē, & make the sonne of Tabeal king: yea said they, but had they taken it, there was neither of the other two but would haue bin king himselfe. And albeit they promi­sed it to the sonne of Tabeal, yet each of thē in his hart promised this to himselfe, the one to make Ierusalē the head towne of Assiria: the other, to make it the capitall towne of al Israell. And therfore said Esay there should be nothing changed: Damascus should remaine the head of Assiria & Samaria of Israell. Thus when such people do vnite thēselues & enter into League concer­ning such affaires, euery one, notwithstanding whatso­euer his promises, imagineth only to deceaue his com­panion, & to make his owne portion the best: but they vnite thēselues vpon necessitie, because that alone they can do nothing. Heard you neuer the tale of the lame & the blind that stole apples? The blind could not see to do it alone, & the lame could not go, but the blind did carry the lame, & the lame with his staffe did guide the blinde, & then they tooke of the fairest: Euē so the cler­gie alone could do nothing, neither could the lords & gentlemē of the league do any thing vnlesse the clergie carried thē. But in the end what will become of this cō­spiracy? euen the same which Esay prophesied of that which was made against Ierusalem, let not the kings heart be troubled. Let not the house of France be af­fearde, they are but smoking firebrandes. For as of a quenched firebrand there resteth nothing but smoke, and that but for a while, so these shal not kindle as they threaten, neither shal they raise any other fire then such as shal arise out of their Leagued Townes to consume them, & from thē to deuour their townes, according to [Page 30] the saying of Ioathan the sonne of Gedeon concer­ning the towne of Sichem and the bastard Abimelech, that of their conspiracie should grow no other but the destruction of Sichem by Abimelech, and of Abime­lech by the Sichemites. But in as much as such conspi­racies do bring foorth sorrowfull calamities, and are occasions of great mishaps, they must be withstoode. They whom thou sclanderest did perceaue that the holy mother Church of whom thou speakest, held one side and that she was very deepe in the match, where­upon they feared, Was it euill done? Who made the enroulements? Who decreed the fastes, processions, pilgrimages, shriftes, and other the deuotions which in the beginning of this wofull, horrible, wretched and bloudie warre, they tearmed State of Grace but the Pre­lates? Who was better then themselues? Who did more hasten & set forward the matter then they? Who caused the preachers, Iesuites and others in the begin­ning, middest and ende of their seditious sermons to cry out, to warre, to warre Christians, to war French­men? Who made them to cry out against the king? For the match was made against him. It was not for religion, for he was euermore a hundred times more zealous then the most zealous of thē. Is not the Cler­gie (being in reuerence more mightie then the king) to be feared in this businesse, sith it is euident that they be of the faction? Nay I will say thus much more, that it were good for the Realme they were not so mighty as to be able to make any commotion. The Priests of Ierusalem were mightie in store of wealth, in dignitie, power and great authoritie. Weenest thou that they were neuer mistrusted, or that none watched vpon thē to see to their actions? Philo the Iew, sayth that he pretendeth to proue out of the second booke of kings, [Page 31] that of the three branches of the lyne of Nathan (to whom Dauid had decreed the kingdom, in case the line of Salomon should faile, or that there should not be a sonne to sit vpon the throne of Israel) one was to looke to the temple and priests, and therefore were they na­med Princes ouer them, not that they should execute their office, but to see that they did it, and to meddle no further. As also an other branch was ouer affaires & offices of the kings house: and the third being children of the first branch, were accounted among the kinges children, & so named the kings brethren, because they were next to the crowne. Neither was the vocation & authoritie of the Priests called in question, as is that of our Prelates at this day: for it was grounded vpō Gods law, & their holy function, charge and office particu­larly from point to point set downe without omission of any thing, which can not be saide of those. For in the new Testament there is no speech but of preaching the Gospell, or onely worde of God, and administring the Sacraments, which are therein specified as the full Ec­clesiasticall function, and so to intende to prayer and administration of the worde, and yet was it requisite that they should endure to be directed, neither was it to any purpose to cry Holy mother Church. If there­fore those were then mistrusted, shall we repose anie greater confidence in these? Are not their purposes knowen to all men? Let them couer all that they haue done in their seruice and processions with the name of zeale, yet haue good men often found their zeale vnto rage it selfe. The onely shame whereof will make men hould their peace. But in these times what are their shriftes, but firebrondes of warre, bellowes of sedition and the fittest meanes to make their mo­nopoles? And for these 15. yeares or more in all the [Page 32] principall townes of this Realme, their seditious prea­chers against the king are witnesses of my saying. Sith therefore that holy mother Church speaketh so loud, that she bloweth foorth nothing but fire and bloud, breatheth nothing but threates, cryeth vpon nothing but alarmes, hatcheth nothing but conspiracies, bring­eth foorth nothing but leagues, seeketh after no­thing but warre, and woorketh nothing but dispat­ches, enroulementes, contributions of coyne, &c. Haue they whom thou slanderest done euill to watch, to beware, and to looke vnto themselues, and not to consent to this league? Yet tearmest thou this denoun­cing of war vnto God, to Iesus Christ & to the church. Afterward thou sayst that it is to set vp a sheafe of straw to God, & to kick against the wombe of their mother. Thou speakest of setting vp a straw sheafe to God, that is to say, to go about to deceaue God, or to set a good face vpon a naughty matter, before men that looke not narrowly thereto. As to speake of peace, of obedience, of religion, of the king and of God, and yet to meane nothing lesse, but rather to beare onely warre, rebelli­on, impietie, presumption, fellonie, and Atheisme in the heart. This do I take to be thy meaning, viz. in one worde, most notable deceite before God and man. But none of al this taketh place in those of whom thou speakest, sith they doe but what they ought. If thou hast expected otherwise of them & been deceaued, yet haue they still done but their duties before God. Know­est thou not that of bad seede, men neuer reape good crop? Say (saith the Prophet) and it shall not be done: decree the counsell, but it shall not be determined. Ac­cursed be they (saith the Lord) that weaue the webbe without me. God hath made the winde to ride, & hath thrust you from your expectation: this thou tearmest a [Page 33] sheafe of strawe, yours be it therfore. But you were de­ceaued in saying that it was to God: for in Gods sight they could not haue done better: neither is it to kicke against their mothers wombe: for they haue done no­thing vnnaturally or against their countrey. But to im­pugne their countrie: to sell it: to betray it: to commit it to fire, bloud, sword, and famine: to procure the de­struction thereof by conspiracies and leagues is more then to kicke their mothers wombe: for so do they o­pen her bowels, & looke vpon all that is in her, they rent her in peeces and shed her bloud: they cōmit her to her graue: with her bloud they stayne the waters, they replenish the ayre with their cries and with her bones they couer the earth. It is more then to kicke against their mothers wombe: for they deliuer her for a pray to strangers: for foode to the beasts of the field: for pasture to the crowes, and for corruption to the graue: her goodly townes to the pestilēce, to the sword, to barbarous bondage, to famine, to deuour ech other, finally to ashes, & to be conuerted into ruinous walles. Helas! who looketh not for this? nay vnlesse God take pitie of vs, who seeth it not? Can true & natural Frēch­men doe all this to their mother France? No, but the Frenchmen that do it are bastards and vntimely birthes of France, and the true Frenchmen do withstande it. Who then art thou that sayst that it is to kicke against their mothers wombe?

Howbeit, sith thou complaynest so sore, let vs see what troubleth thee: the destruction of Renes which (as thou sayest) thou accountest certaine. But who tould thee so? My teares, sayest thou, Whence will this destruction proceede? from the trespasse of the great. What trespasse? Mon-barots relaps, which sayst thou will be the cause of the destruction of Renes [Page 34] of both great and small. Albeit they can doe no lesse thereto, then (if we list to beleeue thee) did the death of Iesus Christ, to the cause of the destruction of Ie­rusalem. Weepest thou for it? Why, thinkest thou not, that peraduenture there shall be no such matter: but hearken a while, weepe for thy towne of Manse, and other of the League, weepe ouer it, if thou hast a­ny foresight. The saying of some one that then tooke your partes, and foresawe the ende of this warre, may peraduenture come to passe, that is, that it would bee the destruction of the best townes: yea he proceeded so farre as to say, that we should see the grasse growe in the streetes of Paris for cattell to feede vpon, and the mower stoope to cut it downe. God grant it fall not out so: but she deserueth so, she taketh the course, and it is to be feared that her rebellion will call her to ac­count for all the bloud that she hath shed and dronke vnto this day. Yea euen shee more then all other the townes and forrests of this Realme: let her therefore repent her sinnes. Let vs all mourne ouer her and pray to God to pardon her: for otherwise shee is no greater then Rome the great: then the ancient Thebes with her hundred brasen gates, then Babylon the strong, then Ierusalem the holy, then Rome the mi­steris: I say she is no more then Rome, which hath so often passed the reuenging hande of God that Rome is no longer Rome, yea yet will she be lesse: for her bloud and whooredomes will come to remem­brance before God. Thinkest thou otherwise? God is iust, he that striketh with the sworde, shall perish by the sword, he that leadeth into captiuitie, shall be led captiue: he shall drinke double of the cup that he hath poured foorth to others. There is an old prophecy that she shalbe drowned, & the people shal cry alas, alas, alas, [Page 35] weepe ouer her and feare not for Renes, if she do no wrose then heretofore she hath done.

Thou sayest that the smal ones do suffer for the trans­gressions of the great. It is true. For the ambition of the giants, who are neuer content, disturbeth heauen and earth, and as a man should say, heapeth mountaines vpon mountaines, kindleth the fire in all places, brin­geth the goodly townes into dust, and the fruitfull fieldes into desertes, couereth the sea with pirats, and staineth it with bloud, deliuereth marchants into theeues handes, maketh fathers childlesse, and children orphans, women widowes, and churches void of piety, palaces without iustice, and houses not inhabited: for the warre that springeth of their ambition, maketh the world without God, without faith, and without lawe. It maketh the earth a very hell, and of men it maketh deuils. The warre that proceedeth of the ambition of the mightie, filleth all with feare, with howlings, teares, terror, curses, blasphemy, rauishments, perfidie, adulte­ry, and violence. Warre causeth the daughter more dead then aliue to be defloured in her mothers armes, and the forced wife to lose both life and honor in the presence of her husband. O accursed warre, that thou wouldest hurt none but those that seeke thee, and haue as it were haled thee out of hell, to make an other hell in this world. And God comfort those that seeke for peace. Warre is the cause of all these mischiefes: warre ariseth of the ambition of the mightie, and for the sins of the great ones do the little ones suffer. So said Cicero once or twise, that the ambition of the mightie brin­geth a Chaos or bottomelesse pit full of calamities, which Philip of Macedon, being fallen in the wreastling place, and gotten vp againe, beholding the place where he had in the sand left the print of his length, verie [Page 36] pleasantly giuing to vnderstand, sayd, see, man so little, yet neither little nor much doth suffise him, what then? Man to the end to grow great, feareth not to bring all thinges to naught. We do therefore say that thy saying is true, that the little ones do suffer for the sinnes of the great. But if thou thinkest that France suf­fereth other then for the ambition of those whom thou callest Gods fathfull seruants, thou art deceaued. For who wished, sought, desired and began this warre, but they? What haue the king and king of Nauarre done but stood vpon the defensiue? And as for the nobility of Brittaine whom thou slaunderest, they also stood to their defence when they did see the mischiefe so neare thē that there was no remedie nor time of delay. The fire was to be quenched, and they would not encur the crime of treason by participating in the bloudy purpo­ses of the league, but according to their dueties they sought to saue Brittaine from the ambition of the in­satiable cruelty of thy gyants, whom thou termest Gods faithfull seruants.

Thou hast reason to say that thou wilt no longer em­ploy thy selfe for those of Renes, in case they will hold for the Lord of Mon barot: but weenest thou that they holde for him? Go tell them so, and see what answere they will make. Thinkest thou that they be seditious as other the leagued townes which hold for euerye one that can seaze vpon them, and that take them for them selues? Renes holdeth for the king, and take not their gouernour for other then the kinges seruant, and for his part hee craueth no greater benefite, aduauncement or felicity but to do faithfull seruice to the king and Brittaine. What thinkest thou of their Parlia­ment wherein haue bene seene as great iustice, piety, and grauity, as in anye other of the realme? What [Page 37] thinkest thou of so many great and famous houses whose abilities will compare with the greatest of o­ther prouinces in reuenues? Supposest thou that they will dismember themselues from the crowne, or rise against the kinges obedience? Thou art in that greatly disceaued, to thinke that they woulde abandon a king, the most noble, the greatest, the stron­gest, and most feared in Europe, to make themselues a petty king, or that they will leaue the force of the mightiest realme, and enter into dayly strife there a­gainst by making themselues a petty realme apart. It were as if they should abandon the shadow of a great tree, the sweetnes of the figge tree, and the licour of the vine for the bramble. They doe yet remember their auncient warres, and doe like of the clemencie of this estate, wherein they haue bene at peace euer since that by the free estates of the land Brittaine hath bene inseparablye and for euer an­nexed and vnited vnto the crowne. Weenest thou that they had not rather still enioy a quiet and peacea­ble estate wherein the king by Gods grace is able to maintaine them, then to haue continuall warre against so strong a kingdome: But to cause them to rebel, thou makest them afraid of herisie, and therefore thou sayest that The Lorde of Mon-barot is an here­tike, How knowest thou that? When sayest thou there were no more but this, that hee fauoreth Henrie of Valois, the same were more then sufficient to conuince him of herisie, or rather sayest thou Atheisme. Vnlesse thou holdest thy peace, in Brittaine they will cry a mi­racle. The beasts do speake: For to proue that the Lord of Mō-barot is an heretike, thou saiest that hee fauou­reth Henry of Valois. Is not thy speech well proued? [Page 38] If they that employ thee, do make any account of thee, we may well say both of them and thee, that in the land of blind men, they that haue but one eye are kinges. Is this proofe sufficient that he is an heretike? Must he not do the king seruice? Belike thou callest it herisie to do the king seruice, and to be faithfull vnto him: But it is thou that art an heretike herein, and plunged vp to the eares in Anabaptisme: for thou wilt haue no king: thou termest him but Henry of Valois: Tho sayest that the Lorde of Menbarot is an heretike, or rather an Atheist for fauoring of him. Thou maiest well crye Warre, warre I wot not what to say, for thou makest so small account of the king that thou makest the Lord of Mon-Barot e­quall with him, yea thou preferrest the Lord of Mon-Barot before the king in that thou sayest that he fauo­reth him. And I beleeue thee to be so honest a man that thou wilt speake no better of the king.

And indeede beholde what thou sayest of the king. He is sayest thou worse then the heretike: Is it possible? It is apparant saiest thou, wherein? In that to his power hee endeuored to giue vs a Biarnian for our gouernour, what then? Is this the cause of your taking of atmes? At the beginning of these warres there was no such matter: you armed your selues vnder an other pretence, euen quite contrarie, namely, because the princes of the bloud (of whom the king of Nauarre is the chiefe) enioyed not their gouernments: But admit the king would as thou sayest giue vs the king of Nauarre for our gouernour, because he is a Biernian, is he no Frenchman? Shal we depriue him of that which God and nature haue gi­uen him? Is he not the first prince of the bloud, nor the first of the house of Fraunce, and right heire to the crowne? Who knoweth it not? Doth his being prince of Biarne, whereupon thou termest him a Bier­nian, [Page 39] make him vncapable thereof? Despisest thou his discent from that side also? Read the historie of Spaine, and thou shalt finde that the realme of Nauarre, from whence this prince is come, and wherof he is the sonne, the head, and the Lord: is one of the chiefe kingdomes of Spayne. But I had rather thou shouldest argue this matter against those that would drawe his discent from Hercules the Libean, then me. For that great Hercules who againe after the death of Osiris fought with the Giants, and ouerthrewe them, made his soune His­palus king of Spayne, whose posterity raigned vntill Saul, and vntill seuenty fiue yeares after the destruction of Troye. Then was the realme deuided into sundrie dominions, whereby the Carthagenians gat thereinto, and afterwarde the Romaines enuaded it. But albeit this Nation was much troubled with them both, af­terward with the Gothes, and then with the Sara­zens, yet did the Gothes still leaue at libertie some no­ble men, and famous famelies, of those whom they found, whom they brought not into bondage, whether because they could not so easely or in respect of their auncient Nobilitie and famous discent. Of these are discended those who not able any longer to beare the violent tyranny of the Gothes, called in the Sara­zens to expell them, and afterwarde agayne ex­pelled the Sarazens, and one of the chiefest of them was hee who erected the kingdome of Nauarre, of whom is discended the king that thou speakest of. Now, whether these famelies discended from the saide Hercules or not, I am content to saye that hee is ex­tract of a most auncient and noble race, considering the very barbarous people had some respect vnto them and admitted them into offices and gouernments? nei­ther is it incredible but that both the Carthagenians [Page 40] and Romaines who were better acquainted with the reuerencing of the royall bloud, did so acknowledge them. Finally here thou seeest on that side the origi­nall of that king whom in contempt thou callest Bier­nian. Well, no man can denye, but that on that side his discent is certainely from the noblest. If then because hee is prince of Biarne, thou iudgest him vnworthy of the charge whereto God hath caused him to bee borne thou art verye vnskilfull: what wouldest thou haue said in Egypt when Pharao gaue the gouernment to Ioseph, who was a stranger, a bondman, an Hebrewe, and of a contrarie religion to the Egyptians, whom they abhorred more then you do those whom you call heretikes? For they would not eate with them, where you are content to marry with the others wiues or daughters, or match your children with them, and yet you call them heretikes: Are not you afraid of heresie? It would neuer grieue thee that the king should giue this office to a straunger, if in case hee were a mu­tinous person and seditious like thy selfe, such a one as woulde playe at King by your leaue as the rest of those whom thou termest good Catholikes, and Gods faithfull seruants. Moreouer thou seekest to smite two blowes with one stone: For thou art not content to throwe at the king vnlesse the blowe light also vpon the king of Nauarre. Therefore when thou sayest that the king will giue vs the king of Na­uarre for our gouernour, thou sayest, he is a wolfe to keepe the sheepe, and a foxe to looke to the hennes: Speake if thou canst with a little more reuerence of a king, of the first prince of the bloud, yea of the first childe of the auncientest and most noble fame­ly that at this day beareth crowne in all the worlde. [Page 41] If God should send the king neuer a sonne, is not the king of Nauarre the kinges sonne? But thou wretch, how canst thou reuerence the sonne when thou misusest the Father? Art thou a Frenchman? Acknowledge Gods gift, the hope of the kingdome, and reioyce at his springing vp. When the king hath a sonne borne, all the realme reioyceth, euery one bles­seth him, they couer him with holy wishes: but when hee cometh to the age of his value and force, seeing in him that which we desire and more, what cause haue we to reioyce, and to giue God thankes? Howso e­uer it grieueth thee, yet shall the king of Nauarre bee herein a rare gift of God vnto France: an other Hercu­les to the king: a terror to the enemy: a light to the realme: the ioy thereof within: and the praise thereof a­broad: euen to the vttermost bounds of the world.

That it is not so, how long haue you maliced him? He hath stifled the serpents that you cast vnto him euē in the cradle: These twenty yeares hath he bene in the fire, in bloud, and in armes: he hath fought against the Hidra of your league: he hath caried a hauie burthen as if he had heauen vpon his shoulders: hee hath watched night and day, he hath hazarded his life for the safegard of the king, the realme, and such as in the realme haue no other father but God: hee hath entered into a hell of busines, and is got out againe with victorie: all this coulde not ouercome him. What forces hath he had vpon his arme, name­ly within these fiue yeares? Is it nothing that he stan­deth against all this? But God preserueth him. True, but what honor is it to him in the face and knowledge of the whole world.

France is the Theater of the world: euery one seeth what is done: the Muscouite heareth of it: the Turke is [Page 42] astonished: the Tartarian is abashed: the Persian mer­ueileth, and the Indian reioyceth: for his fleets do saile thither, yea euen without feare of the weapons of his so mightie Castilian enimye who detayneth the kingdome of his auncesters from him. You haue brought him to nothing, prayed vpon all his goods, left him destitute of all his wealth, and leuied warre a­gainst him: he hath beaten you at his pleasure, he hath taken pity of you, his forces haue encreased, Two of the strongest kingdomes in Europe, haue not daunted him, neither made him to bowe. Now tell mee, had Fraunce euer so rare honor of anye sonne of France? He giueth the glory to God whose arme hath wrought such meruciles in our eyes. I knowe my selfe vnworthy to entreate of so haughty an argument, but the impudencie of your league emboldeneth mee. Thou forcest me to speake of thinges wherein God maketh him wonderfull, that is, in clemencie and incredible courtisie towarde his enimies. Wilt thou know how? I will tell thee. You haue shotte at his life: you haue wished nothing so much as to get him into your power: you haue set your seditious preachers against him: they haue gone from the text of the Scriptures to ouerrunne him vntill they haue bene wearie, and the sweate hath runne downe their cheekes. You haue excommunicated, accursed, & thun­dred against him in the court of Rome, you haue de­famed him, & made him odious to the whole realme. You haue beaten the fieldes, and laid ambushes a­gainst him: being without comparison stronger then hee, and desirous euen to eate his flesh, you haue forced him to the extremitie of the battayle. You haue endeuoured with your whole power if you coulde to bring him in disgrace with the king, [Page 43] which griefe of all other he could hardlyest brooke. By the estates which to that end your selues haue crowned and assembled, you haue gone about to disgrade him from his honor, goods and estates, and causelesse haue adiudged him vnworthie life or succession. So impu­dent haue you beene, as to sounde the kinges minde, and therewith to wound his heart, seeking to force him to enfringe all lawes of nature, had not God giuen his Maiestie grace to prouide for the common safetie of them both, and of the Realme, according to the saying, that the wise king scattereth the wicked and turneth the wheele ouer them. All this haue you doone vnto him and worse if a man may so say: Contrariwise the king of Nauarre houldeth your liues deare, pardoneth you, will not behould any one of your teares, embra­ceth you all, yea he forgiueth your preachers. Art not thou then an execrable deceiuer and slanderer? If thou beest not an other deuill, be euen astonied at his plain­nesse: woonder at his clemencie, and maruaile at the clearenesse of that whom iniuriously thou tearmest a Wolfe and a Foxe. What? among you is it the part of a Wolfe and a Foxe to forgiue enemies, to bewayle their calamitie, to yeelde them good for euill, to em­brace such as would driue him away, to giue life vnto those that sought his death, to keepe faith to such as falsifie it, to be stedfast in all his promises and to shew an open heart to all his enemies? But tell vs what hath the king of Nauar done to thee, what hast thou found in him? Dost thou complaine? Then art thou the first that he hath offended. Art thou in feare of him for his religion? He is the better man, the honester, and the sounder for it. But perhaps thou seest more goodnesse in him then thou wouldest. Surely for your partes he hath not hetherto beene eyther Foxe or Wolfe to any [Page 42] [...] [Page 43] [...] [Page 44] man. His valour, his humanitie and his vprightnesse are sufficiently knowne to all men and his fame flyeth ouer the round worlde. Thou speakest of the king of Nauarre. Hast thou seene his furie? Euerie man fea­reth it. Can he reuenge himselfe? It is but clemencie. It is not possible (wilt thou say) God can doe it: God giueth him the grace: his religion beareth it: expe­rience sheweth it. What shall I say more vnto thee? But that when God taketh pittie of the Realme, you shall be conuict of your mallice. Heare thee, it may fall out that the great mastife may barke at his master, who neuerthelesse will not kill him for it, but what a shame will that fault be to the mastife? hee will euen hide himselfe. Cease therefore or you will be worse then dogges. But if thou speakest irreuerently of the king of Nauarre, thou doest no lesse of the king him selfe, otherwise couldest thou be of the League? But this is your impietie: for pietie reuerenceth God in heauen, and the king vpon earth as a father. Thy iniu­ries are the sincke of the iakes of thy mallice which o­uerfloweth in thy letters that sing nothing but sedition: Of the abundance of the heart, thy mouth speaketh, & talketh euen against the king. Thou art an other Semei, it was not forgiuen him: feare Gods iudgements who commandeth to reuerence the kinges. Thou shalt not speake euill of the Iudge, saith God, neither shalt thou curse the prince of thy people: but you haue leaue to do all. It cōmeth to you, not from heauen, but from beyond the Alpes. For a little holy water or 3. wordes of shrift you are quit. The Bull will absolue this, yea it may be doone to so good an intent that you shall haue 1000. daies of very pardon. To lie, to accuse, to slander, to sweare falsely, to forsweare, to betray, to sell both king and countrie, all is free for you (I say among you [Page 45] Leaguers) yea it is holy and worthy of Paradice. For so you lie and deceaue to a good intent. And for holy mother church. But in the holy scripture it is said, shalt thou lie for him & he shall can thee thanke? This saith Iob where he speaketh of God against such as would & weene to aduance his glorie by lies and falshoode.

Then thou sayest, Those of Renes had neede to take heede what they doe, why? because (sayest thou) it is vn­possible for them to keepe the title of Catholike so long as they will cleaue to the purposes of Mon-Barot and so consequent­ly of Henry of Valois. What wilt thou say if a man aske thee why they be not so good Catholikes as those of the League? For what haue the Leaguers more, or these lesse in religion? Goe they not all to the Masse? Is there any surer token of religion among you then the going to Masse? What did the king then vnto you, who went to the Masse as much as any of you all at the beginning of this warre? Yet call you him worse then an Hereticke. Who then can blame the king of Nauarre though he go not to Masse, for albeit he did, yet woulde you say no lesse of him? But I perceaue that those among you are the good Catholikes that enterprize against the state, that seeke to strippe the king: that goe about to make the kings electiue, or to bring the Realme to an Anar­chie: for then he that hath nothing should haue some­what. The Gentleman should be a Baron, the Baron an Earle, the Earle a Duke, and the Duke a Kinge: euerie one should raigne in his turne. Euen the Bishoppe should be more then a Bishop, and should beare the title of a Prince. Then would it be a good­ly matter to see France: for there would be not onely so many Prouinces so many kingdomes, but also so many Townes so many Lordes. The wise man will tell [Page 46] you that it were better to sleepe in the graue then to see such confusion. For euery one would be Master, and all rats in the strawe and the strongest get the pouch. But this is not it that thou fearest: for thou fearest not being an heretike: and to shew that thou art not afeard without a cause thou sayest, Confesse you not that the ar­mies of the Biernian and of Henry of Valois are all but one bodie, and then thou sayest, that it is to subuert the catho­like religion, as if of the two armies their Maiesties had made but one euen for that purpose, or as if necessitie to take heede of the league had not forced them. Per­haps the king could not so easely alone haue brought you to order and therefore called the king of Nauarre who ioyned with him, when both of them perceaued that the controuersie was other then for religion. To be briefe, that is not it that leadeth you. For yet you want neither Masses, neither Priestes or Bishops to say you some. Yea many times you haue more then your selues would. But I pray you, who began the warre? was it not your faction? Wherefore, to saue your re­ligion? Who spake of taking it away? But some other matter helde you. The king had beene on your side, but at length he knew you. In the beginning had not the king his campe apart, and the king of Nauar the like? Warred they not ech vpon other to extremitie (witnes the battell of Coutras) and that for the space of foure yeares? Being afterwarde vnited togither, thou sayest it was to subuert your religion, but why sayest thou not that it was for their better defence against you, who did first beate the fieldes, not for religion, but to assaile the state? That was the cause that ceasing all difficul­tie of religion they made of the two campes but one: so much doth the king of Nauarre owe the king. Say not therfore that it was to subuert religiō, for they thought [Page 47] not vpon that when you beganne the warre: ech one liued quietly in his religion and you onely troubled the peace. But what wilt thou shewe vs? Wherefore cryest and complaynest thou so much, that the people of Renes abusing of their Lord Gouernor to the great interest of Brittaine are made to lift vp their heades against God? Thou allowest of religion against the kinges Maiestie, and to stoppe and withstande it thou tearmest lifting vp of the head against God. Where are wee nowe? What times? What houre? If the Diuell did eyther speake or write, could he doe worse? Wo, sayth the Prophet, be to those that call euill good and good euill, darkenesse light, and light darkenesse: thou doest it, in that thou allowest that which by all lawes is condemned. Rebellion against the king is con­demned, and the king hath condemned him for whom thou speakest: to the end to obey the king they haue withstoode him, and that thou tearmest lifting vp the head against God. His attempt against the king & his estate is euident: where is then that goodnes that thou speakest of? Is there any in this affaires? If he hath else where shewed his goodnes, I would to God in this bu­sines we had not found in him either ingratitude, trea­cherie or mallice. But what maketh thee to speak thus? Albeit thou fearest no sham of the world, yet feare gods iudgements & remēber that there is no dispensation or pardō that can excuse those before God, which speake vnreuerently of kings, trouble their estates & set their people in armes, as you do vnder a false pretence of re­ligion. Thou crauest recompence of the inhabitants of Renes for the euils that shalbe cōmitted in Brittaine: But will they be the causers of them? Yea, sayst thou, Why? Because they opposed themselues and sought to stop the mischiefe? Theeues assayling a house by night [Page 48] may threaten to set it on fire, to spare none, to rauish, force and do their worst, vnlesse men will open vnto them: yea they may say that such as resist them shall cause such mischiefe as shall neuer be recouered: yet all this notwithstanding, if men can may they not resist them neuerthelesse? shall the law forbeare to represse their violence for their threates? This is the like case: for what cause haue you to make warre? what iniu­rie hath beene offered you? Who hath taken any thing of yours? Who hath abridged your libertie in any thing? Was not all power in your handes? Did not your selues reigne? But it was not enough for your Gouernours to haue the kinges authoritie, vnlesse each had also his share in his title. For what else could you require? Peraduenture Paris rebelled for want of Masses and default of her religion: Did Or­leans, Rouan, Tholouze and other Townes want Priestes, Monkes, Iesuistes, Nunnes or Masses? Nay, they haue more then they neede for their saluation or quiet, and sermons also, especially at the Iesuites handes. Would you not be wiser, if you had not so many? Time will teach that your processions, your seditious sermons, your shriftes and other your de­uotions haue vndone you: That deuotion that wor­keth wickednesse is not of God, but of the enemie. Euen the same which speaketh of nothing but fire, bloud, drowning, drawing, death, rebelling against the king, and attempting against his state, and life. Those great Townes could not suffer the Protestants sermons to bee made in them, because they bee re­pugnant to their purposes, and would haue hindered the course of them if they had beene freely permit­ted. They would haue changed mens hartes and re­duced them to the peace and obedience of God and [Page 49] the king. For this cause could not the heades of this League and those mutinous townes suffer them, but a farre off and that against their willes, besides that you haue still murdered them. Yet when those townes required the banishment of the exercise of religion from them, was it not graunted? Did the king refuse you any thing herein? Hee graunted you all, and that (as it nowe appeareth) to the preiudice of his estate. You can not then complayne for your religi­on, we must therefore say that it is some other mat­ter that troubleth you. The king hath smelt it out: you haue found your selues guiltie of all that he hath char­ged you with, you are conuict to be sclanderers, and to vse thy owne speeches, who shall nowe pay for the broken pots, but they that haue played with our heads, also with the king and his estate, and haue e­uery man appointed of what share himselfe haue thought good.

Thou speakest of the honour of maides and wiues and indeede in the suburbes of Towers we see that thy threates haue not prooued bare wordes. For if neither the presence of the Curate, nor the reuerence of the place coulde bridle thy Catholikes from de­flouring a maiden harde by the great aulter, yea euen in the Curates armes, what would haue beene done by all the rest of your religion. Doe you thus passe ouer your rage against those that are faithfull to the king and his crowne and will not (as you) rebell a­gainst his Maiestie? Yet shall their honor remaine vn­spotted in the sight of God, of his Angels, of all good men, yea of your selues & in the cōsciences of the most wicked: but of such there could nothing be had but by force: & the violence offered to the body, doth neuer pollute the integrity of the soule where chastity resteth. [Page 50] But threaten as much as thou wilt: for where thou saist that your armie shall violate, force and murther the aged vpon their hearthes, yea euen replenish all with slaughter, yet for their owne safetie they will neuer rebell against their king: for so shoulde they doe e­uill that good may come of it: yea so shall they bring themselues into an euident trespasse, and into ineuitable danger for the eschewing of an inconue­nience that shall not come to passe: euen for the sa­uing of themselues, they shall cast themselues into hell. Let euery man in the name of God doe his dutie and leaue the euentes to God. Weene you that there is no other power but yours? You threaten, but shall you be let alone? You must binde many mens handes, and Gods first of all, who will turne his hande against the wicked when time shall serue.

Well among those losses that thou foreseest thou art troubled with the dead, & askest whether their town of Renes being cause of their death, can raise them again. Helas! My friend must the towne recompence all that your League will destroy? shall you do the mischief, & must we make the mendes? What law hould you of? God hath no master, neither doth his law import thus much. He that worketh the wickednesse shall smart for it. Thou sayst it cōmeth of the trechery therof. How or wherein haue they bin trecherous? To the king? I pray thee where hast thou studied? what be thy laws? If euer there were Ciclopedie, it is among you. May any man sweare against the king? That were trechery indeede. The most sacred right next after God, is that of the king. In matters concerning the seruice of the king, his estate & welth, or the peace of the Realme. We ought couragiously to ouerslip all amitie, consanguinitie, alli­ance, kindred & affinity. Herein the father hath no son, [Page 51] the sonne is against his father, and the brother against the brother, neither doth any man feare least his sword should fall vpon his friendes. In matter touching the kinges life, euery man, especially the Trenchman, ta­keth all for his enimies. Renes therefore in this case is vnblamable before God and man, and of the mischiefs thereby committed, the fault is in them that commit them without cause. Then thou askest what may bee said at the day of iudgement. What will you say in the great day saiest thou, where you shall neede no at tourney, for your selues must pleade your cause: when your consciences shall accuse you before the iudge of iudges for so many vices perpe­trated through your default. O wretch, darest thou speake of the latter day? Who is more to feare it then your selues? For when God will not iudge of your transgres­sions, when he shall allow of your detestable rebellion, replenished with rapine and malice against the king and the realme: I will say he shall bee no longer God. You haue brought the realme into fire, bloud, famine, and a pray to the stranger, and for the glutting of your greedines, you haue troubled the holy quiet thereof. Thou speakest of pleading this matter in the last iudge­ment: But thou shalt not passe so farre this day, but that thou maiest see some sentence giuen against those that defend this case of a wicked soule. What moueth thee to write as thou doest? What wouldest thou haue? What doest thou pretend? Thou knowest that it is not thy religion that leadeth thee. Wantest thou any thing? Hath any man taken ought from thee? Doth not thy conscience reproue thee? Yet if you now sleepe in your sinne, the iudgement of God will waken you, and you must appeare: Then wil your sinne accuse you: you will condemne your selues: neither shall you escape the vengeance of God, vnlesse before your death you [Page 52] confesse your offences and craue pardon of God, and the king, to the ende that in that daye that you speake of, the sonne of God, that king of kinges and iudge of all men may be your atturney to helpe you to your pardon.

Thou askest how the towne of Renes will excuse it selfe before the iudgement seate of God. What ex­cuse sayest thou will you bring? What defensiue reasons? But he that should tell thee that thou art but a scoffer, should say true. There will be no iesting, and with re­uerence must we speake of these matters: Euery one shall carry his proces ready made, so as there shall nede no defensiue reasons. But weenest thou that thy buls, pardons, or masses shall stand thee in any stead? Arme thy selfe with crosses and holy water here: take the frock if thou list, but make thy account, that all that is not it that must saue thee. Enterprise not therefore, if you please, any thing vpon that confidence as you do. Hee that killed the late Lord prince of Orenge was found furnished with certaine prayers in virgin parchment (as they terme it) that hee should beare about him for a pasport euery way, and to bring him straight to para­dise without any feare of hell or purgatorie, much lesse of Limbo. You tell them goodly matters that list to be­leeue you. You would take vp money to pay with inte­rest in the other world, as well as the priestes of the lo­wer India: For doth not he that selleth paradise, and of­fereth it for the money that he receiueth, more then so? Yea doth not he that warranteth paradise for a murther worse then that? To the end the more easily to abuse the people you keepe them in ignorance, and so maye soone perswade what you list, furnishing those with warrants, euen the surest in the world, whom you em­ploy about any murther. If you may attaine to your [Page 53] purposes, what care you for damning their poore souls? You promise saluation, you make them to beleeue that death for such matters is martirdome: that to murther a king, or prince, or other necessarie mēber of the cōmō wealth is meritorious, and at the latter day enioy­eth glorie with Iesus Christ. Let men iudge of you whether you be daungerous people or no, or whe­ther you deserue not to be banished among the Ca­niballes. Who shall trust such preachers and con­fessors, sith they practise such horrible matters vnder pretence of Gods seruice, and with promise to bee the first saued? Your preachers haue taken and led him to heauen by the hand that poysoned the late prince of Condé, saying of him that he was Gods Aungell that had slaine the Dragon. Thus do you take Gods name in vaine: who shall reproue you? You will haue no cen­sor: who so reproueth you is an heretike: but hee that shal beleue that you haue God in your power: that you make him and vse him as you list: that the Lord in the latter day will not minister iudgement without the ad­uice of the holy Father: that your warrants, absolutions excommunications, bulles and other of the like deuotions shall take place: he I say that shall beleeue all this shall be a good Catholike. Hereupon you make mē commit what transgressions you please. You are not in­debted to the inuentor of murthers. For hee could ne­uer haue induced his māslears to slaughter, had he not first shewed them his paradise: but onely for an Agnus Dei, which (you will say) the Pope hath blessed thrise in the name of the holy trinityfiue times in the name of the fiue woundes, and certaine times in the name of the ioyes or sorowes of the virgin: or some other trūperie that you giue to some wretch, you make him enterprise what you wil: you assure him of S. Michael, of the virgin [Page 54] for his warrants before the iudgement seate of God. Thus do you leade hell, and promise paradice. What do you not make men beleeue? Againe for an other testi­monie of your impudencie, you neuer vse religion, but to atchieue your purposes. Thou speakest of the day of iudgement, not for any feare that thou hast, for other­wise wouldest thou abuse it, as thou doest in induce the subiects to rebell against their king? But wouldest make them afraid. Thou openest hell: thou vnchainest the deuils, and bringest them in, thou makest heauen to fall, and thou fearest men with the day of iudgement: but who should be more afraid then thy selfe, thou that goest about to abolish all equity, policie, and iudge­ment? Hardest thou neuer the tale of him that was a­fraid of Calues, who if in the day time he had seene a calfe in the streete, he would haue fled, looked behinde him, cryed out, and seemed to feare the calfe shoulde haue bitten him, but by night he would haue stolen the kine: was not he sore afraid? In some pointes you lea­guers do resemble him. For you seeme as you feared heresie, you threaten hell: you terrify with the day of iudgement: but albeit there be nothing so terrible (what soeuer face thou settest on the matter) yet doe your selues feare none of it all. And whereas you seeme to be afraid, and do terrify others, it is onely to the ende to attaine to your purposes. Thus wouldest thou do to those of Renes. I speake onely against the leaguers: for who vseth such fashions but they that would be doing with kinges? All good men do abhorre all these dea­lings.

Farther, because thou wouldest we should know that thou reuerencest the day of iudgement, let vs see what thou sayest. Can you in the presence of the liuing God sayest thou: by suborned witnesses impute any oppression to him [Page 55] that neuer sought other then the quiet of your prouince? Why in going about to make them rebell against their king, doest thou seeke their quiet? What do kinges to rebellious prouinces? Is the breach of their peace their quiet? Callest thou it quiet, to bring men into immor­tall warre? But why wouldest thou proue that before God which hee seeth euidently? God is not forget­full: that which is past is still in his presence. Where the conscience accuseth of troubling the realme, sharing it out, breaking the peace, of subscribing to the death of princes, and of bloud, must we seeke wit­nesses before God? Harken, if thy conscience doth now accuse thee, what will God do when thou shalt come before him in his great and last iudgement? There my friend, shall be giuen of all matters, of all suites, and of all deedes in one moment the definitiue sentence.

Yet is not this all, thou threatenest them with the Angels: For thou sayest: The Aungels of Heauen shall a­rise to vpholde his innocencie. Heauen and earth shall aske vengeance of your so hainous trechery that the report there­of doth make the most barbarous nations to quake for feare and horror. What meanest thou, doest thou make the Angels of heauen atturneis in such causes? What hath bene done to Duke Mercoeur? Hee was quietlye and without sheeding one droppe of bloud refused the gate. His purposes were descried, and he knowen to be of the league: he was mistrusted, and therefore kept from plunging Brittaine in a cruell warre, and saiest thou that he had great iniurie, and that the Angels will vphold his innocencie? You haue made the king to fly, and you will robbe him of his estate? Thou con­fessest it, and canst not denye it. For thou entitu­lest him onelye Henry of Valois, and speakest of the angels. But think vpon the sacred parliaments that you [Page 56] haue oppressed: irreuerently thrust out of their holye seates of iustice, and led captiue without reuerence of God or his iustice, euen at Paris, albeit some then cried God saue the king and his iustice. This haue you done, yea you haue seditiously imprisoned them in their scar­let robes because they held for the king. For the same cause haue you at Tolouze put to death the chiefe pre­sident, a man accounted one of the best Catholikes and gretest iusticiers in the realme. I am ashamed (nay who doth not abhorre it) to shew what you did to the kings person in picture. For it is incredible that French­men shoulde so vse their annointed king. If you be Frenchmen, the Frenchmen are deuils in you. Your leagued cleargie gaue their consent, and yet the An­gels shall defend your partie. But your crueltie hath surpassed all this. For since the wryting of the pre­misses you haue flaine the king, whose wofull death wee heard off while this was in the presse. O most vile wretches: haue I sayde anye thing of you, or of your furie and rage which is vntrue? Now do you iustify me in all that heretofore I haue spoken of you. God hath deliuered a good king into your power. Helas, God graunt it bee not to punish our sinnes, or to prolonge the calamities of France. It is to bee feared, considering how desirous the late king was to extinguish the warre, and to establish peace in his realme: considering also how he labored, and how able he was by a good reformation to decide the controuer­sies in religion. But now hath God displayed your ma­lice, and incredible trecherie. Now do I see that some hellish furie driueth you. How could it haue bene done otherwise? Your attempt in this warre is horrible, sith you commit such abhominable factes. God is not on your side, but rather the enimye of nature, of all [Page 57] goodnes, and of saluation. You shew how bloudy your superstitions are, and how dangerous such a vermiue is in a realme.

Truely it was not without cause that when the foure begging orders began, men foresaw nothing but mis­chiefes, and all kinds of calamity. Then did euery man cry against them, euen Pope Iohn the two and twenty, who wrote a booke against thē, as also did diuers lear­ned men in France, namely, William of Saint Amour. They condemned these beggers as the plague of the world. Euery man cryed out against them, as taking them for those foure bad angels that should be losed to hurt the earth, and to keepe the wind frō blowing: that is, that should stop the course of Gods word which is the spirit or wind of the lips of the mouth of God. They were called the foure wagons of hell: and that realme was said to be accursed that should haue them in it: yea there were that prophesied of the mischiefes that this vermine would commit, and that in the end they should be expulsed for their deceites, euen that they should be a scorne to the world. The Bishops and curats acknow­ledged not this kind of people. They were forbidden preaching, and the administration of the sacraments. Yet by litle and litle their kingdame increased. The first worke they did, was to supplant curats (as these haue done them) by preaching & shriuing: yet were they not so greedy of any thing as of the bodies of the dead, by reason of the gaine of purgatorie which then waxed warme. How euer they were resisted, yet got they to be so aduanced, that some of thē haue bene Bishops, some Cardinals, and some Popes. As also they haue greatly endeuored themselues to defend the papacie, and suc­coured it in time. At the first they were wallet men, & roagues, in the ende from knaues they grwe to bee [Page 58] great men: but alwaies beggers. In vice abhomina­ble, witnes their doings in England, when king Hen­ry the eight banished that vermine, euen long before the reformation of religion. But is it not a maruaile that we heare neuer a pleasant tale but of their deedes? That we neuer laugh but at their follies: that we ne­uer wonder but at their impudencie: that wee are neuer astonished but at their furie, and that we ne­uer tremble but at their rage: and yet the worlde re­poseth their saluation in them? What, is the worlde bewitched? There hath bene no account made but of them: they haue shriuen kinges: they haue dealt in the greatest affaires: they haue deliuered cursed instructi­ons: they haue climbed into the hiest chaires, euen so high that they haue sought to gouerne kingdomes, to chaunge kings, to bend the people to their deuotion, and to disturbe the state.

This wofull argument requireth we shoulde speake of the Iacobins. Was it not a Iacobin that poysoned the Emperour Henry the seauenth? That did Pope Clement procure, because that Emperour spake of re­forming the Church, and then gaue out that hee died for spite, because he could not be reuenged of his eni­mies. This Iacobin poysoned him with beaten dia­mant, in ministring vnto him the communion of the bloud in his challice. One Pope also was poysoned in the sacrament which himselfe had consecrated: you take it to bee the flesh and bloud of Christ, but this sheweth that you are deceaued. For can such ma­lice of Satan haue anye place in the flesh and bloud of the liuing God? These men died as is afore said, & a Duke of Guyen also. That Iacobin feared not to mingle the dust in the cōmunion, with the same hands where­with hee helde the body of God: when hee made it [Page 59] (as you say) and this with the same hande wherewith he lift it vp, drew the knife against his king and so slew him. Can any man speake of a greater contempt of their religion? Who will beleeue that these men do re­pose any trust in the Masse, or that they do beleeue that they handle the bodie of the sonne of God, much lesse that they make it? Hath any man euer heard spea­king of so barbarous a matter, cōmitted by a religious person against a king, euen against his owne king?

Yet must I speake one word more of the originall of the Iacobins that we may thereby knowe them also. While S. Dominicke the author of this sect was in his mothers wombe she dreamed that she was deliuered of a dogge, that helde a torch wherewith he kindled a fire in the world, & brought all into combustion. How­soeuer the Iacobins doe expound this dreame, yet fig­nifieth it no other matter then the rage of their inquisi­tion (which is alwaies composed of Iacobins) that is, the furie of their coments, their crueltie among them selues & the furious follies of their S. Dominick, who so will read his legend shall see what he both saide and did in the warre against the Albigeois in the time of king S. Lewes of whom is descended the king whome God hath of late established in this Realme. For of the two sonnes that the said S. Lewes had, you haue extin­guished thē that remained of the first in the persō of the late king. But what care you? you are no Frenchmen: yet would you command in France. In the meane time you haue quenched the lampe, the wealth & the health of the Realme, in depriuing it of the king, euen when he was at the point to agree the controuersie for reli­gion: which would haue been the peace, cure, life and ioy of France, as being the only way to drawe it out of warre, death and hell, and to bring into France such a [Page 60] golden world as we see in other Realmes and countries, whom necessitie hath likewise forced to reformation. Truly it is but folly to thinke euer to see any peace in Frāce before we be reformed. God so willeth vs: his law cōmandeth, reason requireth it, and necessitie constrai­neth vs. For among our controuersies of religion, we loose all religion. Piety is changed into impiety, iustice is made iniustice, and reason exaction. Charity giueth place to cruelty: it seemeth that God is no more: Satan beareth sway. We heare no man speake of God, but in blaspheming him: of heauen, but in renouncing it: of hell, but in cursing: of the soule but in damning it: or of the deuils, but in calling vpō thē. Neither do we see ei­ther deuotiō or superstitiō. Atheisme slippeth into the harts both of great & small. And there is nothing to be seene but a manifest contēpt of God, & reiecting of his will. For men will haue no other God but thēselues, & their own lustes: whereof will ensue, & that shortly vn­lesse it be remedied, with such contēpt of God, the like cōtēpt of the king, of his Princes, his iustice, the church, all goodnes & honesty, and as many calamities & mise­ries in France as in hell. And a man may say that this de­sperate league seeketh nothing else. But the meanes to plucke vp the roote of this contempt, is a full reforma­tion according vnto God: But, will some say, wee will none of that: well all good mē do long therafter, & the hearts of all other are in Gods hand, who blesseth holy purposes & either cōuerteth or withholdeth the harts of the wicked. The kingdome of Israel was neuer in greater prosperity & power, then when it flourished in godlines vnder Dauid and Salomon. Neither was the kingdome of Iuda euer more feared & honored, or en­ioyed more welth, peace & cōfort then vnder the refor­mation of Iehosophat, Ezechias & Iosias. As also it was [Page 61] not infortunate, but when they called vpon others be­sides God. If therefore we be desirous of the like pro­sperity: let vs beseech God to reconcile the king & the Realme, and to vnite the Realme and the King: to sub­due his enemies vnto him by a ioyfull peace, rather thē by a sorrowfull warre: to giue him grace to reigne qui­etly: and that our stormes may nowe cease: that his raigne being long and of many yeares, may be vnto vs but as a faire day: that our warre may be turned into peace, our fury into clemēcie, our feare into assurance, our wofull voices into soundes of ioy, and all our rage into compassions: that the weapons may fall out of all mens handes, to the ende to embrace as brethren: that our bloud may be staunched, our woundes closed vp, and our teares wiped away. To be briefe, that this hellish fire which hath so long flamed in the bowels of France (whereby she renteth, ouerthroweth, and as a mad beast teareth her selfe in peeces) may for euer bee quenched. Then the kingdome being reduced to God and his Christ, the ayre of France shall sound of no­thing butthe prayses of one only God.

Truely if we be bound to pray to God to blesse our bread & wine which we do eat & drink, with other the food that we do vse & all the benefits that he bestoweth vpon vs, much more are wee bound to pray vnto him to blesse vs our king, of whose life we do liue: for wee liue by the breath of his nostrilles. If Ieremie taught to pray to God for the peace of Nabuchodonozer, much more ought we to pray to God for the peace and prosperitie of that king, whom all the Nations of Europe do admire, yea euen the whole worlde, for the most deare and rare gift of God that euer was bestowed vppon France, neither is there any but the franticke Frenchman that denieth such a benefite.

Now to returne to thy letters. Thou tearmest the doings of them of Renes trecherie, yet were they faith­full both to God and the king to whom both they and their auncesters had giuen their faithes. What tre­cherie can any man see herein? Nay who seeth not meere fidelitie? But to speake of trechery, we may al­leadge that of the Leaguers. Whatsoeuer they would haue of the king, they had: he raysed them to honors: to offices: to benefices: to gouernements and to great­nesse. They were (as a man should say) kings, and in their gouernments might doe more then the king, of whom they made no account any longer then they listed: being through his clemencie exalted so high, they sought to cast him downe, and presumed to set thēselues vpon his bed of iustice. What wilt thou say, was not this meere trecherie? But let vs speake of the house, the cause of all these calamities. What manner of one was it 60. yeares agoe? Of what degree? What offices had it? What reuenties? Who brought it euen into the world but the house of France? Was not their alliance with the house of Bourbon their greatest ho­nor and alliance? A marriage with the daughter of the Scottish king? But how came that but by the fauour of the French kings. How many offices? How many ho­nours? How many benefices? what power? what au­thoritie hath it since gotten? A house that had not a­boue 18000. francks rent to grow the richest in France through the kings grant? whereby it grewe so proud that it presumed to be equall with the Princes of the bloud, yea to goe before them, if they would haue suf­fered it. Doest thou not finde that this was well risen? had they not enough whereof to content themselues? A daughter of their house to match with a king? To haue the whole dealings in their handes, during the [Page 63] raignes of 4 kings? was not all this sufficient to make this house faithfull to the king? Lookest thou for any greater trechery? But all men expected as much of this house: & it is said that king Frances the first, prophesied the same. Now let vs speake of him whom in thy letters thou dost so highly exalt. God and the king so farre fauoured him, that the king maried his sister. And wheras she culd haue bin cōtent with a yonger borne of the house of France; besides the Princes of the bloud, the king neuerthelesse set vppon her head the noblest crown of Europe. But as for him, he hath honored him with one of the goodliest gouernmēts in the Realm, af­ter he had aduanced him to a great & rich marriage, yet all those that had obtained such aduancemēt at the kings hand, haue conspired against his estate, person and life. Yea I say they haue conspired against so courteous a king, as there neuer came any discontented from his presence, since God put the scepter in his hand: no not themselues, vnlesse they were malecontent for that hee left them not his throne to raigne in his place. In his life time they sought to quarrell for the succession, albeit hee was as young as themselues: they sought I say to quarrel for the succession, wherin they haue no more right then the poorest Gentleman in France. Their searches after the genealogie of Charlemagne (vpon the which the Iesuites and all your leagued Clergie so often entituled them the burgeons of Charlemagne) together with their writings against the Salicke lawe doe testifie that they pretended against the Realme the auncient quarels of the kingdome of Anieow, the Dutchie of Bar, and the County of Prouence. If then thou longest to speake of any detesta­ble trechery, speake of this. And as for those of Renes, know thou that they are approoued by the king, and allowed of by all men, sauing such as thy selfe, who sayest that they are but a pray to the Deuill, whereof thou seekest to make them afeard in saying that The Diuell calleth for them, But tell vs why? Because they haue falsed their faithes: To whom? [Page 64] To the gouernor: why they neuer promised him any thing contrary to the kings seruice. He neuer asked thē any thing other then for his Maiesties seruice: for that was alwaies thy pretēce: weenest thou that otherwise they would haue har­kened vnto him? But had they made him any such promise, were they bound to kepe it? might they not lawfully shrinke from it? May the subiect promise any thing to the preiudice of his soueraigne? Ought either he or any enhabitant in the Realme so to do against the honor, helth, welth or peace of the land? May such a promise contrary to God be holden? or should not the houlding of it be a hundred times greater transgression thē the making? But they had (sayst thou) pro­mised their faith to their benefactor, who had pacified the state of the Towne, so saist thou: but he had kindled the fire, the flame whereof these men haue diligently and wisely quen­ched. Is there any more dangerous fire, then fedition and reuoult, or any fire that men shoulde make more haste to quench? He had set the whole state in trouble: hee assured it to himselfe and thrust out the king: callest thou that paci­fication? Whether for the one partie or the other, it was the kindling of a warre which would not haue beene ended without the destruction of the one part, peraduenture of both: and because they did their duties both to Brittaine & to the king, are they a peruerse Nation, as thou tearmest thē? Do they beare therefore viperous hartes? Or do they eate out their mothers bellie? Oh wretch! art thou not ashamed? Say wel, if thou canst, of that which is good, otherwise thou shalt be worse then the diuel. For he, albeit he maliced the sonne of God, yet did say that he was the holy one of God. They haue saued their countrie from your sedition, and therefore thou sayst that they are a peruerse Nation. Their heartes moult with sorrow vpon consideration of the mischiefe of your league, whereupon they preuented it and this thou sayest to proceede of a viperous heart. You seeke to breake and rent their mother Brittaine in peeces, they saued her [Page 65] out of the clawes of your monstrous league, and this thou saiest is to seeke to eate out their mothers bellie.

Thou alleadgest vnto vs the storie of one Andronicus and the Lyon his guest: but to what purpose? To conuince Renes of ingratitude. Wherein? In that the Lyon acknow­ledged his hoste & phisition, but Renes hath not acknow­ledged the Lo. of Mercaeur her benefactor. But they will tell thee that as yet he hath not drawen any thorne out of their foote: he hath not yet healed them: hee sought rather to haue put shackles vpon our feet, manacles vpon our hands, and haulters about our necks, to haue disgraded our towne from all honor: to haue pulled downe our turrets, and laid our walles on the ground: to haue made our town a wilder­nes & ruinous walles: to haue sacked houses, & brought vs, our wiues & children into banishment, to fire and bloud, & to haue put all to the sword. Thus farre (had not God taken pittie of vs) had he hazarded our estate. For this is the end of such rebellions: are not we then greatly beholding vnto him? Is not he our great benefactor, & we more cruell then the Lyon, in that we will not acknowledge him, sith he so greatly procured our safetie? If a man say this vnto you, what answere can you make? For this is the very trueth of the matter. Thou speakest of broken pots. Helas! he that list to beleeue thee, what broken heades wouldest thou make? Howe manie Townes wouldest thou put to the facke? How much countrie wouldest thou lay waste? How manie persons wouldest thou sende into banishment, and how many soules into hell? Beleeue me, eschue ciuill warre and turne it from the state, vnlesse thou be so vnnaturall as to desire to see the glory, ioy and selicity of thy king, of the Realme, yea of thy owne house in the dust. What hast thou more to say? That the enhabitants of Renes haue beene at the schooles of Embroin and Lisander to learne to deceaue. What lesson findest thou out of the schooles either of Li­sander or of Embroin? Whom haue they deceaued? The [Page 66] king? Thou wilt say, their Gouernors. But they will denie it and say that they neuer promised any thing contrarie to the seruice & fidelity due to the king: Also that perceauing that it cōcerned the seruice due to his Maiestie, & the peace of the countrie, they performed no part of the said Lord of Mercaeurs pretence. If he were therein deceiued, that which they did was because they would be faithfull to the king, & keepe their oth which they had promised & sworne to his Maiestie, & so on their parts there was no deceipt for there was no mallice in their doings. But he deceaued himselfe in that he expected from them more then the integritie and fi­delity of so honest men could afford. Neuer aske therfore by whom a man may now sweare at Renes: for there is no per­iury, but all faith & loyalty. And had they done otherwise, had they not bene periures, traitors, & disloyall? Renes hath maintained the foundatiō of all humaine society in keeping their sworne faith: it hath reuerenced the name of God, and feared his thunder wherewith he smitteth the pariurers, and hath faithfully obserued the oth made to the king and his crowne, wherupon it shall be called Renes the loyall: but thou art wise to say that at Renes the women will no longer trust their husbands. These be thy words. Who will trust thee, that hast deceiued such a Prince? How will thy towne be maintained without faith which is the foundation of al humaine society? What trafficke canst thou haue sith none dare trust thee? For who will trust him that hath violated his faith? What wife will trust her husbandes faith, sith you haue violated a publicke faith, as was that of the vnion: euen that which you ought to your Gouernor? Thou chargest them with deceauing a Prince: but is it deceipt to keepe themselues from deceipt? Thou wilt say that they had sworne & promised him: that is, as if a cōmu­naltie did so easely bind it selfe, besides that such an obliga­tion is voide in matters against the king & the cōmon welth. It is an easie matter to terrifie a communalty: but vpon no­tice of better counsell they may bee likewise better aduised. [Page 67] To conclude, they neither ought or might promise him a­ny thing against the crowne: for so had they bene periured. Besides that we are bound to the king, to his life, & estate ra­ther then to father, mother, wife, or children. The towne of Renes then hath constantly kept her selfe in her first faith, and in her duety to the king, and hath no whit violated hu­maine society. But had she fulfilled thy minde, she should haue violated euen the first bond of this humaine society, that is her fidelity to her king and country. This faith once falsified, tell me what else thou findest that can countenance an estate in a realme? What leauest thou but an hellish coū­tenance: but the very kingdome of darknes, confusion, and all sortes of calamities, yea euen hell it selfe. But on good iudgement if thou hast any, and thou shalt finde that they haue faithfully obserued their faith in these pointes wherin thou accusest them of breach and falsification thereof. Put haddest thou had thy desire, they should haue bene periu­red, euen in the horriblest degree of periurie of all, where now their credit will be greater and richer then euer, both with the king and all other men. Yet fearest thou that the wiues will no longer trust their husbands faithes. Woulde they trust them better if they were traitours to their king? Perhaps should they haue some greater cause to honor thē? But thou art a firebrande: thou seekest to set diuision in a Realme, in the townes, in the fieldes, in the houses. If thou beest no Iesuist, yet art thou worthie to be one. If thou shul­dest shrine the women, thou wouldest tell them many good­ly matters: but they are no dealers in these affaires: in the meane time such as be wise, do cōmend their husbāds, they lift vp their hands to heauen & giue God thanks for that by the diligence, discreation and fidelitie of the gouernour and their husbands they see themselues saued from sacke, fire, bloud, famine, murther, and other mischiefes, which the ti­morous wiues do feare in time of warre, and do tremble at, when they see the danger wherein the towne had bene, had [Page 68] not God takē pitty therof, by inspiring their husbands with good counsell. How tearmest thou it the faith of the vnion, which is broken? what vnion? It is your league. Wilt thou call the conspiricie of theeues that kepe the woods, cut the passengers throats, & take from thē al that they haue, an v­nion? The vnion thou speakest of is such an other: for by it you would seaze vpon the goods of the best Frenchmē and the kings estate. Therupon had you already deuoured your selues: France should neuer haue had peace & this thou cal­lest an vnion. Must a sacred name be abused to colour your bloudy purposes? Then thou askest which of the Saints shall pray for thē sith they seeke to bring in those that breake down the aulters. Thou supposest that the Saints do nothing but look vpon the alters, who bring to thē, who giueth to them, who lighteth them, who doth them good, who erecteth to them some braue image, or some faire aultar, or that they liue on­ly of offerings, & in heauen haue no ioy, but in that is done to thē on earth. Must wee beleeue this because the Curate sayth it? aske him secretly between you two, & he wil say no. Weenest thou that they gape after goodly aulters & rich of­ferings? God is their fulnes: God doth suffice them: in God are they cōtented: God is all vnto thē. They respect not this world. The benefits that God there giueth to his, could mās hart neuer cōprehend, his eie neuer see, nor his eare neuer heare: & they whō God fulfilleth with his glorie, haue per­fect ioy in him, & are fully caught, stayed & rauished with­out being any thing els where. Such is the nature of God & his glory. But what fearest thou? For they shal neuer I assure thee, see the breking of their aulters, neither were they whō thou fearest for that, called in for any such purpose, but they are called to saue the king & his crown, for there is nothing else in question, & as for thy aulters, beleeue that if they be of God, God will preserue them. Thy greatest care is, how they may present thēselues before God, sith they haue made no ac­count of his comandements. If a man should aske, wherein they haue failed, or which of Gods commandements they haue broken, what woldest thou say? still they haue violated their [Page 69] faith. To whom? to the gouernor. But it was first due to the king. We may imagine that thou beleeuest that God hath cōmanded in fauour of the gouernour to rebell against the king, his life & estate: for (saist thou) for that cause are they of Renes reiected of God: the Angels do sue against them: the Saintes doe disdaine them: yea euen the blessed Virgin Mary (whom saist thou) the Protestants do so greatly abhor. Who told thee this? For thou speakest as if thou wert newly dropt out of heauē. But if thy speech be to be iudged by the word of God, all that thou saiest will proue false. For the holy scripture saith not that God abhorreth the right, neither cō­sequently do the heauenly spirits. Yet bringest thou in here the Angels of heauen as agents, or criminall proctors: & of the Saints whō you all make aduocates, thou now makest disdainers, saying that they disdain those that haue done no­thing but according to God & the law, for the countrie & for the keeping of their faith sworn to the king. Thou char­gest the Protestants that they abhor the holy virgin. Where hast thou beene, that thou yet knowest nothing of their re­ligion? But admit thou knewest as much as their ministers: thou art so honest a man that thou wouldest say neuer the lesse. For lying, the diuell & thou art all one. Who knoweth not that they beleeue all the articles of the faith or the Apo­stles creede, which is repeated at the end of euery sermon: taught to euery child: and vsed in their domesticall prayers euening & morning: wherein with great reuerēce, kneeling on the ground, they confesse what they beleeue of the holy Virgin? Read their bookes & thou shalt see that they cal her the mother of God, not of the godhead, but mother in re­spect of the humanity of our Lord, who is very God. Thou shalt find that they cal her blessed for bearing the Sauiour of the world in her wombe. But more for her saluation in that through a true & liuely faith she bare & embraced him in her hart as her only Sauiour. Thou shalt also perceaue that they confesse that she might say of her child, He is my God: al­so that (sauing the reuerēce due to so great a mystery, which passeth all other) shee might say of God in the person of [Page 70] our Lord, This is my child. True it is that they seeke no salua­tion at her hāds, for they find that there is but one God that saueth, that she is not our Emanuel, that is to saie, God with vs, but that it is her sonne, who being the verie eternal God, was made verie man at the appointed time. And by Gods word they know that he is the onely mediatour, the onelie God and man, the onely aduocate, the onely intercessor for vs in heauen when we haue sinned. 1. Ioh. 3. They also find that there is no other name vnder heauen giuen vnto man, whereby we may be saued, and that there is no saluation in anie but in him. Thou wilt crie out that they haue broken her images. That neither is, ne ought to be done in disdaine of the holy virgin, but of a zeale to Gods glorie, and as Eze­chias did to the brazen serpent which had bene erected by Gods commandement, yea and which figured Iesus Christ. Iohn. 3. They sawe that some sought saluation in those ima­ges, that they kneeled vnto them as vnto God: that they made an Idoll of the virgin Marie and her image, wherin she was more disfigured & dishonored, then represented. And they sawe that God hath forbidden Idols, also that he hath forbidden vs to seeke saluation but in one onely God. If they then to whom it belonged, haue thus taken awaie the ima­ges: they will tell thee that it was according to the worde of God, the auncient counsels and doctors, and for the glorie of God and the saluation of his Church. But if anie should breake the images of the virgin in disdaine of her, they saie that it were a horrible crime before God, and worthy death among men. This would they saie that thou mightest vn­derstand that in the reformed Churches they honor & re­uerēce the holy virgin so far as may stād with Gods word.

Now to returne to thy speeches, and to see what follow­eth. Heauen saist thou, will fall vpon you, the earth will open to swallow you vp, and hell will be readie to receiue you, you shall bee the goate of lecherie, the Camelion of trecherie, the Tyger of cru­eltie, and the monster of disloialtie. All this saist thou. Thy [Page 71] speech, were it to anie purpose, would be a streame of elo­quence. But to whom speakest thou? Whom wouldest thou make afeard? Those that are as resolute as lions, & that do better know the equitie of their cause, then thou that art a man. Thou vtterest great speeches: but to what purpose, or who maketh you so bold? It is because you weene some man will beleeue you, at the least some hairbraind person: & it is inough for you if some small sedition & cōmotion may spring thereof. Thus do you seeke to blind the peoples eies with a hope of sundry matters: but with this thy leane rhe­torike thou ministrest matter to beate thee like a bandogge. For where thou saist that heauen will fall vpon them, thou lookest vpon Iudas, who was oppressed with despaire, as if the skie had fallen vpon him. And where thou saist that the earth shal open to swallow thee vp, and that hel shal receiue them, thou thinkest vpon Chore, Dathan, and Abiram. But who shuld be his master? Who betraid his king? Who deli­uered, or would haue deliuered him to the leagued Priests, to haue made him a Monke like your selues? And who rebel­led against the state ordained by God, as did Chore, Dathā, and Abiron, but you feare therfore least the heauens fal vp­pon all you of the league, as alredy it beginneth, & hel swal­low you vp, as did Chore, Dathan, and Abiron. Albeit the earth openeth not of her selfe in your waie, yet must you in­to it. If you die in your sin, & before your death aske no for­giuenes of God, the king & the realme. The historie of God testefieth, and we hold that as certain as there is a God, that so certain is your destruction & ruine. Thou speakest of the lecherous goat, but to what end? Is it because they wold not submit their daughters & wiues to the slippery lusts of your barbarous troupes? Heals. that is it that wee feared. What wilt thou say if there be any lecherous goats, or that among your troups (witnes the suburbs of Tours) they deale worse than euer did the Sarazens in France? What wold you do at Renes and els where, if you were the stranger? Yea diddest thou threaten those that resist you heerewith. As for that which thou alleagest of the Cameliō for trechery, of the ty­ger [Page 72] Tiger for cruelty or of the monster for disloyalty, with whō doth it better agree then with you: For to shrowde thēselues vnder the name of God or religion, euery day to take a new pretence wherewith to deceaue the king, to make him loose his forces, to attēpt against his estate, to wrest it frō him, to take no pitty of so many lamentations, weepings, & teares of the people: wishest thou any greater Tigers for crueltie, Cameleons for trechery or mōsters for disloialty, thē those that haue thus attēpted against the king, his person, estate & life? The king is Gods image vpō earth, his throne is sacred, his countenance reuerent, his life deare, & his person holy. There is no crime comparable to such fellony. Parricide is nothing in respect of the attēpts against the king. While he liueth, al liue: in his person God sheweth mercy to the realm & blesseth it: we liue of the breath of his nostrels: he is that faire tree that holdeth, keepeth & causeth men, beasts & the foules of the ayre to liue vnder her shadow. The king kepeth the wicked in feare, he safely preserueth the innocents, and causeth all to liue in peace. Then are they Tigers for cruelty, Cameleons for trechery, monsters for disloyalty, & if thou wilt Gotes for lechery, that smit, assault & enterprise against the state, life & person of the king. Now tel me who you are? For all this haue you done, yea ye haue slaine him. But what greater monster for disloialty wouldst thou haue then to bo­row the name of God to couer your cōspiracies? You made your accoūt that mē would neuer haue imagined that such a conspiracie could haue proceeded out of a counsell, wher were men assembled for reformation in the Church, but that it was the doubt of the Iesuits that shriue so deuoutly. To deale with such matters in shrift, where mē kneele down so humbly to cōfesse their sins to God & his Vickar, who wil know thē or else can giue no absolutiō, if it be not a monster of disloialty, tell vs what it is? Would you thus vse your re­ligion and yet be called Catholikes? Thou wilt yet say that you do nothing but what the Protestāts haue don. Nay they I euer did as you haue done: for they haue alwayes shewed that they neuer imagined to put down the king, but alwais [Page 73] praied for him: yea they habandoned and discharged their power when they had the better hand. They tooke armes. true: but they had iniury: ye tooke from thē the benefit of the kings edicts, their libertie, their liues & their religion, the exercise wherof had alwaies bin granted thē, as ālso their armies were allowed & their strāgers paid, & acknowledged for the kings faithful seruants. That which had bin giuen & irreuocably sworne vnto thē, ought not to haue bin takē frō thē, no not by the king himselfe: yet haue you taken thē frō thē, namely you of the house of Guize euē against the kings will, whose authority you haue abused, shrouding your selues vnder a false pretence of religion. Well, your vizard is pluckt off & you are knowen, you haue reuealed what you would haue done. For without any iniury offered vnto you eyther in libertie, goods, liues or persons, much lesse in your religion, you haue takē armes against the king. This can you not deny, for you entituled him but Henry of Valois: besides you haue executed him in picture as is aforesaid, & after­ward most trayterously murdered him by your cōfessor: are not you then Cameleons for trechery, & Tigers for crueltie? Where thou weepest for the vnion broken at Renes, thou art much more grieued at the faith falsified at Blois, & saiest that it will grow into a prouerbe, as did the Punicke fayth. Yet speakest thou not very largely of this matter, whereby thou art thought the wiser. For to what purpose is it to be atturney in a cause alreadie iudged & lost? Wenest thou that herein faith was falsified? It was but iustice executed vpon those that had falsified their faith. If thou saist that faith was giuen them: to whom was it giuen? To him who after the faith giuen made his party the stronger: who also after the giuing & taking of his oth enterprised against the king, but neuer tooke the kings faith but in purpose to breake it with the king? I would weete of thee whether the king gaue him his faith, that he might come to enterprise against his Maie­stie, & estate: to cōmand, and purchase voices: and to play the master, as if there had beene no other master but hee? Frangenti fidem, sides frangatur eidem. To a breaker of faith, let faith be broken. It was his part to haue kept his faith, & [Page 74] not to haue practised against the crowne, person, state, and life of the king, or the peace of the realme, but for dooing o­therwise he hath his reward, yet no faith broken, for he was iustly punished that had, and cōtinually did break it: neither was there euer king but would haue done as much, yea, thy selfe, if thou woldest but looke vpon thy conscience, woldest saie that it was wel done, considering (so great was his pow­er and so forward were his affaires) that the king had no o­ther meanes to saue himself. If a man come into a house vn­der colour of good faith, & offereth to take away thy life, & to get the maistership in thy house, & thou canst no waie e­scape but by taking away of his life, wilt thou not do it? But the law armeth thee herein. If a Prince thē may do this, shal the king haue no greater priuiledge? Was the kings doing at Blois so great a transgression? was it sufficient to stirre vp rebellion, & to make the Frenchman to take armes against his king in the behalfe of a strāger, that still falsified his faith vnto the king? If therevpon you take occasion to rebel, you were before conceiued of the euil: and that blow broke out the villanie of the impostume of France. Why, must you for that cause ouerrun the fields as you haue done? There is neither temple nor alter at Paris but you haue visited, and a thousand and a thousand candles haue you in one daie put out, with horrible imprecations against the late king. What say you now that God hath heard you? Yet were your prai­ers but furie, and your vowes but rage. God hath heard you in his wrath as he heareth the lost child that praieth for his fathers death, whereof ensueth his owne destruction. You haue iniured the late king in his picture: you haue loked a­wry vpon him, you haue cursed him, you haue shamefully trailed him about, hanged him on a gybet, made vp his pro­ces, executed him, & some of you euen haue murdred him, vntil a Iacobin by treasō slew him in deed. On the other side, the image of the enemy to your late king & the realme you worshipped. Your fury astonieth me and your rage maketh me afeard. Euen hel is no worse, I tel you truth, & I am asha­med and do abhor the dishonor & impiety of France, & the [Page 75] of reuerence of the Frenchmā to his king. Oh frantick peo­ple! Thou hast not the wit to see that thy tēples are become temples of frenzy, fury & rage. What doth thy deuotion de­serue? Iudas for betraying & selling his master, king, & lord brast in the midest. I will make no cōparison betweene the king & our Lord, but I detest the Frēchmens treason against their king & their causelesse furious deuotion against him. God hath iustly visited thee with such blindnesse: beleeue therefore that thy attempt against the person, life and estate of the king is a most horrible trespasse, witnes thy own rage, for therby do I know it better thē before. But wouldst thou haue any other testimony? Expect then some horrible ven­geance of God, for otherwise thou wilt neuer be taught. But rather God bring thee again into thy right wits, & grant the king power to vse full remission of so many trespasses, which is more necessarie for his Realme, then the Buls of Rome, that in part haue ben the cause of all this rebellion & ca­lamity. When thou speakest of breach of faith, looke vpon thy leagued Prelats that haue broched al this, where is their faith sworne to the king & the Realm? It is lawful (say they) to breake it for the benefite of holy mother Church, so as men need not sweare any more but by the faith of a Priest. But what weenest thou to do with so many iniuries: thinkest thou the rather to perswade the people of Renes for calling thē rude, ignorant & sluggish people that soiourneth in the puddle of ignorance, & then for calling the gouernor an heretike that quoifeth the people, and haleth them through the myre as mē leade beares by an iron chaine? Hast thou not made a good spoke, yet shall not this people be found so rude: but shall we find thē any wiser at Paris & els where? Time will trie: God grant it be neither by fire nor famine that maketh men eat one an o­ther, neither by the sword but by repentance, euery of these mutinous townes cōming to craue peace of the king: then shall Renes haue glory & ioy, & see her self led not through mire or laberinthes, neither by an iron chaine as they leade beastes: but they shall be led like true Frenchmen, that are vnited and closed together with a chaine of gold, whereof [Page 76] the two endes are fastened to the discreete and eloquent tongue of Hercules, according as the auncient Gaules were woont to be portrayed. For the force of reason is the Gaules Hercules: and such noble mindes as the true & na­turall French, will not be led but by the strong reasons of a liuely & perfect eloquence: that is it that bindeth, vniteth, and leadeth them. Then shall it bee a comfort to those of Renes that they were so led, and the Lo. of Mon-Barot, whō onely thou stomackest shall haue honour. Thou art not as­shamed to shew thy impietie. For when thou exhortest this people to rebell against the king: thou seest that nothing but death can ensue: thou seest it in maner present and ine­uitable, as in trueth it is: and to take away this feare, thou wouldest make thē beleeue that death in this quarrell shall be Martyrdom: that it shalbe a glory for them to die for the Gospell, euen for God (saiest thou) who was willing to die for vs, and thou holdest that in so iust a quarrell we must die for him that hath giuen vs life. Ah wretch! is it a Martyrs death to die a rebell against his king: to die leagued & a con­spirator against his estate and life: to die for fellony: to dye a rebell against God, a traytour against his countrie a muti­nous and seditious person? Tearmest thou this the glorious Martyrdome of our Lorde? Hath God giuen thee life that thou shouldest loose it in transgressing against thy king and countrie, where thou doest owe it? As for that that thou speakest of the Masse, of the crosse and other things, what can all that (notwithstanding whatsoeuer deuotion) seeme in a bad cause? Sith you haue God against you, who shall saue you? The arke of the couenant, a Sacrament ordey­ned by God, saued not Israell euen in a good cause. How good so euer deuotion is, yet must wee knowe it to bee graunted vppon Gods worde: and therefore we must not vse it to couer or vpholde a bad cause: for God looketh vpon the heart, and stayeth not vppon these outwarde ce­remonies. He loueth plainnesse, peace, obedience to the so­ueraigne, and loue towarde our neighbours. Otherwise he abhorreth all our deuotions, yea albeit he had a hundred [Page 77] and a hundred times commanded them. I will haue mer­cie (sayth God) and not sacrifice. Hee sayth also, Why come you before me seeing your handes are full of bloud. When you shall crie vnto mee I will not heare you. Sith then that thy Gedeons and Sampsons haue armed them­selues against the king, thinkest thou that all thy goodly deuotions will saue or make them the honester men?

But let vs see what thou sayest of the kinges armie. Vi­site the enemies campe (sayest thou) and thou shalt finde none but Atheistes, tormenters, cutters, vnnaturall Sorcerers, He­retickes, polluters of Churches, robbers of the common wealth, deflourers of women. There the harlot heresie, with her sisters crueltie and hypocrisie doe leade the first point of the armie. These be thy wordes. But doest thou iudge vs to be Atheistes? Wee beleeue in one onely God: thou knowest it well e­nough, whereupon doest thou builde? Thinkest thou that the Protestantes bee Atheistes, because they pretende no saluation but in one onely God, who alone hath created the worlde? In other matters they will aunswere thee that some will say one is none: but in mattets of saluation one only God doth all and is all and who so seeketh more saui­ours & other meanes of saluation beside God, findeth lesse, yea hath nothing all. Thou speakest of cutters: I heare say that there lyeth all thy griefe: but knowe thou that the king taketh what gard he list, and what executioners of his iustice he please. Neither is he to be contraried, when the enemies are to be dealt with. Kings are called Gods, for they kill and grant life, they do what they wil. Whether by day, by night, in the chamber, in the bed, at the table, in the streete, in the temple, euen at the hornes of the aulter. Did not Salomon comaund euen Bannaiok the Prince of his armie to slay Iob, the greatest & mightiest of Israel, one who had serued Dauid, had commanded ouer the men of war, and had so often saued the king & realme that the safety of Israel was due vnto him, I mean so farre forth as next vnto God it might be done to any man. Yet sought he not the Realme for himselfe, but for Adonias Dauids eldest sonne, and the [Page 78] sonne of a kinges daughter. Albeit he laide hould vppon the hornes of the holy & sacred aulter of God, crauing par­don in the name of the mightie God of Israell, yet did wise Salomon command him there to be slaine. This was an ac­ceptable offering to God: for God loueth iustice, especially against the enemies of kings, & disturbers of kingdoms, be­cause therin cōsisteth the welth, peace & safety of the world. What else wouldest thou haue? Thinke that the king may use what iustice he list, I say, where necessity, reason & equity do command. Yet must we see your pretence wherupon ye call the late king heretike, to the end the better to know your integrity. The late king would haue nothing but peace in his land: he would support as well the one as the other reli­gion vntill some good reformation: he would not see anie more bloud, he had bin glutted therwith, & had asked for­giuenes of God for the same. was he therfore an Atheist? but you spake but of killing, drowning, banishing, burning, and confiscating, & when you were told that so you shold make France a wildernes, you answered that France could neuer be without inhabitāts. Is not this rather Atheisme? The late king would not obey you, whereupon you tooke your pre­tence to call him Heretike, yea thou callest him Atheist. What people be you? If a good king will not be a Phalaris, a Tiger, a Busiris, he is an Atheist. Into what times are wee growen? Whereas thou callest those of the reformed reli­gion heretikes, they wil answere that they can better tel what they beleeue, then you what you do worship. That they be­leeue that saluation cōmeth from God, & the lambe, & that is the confession of the Catholike Church, whereto all the Angels of heauen do say Amen. Apoc. 7. so that if they were Heretikes, the Catholike Church must be an heretike, yea euen the Angels thēselues. But you haue charged thē with this to the end to haue thē rooted out, & so to ouerthrowe the fairest forces of the Realme, & the piller of the crowne, to the end afterward with more facility at your owne plea­sures to make an alteration in the state of France. And there­fore it is no heresie that is in vs, but mallice that is in you.

FINIS.

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