THE FIRST SECTION.

ANd in the first place, I cannot but weep bitterly, and with much anguish of soul lament that strange and horrid ac­cusation of some Christians against the dispersed, and affli­cted Iewes that dwell among them, when they say (what I tremble to write) that the Iewes are wont to celebrate the feast of unlea­vened bread, fermenting it with the bloud of some Christians, whom they have for this purpose killed: when the calumniators themselves have most barbarously and cruelly butchered some of them. Or to speak more mildly, have found one dead, and cast the corps, as if it had been murdered by the Iewes, into their houses or yards, as lamentable experience hath proved in sundry places: and then with unbridled rage and tumult, they ac­cuse the innocent Iews, as the committers of this most execrable fact. Which detestable wickednesse hath been sometimes perpe­trated, that they might thereby take advantage to exercise their cruelty upon them; and sometimes to justifie, and patronize their massacres already executed. But how farre this accusation is from any semblable appearance of truth, your worship may judge by these following arguments.

1. It is utterly forbid the Iewes to eat any manner of bloud whatsoever, Levit. Chapter 7.26. and Deuter. 12. where it is ex­presly said [...], And ye shall eat no manner of bloud, and in obe­dience to this command the Iewes eat not the bloud of any ani­mal. And more then this, if they find one drop of bloud in an egge, they cast it away as prohibited. And if in eating a piece of bread, it happens to touch any bloud drawn from the teeth, or gummes, it must be pared, and cleansed from the said bloud, as it evidenely appeares in Sulhan Haruch and our rituall book. Since then it is thus, how can it enter into any mans heart to be­lieve [Page 3]that they should eat humane bloud; which is yet more de­testable, there being scarce any nation now remaining upon earth to barbarous, as to commit such wickednesse?

2. The precept in the Decalogue Thou shalt not kill is of gene­rall extent; it is a morall command. So that the Iewes are bound not onely, not to kill one of those nations where they live, but they are also oblig'd by the law of gratitude, to love them. They are the very words of R. Moses of Egypt in Iad a Razaka, in his treatise of Kings, the tenth Chapter, in the end, Concerning the nations, the ancients have commanded us to visit their sick, and to bury their dead, as the dead of Israel, and to relieve, and maintain their poor, as we do the poor of Israel, because of the wayes of peace, as it is written, God is good to all, and his tender mercies are over all his works. Psal. 145.9. And in conformity hereto, I witnesse before God bles­sed for ever, that I have continually seen in Amsterdam where I re­side, abundance of good correspondency, many interchanges of brotherly affection, and sundry things of reciprocall love. I have thrice seen when some Flemine Christians have fallen into the river in our ward, called Flemburgh, our nation cast them­selves into the river to them, to help them out, and to deliver their lives from death. And certainly he that will thus hazard himself to save another, cannot harbour so much cruell malice, as to kill the innocent, whom he ought out of the duty of huma­nity to defend and protect.

3. It is forbidden Exodus 21.20. to kill a stranger; If a man smite his servant, or his maid with a rod, and he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished, notwithstanding, if he continue a day or two, he shall not be punished, for he is his money. The text speaks of a servant that is one of the Gentile nations, because that he onely is said to be the money of the Iew, who is his master, as Aben Ezra well notes upon the place. And the Lord commands, that if he die under the hand of his master, his master shall be put to death, for that as it seems, he struck him with a murderous intent. But it is otherwise if the servant dies afterwards, for then it appeares, that he did not strike him with a purpose to kill him; for if so, he would have killed him out of hand, wherefore he shall be free, and it may suffice for punishment that he hath lost his money. If therefore a Iew cannot [Page 4]kill his servant, or slave that is one of the nations, according to the law, how much lesse shall he be impowred to murder him that is not his enemy, and with whom he leads a quiet and a pea­ceable life? and therefore how can any good man believe that against his holy law, a Iew (in a strange countrey especially) should make himself guilty of so execrable a fact?

4. Admit that it were lawfull (which God forbid) why should they eat the bloud? And supposing they should eat the bloud, why should they eat it on the Passeover? Here at this feast, eve­ry confection ought to be so pure, as not to admit of any leaven, or any thing that may fermentate, which certainly bloud doth.

5. If the Iewes did repute and hold this action (which is never to be named without an epethite of horrour) necessary, they would not expose themselves to so eminent a danger, to so cru­ell and more deserved punishment, unlesse they were moved to it by some divine precept; or at least, some constitution of their wise men. Now we challenge all those men who entertain this dreadfull opinion of us, as obliged in point of justice, to cite the place of Scripture, or of the Rabbins, where any such precept, or doctrine is delivered. And untill they do so, we will assume so much liberty, as to conclude it to be no better then a malicious slander.

6. If a man, to save his life, may break the Sabbath, and trans­gresse many of the other commands of the law, as hath been determined in the Talmud; as also confirmed by R. Moses of E­gypt, in the fifth Chapter of his treatise of the fundamentalls of the law; yet three are excepted, which are, idolatry, murther, and adultery; life not being to be purchased at so dear a rate, as the com­mitting of these heinous sins: an innocent death being infinitely to be preserred before it. Wherefore if the killing of a Christian, as they object, were a divine precept, and institution, (which far be it from me to conceive) it were certainly to be null'd and ren­dred void, since a man cannot perform it, without indangering his own life; and not onely so, but the life of the whole congre­gation of an entire people; and yet more, since it is directly a vi­olation of one of these thtee precepts, Thou shalt do no murder [...] which is intended universally of all men, as we have said before.

[Page 5]7. The Lord, blessed forever, by his prophet Ieremiah Chap. 29.7. gives it in command to the captive Israelites that were di­spersed among the heathens, that they should continually pray for, and endeavour the peace, welfare and prosperity of the city wherein they dwelt, and the inhabitants thereof. This the Iewes have alwayes done, and continue to this day in all their Syna­gogues, with a particular blessing of the Prince or Magistrate, un­der whose protection they live. And this the Right Honourable my Lord St. Iohn can testifie; who when he was Embassadour to the Lords the States of the united Provinces, was pleased to ho­nour our Synagogue at Amsterdam with his presence, where our nation entertained him with musick, and all expressions of joy and gladnesse, and also pronounced a blessing, not onely upon his honour, then present, but upon the whole Common-wealth of England, for that they were a people in league and amity; and be­cause we conceived some hopes that they would manifest towards us, what we ever bare towards them, viz. all love and affection. But to return again to our argument, if we are bound to study, endeavour, and sollicite, the good and flourishing estate of the city where we live, and the inhabitants thereof, how shall we then murder their children, who are the greatest good, and the most flourishing blessing that this life doth indulge to them.

8. The children of Israel are naturally mercifull, and full of compassion. This was acknowledged by their enemies, Kings 1.20, 31. when Benhadad King of Assyria was discomfited in the battel, and fled away, he became a petitioner for his life to King Ahab, who had conquered him; for he understood that the Kings of the house of Israel were mercifull Kings; and his own experience confirmed it, when for a little affection that he pretended in a complement, he obtained again his life and fortunes, from which [...]he event of the warre had disentitled him. And when the Gibeonites made that cruell request to David, that seven of Sauls sons who were innocent, should be delivered unto them, the pro­ [...]het saies, now the Gibeonites were not of the children of Israel, Sam. [...].21, 2. as if he had said, in this cruelty, the piety of the Isra­ [...]lites is not so much set forth, as the tyranny, and implacable rage [...]f the Gentiles, the Gibeonites. Which being so, and experience [Page 6]withall declares it, viz. the fidelity which our nation hath invio­lably preserved towards their superiours, then most certainly i [...] is wholly incompatible, and inconsistent with the murdering o [...] their children.

9. There are some Christians, that use to insult against the Iewes as Christian homicides, that will venter to give a reason of thes [...] pretended murtherous practises. As if the accusation were the [...] most infallibly true, if they can find any semblance of a reason why it might be so. As they say, that this is practised by them in hatred and detestation of Jesus of Nazareth. And that therefore they steal Christian Children, buffeting them in the same manne [...] that he was buffetted; thereby to rub up, and revive the memory of the aforesaid death. And likewise they imagine that the Iewes secretly steal away crosses, crucifixes, and such like graven images, which Papists privately and carefully retein in their hou­ses, and every day the Iewes mainly strike, and buffet, shamefully spitting on them, with such like ceremonies of despight, and al [...] this in hatred of Jesus. But I admire what they really think, when they object such things as these, laying them to our charge. Fo [...] surely we cannot believe, that a people, otherwise of sufficient prudence, and judgement, can perswade themselves into an opinion that the Iewes should commit such practises, unlesse they could conceive they did them in honour and obedience to the God whom they worship. And what kind of obedience is this they perform to God blessed for ever, when they directly sin against that speciall command Thou shalt not kill? Besides, this can­not be committed without the imminent, and manifest perill o [...] their lives and fortunes, and the necessary exposing themselves to a just revenge. Moreover, it is an Anathema to a Iew to have any graven images in his house, or any thing of an idol, which any o [...] the nations figuratively worship, Deut. 7.26.

10. Matthew Paris p. 532. writes, how that in the year 1240▪ the Iewes circumcised a Christian child at Norwich, and gave him the name Iurnin, and reserved him to be crucified, for which cause many of them were most cruelly put to death. The truth of thi [...] story will evidently appear upon the consideration of its citcum­stances. He was first circumcised, and this perfectly constitute [...] [Page 7]him a Iew. Now for a Iew to embrace a Christian in his armes, and foster him in his bosome, is a testimony of great love and affection. But if it was intended that shortly after this child should be crucified, to what end was he first circumcised? If it shall be said it was out of hatred to the Christians, it appears ra­ther to the contrary, that it proceeded from detestation of the Iewes, or of them who had newly become proselytes, to em­brace the Iewes religion. Surely this supposed pranck (storied to be done in popish times) looks more like a piece of the reall scene of the Popish Spaniards piety, who first baptiz'd the poor Indians, and afterwards out of cruel pity to their souls, inhumane­ly butchered them; then of strict-law-observing Iewes, who dare not make a sport of one of the seales of their covenant.

11. Our captivity under the Mahumetans is farre more bur­densome, and grievous then under the Christians, and so our an­cients have said, it is better to inhabit under Edom then Ismael, for they are a people more civill, and rationall, and of a better policie, as our nation have found experimentally. For, excepting the no­bler, and better sort of Iewes, such as live in the Court of Constan­tinople, the vulgar people of the Iewes that are dispersed in other countries of the Mahumetan Empire, in Asia and Africa, are treat­ed with abundance of contempt and scorn. It would therefore follow, that if this sacrificing of children be the product and re­sult of hatred, that they should execute and disgorge it much more upon the Mahumetans, who have reduced them to so great calamity and misery. So that if it be necessary to the celebration of the Passeover, why do they not as well kill a Mahumetan? But al­though the Iewes are scattered, and dispersed throughout all those vast territories, notwithstanding all their despite against us, they never yet to this day forged such a calumnious accusation, Wherefore it appeares plainly, that it is nothing else but a slander, and such a one, that considering how the scene is laid, I cannot ea­sily determine whether it speak more of malice, or of folly: cer­tainly Sultan Selim made himself very merry with it, when the story was related him by Moses Amon his chief Physicyan.

12. If all that which hath been said is not of sufficient force to wipe off this accusation, because the matter on our part is [Page 8]purely negative, and so cannot be cleared by evidence of wit­nesses, I am constrained to use another way of argument, which the Lord, blessed for ever, hath prescribed Exod. 22. which is an oath; wherefore I swear, without any deceit or fraud, by the most high God, the creatour of heaven and earth, who promulged his law to the people of Israel, upon mount Sinai, that I never yet to this day saw any such custome among the people of Israel, and that they doe not hold any such thing by divine precept of the law, or any ordinance or institution of their wise men, and that they never committed or endeavoured such wickednesse, (that I know, or have credibly heard, or read in any Jewish Authours) and if I lie in this matter, then let all the curses mentioned in Le­viticus and Deuteronomy come upon me, let me never see the bles­sings and consolations of Zion, nor attain to the resurrection of the dead. By this I hope I may have proved what I did intend, and certainly this may suffice all the friends of truth, and all faithfull Christians to give credit to what I have here averred. And in­deed our adversaries who have been a little more learned, and consequently a little more civill then the vulgar, have made a halt at this imputation. Iohn Hoornbeek in that book which he lately writ against our nation, wherein he hath objected against us, right or wrong, all that he could any wayes scrape together, was not­withstanding ashamed to lay this at our door, in his Prolegomena pag. 26. where he sayes, An autem verum sit quod vulg ò in historiis lega­tur, &c. i.e. whether that be true which is commonly read in histo­ries, to aggravate the Iewes hatred against the Christians, or ra­ther the Christians against the Iewes, that they should annually upon the preparation of the Passeover, after a cruell manner sa­crifice a Christian child, privily stollen, in disgrace, and contempt of Christ, whose passion, and crucifixion the Christians celebrate, I will not assert for truth; as well knowing, how easy it was for those times wherein these things are mentioned, to have hap­pen'd, (especially after the Inquisition was set up in the Pope­dome) to forge, and fain; and how the histories of those ages, ac­cording to the affection of the writers, were too too much addi­cted, and given unto fables and figments. Indeed I have never yet seen any of all those relations that hath by any certain ex­periment [Page 9]proved this fact, for they are all founded; either upon the uncertain report of the vulgar, or else upon the secret accusa­tion of the Monks belonging to the inquisition, not to mention the avarice of the informers, wickedly hanquering after the Iewes wealth, and so with ease forging any wickednesse. For in the first book of the Sicilian constitutions tit. 7. we see the Emperour Frederick saying, Si vero Iudaeus, vel Saracenus sit, in quibus prout certò perpendimus Christiano cum persecutio minus abundat ad praesens, but if he be a Iew or a Saracen, against whom, as we have weighed, the persecution of the Christians do much abound, &c. thus taxing the violence of certain Christians against the Iewes. Or if perhaps it hath sometimes happened, that a Christian was kill'd by a Iew, we must not therefore say that in all places where they inhabit, they annually kill a Christian Child. And for that which Thomas Cantipratensis lib. 2. cap. 23. affirms, viz. that it is certainly known, that the Iewes every year, in every province, cast lots what city or town shall afford Christian bloud to the other cities. I can give it no more credit then his other fictions and lies where­with he hath stuffed his book. Thus farre Iohn Hoornbeek.

13. Notwithstanding all this, there are not wanting some hi­stories, that relate these and the like calumnies against an afflicted people, For which cause the Lord saith, He that toucheth you touch­eth the apple of my eye, Zach. 2.6. I shall cursolarily mention some passages that have occurred in my time, whereof, I say not that I was an eye witnesse, but onely that they were of generall report and credence, without the least contradiction. I have faithfully noted both the names of the persons, the places where, and the time when they happened, in my continuation of Flavius Josephus, I shall be the lesse curious therefore in reciting them here. In Vi­enna the Metropolis of Austria, Frederick being Emperour, there was a pond frozen, according to the cold of those parts, wherein three boyes (as it too frequently happens) were drowned▪ when they were missed, the imputation is cast upon the Jewes, and they are incontinently indicted, for murthering of them, to cele­brate their Passeover. And being imprisoned, after infinite pray­ers and supplications made to no effect, three hundred of them were burnt, when the pond thawd, these three boyes were found, [Page 10]and then their innocency was clearly evinc'd although too late after the execution of this cruelty.

In Araguza about thirty yeares ago, there was a Christian wo­man, into whose house there came a little girle (of eleven yeares of age, daughter to a neighbouring gentleman) richly adorned with jewels: this wretched woman, not thinking of a safer way to rob her, then by killing her, cut her throat, and hid her under her bed, the girle was presently mist, and by information they understood that she was seen to go into that house, they call a Magistrate to search the house, and find the girle dead, she con­fest the fact, and as if she should have expiated her own guilt by destroying a Iew, though never so innocent, she said, she did it at the instigation and perswasion of one Isaac Jeshurun, for that the Jewes wanted bloud to celebrate their feast: she was hang'd, and the Jew was apprehended, who being six times cruelly tot­tur'd, they employing their wits in inventing unheard of, and in­sufferable torments, such as might gain Perillous the estimation of mercifull and compassionate, still cryes out of the falshood of the accusation, saying, that that wickednesse which he never com­mitted, no not so much as in his dreams, was maliciously imputed to him, yet notwithstanding he was condemned to remain close prisoner for twenty yeares, (though he continued there onely three,) and to be fed there through a trough, upon the bread and water of affliction, being close manacled, and naked, within a four square wall, built for that purpose, that he might there perish in his own dung. This mans brother Joseph Jeshurun is now living at this time in Hamborough. This miserable man calling up­on God, beseeching him to shew some signall testimony of his innocencie, and citing before his divine tribunall the Senatours who had with no more mercy, then justice, thus grievously and inhumanely afflicted him; the blessed God was a just Judge, for the Prince died suddenly at a banquet, the Sunday next en­suing the giving of the sentence, and during the time of his im­prisonment, the aforesaid Senatours by little and little dropt a­way, and died, which was prudently observed by those few that yet remain'd, wherefore they resolved to deliver themselves by restoring him to his liberty, accounting it as a particular di­vine [Page 11]providence: this man came out well, passed throughout all Italy, where he was seen, to the admiration of all that had cog­nizance of his sufferings, and died a few yeares since at Jeru­salem.

14. The act of the faith (which is ordinarily done at Toledo) was done at Madrid, Anno 1632. in the presence of the King of Spain, where the Inquisitors did then take an oath of the King and queen, that they should maintain and conserve the Catho­lick faith in their dominions. In this act it is found printed, how that a family of our nation was burnt, for confessing upon the wrack the truth of a certain accusation of a maid servant, who, (provoked out of some disgust) said, that they had scourged, and whip't an image, which by the frequent lashes, issued forth a great deal of bloud, and crying with an out stretched voice, said unto them, why do you thus cruelly scourge me? the whole no­bility well understood that it was all false, but things of the in­quisition all must hush.

15. A very true story happened at Lisbon, Anno 1631. A certain Church missed one night a silver pixe or box, wherein was the popish hosts. And forasmuch as they had seen a young youth of our nation, whose name was Simao pires solis, sufficiently noble, to passe by the same night, not farre from thence, who went to vi­sit a Lady, he was apprehended, imprisoned, and terribly tortured. They cut off his hands, and after they had dragged him along the streets, burnt him. one year passed over, and a thief at the foot of the gallowes confessed how he himself had rifled and plunder­ed the shrine of the host, and not that poor innocent whom they had burnt. This young mans brother was a Frier, a great Theo­logist, and a preacher, he lives now a Jew in Amsterdam, and calls himself Eliazar de solis.

16. Some perhaps will say, that men are not blame worthy for imputing to the Jewes, that which they themselves with their own mouthes have confest. But surely he hath little understanding of wracks, and tortures that speaks thus. An Earle of Portugal, when his Physicyan was imprisoned for being a Jew, requested one of the inquisitors, by letter, that he would cause him to be set at liberty, for that he knew for certain that he was a very good Christian, but [Page 12]he not being able to undergo the tortures inflicted on him, con­fessed himself a Iew, and became a penitentiary. At which the Earl being much incenst, feins himself sick, and desires the in­quisitor by one of his servants, that he would be pleased to come and visit him. when he came, he commanded him that he should confesse that himself was a Iew, and further, that he should put it down in writing with his own hand, which when he refused to do, he charges some of his servants to put a helmet that was red hot in the fire, (provided for this purpose) upon his head; at which, he not being able to endure this threatned torment, takes him aside to confesse, and also he writ with his own hand that he was a Iew: whereupon the Earl takes occasion to reprove his injustice, cruelty, and inhumanity, saying, in like manner as you have con­fest, did my Physicyan confesse. Besides that, you have presently, onely out of fear, not sence of torment, confest more. For this cause in the Israelitish Senate, no torture was ever infli­cted, but onely every person was convicted at the testimony of two witnesses. That such like instruments of cruelty may enforce children that have been tenderly educated, and fathers that have lived deliciously to confesse that they have whipt an image, and been guilty of such like criminall offences, daily experience may demonstrate.

17. Others will perchance alledge, these are histories indeed, but they are not sacred, nor canonicall. I answer, Love and ha­tred sayes Plutarch, corrupt the truth of every thing, as experi­ence sufficiently declares it; when we see that which comes to passe, that one and the same thing, in one and the same city, at one and the same time, is related in different manners. I my self in my own Negotiation here have found it. For it hath been ru­moured abroad, that our nation had purchased S. Pauls Church for to make it their Synagogue, notwithstanding that it was for­merly a temple consecrated to the worship of Diana. And many other things have been reported of us that never entred into the thoughts of our nation; as I have seen a fabulous Narrative of the proceedings of a great Council of the Iewes, assembled in the plain of Ageda in Hungaria, to determine whether the Messiah were come or no.

[Page 13]18. And now, since that it is evident that it is forbidden the Iewes to eat any manner of bloud, and that to kill a man is direct­ly prohibited by our law, and the reasons before given are con­sentaneous and agreeable to every ones understanding, I know it will be inquired by many, but especially by those who are more pious, and the friends of truth, how this calumnie did arise, and from whence it derived its first originall. I may answer, that this wickednesse is laid to their charge for divers reasons.

First, Ruffinus the familiar friend of S. Hierome in his version of Iosephus his second book that he writ against Apion the Gramma­rian (for the Greek text is there wanting) tells us how Apion in­vented this slander to gratifie Antiochus, to excuse his sacriledge, and justifie his perfidious dealing with the Iewes, making their estates supply his wants. Prophet a vero aliorum est Apion &c. Apion is become a Prophet, and said that Antiochus found in the temple, a bed, with a man lying upon it, and a table set before him, fur­nished with all dainties both of sea and land, and fowles, and that this man was astonished at them, and presently adores the en­trance of the King, as coming to succour and relieve him, and prostrating himself at his knees, & stretching out his right hand, he implores liberty; whreat the King commanding him to sit down and declare who he was, why he dwelt there, and what was the cause of this his plentifull provision? the man with sighs and tears; la­mentably weeps out his necessity: and tells him that he is a Grecian, and whilst he travelled about the province to get food, he was suddenly apprehended, and caught up by some strange men, and brought to the temple, and there shut up, that he might be seen by no man, but be there fatted with all man­ner of dainties, and that these unexpected benefits wrought in him at the first joy, then suspicion, after that astonishment, and last of all, advising with the Minister that came unto him, he un­derstood that the Iewes every year, at a certain time appointed according to their secret and ineffable law, take up some Greek stranger, and after he hath been fed delicately for the space of a whole year, they bring him into a certain wood, and kill him. Then according to their solem rites and ceremonies, they sacri­fice his body, and every one tasting of his intrails, in the offer­ing [Page 14]up of this Greek they enter into a solemn oath, that they will bear an immortall feude and hatred to the Greeks. And then they cast the reliques of this perishing man into a certain pit. Af­ter this Apion makes him to say, that onely some few dayes remain­ed to him, before his execution, & to desire the King that he, fear­ing and worshipping the Grecian gods, would revenge the bloud of his subjects upon the Iewes, and deliver him from his ap­proaching death. This fable (saith Iosephus) as it is most full of all tragedy, so it abounds with cruell impudence, I had rather you should read the confutation of this slander there, then I to write it in this place, you will find it in the Geneva edition of Io­sephus, pag. 1066.

Secondly, The very same accusation and horrid wickednesse of killing children, and eating their bloud, was of old by the an­cient heathens, charg'd upon the Christians, that thereby they might make them odious, and incense the common people a­gainst them, as appeares by Tertullian in his Apologia contra gentes, Iustin Martyr in apologia 2. ad Anton. Eusebius Caesareensis l. 5. cap. 1. & 4. Pineda in his Monarchia Ecclesiastica l. 11. c. 52: and many others, as is known sufficiently. So that the imputation of this cruelty, which as to them continues onely in memory, is to the very same purpose, at this day charged upon the Iewes. And as they deny this fact, as being falsly charged upon them, so in like manner do we deny it, and I may say perhaps with a little more reason, forasmuch as we eat not any manner of bloud, wherein they do not think themselves obliged.

Now the reason of this slander was alwayes the covetous ambition of some, who desiring to gain their wealth, and possesse them­selves of their estates, have forg'd and introduc'd this enormous accusation, to colour their wickednesse, under a specious pretence of revenging their own bloud. And to this purpose, I remember that when I reproved a Rabbi (who came out of Poland to Am­sterdam) for the excesse of usurie in Germany, and Poland, which they exacted of the Christians, and told him how moderate they in Holland and in Italy were, he replyed, we are of necessity con­strained to do so, because they so often raise up false witnesses against us, and levie more from us at once, then we are able to [Page 15]get again by them in many yeares. And so, as experience shews, it usually succeeds with our poor people under this pretext and colour.

19. And so it hath been divers times; men mischieving the Iewes to excuse their own wickednesse; as to instance one pre­cedent in the time of a certain King of Portugal. The Lord, blessed for ever, took away his sleep one night, (as he did from King Ahashuer us) and he went up into a belcony in the palace, from whence he could discover the whole city, and from thence (the moon shining clear) he espyed two men carrying a dead corps, which they cast into a Iew's yard. He presently dispatches a couple of servants, and commands them, yet with a seeming care­lesnesse, they should trace and follow those men, and take notice of their house; which they accordingly did. The next day there is a hurly burly and a tumult in the city, accusing the Iewes of murder. Thereupon the King apprehends these rogues, and they confesse the truth; and considering that this businesse was guided by a particular divine providence, calls some of the wise men of the Iewes, and asks them how they translate the 4. verse of the 121 Psalm, and they answered, Behold, he that keepeth Israel will neither slumber nor sleep. The King replied, if he will not slumber then much lesse will he sleep; you do not say well, for the true translation is, Behold, the Lord doth not slumber, neither will he suffer him that keepeth Israel to sleep. God who hath yet a care over you, hath taken away my sleep, that I might be an eye witnesse of that wickednesse which is this day laid to your charge. This with many such like relations we may read in the book called Scebet Iehuda, how sundry times, when our nation was at the very brink of destruction, for such forged slanders, the truth hath discover­ed it self for their deliverance.

20. This matter of bloud hath been heretofore discussed and disputed before one of the Popes, at a full councell; where it was determined to be nothing else but a mere calumnie: and hereupon gave liberty to the Iewes to dwell in his countryes, and gave the princes of Italy to understand the same, as also Alfonso the wise King of Spain. And suppose any one man had done such a thing, as I believe never any Iew did so, yet this [Page 16]were great cruelty to punish a whole nation for one mans wickednesse.

21. But why should I use more words about this matter, see­ing all that is come upon us, was foretold by all the prophets? Moses Deut. 28.61. Moreover, every sicknesse and every plague which is not written in the book of this law, them will the Lord bring upon thee, &c. because thou hast not hearkned to the voice of the Lord thy God. David in the 44. Psalm makes a dolefull complaint of those evils, and ignominious reproaches, wherewith we are invironed round about in this captivity, as if we were the proper center of misery, saying, For thy sake are we killed all the day long, we are counted as sheep for the slaughter. The same he speaks Psalm 74. and in other Psalms.

Ezekiel more particularly mentions this calumnie; God, bles-for ever, promising Chap. 36.13. that in time to come the de­vouring of men, or the eating of mans bloud shall be no more imputed to them, according to the true and proper exposition of the learned Don Isaac Abarbanel. The blessed God, according to the multitude of his mercies, will have compassion upon his peo­ple, and will take away the reproach of Israel from off the earth, that it may be no more heard, as is prophesied by Isaiah, and let this suffice to have spoken as to this point.

THE SECOND SECTION.

YOur worship desired joyntly, to know what ceremony, or humiliation the Iewes use in their Synagogues, toward the book of the Law; for which they are by some igno­rantly reputed to be idolaters. I shall answer it in Order.

First, the Iewes hold themselves bound to stand up when the book of the Law written upon parchment, is taken out of the desk, utill it is opened on the pulpit, to shew it to the people, and afterwards to be read. We see that observed in Nehemias, cap. 8.6. where it is said, And when he had opened it, all the people stood up. and this they do in reverence to the word of God, and that sacred Book.

[Page 17]For the same cause, when it passeth from the desk toward the pulpit, all that it passeth by, bow down their heads a little, with reverence; which can be no idolatry for these following reasons.

First, it is one thing adorare, viz. to adore, and another venerari, viz. to worship. For Adoration is forbidden to any creature, whe­ther Angelicall, or Earthly; but Worship may be given to either of them, as to men of a higher rank, commonly stiled worship­full. And so Abraham, who in his time rooted out vain idolatry, humbled himself, and also prostrated himself before those three guests, which then he entertained for Men. As also Iosuah the holy Captain of the people, did prostrate himself to another Angel, which with a sword in his hand, made him afraid, at the gates of Iericho. Wherefore if those were just men, and if we are obliged to follow their example, and they were not reprehended for it, it is clear, that to worship the Law in this manner as we do, can be no idolatry.

Secondly, The Iewes are very scrupulous in such things, and and fear in the least, to appear to give any honour or reverence to images. And so it is to be seen in the Talmud, and in R. Moses of Egypt in his Treatise of idolatry: That if by chance any Israelite should passe by a Church, that had images on the out side, and at that time a thorn should run into his foot, he may not stoop to pull it out, because he that should see him, might suspect he bow­ed to such an image. Therefore according to this strictnesse, if that were any appearance of idolatry to bow to the Law, the Iewes would utterly abhorre it; and since they do it, it is an evident sign that it is none.

Thirdly, to kisse images is the principall worship of idolatry▪ as God saith, in the 1 of Kings 19.19. Yet I have left me seven thou­sand in Israel, all the knees that have not bowed unto Baal, and every mouth that hath not kissed him. But if that were so, it would follow, that all men, who kisse the Testament after they are sworn, should be idolaters. But because that is not so, since that act is but a sim­ple worship, by the same reason it will follow, that to bow the head, cannot be reputed for idolatry.

Fourthly, Experience sheweth, that in all Nations the cere­monies [Page 18]that men use mutually one towards another, is to bow the head: And also there are degrees thereof, according to the quality of the person with whom they speak; which shew that in the opinion of all nations, it is no idolatry, and therefore much lesse, to reverence the Law with bowing of the body.

Fifthly, In Asia (and it is the same almost in all the world) the people receiving a decree, or order of the king, they take it, and kisse it, and set it upon the head. We owe much more to Gods word, and to his divine Commandments.

Sixthly, Ptolomeus Philadelphus, receiving the 72 Interpreters with the book of the Law, into his presence, he rose from his seat, and prostrating himself seven times, worshipped it, (as Aristaeus assures us.) If a Gentile did this to a law which he thought did not oblige him, much more do we owe reverence to that Law which was particularly given unto us.

Seventhly, The Israelites hold for the Articles of their Faith, that there is a God; who is one in most simple unity; eternall, incorpo­reall; who gave the written Law unto his people Israel, by the hand of Moses, the Prince, and chief of all the Prophets; whose Provi­dence takes care for the world which he created; who takes no­tice of all mens works, and rewardeth or punisheth them. Last­ly, that one day Messias shall come to gather together the scat­tered Israelites, and shortly after shall be the resurrection of the dead.

These are their Doctrines, which I believe contain not any idola­try; nor yet in the opinion of those that are of other judgements; For, as a most learned Christian of our time hath written, in a French book, which he calleth the Rappel of the Iewes (in which he makes the King of France to be their leader, when they shall return to their country,) the Iewes, saith he, shall be saved, for yet we expect a second coming of the same Messias; and the Iewes believe that that coming is the first, and not the second, and by that faith they shall be saved; for the difference consists onely in the circumstance of the time.

THE THIRD SECTION.

SIr, I hope I have given satisfaction to your worship, touching those points. I shall yet further inform you with the same sincerity, concerning the rest. Sixtus Senensis in his Biblio­thaeca, lib. 2. Titulo contra Talmud, and others, as Biatensis, Ordine 1. Tract. 1. Titulo Perachot. averre out of the Talmud. cap. 4. ‘that every Iew, thrice a day, curseth all Christians, and prayeth to God to confound, and root them out, with their Kings and Princes. And this is especially done in the Synagogue, by the Iewes Priests, thrice a day.’ I pray let such as love the truth, see the Talmud, in the quoted place; and they shall find nothing of that which is objected: onely there is recited in the said fourth Chapter, the daily prayer, which speaks of Minim, that is, Here­ticks, ordained in Tabne, (that is a town not farre from Ierusa­lem, between Gath and Gazim, &c.) the Talmud hath no more. Hence Sixtus Senensis by distillation, draws forth the foresaid ca­lumnie, when as, what the Talmud rehearseth briefly, to be made onely by the wise men in the said Town, he saith, was a constitu­tion in the Talmud long after.

Now let us see what was done by those wise men in the said Town; and let us examine, whether that may justly offend the Christians.

There is in the daily prayers a certain Chapter where it is thus written, la-Mumarim, &c. that is, For Apostates, let there be no hope, let all Hereticks be destroyed, and all thine ene­mies, and all that hate thee, let them perish. And thou shalt root out the kingdome of pride forthwith, weaken, and put it out, and in our dayes. This whole Chapter speaketh nothing of Christians originally, but of the Iewes, who fell in those times, to the Zaduces, and Epi­cureans, and to the Gentiles, as Moses of Egypt saith, Tract. Tephi­la. cap. 2. For by Apostates and Hereticks are not to be under­stood all men, that are of a diverse religion, or heathens, or Gentiles, but those renegado Iewes, who did abrogate the whole [Page 20]Law of Moses, or any Articles received thence; and such are pro­perly by us called Hereticks. For according to the Law of Chri­stians, he is not properly an Apostate, or Heritick, who is origi­nally bred a scholler and a candid follower from his youth of a diverse law, and so continueth: otherwise native Iewes and Haga­rens, and other Nations that are no Christians, nor ever were should be be properly called Apostates, and Hereticks in respect of Christians; which is absurd, as it is absurd for the Iewes to call the Christians Apostates, or Hereticks. Wherefore it speak­eth nothing of Christians, but of the fugitive Iewes, that is, such as have deserted the standard, or the sacred Law.

2. Lastly, neither the kingdomes, nor kings that are Christi­ans, or Hagarens, or followers of other Sects are cursed here, but namely the kingdome of Pride. Certain it is that in that time (wherein, our wise men added to the daily Prayers the foresaid Chapter) there was no kingdome of Christians. what therefore that kingdome of pride was, should any man ask, who can plain­ly shew it? So much as we can conjecture by it, it is the king­dome of the Romans which then flourished, which did rule over all Nations tyrannically and proudly, especially over the Iewes. For, after that, Vespasian, with his son Titus, had dissipated all Iu­dea. And though som Roman Emperours after that became Chri­stians, or had a good opinion of Christianity, yet the kingdome of the Romans was heathenish, and without distinction, was proud, and tyrannicall And however the Iewes repeated the same words of the prayer when the Prince was very good, and they lived un­der a just government, that they did, onely of an ancient cu­stome, without any malice to the present government. And now truly in all their books printed again, the foresaid words are want­ing, lest they should now be unjustly objected against the Iewes; and so for Apostates and Hereticks, they say, secret accusers, or betray­ers of the Iewes. And for the kingdome of pride, they substitute all Zedim, that is, proud men.

3. After this manner, to avoid scandall, did the 72 Inter­preters, who coming in Leviticus, to unclean beasts; in the place of Arnebeth which signifies the Hare, they put [...], that is, rough foot; leaving the Name, and keeping the sense. They would [Page 21]not retein the Hebrew word Arnebeth, as they have done in some other appellatives, lest the wife of Ptolomy whose name was Arne­bet, should think that the Iewes had mocked her, if they should have placed her name amongst the unclean beasts. Neither would they render it [...] lagoon, or [...] lagon, which in the Greek lan­guage signifies a Hare, lest Ptolomy himself who was the son, and nephew of the Lagi, should be offended, to see the name of his family registred among the creatures that were unclean. Besides, Plutarch records, how that it was deeply resented, as a very high affront, and contempt, when one asked Ptolomy, who was Lagus his father, as if it scoffingly reflected upon his obscure ex­traction and descent.

4. The very like calumnie fell out concerning the very same Chapter of our Prayer, when Mulet Zidan reigned in Morocco. A certain fugive Iew, to shew himself constant in the Mahume­tan Religion, and an enemy to his own Nation, accused the Iewes before this king, saying, that they prayed to God for his destru­ction, when they mention in their prayers all Zedim, as though they would have all the Family of Zidan destroyed. They excu­sed themselves with the truth, and affirmed, in praying against Zedim, that they prayed onely against proud men, (as that word in their Hebrew language properly signifieth) and not against his Majesty. The King admitted of their excuse; but said unto them, that because of the equivocation of the word, they should change it for another.

5. For certain, the Iewes give no occasion, that any Prince, or Magistrate should be offended with them; but contrariwise, as it seems to me, they are bound to love them, to defend, and protect them. For, by their Law, and Talmud, and the inviolable custome of the dispersed Iewes, every where, upon every Sabbath day, and in all yearly solemnities, they have prayers for Kings and Princes, under whose Government the Iewes live, be they Christians, or of other Religions, I say by their Law, as Iere­miah ch. 29. commandeth, viz. Seek ye the peace of the city, whi­ther I have caused you to be carried away captives, and pray for them, unto the Lord, &c. By the Talmud ord. 4. Tract. 4. Abodazara. cap. 1. there is a prayer for the peace of the Kingdome, from custome, [Page 22]never intermitted of the Iewes: Wheresoever they are on the Sabbath day, and their annuall solemnities, the Minister of the Synagogue before he blesseth the people of the Iewes, doth with a loud voice, blesse the Prince of the country under whom they live, that all the Iewes may hear it; and they say Amen. You have seen the Form of the prayer in the book entitled The hum­ble Addresses.

6. In like manner the ancients observe, that whereas God com­mands in Numbers 29.13. that seventy bullocks should be sa­crificed upon the seven dayes of the feast of tabernacles, that this was in respect of the seventy nations (who shall one day come up to Ierusalem, year after year, to keep this feast of tabernacles, Zechar. 14.16.) for whose conservation they also sacrificed. For they say, that all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in Abraham, and in his seed, not onely spiritually, and in the knowledge of the one first cause, but also that at this time they shall enjoy temporall, and earthly blessings, by vertue of that promise. And so in the time of the second temple, they offered up sacrifice for their confederate nations, as may appear by these ensuing instances.

In Megilat Tahanit. cap. 9. it is reported, that when Alexander the great, at the instigation of the Samaritans, that inhabited mount Gerizim, went with a resolution to destroy the temple, Simeon the just met him in the way, and amongst divers reasons that he urged to divert him from his purpose, told him, this is the place, where we pray unto God for the welfare of your self, and of your kingdome, that it may not be destroyed, and shall these men perswade you to destroy this place?

The like we find in the first book of the Maccabees, cap. 7.33. and in Iosephus his Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 17. when Demetrius had sent Nicanor the Generall of his army against Jerusalem, the Priests, with the Elders of the people went forth to salute him, and to shew him the sacrifice which they offered up to God for the welfare of the King.

In the same history lib. 2.3. and in Josephus Gorionides lib. 3. cap. 16. we may read, that Heliodorus Generall to Selencus, came to Jerusalem with the same intent, Onias the High-priest, besought him, not to destroy that place, where they prayed to God for [Page 23]the prosperity of the King, and his issue, and for the conserva­tion of his kingdome.

In the first Chapter of Baruch, the disciple of Jeremiah, we find that the Iewes, who were first carried captive into Babylon with Iechonias, made a collection of money, according to every ones power, and sent it to Jerusalem, saying, Behold, we have sent you money, wherewith ye shall buy offerings, and pray for the life of Nebuchadnezzar, and for the life of Baltasar his sonne, that their dayes may be upon earth as the dayes of heaven, and that God would give us strength, and lighten our eyes, that we may live under their shadow, that we may long do them service, and find favour in their sight.

The Iewes in Asia did the same, as is reported by Josephus Gori­onides, lib. 3. cap. 4. they sent letters, with a present to Hircanus the High-priest, desiring that prayers might be made for the life of Augustus Caesar, and his companion Marcus Antonius.

Philo Judaeus, in the book of his Embassage to Caius, making mention of a letter which Caius sent, requiring his statue to be set up in the sacred temple, and Agrippa's answer thereupon, unto the said Emperour, reports, that there were these words in it, viz. The Iewes sacrifice for the prosperity of your Empire, and that not onely upon their solemn feasts, but also every day.

The like is recorded by Josephus, (lib. 2. cap. 9. De bello Judaico) the Iewes said to Petronius Generall to the Emperour Caius, we daily offer up burnt offerings unto God, for the peace of the Emperour, and the whole people of Rome. And in his second book against Api­on, he sayes, we Hebrews have allwayes accustomed to honour Empe­rours with particular sacrifices.

Neither was this service ever entertained unthankfully, as ap­pears by the decree of Cyrus, Ezra 6.3. where also Darius com­mands, that of the Kings goods, even of the tribute, expences should be [...]orth-with given unto the Elders of the Iewes &c. and that which they had need of, both young bullocks, and rammes, and lambs for the burnt-offerings of the Lord of heaven, and wheat, salt, wine; and oyl, &c. that they might offer sacrifices of a sweet savour, unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the King, and of his sonnes.

The same also was commanded afterwards by Artaxerxes, who also conferred liberally many large gifts, as well towards the [Page 24]building of the temple, as the maintaining of the sacrifices. As for Alexander the great, he lighted down out of his chariot, and bowed himself at the feet of the High-priest, desiring him to offer up sacrifice to God on his behalf. And who can be ignorant of Ptolomy Philadelphus, how richly he endowed the temple, as is re­corded by Aristeas? Nor did Antiochus king of the Greeks unlike this, when by a publick edict, he forbid that any stranger should enter the temple, to prophane that place, which the Hebrews had conse­crated to religion, and divine worship. (Josephus lib. 12. cap. 3.) Demetrius did the like, ( Josephus lib. 13. cap. 5.6. To which may be added, that when they of Ierusalem contended with them of Samaria, about the honour and dignity of the temple, before Alexander the great, the Ierusalem Priest in his plea, urged, that this temple was ever had in great reverenee by all the Kings of Asia, and by them enricht with sundry splendid and magnificent gifts. In the se­cond book of Iosephus against Apion, we read, that Ptolomy Euerge­tes, when he had conquered Syria, offered up Eucharisticall sacrifi­fices, not to idols, and false Gods, but to the true God, at Ierusa­lem, according to the manner of the Iewes. Pompey the great, as is mentioned by Iosephus de bello Iudaico (lib. 1. cap. 5.) durst not spoyl, no nor so much as touch the treasures of the temple, not because (as Tully in his Oration for Plancius supposeth, to whom Augustine in his book de civitate Dei assentos) he feared lest he might be thought too avaritious; for this seems in comparison, very ridiculous, and childish; for military law would soon have acquitted him for this; but because of the reverence to the place with which his mind was so affected. Philo Iudaeus, (p. 102. 6.) relates a letter of Agrippa's, where he writes, that Augustus Caesar had the temple in so great reverence, that he commanded a sacrifice of one bullock, and two lambs, to be offered up every day out of his own revenues. And his wife Iulia Augusta, adorn'd it with golden cups, and basons, and many other costly gifts. Neither did Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, fall short of her liberallity. Ti­berius throughout the 22 years of his Empire, commanded sa­crifices to be offered up unto God, out of his own tribute. The like did Nero, till the unadvised rashnesse of Eleazar in refusing his sacrifice, alienated the mind of the Emperour, that he became the cause of a bloudy persecution.

[Page 25]And by all this, we may the better interpret that 11 verse of the 1. chap. of Malachy (who flourisht in the second temple,) The words are, From the rising of the sun, even unto the going down of the same, my name shall be great among the Gentiles, and in every place in­cense shall be offered unto my name, and a pure offering; for my name shall be great among the heathen, saith the Lord of hosts. For besides that the heathens termed the the temple the house of the great God, ( Ezra 5.8.) they and their Monarchs, and Emperours, both of Persia, Grece, and Rome, desired, as we have heard, to have sacrifi­ces, and incense, offered for them in Gods name.

9. And let the reader be pleased further to observe, that the Iewes were accustomed, not onely to offer up sacrifices, and pray­ers to God, for the Emperours, their friends, confederates, and allyes, but also generally for the whole world. It is the custome (saith Agrippa to Caius according to Philo p. 1035.) for the High-priest, at the day of attonement, to make a prayer unto God, for all mankind; beseeching him to adde unto them another year, with blessing and peace. The same Philo Iudaeus in his second book of Monarchy saith, The priests of other nations pray unto God onely for the welfare of their own particular nations, but our High-priest prayes for the happinesse and prosperity of the whole world. And in his book of sacrifices, p. 836. he saith, Some sacrifices are offered up for our nation, and some for all mankind. For the daily sacrifices, twice a day, viz. at morning, and evening, are for the obtaining of those good things, which God the chief good, grants unto them, at those two times of the day.

And in like manner, Iosephus in his second book against Apion saith, We sacrifice, and pray unto the Lord, in the first place, for the whole world, for their prosperity, and peace, and afterwards more par­ticularly for our selves, forasmuch (as we conceive) that prayer which is first extended universally, and is afterwards put up more particularly, is very much acceptable unto God. Which words are also related by Eusebius Caesareensis, in his Praeparatio Evangelica, lib. 8. cap. 2.

10. 'Tis true, that no outward materiall glories are perpetu­all; and so the temple had its period, and with the paschall lamb, all other sacrifices ceased: But in their stead, we have at this day prayer, and as Hoseah speaks Cap. 14.2. For bullocks, we render [Page 26]the calves of our lips. And three times every day, this is our hum­ble supplication, and request to God, Fill the whole world, O Lord, with thy blessings; for all creatures are the works of thy hands; as it is written, the Lord is good to all, and his tender mercies are ever all his works Psal. 145.9.

11. Yea further, we pray for the conversion of the nations, and so we say in these most excellent prayers, upon Ros a sana and the day of attonement, Our God, and the God of our Fathers, reign thou over the whole world in thy glory; and be thou exalted over all the earth, in thine excellency; cause thy influence to descend upon all the inhabitants of the world, in the glorious majesty of thy strength; and let every creature know that thou hast created him; and let every thing that is formed, understand that thou hast formed it; and let all that have breath in their nostrills say, the Lord God of Israel reighneth, and his kingdome is over all dominions. And again, Let all the inhabi­tants of the earth know, and see, that unto thee every knee shall bow, and every tongue swear; before thee, O Lord our God, let them bow, and prostrate themselves; let them give honour to the honour of thy name, and let them aell take upon them the yoak of thy kingdome, &c. And again, Put thy fear, O Lord, our God, upon all thy works, and thy dread upon all that thou hast created; let all thy works fear thee, and let all creatures bow down before thee and let them all make themselves one handfull, (that is, with joynt consent) to do thy will with a per­fect heart. &c. A most worthy imitation of the wise King Solo­mon, who after he had finished the building of the Temple, in that long prayer King. 1.8. was not unmindfull of the Gentiles, but v. 41. he saith, Moreover, concerning a stranger, that is not of thy people of Israel, but cometh out of a farre country, for thy names sake, for they shall hear of thy great name, and of thy strong hand, and of thy stretched-out arm, when he shall come, and pray towards this house, hear thou in heaven thy dwelling place, and do according to all that the stranger calleth to thee for, that all people of the earth may know thy name, to fear thee, as do the people of Israel, and that they may know that thy name is called upon this house which I have builded. Where it may be observed, that when the Israelite comes to pray, he saith, 29. and give every man hccsrding to his wayes; but upon the prayer of a stranger, he saith, and do according to all that the stran­ger [Page 27]calleth to thee for. And this distinction is made to this end, that by the evident, and apparent return, and answer of their prayers, all Gentiles might effectually be brought in to the truth, and knowledge, and fear of God, as well as the Isra­elites.

12. Moreover, since the holy prophets made prayers, and sup­plications for all men, as well for the nations, as the Israelites, how should not we do the same, for the nations, among whom we inhabit, as ingaged by a more especiall obligation, for that we live under their favour and protection? In Deuteronomy 23.7. God commands Thou shalt not abhorre an Egyptian, notwithstand­ing the heavy burthens they afflicted us with, onely because thou wast a stranger in his land, because that at the first, they entertain­ed, and received us into their country.

As on the other side, Ezek. 23.11. he saith, As I live, saith the Lord God, I have no pleasure in the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way and live. We ought therefore to imi­tate his actions, and not to hate any man, upon the mere account of religion, but onely to pray to the Lord for his conversion; and this also, without giving offence, or any kind of molestation. To detest, or abhorre those, to whom we owe that prosperity which we enjoy, or who endeavour their own salvation, is a thing very unworthy, and ill becoming; but to abhorre their vices, and sins, is not so. It was a very excellent observation, of a most wise, and vertuous Lady, Beruria, who (as it is recorded in the Talmud, Berachot cap. 1. when her husband R. Meir was about to pray to God, to destroy some of his perverse, and froward neigh­bours, that had no lesse grievously, then maliciously vexed, and molested him, gave him this seasonable admonition, that such a thing ought not to be done in Israel; but that he should rather make his prayer, that they might return, and break off their sinnes by repentance', alledging that text, Psal. 104.35. Let ssn be consumed out of the earth; it is not said sinners, but sinnes; and then the wicked shall be no more.

13. We have now in this Section shewn, that it is a mere calum­nie to imagine, that we Iewes should pray to God, so as to give an offence to the Christians, or cause scandall, by any thing in [Page 28]our prayers, unlesse it be that we are not Christians. we have de­clared to the contrary, how we daily pray for them. As also that during the temple, we offered up sacrifices, for nations confede­derate with us, and how all Emperours desired this. Yea, and we offered sacrifices, not onely for particular princes, but for all mankind in generall. How, since sacrifices ceased, with the tem­ple, we at this day, do the same in our prayers, and how we be­seech God for their salvation, without giving any scandall, or offence in respect of religion; and how we think our selves obli­ged to perform all this, by the sacred Scripture. By all which layed together, I hope I have sufficiently evidenced the truth, of that I have asserted.

THE FOURTH SECTION.

BY consequence, the accusation of Buxtorphius, in his Biblio­theca Rabbinorum, can have no appearance of truth, concer­ning that which he puts upon us, viz. that we are blasphe­mers, I will set down the Prayer it self.

Truly, in my opinion, it is a very short, and most excellent [Page 29]prayer, and worthy of commendation. The Sultan Selim, that famous conquerour, and Emperour of the Mahumetans, made so much account of it, that he commanded his Doctor Mo­ses Amon, (who translated the Pentateuch into the Arabian and Per­sian languages) that he should translate our prayers. And when he had delivered them to him in the Turkish Tongue, he said to him, what need is there of so long prayers? truly this one might suffice, he did so highly esteem and value it. This is like an other prayer which was made at that time. viz.

But neither the one, nor the other is a blasphemy, or maledi­ction against any other Gods, for these reasons following.

1. It is not the manner of the Iewes by their law to curse other gods by name, though they be of the Gentiles. So in Exod. cap. 22.27. Thou shalt not revile the Gods. Heb. [...], that is Gods, or God, as Philo Iudaeus in libro de Monarchiâ, doth interpret, and not Judges, as Onkelus and Ionathan translate in their Chald. Paraphr. Where Philo addes this reason, which is, lest they hearing their own Gods blasphemed, should in a revengefull way of reta­liation, blaspheme the true God of Israel. And we have examples enough, how the idolatrous heathen used to revile, and defame each others Gods, both in Cicero, and Iuvenal.

And in that sense Flavius Josephus in his book written against Apion, saith these words: ‘As it is our practise to observe our own, and not to accuse, or revile others; so neither may we de­ride, or blaspeeme those, which others account to be Gods. [Page 30]Our Law-giver plainly forbad us that, by reason of that com­pellation, Gods.’ According to this, by our own religion, we dare not do that which Buxtorfius chargeth us with. And upon this account the Talmudists tell us, that we ought to honour, and reverence, not onely the Kings of Israel, but all kings, princes, and governours, in generall, forasmuch as the holy Scripture gives them the stile of gods, in respect of the dignity of their office.

2. The time wherein these, as also the other prayers were com­posed, and ordered, was in the dayes of Ezras, who, with 120 men, amongst whom were three Prophets, Haggai, Zechary, Mala­chy, composed them, as we have it in the Talmud. Wherefore he cannot say, that there is any thing intended against honour, or reverence of Christ, who was not born till many yeares after.

Moreover, the Iewes, since that calumny was first raised, (thouh that was spoken of the Gentiles, and their vain gods, humbling themselves to things of no worth, and vanity) because they desire to decline, and avoid the least occasion of scandall, and offence, have left off to print that line, and do not in some books print any part thereof. As John Hoornbeek also witnesses, in his fore-men­tioned Prolegomena, and William Dorstius, in his observations upon R. David Gawz, p. 269. and Buxtorf in his book of Abbreviatures. And perhaps it will be worthy our observation, that all these three witnesses say, that it was first made known to them, by one Anto­nius Margarita, who was a Iew, converted to the Christian saith. That this part of the prayer was intended Contra idola Papatus, against the Popish idols, which they therefore, as by a necessary consequence, interpret, as against Christ; but how justly, let the unprejudiced and unbiased reader judge.

3. If this be so, how can it be thought, that in their Synagogues, they name him with scornfull spitting, (farre be it from us.) The Nation of the Iewes is wise, and ingenius. So said the Lord, Deut. cap. 4.6. The Nations shall say, surely this is a wise, and an un­derstanding people. Therefore, how can it be supposed, that they should be so bruitish in a strange land, when their Religion de­pendeth not upon it? Certainly, it is much contrary to the pre­cept we spake of, to shew any resemblance of scorn. There was [Page 31]never any such thing done, (as it is well known) in Italy, and Holland, where ordinarily the Synagogues are full of Christians; which with great attention, stand considering, and weighing all their actions, and motions. And truly they should have found great occasion to find fault withall, if that were so. But never was any man heard thus to calumniate us, where ever we dwell and in­habite, which is a reason sufficiently valid, to clear us. Where­fore, I suppose, that I have sufficiently informed you, concerning our prayers, in which we purpose nothing, but to praise God, and to ask spirituall, and temporall blessings, and by our service, and worship, implore the divine benevolence, protection, and defence.

THE FIFTH SECTION.

BUt forrasmuch as it is reported, that we draw, and seduce o­thers to our religion, &c.

1. Never unto this day, in any part hath this been sus­pected, where the Iewes are dispersëd; nor can it find place here. Truly, I have held friendship with many great men, and the wi­sest, and most eminent of all Europe; and also they came to see me, from many places, at my house, and I had many friendly dis­courses with them, yet did not this give occasion to make us sus­pected of any such things. Yea, Gaspar Barleus, the Virgill of our time, and many others, have written many verses in my commen­dations, which I mention not, for vain glory (farre be it) but for vindication of my innocent repute.

2. By our rituall books we are clear of this seducing. For if any man offer to become a Iew, of what Nation soever he be, before we receive him, and admit him as a member of our Synagogue, we are bound to consider, whether he be moved by necessity to do it, or if it be not for that he is in love with some of our nation, or for any other worldly respect. And when we find no reason to suspect him, we have yet another obligation upon us, which is, to let him know the penalties he subjects himself unto, if he breaketh the [Page 32]Sabbath, or eateth bloud, or fat, which is forbidden Levit. 3.17. or disannulleth any precept of the Law, as may be seen in the Targum upon Ruth. And if he shew himself constant, and zealous, then is he admitted and protected. Wherefore we do not seduce any one, but contrarily, avoid disputing with men, concerning religion, not for want of charity, but that we may as farre as it is possible, avoid scandall, and hate; and for this cause we refuse to circumcise them that come to us, because we will give no offence. Yea, I have known some, that for this cause have circumcised themselves. And if Ferdinand and Isabella, King and Queen of Ca­stile did make an order to expell the Iewes, because they seduced many Christians, and some of the Nobility to become Iewes, this was but a pretence, and colour for their tyranny, and onely, as it is well known, having no other thing to object against us. Truly, I do much commend that opinion, not onely of Osorius, de rebus Immanuelis, but of our Flavius Iosephus, the most famous of all Historians, which he relates in his history of his own Life.

Truly, this was an action worthy or a noble, and wise man, and worthy of imitation, for defending common liberty, leaving the judgement, and determination to God alone. The Spanish In­quisitions, with all their torments, and cruelties, cannot make any Iew, that falls into their power, become a Christian. For unrea­sonable beasts are taught by blowes, but men are taught by rea­son. Nor are men perswaded to other opinions, by torments, but rather, on the contrary, they become more firm, and constant in their Tenet.

THE SIXTH SECTION.

HAving thus discussed the main exceptions, I will now pro­ceed to smaller matters, though lesse pertaining to my fa­culty, that is to businesse of Merchandise. Some say, that if the Iewes come to dwell here, they will draw unto themselves the whole Negotiation, to the great damage of the naturall Inha­bitants. I answer, that it hath been my opinion alwayes, (with submission to better judgements) that it can be no prejudice at all to the English Nation: because, principally in transporting their goods, they would gain much, by reason of the publick pay­ments of customes, excise, &c.

Moreover, they would alwayes bring profit to the people of the land, as well in buying of commodities, which they would trans­port to other places, as in those they would trade in here. And if by accident, any particular person should lose by it, by bringing down the price of such a commodity, being dispersed into many hands; yet by that means the Commonwealth would gain in buying cheaper, and procuring it at a lesser rate.

Yea, great emolument would grow to the naturall Inhabitants, as well in the sale of all provision, as in all things else that con­cern the ornaments of the body. Yea, and the native Mecha­nicks also would gain by it, (there being rarely found among us, any man that useth any such art.)

2. Adde to this, that as our nation hath sailed into almost all parts of the world, so they are alwayes herein profitable to a na­tion, in a readinesse to give their opinions, in favour of the peo­ple amongst whom they live. Beside that, all strangers do bring in new merchandises, together with the knowledge of those for­reign Countries wherein they were born.

And this is so farre from damnifying the natives, that it con­duces much to their advantage; because they bring from their countryes new commodities, with new knowledge. For the great Work-Master, and Creatour of all things, to the end, to make [Page 34]commerce in the earth, gave not to every place all things, but hath parted his benefits amongst them; by which way, he hath made them all wanting the help of others. This may be seen in England, which being one of the most plentifull countries that are in the world, yet wanteth divers things for shipping; as also, wine, oyl, figs, almonds, raisins, and and all the drougs of India, things so necessary for the life of man. And besides, they want many o­ther commodities, which are abundant in other countries, with more knowledge of them; though it be true, that in my opinion, there is not in the world, a more understanding people, for most Navigations, and more capable of all Negotiation, then the En­glish Nation are.

3. Farther, there may be companies made of the natives; and strangers, (where they are more acquainted) or else Factors. All which, if I be not deceived, will amount to the profit of the na­tives. For which, many reasons may be brought, though I can­not comprehend them, having alwayes lived a sedentary life, ap­plying my self to my studies, which are farre remote from things of that nature.

4. Nor can it be justly objected against our Nation, that they are deceivers; because the generality cannot in any rationall way, be condemned for some particulars. I cannot excuse them all, nor do I think, but there may be some deceivers amongst them, as well as amongst all other nations and people, because poverty bringeth basenesse along with it.

5. But if we look to that which we ought by our Religi­on, the morall precept of the Decalogue, Thou shalt not steal, it belongs in common to all Iewes, towards all Gentiles. As may be seen in Rab. Moses of Egypt, Tract, Geneba, cap. 1. and Gazela. cap. 1. It is a sinne, (saith he) to rob any man, though he be a Gentile. Nor can that be alledged out of the sacred History, concerning the jewells and houshold stuff, of which the Israelites spoiled the Egyptians, as I have heard it sometimes alledged by some, to some men; because that was a particular dispensation, and a divine pre­cept for that time. So it is recorded in the Talmud, in the Tract of the Sanhedrim, cap. 11. that in the time of Alexander the great, those of Alexandria accused the Iewes for being thieves, and they [Page 35]demanded restitution of their goods. But Guebia Ben Pesria an­swered them, our Fathers went down into Egypt but seventy souls, there they grew a numerous nation, above 60000. and served them in base offices, for the space of 210 yeares, according to this, pay us for our labour, and make the accounts even, and you shall see you are yet much in our debt. The reason satisfied Alex­ander, and he acquitted them.

6. By consequence, the Iewes are bound not to defraud, nor abuse in their accounts, negotiation, or reckonings, any man whatsoever, as it may be seen expresly in R. Moses of Egypt, and R. Moseth de Kosi in Samag.

7. Yea, they farther say, that by restitutions, there is a result to the praise of God, and the sacred Law. whence that holy, and wise man, R. Simeon Ben Satah, having bought an asse of a Gentile, the head stall whereof was a jewell of great value, which the owner knew not of, afterwards he found it, and freely, and for nothing, he restored it to the seller, that knew not of it, saying, I bought the asse, but not the jewell. Whence there did accrue honour to God, and his Law and to the nation of the Iewes, as Midras Raba reports in Parasot Hekel.

8. After the same manner they command, that the oath which they shall make to any other nation, must be with truth, and ju­stice, and must be kept in every particular. And for proof there­of, they quote the history of Zedekias, whom God punished, and deprived of his kingdome, because he kept not his word, and oath, made to Nebuchadnezzar, in the name of God, though he were a Gentile, as it is said, 2 of Chronicles, cap. 36.13. And he also rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar, who made him swear by God.

9. These are the laws and obligations which the Iewes hold. So that the Law that forbids the Iewes to kill any Gentiles, forbids them also to steal from them. Yet every one must look to it, for the world is full of fraud in all Nations. I remember a pretty sto­ry of what passed in Morocco, in the Court of the king of Mauri­tania. There was a Iew that had a sort of false stones, &c. — He making a truck with a Portugal Christian, for some Verdigrease that he had, which was much sofisticated, (as they are wont to do there) being all falsified with Earth; one of the Portugals friends [Page 36]laughed at him, saying, the Iew fitted thee well; he answered, If the Iew hath stoned me, I have buried him. And so they ordina­rily mock one another.

This I can affirm, that many of the Iewes, because they would not break with other mens goods, were very poor at Amsterdam, lived very poorly, and those that did break with other mens goods by necessity, became so much the more miserable, that they were forced to live on almes.

And whereas in the time of K. Edward 1. the Iewes were accu­sed of clipping the Kings coin; it appears that this accusation drew its originall mainly from the suspicion and hatred the Chri­stians bare against the Iewes, as appeares in the story, as it is set forth by Mr. Prynne, In his second part of a Short Demurrer to the Iewes &c. p. 82. where quoting Claus. 7. E. 1. n. 7. De fine recipi­endo à Iudaeis, brings in the King, writing to his Judges in Latine, in these words. Rex dilectis, & fidelibus suis Stephano de Pentecester, Waltero de Helyn. & Th. de Cobham Iusticiariis ad placita trans­gressionis monetae audienda, salutem. Quia omnes Judaei nuper rectati, & per certam suspicionem indictati de retonsura monetae nostrae, & inde convicti cum ultimo supplicio puniuntur; & quidam eorum eadem occasi­one, omnia bona, & catalla sua satisfecerunt, & in prisona nostra liberabantur, in eadem ad voluntatem nostram detinendi. Et cum accepimus, quod plures Christiani. ob ODIVM Judaeorum, propter discrepantiam fidei Christianae, & ritus Judaeorum, & diversa gratia minus per ipsos Judaeos Christianis hactenus illata, postquam Ju­daeos nondum rectatos in indictatos de transgressione monetae, per levas, & voluntarias accusationes accusare, & indictare de die in diem nituntur, & proponunt, imponendas eis ad terrorem ipsorum, quod de ejusmodi trans­gressione culpabiles existunt super ipsos Judaeos faciendae, & sic per mi­nas hujusmodi accusationis, ipsis Judaeos metu incutiant, & pecuniam ex­tor queant ab eisdem; Ita quod ipsi Judaei super hoc, ad legem suam saepe ponuntur in vitae suae periculum manifestum. Volumus quod omnes Judaei qui ante primum diem Maii proximo praeterit, indictati, velper certam suspicionem rectati non fuerunt de transgressione monetae predictae; & qui facere voluerint finem juxta discretionem Vestram, ad opus nostrum facere pro sic, quod non occasiorentur, &c. hujusmodi transgressionibus factis an­te primum diem Maii propter novas accusationes Christianorum post eun­dem [Page 37]diem inde factas non molestentur, sed pacem inde habeant in futurum. Proviso, quod Judaei indictati, vel per certam suspicionem, rectati de bu­jusmodi transgressione ante praedictum diem Maii, Iudicium subeant coram vobis, juxta form am prius inde ordinatam & provisam. Et ideo vobis ma­neamus, quod fines hujusmodi capiatis, & praemissa fieri, & observari fa­ciatis in forma praedicto. Teste Rege apud Cantuar. 8. die Maii.

THE SEVENTH SECTION.

ANd now by this time, I presume (most noble Sir) I may have given abundant satisfaction, (so farre as the nature of an epistle will permit) to all your objections, without gi­ving just ground of offence, or scandall to any. And forasmuch as you are further desirous to know somewhat, concerning the state of this my expedition, and negotiation at present, I shall now onely say, and that briefly, that the communication and cor­respondence I have held, for some yeares since, with some eminent persons of England, was the first originall of my undertaking this design. For I alwayes found by them, a great probability of ob­taining what I now request; whilst they affirmed, that at this time the minds of men stood very well affected towards us; and that our entrance into this Island, would be very acceptable, and well-pleasing unto them. And from this beginning sprang up in me a semblable affection, and desire of obtaining this purpose. For, for seven yeares on this behalf, I have endeavoured, and sollici­ted it, by letters, and other means, without any intervall. For I conceived, that our universall dispersion was a necessary circum­stance, to be fulfilled, before all that shall be accomplished which the Lord hath promised to the people of the Iewes, concerning their restauration, and their returning again into their own land, according to those words Dan. 12.7. When he shall have accomplish­ed to scatter the power of the holy people, all these things shall be finished. As also, that this our scattering, by little, and little, should be a­mongst all people, from the one end of the earth even unto the other; as it is written Deut. 28.64. I conceived that by the end of the earth might be understood this Island. And I knew not, but that the [Page 38]Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have design'd, and made choice of me, for the brsnging about this work. With these proposalls therefore, I applyed my self, in all zealous affe­ction to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty which at this day they enjoy, together with their prosperous peace. And I entituled my book named The hope of Israel, to the first Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall decla­red my intentions. In order to which they sent me a very favour­able passe-port. Afterwards I directed my self to the second, and they also sent me another. But at that juncture of time my co­ming was not presently performed, for that my kindred and friends, considering the checquered, and interwoven vicissitudes, and turns of things here below, embracing me, with pressing im­portunity, earnestly requested me not to part from them, and would not give over, till their love constrained me to promise, that I would yet a while stay with them. But notwithstanding all this, I could not be at quiet in my mind, (I know not but that it might be through some particular divine providence) till I had anew made my humble addresses to his Highnesse the Lord Pro­tector (whom God preserve.) And finding that my coming over would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with those great hopes which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my house, my friends, my kindred, all my advantages there, and the coun­try wherein I have lived all my life time, under the benign prote­ction, and favour of the Lords, the States Generall, and Magi­strates of Amsterdam; in fine (I say) I parted with them all, and took my voyage for England. Where, after my arrivall, being ve­ry courteously received, and treated with much respect, I present­ed to his most Serene Highnesse, a petition, and some desires, which for the most part, were written to me by my brethren the Iewes, from severall parts of Europe, as your worship may better understand by former relations. Whereupon it pleased his High­nesse to convene an Assembly at White hall, of Divines, Lawyers, and Merchants, of different perswasions, and opinions. Whereby mens judgements, and sentences were different. Insomuch, that as yet, we have had no finall determination from his most Serene Highnesse. Wherefore those few Iewes that were here, despairing [Page 39]of our expected successe, departed hence. And others who desi­red to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken them­selves some to Italy, some to Geneva, where that Commonwealth hath at this time, most freely granted them many, and great pri­viledges.

Now, O most high God, to thee I make my prayer, even to thee, the God of our Fathers. Thou who hast been pleased to stile thy self the keeper of Israel; Thou who hast graciously promised, by thy holy Prophet Ieremiah, (cap. 31.) that thou wilt not cast off all the seed of Israel, for all the evill that they have done; thou who by so many stupendious miracles, didst bring thy people out of E­gypt, the land of bondage, and didst lead them into the holy land; graciously cause thy holy influence to descend down into the mind of the Prince, (who for no private interest, or respect at all▪ but onely out of commiseration to our affliction, hath inclined himself to protect, and shelter us, for which extraordinary hu­manity, neither I my self, nor my nation, can ever expect to be a­ble to render him answerable, and sufficient thanks,) and also into the minds of his most illustrious and prudent Council, that they may determine that, which according to thine infinite wisdome, may be best, and most expedient for us. For men (O Lord) see that which is present, but thou in thy omnisciencie seest that which is afarre off.

And to the highly honoured nation of England, I make my most humble request, that they would read over my arguments impar­tially, without prejudice, and devoid of all passion, effectually recommending me to their grace and favour, and earnestly be­seeching God that he would be pleased to hasten the time promi­sed by Zephaniah, wherein we shall all serve him with one consent, after the same manner, and shall be all of the same judgement, that as his name is one, so his fear may be also one, and that we may all see the goodnesse of the Lord, blessed forever, and the consolati­ons of Zion. Amen, and Amen.