CHAP. 1. Of the Name, or first In­vention of Legates, or Embassadours.

THE name of Legate is taken divers wayes, being somtimes reputed for any kind of Magistrate, or for any [Page 2]person that executeth an office for, and under ano­ther, especially in any o­ther Countrie than his own, being substitute in the place of his Superiour. The which persons so ap­pointed the ancient Ro­mans did call Legates, the Majesty of whom the Bi­shop of Rome presenting in his Monarchicall Go­vernment of the Church doth at this present ob­serve, having in every Countrie subject to his Dominion, a Legat some­times permanent, and sometimes temporaneall called Legates à latere, as he were his assisting De­putie, [Page 3]or his Deputie sent from his side. The Ro­man Legates lay their heads together as Coun­sellours, and what so was needfull to bee done, it was determined by their Counsell and agreement, and at the length establi­shed by the judgement, and rule of the Legate.

Agesilaus amongst for­raign Nations, is found to have supplied the place of a Legate, although he were the greatest Com­mander of the warres, so much accounted, and in such great honour was this office deemed to be a­mong them.

Wherein as there be many notable things be­sides that which hee hath uttered of Legates (which most properly in this place are holden Depu­ties) as are the name of the offices, and officers a­mongst the Romans, for there were the Lictors, Questors, Praetors, Tri­bune, Consul, Emperour, and such like, whereof I mean not at this time to intreat as well for avoyd­ing tediousness, as for that they are impertinent to this matter, and for that at some other time hereaf­ter I mean to take fitter time to discourse thereof [Page 5]to your Honour. So now I will only say thus much out of him concerning Legates. That he hath not only learnedly (though somwhat obscurely which I could not in better forme reduce into our mother tongue) declared their originall office, au­thority, privilege, and recompensed honour, But also bewrayd the order, and manner of their E­lection, Creation, Conti­nuance, Tryumphs, Wis­dome, and estimation a­mongst the Romans, for he speaketh nothing of o­ther Nations, whereof I mean here to say some­what.

CHAP. 2. That other Nations besides the Romans used Embassadours.

IT was not only a thing peculiar to the Romans to observe this order in displacing, requiring, con­senting to, or procuring the performance of any thing. But the Jewes al­so the most antient and peculiar people of God, with the Egyptians, and Grecians, who were of far more Antiquity than the Romans, are read to have used the same, wher­of [Page 7]I mean to produce some examples. And be­cause the best kind of per­swasion, or chiefe rule whereby to square our life, either in following Vertue, or avoyding the Vice, in confirming in Morality, or instructing in Philosophie, is to bee drawn from the examples of others; therefore I will at this time only (since leasure serveth not, with more Ample Rea­sons, and profound Sen­tences to enlarge my pro­position) set down the Confirmation of the se­verall matters belonging to Ambassadours by ex­amples, [Page 8]with short abridg­ment thereof drawn out of many Histories, as if I had privately noted them for my selfe, sufficiently confirming whatsoever I shall here utter unto your Lordship, as requisite for an Ambassadour to doe, to receive, to deliver, and to professe; wherefore in that order I will discend to this matter, that other Nations besides the Ro­mans used Ambassadours by intercourse to dispatch the affaires of their Coun­tries having to deal with other Princes. And be­cause (as I said) the Jews were a people most anci­ent, [Page 9]I will therefore begin with them, as men from whom all Government and Order, Learning, Moralitie, Philosophie, and all other notable things have been derived, though somewhat alte­red and corrupted by the evilnesse of other Nati­ons, separating themselves from the true people of God, and right use of his Religion. Phineas the Priest, the Son of Eliazer, with ten Princes of the ten Tribes, was sent Am­bassadour to the Israelites beyond Jordan; Zoroba­bel, Annanias, and Mor­docheus were appointed [Page 10]Legates of the Jewes, and sent to Darius, King of Persia, that they might accuse the Samaritans hindring the reedifying of the Temple. Josephus, lib. 11. cap. 4. Eupolemus the Sonne of John, and Jason the Son of Eliazer were from Judas Macha­beus sent Ambassadours to the Romans to joyne friendship with them. Ma­chab. cap. 8.

And likewise as the Jews, so the Greeks, when come to Tenedos, they sent Messengers to the Tro­jans for the delivery of Hellen, which were Ulisses, an eloquent Orator, fur­nished [Page 11]with Copie of Speech, and Wisdome, and Menelaus, who was briefe, and pithy in Sen­tences, that the one by his Eloquence, the other by the force of his Ar­gument, might move the Trojans. In like sort Mirsus the Sonne of Giges was sent by Orestes the Governour to Policrates, the most fortunate Prince of the world, and King of the Samnites, to the end that hee might entice and entrap him by his Speech, and hope of gain to bee received, which hee did effect ac­cordingly (as teacheth [Page 12] Hesiod. lib. 3. by which short notes (it doth shortly prove for short­nesse of time) That the Romans, the Jewes, and other Nations had the use of Embassies, and Embassadours; wherefore that being proved, it is now to bee considered what persons are of suf­ficiencie to supply such place.

CRAP. 3. What persons are meete to be Ambassadours.

THE person who ought to dispatch these things must be (as is requisite in all other causes of Govern­ment) learned, well born, free, no bond-man, of good credit in respect of his honesty, of good esti­mation in respect of his calling, that he be no lyar, vaunter, dissembler, or Traytor; But that he be wise, valiant, circumspect, furnished with divers Languages, eloquent, of [Page 14]quick capacitie, of ready deliverance, liberall com­ly of person, tall of sta­ture, and briefly that he be adorned with all ver­tues required, or com­mendable, in a good man, and unfurnished of any vice to blemish his cre­dit, or that may win him the Surname of a wicked man. First, that he must be learned (besides many reasons that may be made for it) these examples fol­lowing shall manifest. In so much that it appeareth, that Princes did alwayes choose forth the best lear­ned to dispatch their af­faires. Amalarius Fortu­natus, [Page 15]by Nation a Ger­man, a Monk of Luxo­nia, a man very elo­quent in the Greek, and Latin, and Archbishop of Trevers for his learning, was the Legat of Charles the great, to Michael the Emperour of Constanti­nople, to joyn and con­firme amitie, and peace with him, in the year of Christ 813. So Jesse a learned Bishop, for that he had singular know­ledge in the Greek tongue, was made by Charles the Great, Legate to Irenee the Empresse of Constantinople, for to in­treat of peace. Amionius; [Page 16]lib. 4. cap. 9. de Francis. The which example, as witnesseth Sigebertus, A­chaius, King of Scots, imi­tating, did send Rabanus Maurus (a Monk of Ful­da) Ambassador to Charls King of France. The which matter of their learning, I will knit up with one example more of the King of Armenia, who by his Legates offe­ring to marriage his Daughter (being but 12. years old) to Michael An­dronicus, the Son of Pa­leologus the Emperour of Constantinople, did for his Ambassadours choose the most learned men of that [Page 17]age, who were called Me­thochides, Theodorus, and Johannes Glyces, whereof the one was Domesticus, and the other (as saith Gregorius, lib. 6.) Dromo­logotheta, whom he did not so much choose to that place, because they had great use, and expe­rience of things, but be­cause they did excell in wisdome, in plentifull knowledge of Divine and Humane things, and in the understanding of the Greek tongue. For they had need to be such per­sons, that should supply a Legats place in a forraign Nation. Since they should [Page 18]be instructed in many Languages, and should obtain the victory in all kindes of disputations, as was Haido, or Hatto, Bi­shop of Basile, sent Am­bassadour in 811. by Charles the Great, to Con­stantinople, to make peace, who (as Aventinus, lib. 4. testifieth) wrote the Book intituled Itinerarium.

Thus having learning, and divers Languages, yet hee is not sufficient to play the Ambassadour, unlesse he be able in like sort Rhetorically by per­swading eloquence, in apt words, ready tongue, sweet voyce, and speedy [Page 19]deliverance to discharge his Message; For such is the force of words, as it often worketh strange mi­racles; For besides that vertue which the Philoso­phers, the Cabalists, the Divines, and the Magici­ans doe place in pro­nouncing words, we find eloquence to be of such force, that it moveth un­sensible creatures to be reclaimed unto reason. And thereupon was Or­pheus feigned by his Mu­sick to draw trees, stones, mountaines, and wilde beasts after him, for that by his sweet words he re­duced the savage people [Page 20]to civility: the want of which utterance gave Mo­ses occasion to excuse himselfe before God, that he was unapt by reason of his stammering (which he got, his mouth being burnt by eating hot coals, when he was brought up in Pharaohs house, where being then but a boy, hee threw down the Crown from Pharaohs head, whereby the Divines pro­phesied that hee should destroy the King of E­gypt) to bee Gods Am­bassadour to the Egypti­ans for the deliverie of the people of Israel; Wherefore to him God [Page 22]chose Aaron as his Assi­stant, by his Eloquence to supply Moses his default, and to utter whatsoever Moses should give him in command. Such an elo­quent person was also Carneades Cyramus, whose eloquence was so great, that hee could easily in any matter by the strength of his speech draw any man to his o­pinion. And therefore he (Prince of the Academi­ans) with Diogenes the Stoick, and Critolaus the Peripatetick, being sent Ambassadours to Rome from the Athenians, brought his Legatship in [Page 22]doubt amongst the Ro­mans, Marcus Cato say­ing in the Senate, that they should beware of that man who by his elo­quence, and skill of utte­rance, could obtain what­soever he would desire. Volater: Lib. 4. Cap. 2. An­thropo. Quintil. li. 2. cap. 1. of whom in like sort Quintilian doth re­port that in the hearing of Cato the Censor at Rome, he did with no lesse force the day following argue against Justice than hee had the day before defen­ded it; Gellius, li. 7. cap. 14. Crinitus, li. 22. cap. 4. de honest. Discipl. His singular elo­quence being also remem­bred by Gellius, and Cri­nitus. Not unlike to whom [Page 23]was Cyneas Thessalus the hearer of Demosthenes, and Legate of Pirrhus, who when he was sent to any City to require Sur­render thereof, would use this saying of Euripides; That neat, and sweet words could doe as much as threatning swords, of whom Pirrhus was wont to say, that hee had sub­dued more Cities by the Orations of Cyneas, than by the hands of his Ar­my; whom (as Plutarch saith) the King had in great estimation, using his help in his chiefest af­faires. With no less com­mendation did Scopelianus [Page 24]the Sophist obtain the re­quest of his Embassie, for whereas Domitian the Emperour had made Pro­clamation, that no Vines should be growing in A­sia, because the plenty thereof, by drunkennesse might seem to move Se­dition, Scopelianus being sent to Rome, did by his eloquence not only bring so to passe, that they might lawfully plant Vines, Celius, li. 20. cap. 11. but also further obtained that he should be Fyned that would abstain from the setting, and planting of the same. In which number of E­loquent Ambassadours; [Page 25]may take his place, Eusta­chius Capadox, the Suc­cessor of Aedesius in his Country, who was of such profound Eloquence (being the Disciple of Jambicns the Chaldean) as being sent to S [...]pinus King of Persia did there so inchaunt the King by his speeches, that casting away his Tyara (which was a kind of Crown or Imperiall Cap foulded with linnen) the King would have changed his garment for the cloke of Eustachius, which the Courtiers did forbid, say­ing that he was a Magici­an, and wrote by a course [Page 26]of Witcherie, as teacheth Eunapius. And so con­cluding this matter, your Lordship may easily ga­ther hereby how requisite it is for an Ambassadour to be eloquent in Speech, in delivering his Message. But to what use shall all this serve, if he have not joyned with these estima­tion, and credit, and that he be of good account in his Countrie before he be sent? For if he be not, both he, and his Embas­sie shall bee despised and neglected. As well ap­peareth in this one Histo­rie done in our time. And because I will not in this [Page 27]point be tedious unto your Honour. I will only shew you here (omitting which I could cite con­cerning the same) one Hi­storie thereof, for a small thing can give light to a wise man, and your Lord­ship by this one example shall learne that others have told in many. Which History is thus.

When in the year of our Lord (as telleth Paulus Jovius) Charles the fifth, Paulus Jovius, lib. 28. the Emperour (by Confe­deracie made with Cle­ment, the seventh Bishop of Rome against the Floren­tines, attempting to reduce those of the house of Medi­ces [Page 28] into their Countrie) did with continuall Siege oppresse the City of Flo­rence (such was the obsti­nacie of the Citizens fa­vouring the popular go­vernment) that great cru­elty was shewed to them, who did freely, and truly say, that Peace was to bee embraced: But at the length by Philip Meliores, an honest young man in the Common-wealth, preach­ing often to the Senate, and perswading to embrace Peace, he Fathers decreed that Ambassadours should be dispatched to the Pope: yet such was the malignity of the hinderers, that not [Page 29]they whom the waightiness of the cause did require, but men otherwise of small credit, and common Citi­zens were sent forth. Of whom one Aloysius Sode­rinus (who had not done a­ny thing worthy any grave affaires in ordering any matter, other than that hee was called a good house­keeper) was one and ano­ther was Anderolus Ni­colinus, rather a continu­all, and diligent Merchant, than a Senator, and the third was Robertus Bon­cius, whom by reason of his late neer allyance with Thomas Soderyne, who still laboured against this [Page 30]Peace, made the Embassie to be the more suspected. These men when they were arrived at Bononia, the Pope (for that they were not of sufficient honour, and for that sufficiencie of industrie, sinceritie of mind and faith was not found in them) did so contemn them, that hee greatly laughed to see, that in place of worthy Senators, they had out of Florence sent Merchants, and those not of the best sort. And that which did most sound in derogation of their Lega­tion was, for that the Mini­sters of the Customes in Bononia had found in [Page 31]their Coffers for Merchan­dize sake great store of gold thred to make and weave cloth-of-gold; the which they then brought to avoyd further charge of carriage for the same; which foolish subtilty in so grave a matter, wrap­ped about with the filthi­nesse of gain, was the more to be jested at, Because when they had delivered their Message, they had brought no further autho­ritie to confirm the Peace. Wherefore Clement, and Caesar also, scorning them, and stomacking the cove­tousnesse and unskill of the Merchants, did so upbraid [Page 32]them, that their pertinacie seemed next unto mad­nesse, and they with open shame rejected, were sent home, &c.

Thus far Jovius trans­lated in English. In which is to be seen, that the basenesse, foolishnesse, Covetousnesse, and want of experience, was the cause that these Ambassa­dours were not only dis­dained, and their Petition rejected, but that the poor Florentines were stil oppressed with the said warre. And thus much hitherto, that an Ambas­sadour should be learned, eloquent, and of good cal­ling.

Now for the other matters, as that they must be wise, and expert, &c. you shall find plentifull examples thereof under the title of Ambassadours praised for the wise dis­patch, and worthy doing of their Legation, and under the title of Apoph­thegmes, and wise answers of Legates; wherefore I here strain my quill to other matters belonging to them, as followeth.

CHAP. 4. What Lawes, and privi­leges were made, and allowed for and to Ambassadours.

ALthough this matter may best by a Ci­vilian be discussed, for that the same is most plentifully known unto them, and is a thing that I cannot well intreat of, for that I have not acquain­ted my selfe with Justini­ans Writings, and De­crees: yet so far-forth, as either in History, or other Authoritie, I have read, or collected any thing [Page 35]thereof, I shall not refuse to say what I can, though not so much as I would, though not so much as the matter could bear, and though not so much as your Lordship might learn from others to your contentment, and my de­sire; And therefore to say what I can, I affirm, That it is but reason (since Am­bassadours endanger their persons, consume their substance, travell their wits, toyle their bodyes, serve their Countrie, and uphold their Prince) that they should be Franchised with such liberties, as both might be safety for them­selves, [Page 36]and guerdon for their deserts; or else who would willingly discharge that thing, the perform­ance whereof shall not so much as defend his life? But to leave proofes of reason, wee will descend to the writings of others who have treated thereof. And first for the order how Ambassadours were received and used, Alex­ander ab Alexandro thus writeth.

Apud Graecos nisi prae­conibus adhibitis, Alex. ab Alex. lib. 5. cap. 3. Legatos minimè hostium fines in­gredi docebat; neque Le­gationis munere fungi quenquam, nisi prius infusa [Page 37]aqua ab eisdem manus abluissent, Jovi (que) corona­tis poculis propinassent. Hi tamen Legati qui cum pa­triis sacris, Olympum aut Pythiam missi erant, sacri: qui vero foed ra percutie­bant quasi pacis arbitri, & Interpretos [...] dicti sunt.

Which Alexander fur­ther speaking of the time when Ambassadors should be received amongst the Romans, and in what lan­guage the Legates should speak, saith in this or­der.

Neque illud praetereun­dum, &c. Alex. ab. Alex. li. 4. cap. 21. Neither is it to be overpassed, that it is re­membred, [Page 38]that to Legates, and forraign Nations, ad­mitted into the Senate, the Roman Confulls were not accustomed to give any answers, but only in Latin, who being admitted after the manner of the Fathers, the Senate gave them pow­er of that they would have; but the Greeks (by their Deputies appointed) did declare their minds, if any body required any thing, as the Atrebates, and Belo­naces did assemble their Councells by the sound of Trumpets. But if they would speak any thing in their own Language to those (being admitted in [Page 39]the Senate) were Inter­preters given, by whom they did propound what was needfull, and receive the agreement, and answers of the Senate.

And although Molo the Rhetorician is first said to have declamed in Greek in the Senate; yet so much did Tiberius hate the Greek tongue, that endea­vouring to speak (I well know not what in the Se­nate) in Greek, hee first craved pardon therefore.

And Claudius Caesar did rase out of the Table of the Judges, and sent away the Governuur of a Province in Greece, for that [Page 40]hee was ignorant in the Latin tongue. Further, this custome grew in force amongst the Romans, that in the month of February, stiled the Calends of March (by Consuls appointed therefore) the Senate did daily apply themselves to hear the requests of Am­bassadours, and complaints of their fellowes, lest they should be deceived in the end by long delay, and tedious expectation. Thus far he.

In which is worthily to be noted, that the Ro­mans with great reason did use to give answers to Legates in their Mo­ther [Page 41]tongue, which was the Latine, and that hee which spake in the Senate should have the Latine tongue. The which ob­servation if it were at this day used, it would judge most allowable, that what Prince soever should by his Ambassadours request any thing of us, should use our tongue, they standing in need of us. And so like­wise when we are to re­quire of them things ne­cessary for us, wee to use their language, because the truth of the matter should better be under­stood thereby than other­wise, upon the ambiguitie [Page 42]of the word (not known of the Ambassadour ig­norant of our tongue) might great contention rise. As did to Frede­rick. Duke of Saxonie, in Sentence given against him by Charles the Fifth, in the Dutch tongue, where Frederick under­standing one word to sig­nifie absolution and par­don of life, was by the same word condemned to death, that word having double signification. M.. Ae [...]odius Titus liv­ius, Des. 4. li. 8. Theatrum vitae hu­manae. V [...]. 14. [...] 5.

Now what Privileges and Immunities are fur­ther to them belonging, Marcus Popilius Lenas being dispatched Legate [Page 43]unto Antiochus Epiphanes (who had besieged King Ptolomy, Valer. Max. li. 6. cap. 6. friend to the Ro­mans) to will him that hee should abstain from molesting the Compani­ons of the people of Rome, Livius, lib. 45. Valer. Max. Plinius. did compasse about An­tiochus (deferring answer) with a circle which hee made with a wand, charg­ing Anti chus not to de­part out of the same, till such time as he had deli­vered an absolute answer, the which Antiochus fear­ing lest of his war where he doth by manifest error place C. Octavus for Po­pilius.

Nicholaus Damastenus [Page 44]being sent of Herod, King of the Jewes (whose deeds he wrote with more flattery than troth) Em­bassadour to Rome, to Au­gustus, did pacifie the Emperour offended with Herod for warres made against the Arabians; Joseph. li. 6. cap. 17 And so wrought that Syllius the Legate of the Arabi­ans was condemned. Aga­petus the Roman was sent of Theodorus king of the Goths to Justinian the Emperour to excuse the death of Amalasuenta, where the Emperour be­ing pacified, and hee at­tempted by the Emperour to follow the Heresie of [Page 45] Eutiches, by his con­stant denying thereof so wrought, that in th'end he enforced the Emperour to return to a sound opinion of Catholique Religion.

Francis Dandalus the Venetian Orator, Volater [...]. li. 12. Anthrop. being sent into France, to Cle­ment the Pope to pacifie him, for that hee was of­fended with the States of Venice for the receiving of Feraria, when he had divers times used many perswasions, and yet could not remove the anger of the high Bishop, falling groveling upon his hands and feet (of his voluntary motion, not by compulsi­on [Page 46]as some affirm) with a Chain about his neck, in the manner of a Dog, did prostrate himselfe at the feet of the Bishop then at Dinner; At which strange sight the Pope being asto­nied, Ignatius, li. 6. cap. 2. received him into his favour, and forgave the injurie of the Vene­tians.

Laurence Medices, Am­bassadour of the Floren­tines, sent to Naples to King Ferdinando, when one of the Kings horles was brought forth on which Laurence should ride together with the King (who came to meet him, not as a private per­son) [Page 47]into the Castle, said, hee should then need a horse, and not before, when hee had obtained Peace of such a King, whereby hee might with quick speed carry such message to his City, whose hope in this was not de­ceived, for Ferdinand be­ing allured with the in­ticement of his Speech, & courtesie (which plain­ly seemed to represent a kingly Majestie) did so bind him unto him, that of a bitter enemy he made him a dear friend to his Country, in such sort, that he which made the warre by the malice of this [Page 48] Laurence to the Floren­tines, did also leave off the same by the words of the same person. Brutus, hist. Flor. li. 7. When Clement the seventh Bishop of Rome, and Charles the Fifth, the Emperour, had met at Bononia about di­vers affaires, Francis Al­vares the Legate of Di­vide, commonly called Presto John, was King of the Abissine Aethiopians (which doe possesse the middle part of Affrica) be­ing come to Bononia by the conduct of the Am­bassadours of John King of Portugal did in the Senate, in the name of his [Page 49]King, promise faith and obedience to Clement, Polidor. de Jnven. lib. 4. M. 2. Bishop of Rome, in the year of our Lord 1533. in the moneth of February. And so with these exam­ples I conclude this title, of such persons as have been commended for the wise dispatch of their Embassie. After which I mean with like examples more plentifully to utter many wise Answers gi­ven, and made by, and to the Legates of other Pro­vinces, in which their wit, and learning was notably declared.

CHAP. 5. Apophthegmes, or wise, and pleasant Answers given, and made by, and to Ambassadours.

DArius the King en­tring into Scythia, was driven to great need, and povertie; Whereupon the Scythians sent Le­gates unto him with pre­sents, which were, a Bird, a Mouse, a Frog, and five Arrowes, which Darius interpreted after his mind, that thereby they did yield themselves, and the Countrey; By the Mouse, understanding the Land; [Page 51]by the Frog, the Waters; by the Bird, their Horses; and by the Arrows, their Bodyes. But Gobrias did conjecture, that these pre­sents did speak to contra­ry effect. Brusomius, li. 3. cap. 30. That unlesse the Persians did flie away as Birds, hide themselves in the Earth like Mise, leap into the water like Frogs, they should be killed with those Arrows.

Polycartidas an Orator, being sent with others to certain Dukes, when it was demanded of them, Whe­ther their cōming was pri­vate, or publick, answered, That if they obtained the effect of their Message, [Page 52]they came publickly, if not, privately; which Speech did singularly ma­nifest his good mind to his Countrie; Plutarch in Lacon. For if his Legation succeeded to his mind, he would give the glory to his Countrie, if otherwise hee would not have the reproch of re­pulse to pertain to the Common-wealth.

The Lacedemonians sending but one Legate to King Demetrius, Brus. li. 2. Sap. 1. he great­ly stomacked the same, asking if one man were enough to come to him: Whereunto the Legate answered, yea Sir, wee deem it sufficient to send [Page 53]but one body to one man, which words also Agis the Sonne of Achidanus used, being sent to Philip of Macedon, when certain Lacons (a people of Greece inhabiting Sparta) went Ambassadours to the Tyrant Lygdanus, who often deferred conference with them, excusing him­selfe, that hee was some­what sickly, they willed the Messengers to return answer, Brus. li. 3. cap. 30. That they gent­ly came to talk, and not boysterously to wrestle with the King.

Ismenias, the Theban, and Pilopidas who was Victor in Leustrica, being [Page 54]sent Messengers to King Artaxerxes, when they should have worshipped the King, Ismenias (as it seemed) resused to doe it, yet for that he would not by disobedience utter any folly, he wisely excused it, for being commanded to honour the King, he let fall his Ring at his foot to the ground, which he took up again with a bowed body, Plutarch in Artax­erxe. whereby it was judged that he then wor­shipped the King.

Ambassadours being sent from a besieged Ci­tie to Alexander Mag­nus then in India, did humbly present them­selves [Page 55]to him, much mar­velling to behold him in Armour, without any kingly pomp. To the el­dest of which Legates (whose name was Acu­phis) Alexander delivered a Cushion (brought for himselfe) which he wil­led Acuphis to take and sit down neer unto him, whose benignitie, and hu­manity Acuphis wondring at, and commending, de­manded of him with what conditions hee would re­ceive them into his friendship. To whom A­lexander answered, With this condition, That I make thee Prince of thy [Page 56]Country, and that thou send me an hundred of the best, vertuousest, and chiefest men thou hast; Whereunto Acuphis smi­ling said; But I shall go­vern better as King, if I should rather send thee an hundred of the worst, Plutarch. in Alexan­dro. than the best.

Aximines made Legate to the same Alexander to pacifie his anger vehe­mently incensed against the Lampascens. Alexan­der as soon as hee saw him, made oath (thereby to cut off all occasion of hope of favour) that hee would not condiscend to any of Aximines requests, [Page 57]although he was his Ma­ster; whereto answered Aximines; Then I require this of thee O King, that thou wilt utterly subvert the Countrie of Aximines this Master; By which wise policie Alexander a­gainst his will did spare the Lampascens.

The Romans dispatch­ed their Ambassadours into Bythinia, to asswage a Domesticall discord be­tween Brusia the Father, and Nicomedes the Sonne, which Legates were such as one had many scarres of wounds in his head, another was diseased in his feet, the third was but [Page 58]of a slender wit, of whom M. Cato was wont to jest, not unwisely, that the same Embassie lacked both head, feet, and heart; Sab. li. 9. en. 5. ex Plut. Catone. Cornelius the Cen­turion, being Legate in the Creation of the Con­sul Octavius, shewing his Sword in the Court, said, this shall perform it if you will not. Volat. li. 23.

Genuinus when he was sent into Asia to Antonius Triumvir (overcome with the love of Cleopatra) to move Antonius to endea­vour himselfe to fall into Amitie with Octavius, be­ing called to a Banquet by [Page 59] Antonius, and in the pre­sence of Cleopatra being commanded to deliver his Message, said (not re­specting the greatnesse of Antony, or presence of Cleopatra) the thing that I am enjoyned to tell to thee, is to be intreated with a sober man, and in another place than where wee now be. But howsoe­ver I may seem to my selfe as a drunken person to say a thing, yet I affirm, that all things shal succeed well unto thee, if thou wilt let Cleopatra depart into Egypt, freely thereby noting the drunkennesse of Antony, and his im­moderate [Page 60]love to Cleopae­tra. Plut. in vita Antonii.

When a Sedition was raised between the Jewes, and the Greeks dwelling Alexandria; three Le­gates of either part were chosen to be sent to Caius the Emperour. Whereof Appion, Prince of the Le­gates for the Alexandri­ans, laied many faults up­on the Jewes, one of which was this, that they did not prosecute the Emperour with Divine honour. The chiefe one of the partie of the Jewes was Philo, the brother of Alexandor Alabarcha, and a skilful Philosopher, [Page 61]who preparing to plead the cause of his Nation, was repulsed of Caesar, and commanded to de­part; The Emperour scarce for anger abstain­ing from doing him inju­rie; wherefore he being thus cast out with reproch amongst men, fled to the assistance of God, and turning to the Jewes his followers said, wee must now be of good comfort, for when Caius is offen­ded with us, God shall work against him for us.

Leo Bizantius, when he was sent Ambassadour to Athens, entring into the Assemblie, to pacifie a [Page 62]long sedition continuing amongst them, provoked laughter to the people, for that he appeared so fat in body, being furnished with a great paunch or belly; but he nothing mo­ved therewith, yet know­ing the occasion of their jeasting, cryed, Why doe you laugh to see me thus grosse? Assure your selves, I have a wife farre fatter than my selfe, and yet being such, and so monsterous, a little bed can hold us being quiet together, but being at square, and variance, the whole house is too little; and so went on by this [Page 63]occasion with his Oration, inducing the people to concord, and quiet. Phi­lostratus.

Ambassadours being dispatched to Pirrhus, did come to redeem certain prisoners, amongst the which Legates was Caius Fabritius, whose fame and name was had in great estimation amongst the Romans, being a vertuous man in peace, and a noble Souldiour in warre, but yet very poor, which Ci­neas declared unto the King; Whereupon Pir­rhus did privately use him very courteously, conten­ding with him to take re­ward [Page 64]of gold at his hands, not for any evill cause, but as he said, as a pledge of friendship, and good entertainment; the which Fabritius refusing, silence was made thereof for that time. The next day (to the end he might fear Fa­britius, who never before had seen an Elephant) Pirrhus commanded the great beast, as they were in talking, to be brought, and set behind a skreen, which was so done, then a sign being given, the skreen was removed, and the Elephant lifting up his nostrill, did hang it over the head of Fabritius, [Page 65]sounding up a sharp, and terrible noyse, whereat Fabritius, by little and lit­tle turning back, said to Pirrhus, neither thy gold yesterday, nor thy beast to day can move me. Af­ter at supper, when talk was had of the Greeks, and of the Philosophers, Cineas fell to naming of the Epicures, reciting what they thought of the Gods, and of the Com­mon-wealth, how they placed their chiefest feli­citie in pleasure, how they avoyded the government of the State as trouble­some, and hurtfull to good life, and how the gods [Page 66]were removed from re­warding, from anger, and from care, of, to, and over us, leading an idle life, flowing with all pleasure. To whom yet thus speak­ing, Fabritius cryed out; O God, be these Precepts pleasant to Pirrhus, and the Samnites, whilest they make warre with us. Up­on the which Pirrhus marvelling at the mind, and gravitie of the man, did more earnestly studie, by breaking off the wars, to joyne friendship with the Romans, privately in­viting Fabritius (if the Peace were performed) to remain and live with [Page 67]him, offering that he should enjoy the chiefest place amongst his friends, and Nobles. To whom Fabritius is said to have answered in his eare. It will not be for thy profit O King, for those that do now worship, and follow thee, if they had made tryall of me, would wish me king to thee. With which Pirrhus was no whit offended, nor took it with a Tyrannicall mind, but did declare to Fabri­tius friends, the noble disposition of the man. To whose only credit hee did commit the Captives, with this condition, that [Page 68]if the Senate did deny Peace after their friends saluted, and the Saturnals celebrated to the Gods, they should be sent back to him again, who in like sort (the Festivals ended) according to the conditi­on were returned to Pir­rhus, of whom as many as remained at home, the Se­nate put to execution. Plu­tar. in Pirrho.

Two Legates (saith Poggius) being sent from the Councell of Constance to Petrus Deluna, the false Pope, did (amongst other bitter chidings, and hard speeches, which they used together upon the right, [Page 69]and title of Pontificialitie, after that the Pope had said of himselfe, this is the Arke of Noah, mean­ing that all the power of the Apostolique See re­mained with him) answer, there were many beasts in the Ark of Noah, expres­sing therby, that there were many vices in him, the Pope, and many wic­ked men in the Church.

When Sfortia the great, being feared with the weapons, and awaites of Paulus Ursinus, had de­parted from Rome, and placed his Companie in Algido, there came to him from the Pope a Legate [Page 70](the Cardinall of St. An­gell) being of the familie of Columna, and was well received into the Citie. To which Cardinall a­mongst many speeches, when he had said, Shall Sfortia fear a Beare (allu­ding to Ursinus, for Ursus in Latine, is a Bear in English) When hee shall be in most safetie under a Pillar (meaning himselfe discended of Columna, which in English signifies a Pillar) Sfortia suddenly answered, Shall not I seem mad unto thee (O Father) if whilst in vain I crave aide of a dumb and deaf Pillar, that great [Page 71]beast, fierce with tooth and nayle, making hast often­times with the pace of a lively man, shall not seem fearfull unto me? not un­pleasantly noting the ab­sence of the Columnians (who were far off) and lively depainting the wit of Ursinus, Jovius in vita mag. Sfortiae. with his pre­sent strength, which was at hand.

And so my good Lord I knit up this matter with many Ambassadours ex­amples, wherein is shewed their wit, their govern­ment, their wise answers, their gravitie, their mag­nanimitie, policie, favour, and many other excellent [Page 72]things required in an Ambassadour. Of which former examples I shall not need to make any Comment, or application to your Lordship, who by nature have a ready wit to conceive, by experi­ence a sound judgement to understand, and by stu­die a heaped knowledge to judge both my intent in writing them, their commendations in speak­ing them, and my friend commoditie in reading them. And so to other matter concerning Legats to be confirmed by colle­cted examples found in antient and learned Wri­ters.

CRAP. 3. Ambassadours that dyed in their Embassie.

AS you have before heard what good things have been com­mended in Legates, and Ambassadours, how they have been rewarded, ho­noured, esteemed, prefer­red, what privileges, what entertainment, and how many other good things have been belong­ing unto them. So since there is nothing certain in this world, nothing hap­py on every side, but that every commoditie brings [Page 74]its discommoditie, these men with all these good matters are subject to as many evils, misfortunes, losses, and hinderances, as they seem to be adorned with many excellencies. And therefore having al­ready spoken of the first part, I will come to the later part of this Propo­sition, and lay before your eyes their misfortunes, how some have died by the way, some have been slain, some maymed, some blinded, and some many other wayes misused, as the malice of the doer, or the will of the Com­mander gave in charge [Page 75]for the same; And there­fore first to Ambassa­dours that have been slain, and dyed in their Embassie.

The Athenians sent Demades the Orator as Legate to Antipater (for that Demades seemed ve­ry expert in the Macedo­nian affaires) to require of Antipater, that as at the beginning he had pro­mised, so he would bring forth his aide out of Mu­nichia. Antipater at first seemed of good dispositi­on towards Demades, but after Perdicea being dead, and certain of the Kings Letters found amongst [Page 76]the Kings writings in with Demades did exhort Perdicea, that hee should speedily passe into Europe against Antipater, the fa­vour of Antipater was a­lyened from Demade, so that hee nourished pri­vily cruelty against him, Wherfore Demadess with his Sonne Demea, (who with his Father was also Ambassadour) urging the performance of the pro­mise, were both delivered to the Executioner. Dio­do. li. 18.

Servius Sulpitius dying in his Legation, had a Statue erected to him, sit­ting on horse-back. Aga­petus, [Page 77]the Romane, as be­fore you heard, comming to the Emperour to ex­cuse the death of Ama­lasuenta died in his Em­bassie.

Porcopius Domatus Ac­cioiolus (who wrote the Grammar, as I conje­cture) singularly learned in the Greek, and Latine tongue, being Ambassa­dour from the Florentines to Lewis the Eleventh (King of France) for to joyn in league against Xistus the Fourth (Bi­shop of Rome) dyed be­fore he was departed out of the limits of Italy. In recompence whereof his [Page 78]Children had many privi­leges granted, and great sums bestowed on them, with other money ap­pointed by the Magi­strates to the bestowing of his Daughters in Mar­riage. In whose place Gui­dontanius Vespatius was erected, Brutus li. 7. Hi­stor. Florenc.

Claudius Marcellus, one of the three Ambassa­dours sent unto Massinis­sa into Africa perished by shipwrack a little be­fore the third Punicall warres, Livi. li. 50. Vola­ter. Livius, li. 17.

Julianus Caesarius the Cardinall, and Ambassa­dour [Page 79]with Udalislaus King of Polonia, sent by Eugeni­us the Fourth (chief Bi­shop) against the Turks, was slain Volat. li. 22.

Bassarion (Cardinall of Nice, who wrote the Hi­storie of the Greeks in the beginning of the Pope­dome of Xistus) whi­lest he went into France, to conclude a Peace be­tween Lewis the King of France, and Charles Duke of Burgondie, as meaning to sacrifice that for his last offer to God, being suspe­cted of th'one part, and returning without doing any notable thing in the cause, with very griefe of [Page 80]mind, died at Ravena in his journey. Volat. li. 2. Anthrop.

The Senate of Venice did dispatch in Legation to the King of Spain, Do­mick, Frinisanus, and An­thony Boldus to procure (as there was truce taken for a time) a continu­all amitie between those Kings, and Charles the King of France, who ta­king their journey, An­tony being a man of sin­gular eloquence, and pro­found judgement, over­taken with ficknesse in the way, dyed at Genua. In recompence whereof the State and Senate of Ve­nice, [Page 81]gave to his Son Ga­briel Boldns spirituall li­vings at Patavia, after confirmed to the said Ga­briel by Alexander the Pope. Bemb. li. 4. Ven. Histor.

Thus these examples sufficing for the proofe of this matter (although ma­ny other might be vouch­ed thereupon, as well out of our English Chroni­cles, as out of other Au­thors) I will now, (since every man is subject to death, and it forceth not before God, whether hee die an Ambassadour or no) shew what injuries aswell in life, as limbe, [Page 82]with other disorders have been used unto Legates, against Law, Reason, E­quitie, Friendship and Christianity.

CHAP. 7. Ambassadours evilly en­treated in their Em­bassie.

IT is shewed before in the privileges of Am­bassadours, that their Im­munitie should be such as they ought not to be tou­ched for any offence in their Legation, no not for conspiracie against ano­ther Prince. Then since [Page 83]this was the Law called Jus Gentium, which was (as touching Legates) called Divinum, for that commonly they fought to maintain godly Peace. How much are those per­sons, Kings, or others, to be blamed, that have of­fered violence to such men, which of themselves doe nothing, but execute the commandement of their Superiours? to resist whom is punishable, as well before God, as be­fore men; Disobedience being such a vice as God abhorreth, Man punish­eth, Reason misliketh, and Law condemneth.

Wherefore as good Princes have been com­mended to their perpetu­all glory, for the liberali­tie, good using, and en­tertainment of Ambassa­dours: So evill Kings to their continuall shame are registred in remembrance for abusing, violating, and offending such persons. And therefore under this Title, I will set down both what Ambassadours have been injured, in what sort it was done, by whom, for what cause, and to whose despight it hath been pra­ctised, as followeth.

First, the Ambassadours of Darius, requiring in [Page 85]great words Earth, and Water to be given them, which amongst the Persi­ans, was a token of yield­ing, or subjection, were soon headlong thrown in­to Ditches, and some into deep Wells, and Dunge­ons. Alexander ab A­lexandro, li. 4. cap. 7.

Longius (the Legate of Trajane the Emperour) as he was talking, was cir­cumvented, and appre­hended. Volat. li. 23. An­throp.

John the Son of Ed­ward being issued from the noble house of the Romans called Columna, (which ancient familie [Page 86]continueth at this day, of which there did flourish two hundred noble perso­nages) and being Cardi­nall of St. Praxedis was Ambassador in the ex­pedition to Hierusalem which was in the year 1200. where hee did al­most suffer Martyrdome, for he was of the barba­rous Enemies included between two posts readie to be cut in sunder, unless the Divine providence, and his great constancie had not moved them to relent. Volat. li. 22. An­throp.

Aurelius Scaurus (Le­gate from the Cymbries) [Page 87]the host being over­thrown was taken, who being called to the Coun­cell by them, did put them in fear lest they should passe the Alps, and goe in­to Italy, affirming that the Romans could not be subdued, upon which hee was killed by Belus, the fierce young King. Livi­us, li. 67.

A. Gabinius the Le­gate, after many things prosperously done against the Lucans, and many Towns overthrown, was slain at a siege. Livius, li. 76.

Henricus Dandalus (the Ambassadour of the Ve­netians) [Page 88]for that he liberal­ly uttered certain things, had (against the Law of Nations) his eyes plucked out by Emanuel Empe­rour of Constantinople.

Pantaleon, (the Tyrant of the Eleans) did geld certain Legates comming to him, and enforced them to eat their own stones. Heraclides in Politiis.

The Egyptians joyn­ing battell with Cambyses (King of the Persians) in the end took their flight without any order, to whom (being withdrawn into Memphis) Cambyses sent an Herald, his Le­gate, being a Persian, in a [Page 89]ship of Mitelena. They when they saw the ship arrived at Memphis, in whole troops comming out of the Citie, broke the ship, and tore the men into small pieces, carrying them into the Town. He­rodot. li. 3.

In the second year of the Peloponesian warre, the Lacedemonians experien­cing all devises to over­throw the riches of A­thens, sent Legates un­to Artaxerxes into Asia, which should require aid, and money to the use of the warre, and also should as they made their passage through Thracia, attempt [Page 90] Sitalces, whether hee would be withdrawn from the societie of the Atheni­ans, with which Ambas­sadours was Aristius Co­rinthius, Trinagoras, To­geates, and Pollis Argivus in his own name going to the King. These repai­ring into Asia, and passing the Sea of Helespont, Sa­docus, the Sonne of Sital­ces (But, Herodotus ma­keth Sitalces the Son of Tereus Author of this deed) by the perswasion of the Legates of Athens (by chance being then in Thracia) were over­thrown, and sent bound to Athens by Mymphiodorus [Page 91]Abderitas. The Legates thus brought into Attica, were by publique Decree slain, and cast into Wells and Ditches, and so the Athenians revenged the death of their people, which were taken in the beginning of the warres by the Lacedemonians, and were slain, and cast out unburied. Sabell. li. 7. en 3. ex Herodot.

When Pacorus the King of the Parthians had ta­ken Hierusalem, contend­ing against Hercames, to bring the kingdome to Antigonus the Sonne of Aristobolus; Hee perswa­ded Hyrcanus, that he with [Page 92] Phalesus the eldest Son to Antipater, and brother to Herod, should goe in Em­bassie to Barzapharnez, a noble man of Parthia, in­to Galile. Hyrcanus obey­ed, though Herod diswa­ded him from it, and so in the end was taken by Bar­zapharnez, and delivered to Antigonus, who cut off the ears of Hyrcanus that hee should thereafter bee unapt for the high Priest­hood, upon the which Phasaetus knocking his head against a stone, was author of his own death. Joseph. li. 14. cap. 24. & 25. Antiquitat.

The Fideni, being a [Page 93]Colonie, or people sprang from Rome, did revolt to Larte Tollinius, King of Vrentines, by which oc­casion Legates were dis­patched to demand the cause of their new devise and Counsell, which Le­gates by the Precept of Tolunnius were murder­ed, of which deed, there were which did absolve the King, for that his Speech was misunder­stood, the same being ut­tered in a fortunate cast of the Dyce; But whe­ther by error, or of pur­pose they were slain, it was in question. They that came to the Fidenians [Page 94]were Caius Fulcinius, Lul­lius, Tullius Sp. Nuntius, &c. Boscus to whom after their slaughter Images were erected at Rome. Sa­bell. li. 5. en. 3.

The Tarentines by occa­sion setting upon the Ro­man men of warre carried away the same, having killed the Captain of the Fleet, with many other persons, by reason where­of Legates were sent from Rome after the manner of the Citie to demand re­stitution of their goods, whom the Tarentines (ad­ding one mischief to ano­ther) did violate against the Law of Nations. Af­terwards [Page 95]being urged of the Romans by warre, (when they found them­selves not able to encoun­ter the Roman force, and would not for their natu­rall pride have the warre dissolved) they called Pyrrhus into Italy. Sab. li. 8. en. 4.

The Illyrians having gotten a prey upon the Borderers of Italy, and robbing their Merchants (being intercepted in the high Sea) great complaint was thereof made to the Senate of Rome, where­upon they sent two of the Cornicans (a family of Rome) to Teuca the Queen [Page 96]of the Illyrians (who succeeded in the king­dome, after the death of Argronus, her Husband,) at what time she was be­sieging the Isle of Issa, whether the Ambassadors came, to whom (uttering the complaint of her sel­lows) she thus concluded, saying, That shee would endeavour that no injurie should be publiquely offe­red to the Romans, but to prohibit her people, that they should not privatly reap the fruit of the Seas, it was not the manner of Kings, neither would shee forbid it. Then one of the Legates (in years young­est) [Page 97]stoutly (but out of time) replyed, Because (said hee) O Teuca the Romans by custome doe publiquely revenge pri­vate injuries, wee will by the assistance of the Gods endevour, that whether you will or no, this your kingly custome shall bee amended. With which bitter answer the Queen grew so offended (as that Sex is most impatient in anger) that neglecting Jus Gentium, she sent out certain which set upon the Ambassadours departed, and killed the the youn­ger, whose death being declared, the Romans [Page 98]raised a power, gathered a Navie, and made Teuca tributarie with her Domi­nions in the revenge of the Legates death. Sab. li. 9. en. 4. Borifrinus. li. 6. Decad. 1. who calleth this Queen by the name of Teutana.

At the beginning of the Jewes warrs, Agrippa the King of the Jewes sent Ambassadours to the se­ditious Jewes within Hie­rusalem, such persons as were best known unto the Jewes, which were Bor­ceus, and Phebus, to move the people to lay down their Armour, and be re­conciled to the Romans, [Page 99]but the seditious fearing lest the people would have gon to Agrippa, kil­led Phebus before ever he spake, and Borceus being wounded hardly escaped. Joseph. li. 2. cap. 24. de Bello Judaior.

Julianus Apostata (so called, for that he denyed the Christian faith, being Emperour) with unspea­kable furie raging against the Christians, contrarie to all Law, and equitie, did not at Calordan fear to murder Manuel Sabel­les, and Ismael, because they were Christians, and sent Ambassadours to him out of Persia. Nicephorus, li. 10. cap. 11.

The Catholiques re­maining in the Citie of Constantinople, conceiving a certain hope of the cle­mencie of Valence the Emperour, sent 80 men of holy orders, as Legates to him lying at Nichomedia. The chiefe whereof were Theodorus, Curbaggus, and Thenedenus, who with the rest, together with their shipps, he commanded to be burned. Suidas.

John the Scribe, or Se­cretarie, after the death of Honorius, did invade the Empire, and required the dignitie of the East Em­pire to be confirmed unto him. But Theosodius cast­ing [Page 101]his Legates in prison, and sending Captain As­parus with his host, over­came the Tyrant, and Created Valentinian the Sonne of his Aunt Placi­dia Emperour of the West. Paulus Diaconus.

Innocentius, Bishop of Rome (being ascertained of the injuries, wherewith Iohn Chrysostome, Bishop of Constantinople, was troubled beyond all hu­manitie, by Arcadius the Emperour) dispatch­ed certain Ambassadours, (whose names for brevi­tie I omit) unto the Em­perour to Constantinople, who at their first arrivall [Page 102]into Greece, were traite­rously received of the Tribune, suborned there­unto by Eudoxia the Em­presse, the wife of Arca­dius, who charged them with many reports, and said that they came to di­sturb the Orientall Em­pire, Wherefore divers of them being cast into divers prisons of the sub­urbs of Constantinople, when they could not deli­ver the Letters they had unto any others than the Emperour, Valerius (ha­ving broken one of his thumbs) did forcibly take from them their Letters, and their money, who [Page 103]after offering them 3000. peeces of gold did tempt them to follow the part of Attichus the usurped Bi­shop of Constantinople, but they pretending that they were admonished in their sleep, not to consent ther­to, did earnestly require libertie of return, where­upon being put into an old ship which leaked, with many chincks, they were exposed to the Sea, as to their utter destruction, who using very dange­rous Navigation, at the length hardly escaped in safetie, and arrived at Lampsacum, there chan­ged their ship, and retur­ned [Page 104]into the West. Nice­phorus, li. 13. cap. 33. So­zomenus, li. 8. cap. ul­timo.

Hormisda, Bishop of Rome, sent Aemiodius the Bishop, with Fortunatus, Venantius, and Vitalis, Le­gates to Anastatius Em­perour of Constantinople, to reduce him from He­resie, but he labouring to destroy them, put them in a ship without Saile, Mast, or Oare, where they had been drowned, had they not been saved by the be­nignitie of God, which Emperour willed them to redeliver this Message unto the Pope, That it [Page 105]was the propertie of an Emperour to command others, and not to o­bey the Popes Preeepts; Wherupon Hormisda did curse him. Nauclerus Vo­lu. 2. geno. 18. & Henri­cus Erphordiensis.

Gregorie the Seventh, otherwise called Hilde­brand, Bishop of Rome, did cast into prison (for the hatred he bore unto Cae­sar) the Legates of the Emperour Hen. 4. sent to excuse the four Crimes laid against him by the Saxons, who yet thus not contented, did miserably vex the Legates with fa­mine, thirst, and cold, and [Page 106]in the end leading them about the Citie, did drive them out of the Town. Aventium li. 5. Annial. Boiors.

Chilperick King of France, when hee had made Venice tributarie unto him, the same City sending unto him a Bi­shop for an Ambassadour upon certain causes tou­ching the State, being moved with extreme an­ger, against Law banished the Bishop, Aimonius, li. 3. de gestis Francorum.

Emanuel, the Empe­rour of the Greeks (after that he found by report, that the City of Venice [Page 107]was grievously infected with a plague) he made to be held a brazen table red hot with fire before the eyes of Henry Dandalus the Ambassador, amongst others; by which cruell fact he was almost blind­ed, and ever after lost the force of his sight, being stil purblinde. Sab. li. 5. en. 9.

John the Cardinall, be­ing at Constantinople, and sent by Alexander the high Bishop to Manuell (at the request of him, en­deavouring to reduce the Greeks to the Roman Church) was apprehend­ed of Andronicus Corve­nus (usurping the Tyran­nie, [Page 108] Alexius being killed) and a dog tyed unto him, whose taile was thrust in­to his mouth, & so drawn through the Citie, was headlong cast into a ditch, and then buried.

Cuspinianus Caesar Tre­gossus of Genua, and An­tony Rivico of Spain, sent from Francis the first (King of France) Legates to the Emperour of the Turks, when they had sailed to Padua, to goe to Venice, were taken of the Spaniards and killed, wherewith the French King being offended, did cast into prison in Lyons in France, Gregorie of [Page 109] Austria, the Bastard of Maximilian the Empe­rour, and Bishop of Va­lentinia, and was the oc­casion that Laseus the Le­gate of Ferdinando was apprehended by Solymon the Turk and yet not thus contented, he pursued this injurie with extreme war. Sleydan. li. 14. & Paulus Jovius.

Achomates endevour­ing by open violence (which he could no o­therwise according to his mind bring to passe) to execute the government of the Turks from his Fa­ther Baiazet; His father gently sent Ambassadours [Page 110]to him either to revoke him from his madnesse, or else to bid him war; But how much the more hee did earnestly (after the repulse taken) thirst after the Empire, by so much he judged, that he should deale more sharp, and bit­terly therein; And there­fore cōmanded the chiefe of the Legates (most boldly threatning extre­mitie unto him) to be strangled in his sight, and the rest before the even­ing to depart the Camp. The which deed did most of all exasperate the cho­ler of Baiazetes, and alie­nate the mind of many [Page 111]men from him, because that he had cruelly against all humanitie, and Law, (without reverence to the person, or duty to his Fa­ther) violated the Legates, comming to him to con­clude and end the con­troversie; Wherefore be­ing declared an open ene­mie, his father being dead, he was taken, and strang­led of Silinius his bro­ther. Sab. li. 4. ex Jovio.

Tomumbeius the last Sol­dan of the Egyptians being drawn out of Memphis by Selymon Emperour of the Turks, fled into the fur­thest part of Egypt, to re­cover his force, & power. [Page 112] Selinius sent unto him noble men, and such as governed the Region, and with them certain Egypti­ans of great name which should perswade Tomum­beius to lay down his Weapons, and at length to acknowledge the for­tune of victory, who fur­ther upon their faith should promise, That if he came in humble sort, hee should stil retain the king­dome by the humanitie and gift of the Victor, which hee could not any way defend by arms; But if he did proceed to renew the warre, and had for­gotten his imbecilitie (the [Page 113]fortune of Battell being judge) there should there­after be left no place for him, either of life, or dig­nity. These Legates (pas­sing Nilus; and comming into Sarentica) were killed before they were heard speak, by the mad, and barbarous cruelty of cer­tain Mamaluchs, which wicked and arrogant men did think to have done an acceptable deed to To­mumbeius (looking for no such matter) if (to declare their good wills, & minds abhorring peace) they had opened by that means all the rage, and cruelty of their hearts. But that [Page 114]deed being so proud, and cruell, took away all mer­cie, and patience from Selymon, who at length set an end to the bloody warre, and these beastly Mamaluchs. Sab. supl. li. 8. ex Jovio.

With which Historie I finish this Tragicall dis­course of injuries offered to Ambassadours, as well of the Clergie, as of Temporal men, by Kings, Emperours, Dukes, Bi­shops and other persons, both Ethnicks, Turks, and Christians, against Law, and Justice, which doth alwayes will that these Ambassadours should bee [Page 115]courteously used. Contra­ry to which equity they were most cruelly hand­led; As some being burnt, some having their eyes pluckt out, some blinded by other means, some slain, some maymed in their ears, some in their genitalls, some strangled, some drowned, some left to the mercy of the raging Seas, & others oppressed with famine, thirst, and cold. And because it is not reason, and Justice doth not permit that such cruell deeds should goe unrevenged, as partly is shewed in some of these examples (whereof I [Page 116]could have produced ma­ny more, but that I would avoid ostentation of see­ming to have read, and noted many things in travelling Histories) I will in one speciall title for that purpose (wherein your Lordship may re­quire more examples of Ambassadours disorderly used) lay before your Lordships eyes the re­venge of such despight done to forraign Ambas­sadours.

CHAP. 8. The revengement of cruel­ty used to Ambassodours against the Law of Nature.

TOuching this mat­ter you heard be­fore out of Alex­ander ab Alexandro, how they which offended Am­bassadours, were delive­red to the offended, and were sent for the most part to the Countrie of such Legates, there to re­ceive punishment accord­ing to their deserts. Here I will collect in examples what revengement, and [Page 118]other hatred hath been used, and exercised by open warrs to other Prin­ces, and Nations, for inju­ries done to their Ambas­sadours: for it is but rea­son, that they who will misuse any by wrong a­gainst right, should with like violence by Justice be rightly requited. And thus to the confirmation thereof by examples.

When under the con­duct of Magabizis (whom Darius had made ruler of Hellespont) the Thracians were subdued of the Per­sians; the Persians sent Ambassadours into Mace­donia to require water, [Page 119]and earth, of Amyntas the King. Amyntas received them with liberall hospi­talities, and yielding him­selfe to Darius, at the length, through the re­quest of the Persians (ac­cording to their custome) he brought certain Con­cubines in to the Banquet to the Persians, whom when the Persians had handled, and kissed, A­lexander the Son of A­myntas taking the same in disdain, sent his Father to bed, after the which, when free libertie was gi­ven to the Persians to have carnall company with which of these wo­men [Page 120]every one would choose, Alexander sent forth those young dames to wash, and clense them­selves for more delicacie to content the Persians, and forthwith brought in neat young men unbeard­ed, clad in the same ap­parell, and privily wea­poned with daggers, with whom as soon as the Per­sians began to dallie in amorous sort, they draw­ing forth their weapons killed the Persians, which slaughter Alexander did redeem partly for a great summe of money, and partly by giving his Sister Gygia in marriage to Bu­birus [Page 121]the Persian, who was one of the Inquisitors of the murther. Herod. li. 4.

Thirtie Legates of the Cratonians comming to the Siberites were all kil­led, and unburied, cast before the walls of the Citie, to be devoured of wild beasts; which deed was the beginning of all those evils to them, which the Oracle did before sig­nifie; For all their noble men (a few dayes being between) did seem to see the same monstrous act in the same manner, for they beheld Juno com­ming into the Market­place [Page 122]spewing forth her choler; In whose Chap­pell also burst forth a fountain of blood, and yet with all this did not their arrogancie cease, untill they were wholly de­stroyed by the Cratoni­ans. Athen. li. 12. cap. 6. Which Historie Heracli­des Ponticus in libro de Justitia, although in sub­stance of matter all one, yet in forme, and names, doth seem otherwise to repeat.

King David sent Legates to Hanno the Son of Na­lia, the King of the Am­monites to comfort him of the death of his Father, [Page 123]with whom David had joyned friendship, and they had promised it should be confirmed. But Hanno taking the Legates as Spies shaved halfe of their beards, and curtayl­ing their garments by the buttocks, did after in that manner send them away. With which injurie Da­vid being offended willed the Legates to remain at Hiercunt untill their haire was again grown. And sending Joab with an Ar­mie against the Ammo­nites, hee grievously affli­cted them, and the Syri­ans (comming in their aide) with bitter slaugh­ter, [Page 124]wherewith the Syri­ans being further mole­sted, there were to the number of 40000 Horse­men killed at Helam by David himselfe, and the rest after were made tri­butarie. 2 Reg. cap. 10.

The Arabians (having overcome Herod the King of the Jewes by subtiltie, and Juda being miserably shaken with an earth­quake) killed the Legates of the Jewes requiring Peace, but not long after they being again grieved by Herod with most bitter slaughter, Joseph. ci. 15. cap. 18. Antiqui­cat. and in the end subdued, received worthy punishment for their wic­ked act.

Certain persons of the Families of Tatius Sabi­nus (after the manner of theeves, and robbers) en­tring the fields of the Laurentines, drove the beasts from thence, and spoiled many people, whom they met; Where­upon Romulus (judging the guiltie worthy to be punished) sent Legates unto Tatius (with whom the favour of his people did more prevaile) than the Law of the Countries, insomuch that he did not only deny the request of the Messengers, but as they were departing, per­mitted them to be viola­ted [Page 126]of his people, which punishment of the offen­dor, Tatius procured to himself, who a little while after (comming to Lavi­nius, to the solemn Feast there holden) was by pri­vie conspiracie in an as­sault made upon him mi­serablie slain by the kin­dred of them who before were violated of the Ta­tians. Theatrum. Vit. hu­man. vol. 14. li. 5.

The Corinthians being under the government of Philip raised dissention a­gainst him, and bore themselves so proudly a­gainst the Romans, that certain Corinthians did [Page 127]presume to cast urine and other filth upon the Ro­man Ambassadour passing by the houses of the street, for which fact, and other like offences, they received revengement out of hand, for a great Ar­mie being sent thither, Corinth was made LEvell with the ground by Lucius Muminius, Achaius, and the rest of the Domini­ons, even to the parts of Macedonia fell to the Ro­man government. Strabo. li. 8.

The Legate of the King of Persia sent to Aquis­grave to Charles the Great, being very hardly [Page 128]received of the French­men, complained to Charles, that the authori­ty of Legates was greater amongst the Persians, than the French, upon which to pacifie the Persian King, to redeem such in­jurie, as to revenge the fact, Charles removed all the Magistrates, and Captains of every Pro­vince through which they came, reduced them to a private estate, losing their office; Amerced also the Bishops in a great masse of money, and provided that the Legates with all care, dutie, and pietie should be conveyed to [Page 129]their Countries. And yet deeming this not suffici­ent, he presented the King of Persia with horses, Spanish Mules, and costly garments of the German fashion, and noble doggs to hunt, which Germanie bringeth forth excelling in swiftnesse, and cruelty. Avent. li. 4. Annalium Boiorum.

And thus hitherto of the tragicall murthers fol­lowing the injuries offe­red to Ambassadours, which hath been the over­throw of many States, and Conquest of many Countries. For no greater villany can be offered to [Page 130]any absent, than to misuse his present Deputie, re­presenting the Majestie of his King, and Master.

CHAP. 9. Ambassadours evilly re­warded at their return into their Countries.

AMongst the other mischiefs that hang over the heads of Am­bassadours, besides their charge, death by the way, misusing in their Legati­on, and bloody warrs that follow thereon; This also is not the least evill that accompanieth them, That [Page 131]at his return into his Countrie (when he ho­peth for great reward, ho­nourable title, glorious receiving by the people, and credit with his Prince, in recompence of his toy­led body, his great ex­pences, his endangered life) that hee is not only deceived therein, but in place thereof receiveth either imprisonment, the Princes displeasure, losse of life, confiscation of goods, discredit in his Countrie, disdain of his equalls, rebuke of his Su­periours, and evill report of his Inferiours, if in dispatch of his Legation, [Page 132]the event falleth not to his Princes mind, and his Countries benefit; And yet hee doing asmuch as wit by nature will give him leave, and judgement by experience hath taught him, is rather in my opi­nion to be pardoned for the overthwart successe, than to be punished for those defaults which him­selfe cannot remedie; God having dealt no more li­berally with him in im­parting great wit, learn­ing, or experience unto him: For in truth if his Legation be not well per­formed, the lack is rather to be imputed to the [Page 133]Prince, that would not make better choyce, than to the subject that of force must obey, or else runne into further inconvenien­cie of his King, whose displeasure (saith Solo­mon) is death. But because my intent is not in any of these matters fully to say my mind, and to utter what reasons I can pro­duce to confirme any such thing depending on the shoulders of Legates, but only to warrantize my assertion with authoritie of examples; Therefore leaving all other ordinarie proofes, I will descend to my former course, and [Page 134]only will with one exam­ple or two (for that I mean not to be tedious, and intend but to give your Lordship a taste, that many other examples might be vouched there­on) display sufficient au­thoritie in that point, In which Ambassadours have been evilly rewarded at their return into their Countrie, as followeth.

Amasis the Legate, being sent of King Apris, to those people that were revolted, afterwards be­came King of the Revol­ters, upon the which there was another Legate called Paterbenus sent to Amasis [Page 135]who returning without doing any good in the matter, was cruelly hand­led of King Apris. Thea­trum. Vol. 18. li. 4.

Alexander the Son of Amyntas, King of Macedo­nia, was (of Mordonius whom Xerxes had left in Greece to subdue it) sent Ambassadour to the A­thenians, to conclude a Peace between them, but he departed without brin­ging any thing to success, whereupon he was after­wards forbidden to come to Athens, and so banished the Town. Herodot. li. 8.

In both which examples what cause was there, why [Page 136]either Paterbenus of Apris, or Alexander of the A­thenians should bee so cruelly handled, doing what in them lay? for when the obstinacie of the other party with whom they must conferre, is so much, that neither reason can move, eloquence per­swade, gentle usage make willing, or threatnings fear to yield unto their Ambassie, what shall the poor Legates doe? and if they bring not their mes­sage to effect, they shall be sharply punished at their return, as either faithlesse to their Masters, or partiall to the enemie. [Page 137]For, mee thinks, I hear some Sycophant flattering the Prince, and maligning the Ambassadour (either before his going for some private grudge, or after his departure, for his open honour, in that he is ad­vanced to his place of Legation) and yet set­ting his own commoditie thereby doth say, that if the matter come not to effect, it is by the negli­gence of the partie Am­bassadour, who if hee carry not sufficient autho­ritie to conclude, or an­swer all things done on the adverse part, may send home for a larger Com­mission, [Page 138]the which if hee doe not, if thereby hee might have brought it to conclusion, is to be dee­med as a trayterous per­son to his Prince, and Countrie, and therefore at his return to be punish­ed. The which thing if he doe (as I would not excuse it, where open, and not surmised negligence is found in the cause) I say he is worthy therefore of double revenge at his home comming, and to receive torment in place of liberalitie, reproach for credit, losse of life for ad­vancement, and dis-inhe­ritance in recompence of [Page 139]his deserved reward. And here since now I am fallen into the mention of trea­cherous Ambassadours, it shall not be unfitting in this place to shew what persons, to the shame of them, and of their poste­ritie, are registred in the everlasting Records of Trayterous Ambassadors towards their Prince and Province.

CHAP. 10. Trayterous Ambassadours towards their Masters and Princes.

AS all injuries which tend to the subversi­on of a Common-wealth are to bee punished, be­cause not one Citie, but a Province, not a part of the body, but the whole body, not the King alone, but the subject is grieved thereby; so the same wrong (being injustice) is not only to be avoyded (by all good men) as chiefe enemy to vertue, but also they are to be [Page 141]hated, and sharply punish­ed, which contrary to na­turall dutie to the Prince, to equity, to his Countrie, to good disposition to­wards himselfe, to vertue, to good men, and contra­ry to Justice, to all men in matter of trust (wherin all truth is to be used) do fals­ly, and injuriously betray their Children, their Pa­rents, their Friends, their King, their Countrie. And as in all men such treason is to be abhorred, so especially in Ambassa­dours, who are the doors, and gates of the Com­mon-wealth, by which Peace, or Warre, quiet, [Page 142]or dissention, profit, or discōmoditie are brought into the same. This vilde fault is most abhorred, and worthy to be reward­ed with death, a thing which in all ages, amongst all men, in all places, and in all matters hath been misliked, hated, condem­ned, and revenged. Be­cause no greater injurie can any wayes be offered, than that hee who is in credit, with the life, with the commoditie, with the honour, with the state of his Prince, or Countrie, with the benefit of his friend, or familiar, should under the colour of assu­red [Page 143]dutie, and friendship, overthrow such State, or person, as giveth such fidelity unto him. But what spend I many words to confirm a thing so ma­nifestly known to be evil? I will not doe it, but by example set out such wicked persons, as have wrought against their own head, in such a villa­nous sort, as the blott thereof will never be wi­ped away, which exam­ples (for he is happy that can beware by the harm of others) I have set down as condemning that evill fact in them, and as a warning for others to be­ware, [Page 144]which may fall into the like inconveniencie, if fear of God, discourse of reason, duty to the Prince, love to his Countrie, and fidelity to his friends and Allies, do not restrain the evill mind of mens natu­rall inclination alwayes of it selfe by disposition bent to the worst, and ready to yield to his basest part. The examples be these.

Labienus the Legate of Caesar, in France, having performed great exploits under Caesar, at the length in the Civill warres trai­terously fled from Caesar, to Pompey, of whom doth Lucan write;

The which Historie is more to be seen at large in Volater. li. 16. Urban. can.

Amasis (as you heard before) being the Legate of King Apris, who sent him to the Egyptians, re­volted from him, became most traiterously King of the Revolters.

Ibancus falling from the part of Alexius Angelus Emperour of Constanti­nople, did defend, and make strong with Castles the places adjoyning to [Page 146]Mount Hemo, for the re­conciliation of which I­bancus to become again subject, the Emperour did send an Ambassadour Eunuch very familiar un­to him, which should re­voke, and renew Condi­tions and Covenants be­tween them, willing him also to put him in mind of the Marriage of his Neece, but this wicked gelding, comming to I­bancus, did not only not doe any thing belonging to his Message, but with his presence did rather confirme him in the con­tinuance of his attempt, when he had rashly spew­ed [Page 147]out unto him that the Greeks out of hand would invade him: And there­fore counselling him, that leaving the champion plains, he should for his and the peoples better strength, and safetie, com­mit himselfe to the moun­tains. Nicelius, li. 3. de Im­perio Alex.

Ariepertus, the Brother of Theudolinda created King of the Lumbards, when he had raigned nine years, bequeathed the kingdom to Bertanus, and Godopertus his Sons. The kingdome being divided, Bertanus placed his Im­periall leat at Milan, and [Page 148] Godopertus at Ticinum, af­ter (dissention sprang be­tween the two brothers) Godopertus sent to Grini­daldus (Duke of Bene­venta) a Legate, Garipal­dus, Captain, or Duke of Taureventinus, to request speedy aide against his brother, in recompence whereof he promised his kinswoman in marriage; contrary to which thing the traiterous Legate did perswade Grinidaldus to possesse the kingdome of Lembardie, having now apt time therefore, the brothers being at warres within themselves; Wher­upon Grinivalde with a [Page 149]chosen Companie went to Ticinum, where being honourablie received (be­cause of his marriage, as was thought) into the Kings Palace, did kill Go­dopertus, and enjoyed the kingdom. Bertarius which was at Milan hearing thereof, for fear fled into Panonia, or Hungarie, to Cacanus King of the A­raries, a people of Pano­nia, leaving behind Rodo­linda his wife, and Cami­pertus his Son, whom Gri­nivaldus sent to Beneven­venta not long after, which Domus Gariopaldus (the Legate) was in the Temple killed by the [Page 150]Servant of Godopertus, who feared not to be murdered for the revenge of his Masters injurie. Bonsinius, li. 8. Deca. 1.

Edgarus, King of Eng­land, by sicknesse losing the Queen his wife Elfre­da (on whom he had got­ten Edward his Sonne) at what time Fame had blown abroad, that Hor­gerius, Duke of Cornwall, had a fair Daughter na­med Alfreda, he sent E­thelwold his familiar com­panion, as his Ambassa­dour, to see the beauty of the Maid, and with his words, and in his name, to demand her in marri­age, [Page 151]if her beauty did an­swer the report. Ethel­wold when he had seen the beautie of the Maid, un­mindfull of the Kings commandement, did ear­nestly desire to have her for Wife, who returning to the King, said, That she was not such a person as was convenient to be e­spoused to the King; but a little after, perceiving by this device, that the Kings mind was changed from her love, he began with little, and little, to work with the King to obtain license, that hee might take her by his con­sent; the which (the King [Page 152]having now despised her beauty) did easily grant. Afterwards the rumour of the beauty of Alfreda did more and more in­crease, which moved the King, desirous to see her, to take occasion to visit the Town of Ethelwold as hee went in hunting. Ethelwold when hee un­derstood that the King would come thither, dis­covering the whole mat­ter to his wife, prayed her (for the safetie of them both.) that she would at­tyre her selfe more care­lesly, and shew her selfe lesse beautifull (than shee was accustomed) to the [Page 153]young, and lusty King. But the woman forgetting matrimoniall love, and the Children born to E­thelwold, as richly attyred as she could, came forth to meet the King, where (casting off all shame) she gave the occasion of her Husbands destruction, for he was after slain, and the King shortly married her, of whom he begat many Children. Than which deed nothing did more blemish the fame of that worthy King Edgar, as well for that hee had ta­ken away the Husband, as for that he had espoused the unchast Wife. Polydor, [Page 154]li. 6. Ranulphus, li. 6. cap. 11. Will' mus Malmes, li. 2. cap. 46.

Francis Sabarella the Cardinall (whose writings are highly commended, and allowed, being hol­den in great authoritie a­mongst the Civill Law­yers) sent Ambassadour by John the 23. Bishop of Rome, unto the Coun­cel of Constance, to excuse his fact, and keep him in the Popedome, was au­thor and occasion of the Popes utter overthrow, in hope that himselfe after­wards by the consent of the Councell, should have supplied the place of [Page 155]Pope John: But being prevented by death, he at one time did satisfie both his Tyrannicall ambition, and unchristian treache­rie. Garmibertus, li. 5. de vitis Pontificum.

And so with one Hi­storie more delivered in Latine, as Guicchardine hath written it, I will set end to these trayterous, and unfaithfull Ambassa­dours; The which matter I have purposely delive­red in Latine as the course of the style leadeth word for word, and as the Au­thor writ the same, for that not reading the Hi­storie in any other place, [Page 156]I could not so fitly set it forth, as mee thinks both such a matter, and the Authors meaning doth require, And yet loth to leave out a thing done in our remembrance, I thought best, rather so to doe, than utterly to de­fraud your Lordship ther­of. The matter is this; Constans fuit multorum o­pinio, Albertum Pium Carpensem, Galliae Re­gis Lodovici duodecimi apud Julium 2. Papam de controversia inter Pontifi­cem, & Ferariae Ducem Alfonsum Atestinum, & salinis Cerine, Comactii orta componenda, Legatum [Page 157]legationis munere non bo­na fide functum, ut Ponti­ficem Ferariensium Ducem contetaret operam dedisse. Ad id (que) ardentissimo de­siderio, in quo ad mortem us (que) permansit impulsum, ut Alfonsus Ferarien­si principatu spoliaretur. Quum Hercules Alfonsi pater ante paucos annos à Gilberto Pio dimidiam Carpensem ditionem acce­pisset, ei (que) Saxuli castel­lum cum nonnullis aliis oppidis permutationem de­disset. Albertus ne tan­dem (ut saepe necesse eum minus potentem potentio­ris vicini cupiditate ce­dere) ei alteram partem, [Page 158]quae ad se spectaret, con­cedere cogeretur, metue­bat. Guicchard. li. 2.

With which Latine Hi­storie concluding, and ut­tering what I have read concerning such unfaith­full Legates, who without better government may be drawn into Treason, one of the most wicked evills, which by their own occasion, and folly they may rashly fall into, I will finish up the enlarging of this proposition concern­ing trayterous Ambassa­dours, with their manner of treacherie. And take upon me briefly in like order, with like manner [Page 159]of examples to treat of one other mischiefe that followeth such Ambassa­dours; For as there is no Body but hath its shadow, no Corn but hath its chaffe, no Wine but hath its lees; nor any man that at all times, in all places, in all matters, and to all persons doth shew him­selfe alike perfect wise: So since these Legates hereafter may (as before time they have) by words, by writings, by deeds, by gestures, shew some folly in them (though other­wise perhaps not to bee discommended) I will now discourse of foolish [Page 160]Ambassadours to give light to others, and to save them out of such condemned actions.

CHAP. 11. Of the foolish sayings, and doings of Ambassadours.

NOtwithstanding that it often happeneth to be counted a point of wisdome to dissemble, and to utter great folly, yet in a Legate, in a matter of gravitie, in the benefit of a Countrie, in the cause of a King, to shew either folly in the tongue, rash­nesse [Page 161]in the hand, light­ness in the gesture, clow­nishness in action, or want of good government in ordering himselfe, is not simply a fault in the A­gent, which yet is not to bee allowed, but also it stretcheth further, and ministreth occasion to condemn the Master, or Prince, for want of judge­ment, that either hee had not people out of whom, or else had not in him to discern to whom he might have better committed such a waighty charge, a thing not to be imagined of the head, and Gover­nour of the Common­wealth, [Page 162]and kingdome; Wherefore as you have before on the one side wise Ambassadours, ho­noured and commended for their singular and quick wits in answering, for their worthy, and pru­dent dispatch of their Embassie in action. So on the other side you shall now see, That they who doe not advisedly consi­der the place wherein, the person to whom, the mat­ter whereof they are to use their speech, doe not only fall into many grosse errors, which hurt them­selves, in jurie their Coun­tries, and shame their [Page 163]Princes; But that they al­so thereby become a note, and blot of Ignominie to be left behind them in their utter condemnation, and the heavy reproch of their posteritie, as is pro­ved by these persons fol­lowing, vouched for that intent, whose children al­though they might be condemned, as discended from Ambassadours, yet it is reprochfull to have the folly, and evill of their Ancestors to be spightful­ly objected unto them. And so to the matter. The people of Florence sent an Orator or Ambas­sadour to Jane Queen of [Page 164] Naples (of life inconti­nent, and such a person as hanged her Husband, a gallant young Prince, out of her Chamber window, for that he could not the night before content her immoderate, and insatia­ble leacherie) called Fran­cis, a certain Lawyer by profession, but better lear­ned in wearing the appa­rell of a Civillian, than deeply seen in the judge­ment of Justinian; And yet more unlearned in­deed then he appeared in shew. This man being called into the Queens presence to performe his charge; when he had ut­tered [Page 165]with some good care the effects of his Le­gation, was the next day commanded to return to the Court to hear his an­swer: (In the mean time having intelligence, that the Queen loved proper men, not disdaining such persons as were of excel­lent beauty) but when ac­cording to commande­ment he was returned to Court, there after many things spoken this way, and that way, about his Embassie unto the Queen, at length more impudent than wise, more glorious than seemly, brake with the Queen, and said, that [Page 166]he had farre more secret matters to impart unto her. Whereupon the gen­tle Queen desirous to sa­tisfie his Legation in all convenient order, and deeming the matters of great importance should be revealed unto her self, courteously called him in­to a more secret place, where the fool, besides all order, and civilitie, much flattering himselfe in the excellencie of his beautie, demanded of her societie in the act of Venus. At which the wise Queen no­thing abashed, nor altered into any sudden passion, beholding the counte­nance [Page 167]of the man, did on­ly smiling ask whether the Florentines had given him the same in commissi­on also, and telling him that he were best to have authority therefore, with­out further anger willed him to depart home. Pog­gius in facetiis.

Ariston the Tyrant of Athens, (besieged and subdued by L. Sylla, and being in great povertie, and want of all things) did send two Legates, or Messengers into the Camp to Sylla (but they with the minds of Ty­rants, and not with an humble, or gentle stile ap­plied [Page 168]to the present for­tune beginning with the praise of Theseus, and Eu­molisuenta, together with the memorie of things done against the Medes, and other Nations by the Athenians, did glorious­ly, and foolishly execute their Legation, by which they did not only not mitigate the mind of the enemy, but made him far more offended than hee was before, saying that they were a people most happy, and therefore meete to carry back such praises again, for hee was sent to Athens by the Ci­ty of Rome, not to be in­structed [Page 169]in learning, but utterly to overthrow the taken City of Athens, which he did after per­forme. Sab. li. 9. en. 6. ex Plut. Sylla.

The Perusines sending Orators to Urbaim Bishop of Rome, (afflicted with sicknesse) one of them without respect of the griefe of the Pope, used a long, and tedious Ora­tion. The other who grieved at the folly of the first Speaker, then being to mend all, fell into a far more offence to move an­ger in the Bishop, saying, That it was given them in charge, that except they [Page 170]were answered forthwith, they should repeat the same Oration again. At whose folly the Bishop smiling, cōmanded them to be quickly dispatched. Poggius in facetiis.

Franciscus Codelmerius a Cardinall, being with a Navy sent Legate against the Turks, subduing Hel­lespont, by his folly, and ignorance, suffered the Turks to passe out of that streight, and gave no war­ning to the Christians, wherein he might, and did seem to be author (by his stupiditie) of that me­morable, and lamentable slaughter of the Christi­ans [Page 171]at Varua. Garimber­tus, li. 6. De vitis Ponti­ficum.

In the wars which were kept between Pope Gre­gorie the Eleventh, and the Florentines, a Legate of the Racavatenses being sent to Florence, gave them thanks for the liber­ties restored, inveighing with many despightfull words against the Bishop, and the Princes of the Ci­ty, & the Ministers of the Bishop, having no respect to Radolphus, Lord of the Camerines, who was then Potimansis or chiefe Go­vernour of Florence, for the Bishop. Whereupon [Page 172] Radolphus demanded of the Ambassadour of what facultie or Art he was, to whom he answered, a Do­ctor of the Civill Law, then he asked how long he had applied that stu­die, the Legate said, more than ten years. O reply­ed Radolphus, very glad would I have been, that you had bestowed a yeare thereof to learn discreti­on, and wisdome, judge­ing him a simple foole, that in his presence being one of the number, would so lavishly bluster out such heavie words against the Princes and Rulers. Poggius.

The Venetians dispat­ched two young Legates to Frederick the third Emperour, who being highly offended with their young yeares, forbade them to approach his pre­sence, yet at the length they obtained this favour, that they were privatly, and without the order of the Custome of Ambas­sadours (which openly should deliver their Mes­sage) brought to the Em­perour, at what time, be­yond all humanitie, or wisdome, out of the mat­ter propounded, they said that if all wisdome and learning rested in a beard, [Page 174]and in white haires, the Senate of Venice had in place of them, to send to the Emperour two faire Barbara Goates, with which proud answer, they confirmed the suspition this Emperour conceived of their folly. Aegidius Cororetus de dictis, & fa­ctis memor.

And here winding up the Clue of my raw thred, spun, and woven to make the mournfull garment for unfit Ambassadours to wear, that is, to cloth them with reproch to po­steritie, for that they were foolish, Traytors, proud, disdainfull, unfit for so [Page 175]honourable a place, I will only now adde to this matter one title more, be­ing a badge of their office, and so set end to this un­orderly discourse of mat­ters belonging to Ambas­sadours, for both short­nesse of time, and tedi­ousnesse of the matter, and indigestion in the me­thod, doe will mee with speed (remembring Solo­mons divine Speech, That in multiloquio non deest peccatum) to draw to my journeys end, lest my weary hand, and my ty­red Pen, thinking to reach to a further place, doe [Page 176]break their wind, and cast their Master into the myre, whose end is then farre worse than his hastie beginning. And thus to the last title.

CHAP. 12. Of Persons sent divers times in Embassie.

AS the end for every thing maketh the same happy, or evill, as the Proverb is, Bonus exi­tus omnia probat, so of a good beginning by grace, [Page 177]continued for vertue, at­tempted with order, exe­cuted by good mindes, performed of necessitie, there must ensue a good end, no lesse worthy such a beginning; For as the good life is cause of a good and quiet death; So the milde, and godly death, declare the former good life of the Person; And therefore since my beginning by intent was good; the continuance for matter not unprofita­ble, for order not alto­gether confused, and for the commoditie that may ensue not to bee rejected [Page 178](since this benefit com­meth thereby, that al­though it bee not worthy the reading of your ho­nour, and although it bring no great learning to others, yet to mee who travell my wit and hand, my studie and pen there­with, it bringeth advan­tage) I hope a good end, and conclusion of matter will follow; For as the beginning of this 'Treatise was in the com­mendation of the wise, learned, and worthy Am­bassadours; So with like end in praise of them, and their travell, I will [Page 179]finish this simple Trea­tise; And for that there is nothing can beautifie their person, increase their honour, augment their substance, win love of their Countrie, gain credit amongst strangers, favour of their Prince, and friendship amongst all men, than oftentimes to supply the place of so weightie, and honourable a charge; Therefore I will say somewhat of di­vers persons, who divers times, to divers Princes, and in divers matters have won singular com­mendations therefore, [Page 180]committing all other mat­ters to silence, which I could speak of them, and their office; Since these Messengers of Prin­ces to Princes, had their first originall from the Angellicall Order of Archangells, who are made the Ambassadours of God, to great Perso­nages in great matters, ei­ther of Revelation of the successe of Kingdomes, as Gabriel was to Daniel, or of opening some rare, and strange thing, as hee was also to the Virgin of the Conception of the Saviour of our Souls, [Page 181]and Redeemer of us from our Sinnes; For this is certain, that there is no order, or government in this world, as well Eccle­siasticall as Temporall, but it is had from the pat­tern of the Celestiall Hierarchie; Since God Created the world, and appointed the govern­ment thereof according to the Architype, chiefe pattern, or Ideall forme of the same, conceived in the divine mind, and or­dered in the Celestiall Hierarchy. But enough of this, and perchance to some cavelling heads, [Page 182](who as yet have not tasted the sweet kernell of the hard Nut) too much to bee discovered. And so once again to my Ambassadours which di­vers times have enjoyed that Function, whereof I (although I might produce many good, and present examples) both of our own Countrie, in our own remembrance, and living in our present dayes, As of your Lord­ship, of whom for mo­desty I will forbear to speak, who have now twice been Ambassadour, And of Master Doctor [Page 183] Nicholas Wootton, who being Counsellour to four Princes, was also divers times Ambassa­dour, of Sir Johu Mason likewise, and many other our Countrie-men: yet I will only here powre out of the small store of my Collections, such as in times past in forraign Na­tions have enjoyed such high and honourable title.

Caius Lelius, Ambassa­dour to Africa going into Spain, was Gover­nour in the expugnation of New Carthage, as Li­vie witnesseth, who also [Page 184]being sent Ambassadour from Scipio to Syphaces for conclusion of friend­ship, did lead with him certain Tribunes expert in the feats of Arms, un­der the form of Servants, to the intent to descrie the manner of the Coun­trie, as writeth Frontinus; in which Legation hee wisely wrought that Sy­phaces became friend to the Romans. Volat. li. 16. Urb. Com.

A [...]gidius Carilla was sent from Innocent the sixth high Bishop to con­clude the matters of I­taly, who being by birth [Page 185]a Spaniard, of the Nati­on of Carilla, was so sin­gular wise in the despatch of his affaires in the ab­sence of the Bishop, that he pacified the State of the Church at that time miserably vexed with many, and great tumults, which man also of Urban the sixth, being again sent into Italy, brought under the obedience of Count Barnabas, molesting the quiet of the Bishop; who likewise before of Urban the Fifth, was sent Legate into Italy. Volat. li. 22. Anthropo.

Quintus Cicero, the [Page 186]brother of Marcus Tullius Cicero, the Legate of Cae­sar in France, was the chiefe in 14. Embassies, Volat. 29.

Epiphanius the most holy Bishop did execute the office of many Le­gations for Theodericus King of the Goths, and for many others, who al­wayes returned most hap­py, in that every thing in those severall causes suc­ceeded well according to his mind. Ennodius in e­jus vita.

And so concluding this Title of such persons as have divers times sup­plied [Page 187]the office of an Am­bassador with the number of foure Forraigne ex­amples (thinking the same number in Arithmetick to possesse vertue) As all the Divines, both La­tines, Greeks, and He­brews, aswell Cabalists as others doe fully agree, and not without great reason most learnedly and Christianly do main­tain against unlearned and foolish opinions of such as doe grossly judge such hidden mysteries of numbers to be superstiti­ous, contrary to Scrip­ture, which voucheth that [Page 188]God made the world, in waight, number, and mea­sure, which three doe signifie Musick, Arith­metique and Geometry, of which number of Four, I referre the Dis­course to another more convenient time. I will in few words set end un­to this my unorderly, but well meaning Discourse of Ambassadours in a short Epilogue by way of recapitulation knitting up the summe of all that which before in those Examples have been so hudled up together in hotch-poch.

Wherefore first it ap­peareth that. Ambassa­dours having their exam­ple from Heaven, and their originall upon earth, were used in all Ages, in all matters, amongst all men of sundrie Nations, of the Jewes, Gentiles, Greeks, Barbarians, La­tines, and other people.

Secondly, that he who in honour should furnish the place of such a per­son, must be free born, no bond man, stout, and valiant, not dastard-like, or a coward, that he must be learned, not ignorant, wise, not foolish, quick [Page 190]of wit, not blockish and dull, faithfull, no traytor, that he must be rewarded, not suffered to consume his substance. That hee must in his Embassie bee well intreated, not a­bused, murthered, or have any villanie, or injury permitted to be done un­to him, and that hee must be of good calling, and estimation in his Coun­trie before hee be sent, not a Crafts-man, a Ser­ving-man, a common Ci­tizen, a mean Priest, an Advocate, or a defamed person, either for Perju­rie, Simonie, Treache­rie, [Page 191]or any other kind of evill life. For if he be un­furnished with these ver­tues, and garnished with these vices, hee is not only not worthy to sup­ply the place of Em­bassie in a Forraign Na­tion, where hee shall doe his Countrie good, his Prince honour, and him­selfe good, and credit; But hee rather well de­serveth as a wicked, and hatefull person to be ba­nished into some other Countrie, there to rid his Common-wealth of such an evill member, to be­come opprobrious to o­ther [Page 192]Nations, and in all places of the world to receive due punishment for his evill deservings.

Thus having ended my Christmasse work done in the middest of my Christmasse plaies, as may appear by the Christmas­ly handling thereof, I after Christmasse conse­crate the same to your ho­nourable acceptance, not as a thing worthy your desert and judgement, but as a thing that answereth my desire, and good meaning. The which I beseech your Lordship to accept as lovingly from [Page 193]mee, as it is presented willingly by mee unto you, with whom (as soon as by leasure I might, and as by learning I was able, and as a body born out of time, but yet thinking it better late than never) I deemed it my dutie to congratulate your return with some such poor gift, as the Reliques of my spoyled Librarie in the time of mine impove­rishing, and infortunate trouble, would yield mee abilitie to bestow.

And thus most humbly commending me to your [Page 194]Honourable liking, com­mitting you to the Al­mighties protection, I dutifully take my leave this eighth of Januarie 1578. at Longleate