SVCH is the unhappy ingagement of many People in this Kingdome; such the Nature of most men, That what is written to detract from Princes, or great men, shall ever find an easier be­leife, then what is rationally offered, to defend them against Aspersions. So as it might seem a vaine thing, to de­clare a private mans Opinion, concern­ing the intercepted Letters of the King, since the Preface saies, He must be a Papist, the worst of men, or a Jesuit, the falsest of Papists, that would defend them.

Well! Let it find beliefe as it will, He is neither Papist nor Jesuit that dares say, If there be not forgery in some part of the King's Letters, (for a word or two varied, or omitted, may make a new matter) yet the inferences on them, are nei­ther perspicuous, nor modest. The Letters not unworthy a [Page 2]Prince Defendor of the Faith, against whom so dangerous and causelesse a Rebellion was then in it's height, threatning both to his Government, and to the Protestant Profession of the Christian Religion in this Kingdome, an utter ruine. I'le say no more: But we know the Spyder sucks a poysonous juice cut of the same flower a Bee doth Hony. Inquire into thy owne nature, as well as these Letters, and see if thou had'st had either a Christian or a Morall Spirit, whether these short Observations following were not more naturall out of those Letters, then those publisht.

Look then upon these Letters as the truest Mirour of the King's mind; Here you may say He was not drawne, but He showed himselfe to the life: So as the worst of men cannot but confesse, here is the worst of the King. And if it be so (without any Flattery, which Princes in an imbroyl'd condi­tion are not much troubled with, for they are usually com­mended, or dispraised by Excesses) see what is unworthy of Him in all that hath passed from Him.

Will you see Him in His Religion, to Her, who by all your former Declarations must be understood to have corrup­ted Him in that which He profest; yet in Cipher it is Pag. 8 ^th. I need not tell thee what Secrecy this businesse requires, yet this I will say that this is the greatest point of confidence I can expresse to thee: for it is no thankes to me to trust thee in any thing else, but in this, which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt Ʋs. What? is the King so found a Protestant? Surely we have much slandered his footsteps then: And he is the Lord's Annointed. We know the nature of the Crime, and such a Crime there is: For how hainous is it now to flounder the pre­tended House of Commons; or both Houses called the Parlia­ment in this usurped Authority. From the syncerity of my heart I professe it I conceive, were the rest of the passages in the Letters, as ill as they are descanted and paraphrazed upon, this might wipe off much of the sully.

But let us examine whether it be the naturall coulor of the things, or the ill humour in our sight, that makes them of the ill dye, and hue they are represented. What is this great Se­crecy, [Page 3]lets read the words. It is presumption, not piety so to trust to a good Cause, as not to use all law full meanes to main­taine it, what ver is proposed, I find it is conceived law full: I have thought of one meanes more to furnish thee with for my as­sistance then hither to thou hast had, (what not hitherto?) It is that I give thee power to promise in my name to whom thou thin­kest fit, that I will take away all the Penall Lawes against the Ro­man Catholick, in England, as soone as God shall enable me to do it: So as by their meanes (you see it's a Bargain, not a Favour) or in their favours, I may have so power full assistance as may de­serve so great a favour and in able me to do it. Here comes the great and popular Charge. Here say the three Orations to my Lord Major &c. And the Annotations Printed at the end of these Letters, so Lawes shall be repealed by force. The King who hath so often declared, and protested against Papists, now dispensing with them. How agrees this with the title of Defendour of the Faith, &c.

An ill Rhetorician to a misaffected and ignorant People may make this seem very odious: But to rationall men (and I am confident many that could not find out reason, will understand it when it is laid before them) I offer this that followes,

That true it is, and would it were as received an Opinion, as it is true; That no man or body politick, may commit a sinne for any good that may be pretended to be procured there­by: So as if this Dispensation were in it selfe sinfull, then for no end by the King to have been granted. But this Dispensa­tion of Penall Lawes is but a forbearance of punishment, which certainly by all Learned men is granted, Gro. de Iu. Bel. & Pac. C. Princes may nay ought to doe, when the exercising of Justice may be the breach of Charity and other Vertues, that is, when for puni­shing some Rebels strong and too well back'd, He must wage a Warre that may be the destruction of many of His Loyall Subjects.

Thus you see Princes, on whom Societies depend, may be rather charitable to many, then just on few.

So the State of the Question will be this,

A Prince in his Government is like to be undermined: And [Page 4]the establisht Religion of the Kingdome He professeth, and is resolved to maintaine (for sure none will say now that the King is a Papist, or Popishly affected) is by the power of a Rebellious sort of men like to be altered; A bloudy and sharp Warre being continued to effect this. To preserve his own Rights, and maintaine the Religion by Law established

The Question is, Whether He may not dispence with Penall Lawes against another Sect, or sort of His Subjects, who by themselves, or Freinds may procure Him an ayde to maintaine his Government and Religion? Surely I may say, yes.

For 1. If it be not to set up a false Religion, but to lessen Penalties against it, it is not sinfull: specially since it was a necessitated Act in Him by the Rebellion of his other Sub­jects, For he approves not of their Religion, but dispences with freedom of Conscience; And if this be an odious Tenent, sure there be many think it so only in the King.

2. I will not say which is most Politick, but I beleeve I may say it is more Christian to let the Doctrine of Teachers, and the good life of the Disciples convert men to the purity of Profession, then the Coercive power.

3. If a stranger be not procured to resist this Rebellion, Then necessarily the King must be dethroned, Religion established alter'd, or the Warre in the Kingdom continued (if not both) for none ever saw quiet times after so great Innovations. Now which were better, That a King should let all His Subjects be imbrueing their hands in each others Bloud, or by calling in Assistance, by dispencing with Penalties against (still to be re­membred, not setting up) one sort of his Subjects, happily pro­cure a Peace to all?

For if he had been considerably strong, peradventure His Rebells would not need to have been fought with, but by Treaty have made a Peace secure, though not pleasing to all. If they would not, were it not farre better, He had power to reduce them?

Lastly, can it be hainous in Him, to call Forraign friends to his assistance, who hath his own Subjects of this Kingdom, [Page 5]and others (though Subjects to Him, yet Forraigners to the Kingdom) in the bowells of the Kingdom invading Him, and sooyling His Subjects?

Besides, when is it that He promiseth this ultima Ratio Re­gis, but in March last? Nay it was a secret then to Her, who was conceived the Cabinet of all His secrets; so as I may say, it entred not into His heart till danger shewed it Him, or He kept it for a Reserve, that he would not part with if he could save; Cursed be those that put the necessity on Him.

For the objection, how this suits with Defendor of the Faith, surely nothing clearer; For it is to enable himselfe to defend the Religion professed. That title leads Him, as much as He can to make all His Kingdom of one beliefe: But rather to leave unpunisht divers Professions, then let that establisht perish.

That this is the true case nothing clearer.

For see whether the Propositions of the Houses, either to take the Sword (not his Militin alone, but also his Iudica­ture) into their power, or the altering the government of the Church, be demands upon the old Foundations or Lawes of this Kingdom; or rather upon new desires, of a sort of men, ambitious both to reigne over their King and fellow Subjects. If both Innovation, as without any controversy they are, then is the case truly stated: And if so, sarewell the Peace of this Kingdom, for the Question will not, nor can be, What is, But what to the then Members of Parliament seems best. And if the King will not consent to it; as now, so ever hereafter, a Warre may be levied. Poore Country-men, would you could distinguish betwixt Pretences and Realities, that you might not thus court your own Ruine, and call that Courtship, or Flattery to your Prince, which is defence of Magna Charta, and consequently of your Peace. For grant once, the present Lawes of a Kingdome may be altered, by any other way then they were made, you shall never have a Parliament, but you may justly feare a Warre. But let the King have his just Rights of denying what he thinkes unfit, and the Houses theirs of tendting what they think fit, and the old splendor and Peace of this Kingdome may be restored.

[Page 6] The second Observation is,

That in all the Letters, it is manifest, the King sincerely sought by His Treaties, the Peace of his Subjects, and that he made the Lawes in being, the Standard or rule to measure it by. Nay the Queen is as earnest for it as any one: A Peace that might not last, is that wich both of them only feare.

First observe, In all this secrecy of Letters, there is not one Word, that expresses the making use of the Treaty to any o­ther end, then procuring Peace, which as it shewes the Kings integrity; so it manifest; the Queenes innocency; For had shee been contrarily affected, the King would have used arguments to have induc'd her thereunto. Read then what He saies of it, what she saies.

First in respect of the aversenesse of those at London to Peace, He is forced to use dexterity in procuring a Treaty: you see then from whom the Treaty moved; Therefore proposes His own comming up to London: And you see this is no delusi­on, for the Queen Pag. 31. Startles at it, as being by Her sup­posed probably of much danger to His Majesties Person. But alas that She is carefull of Her Husband, will be anon obje­cted to be Her fault, but not one of those that I think worthy to Answere.

Nay, observe whether she be against it. She only tells Her thought (and hath had too just ground to suspect) If you trust to these People you are lost, &c. Pag. 20. She declares, I wish a Peace more then any, and that with greater reason. The short of all Her meaning is in pag. 30. J have nothing to say, but that You have a care of Your Honour, and that if you have a Peace, it may be such a one as may hold. A Peace with the Kings Honour (who from the beginning desired no new thing, or any of that glorious greatnesse promised) and such a one as might last, are very ill wishes, or they very ill men that interpret them so. Nay observe in the same Letter She writes concerning Catholicks, and you'l find She knew not what the King might resolve: for there is no such dangerous influence from Her Majesty on the King, as the People must believe: For (saies she) in my opinion Religion should be the last thing upon which [Page 7]You Treat: Why? For if You doe agree upon strictnes against the Catholicks (then for ought she knew, it might be) it would discourage them to serve You. Look upon pag. 11. And you'l read the wayes the King hath used to come to a Treaty, and the Grounds. These His Majesty sets downe, how His whole party are strangely impatient for Peace (where are His evill Councellors then, unlesse advising Peace, be one evidence of it) What doth the King upon this? Is it to comply with them? No, His Answer is, Which obliged me so much the more to shew my reall intentions thereunto. If you read on, you'l find the King takes notice of Factions among you: What use doth He make of it, or what hope? I am put in good hope (some holds it a certainty) that if I could come to a faire Treaty, the ring-lea­ding Rebells could not hinder me from a Peace. Sure then it's plaine, the Treaty was only sought to procure Peace. Nay pag. 2. See Whether the King be not ready to resume the Trea­ty after it was broken (so certainly it was left at your doores) and to make the Queen the meanes of it, so he were satisfied but of a willingnesse to yeeld to reason. Nay before I part with this, I'le desire you but to remember who were the Treaters, Men of great Honour and Integrity, and to the end they might have all freedome, observe but their Oath; and how strictly it bound them, from certifying even to His Majesty the name, though in some cases they might the number of the dissenters. Would you were in a Constitution and Temper to weigh; I dare say you could not then, but value His Majesties Wisdom in the Instructions He gave His Commissioners. I'le end with these few notes out of them, to let passe the substance of those Instructions, since my purpose only is, to shew how really His Majesty sought a Peace, how fowly soever He is now tra­duced.

That He offered, to joyne in the rectifying abuses, if any have crept into the Church; Easing tender Consciences &c. Stands not upon giving the Rebells security by strong Townes, that Ar­ticles agreed on should be performed, And offering some of them rewards or places. Nay in all the Letters, there is not one word [Page 8]of taking revenge in the future on any Person, which expresses as well His Majesties Christian, as generous spirit.

Be not now angry with me, that all this satisfies me of His Majesties Princely intentions to His people, and amazes me of your Comments. I cannot say remember Cham, that discove­red his Fathers Nakednesse, for that's not your case; you disco­ver not, you make. There is no Example, But a Prophecy, or a Character of such men as you, That in these latter times, Ma­ny should be Traitors, and speak evill of Dignities &c. Your present successes, may make you unapt to believe this, but when the time of Affliction comes, then you may as Solomon saies, Consider; For truly, I divulge this more to justify honest men, who have a dutifull and reverend opinion of His Maje­sties Letters, then with hope to convert an unreasonable, and obstinate party. Many more instances, there are to be drawn out of the Kings Letters, but there is a whole Book of the Trea­ty, and I love not actum agere.

The next great Objection, Is the Cessation and Peace with Ireland. That also is at large handled in the said Booke, and therefore I shall only touch some things naturall to these Let­ters.

See then the Reasons, which are chiefly these, pag. 27. All the World knowes, the imminent and inevitable necessity, which caused me to make the Irish Cessation. And there remaines yet as strong reason for concluding of that Peace. And pag. 16. 1. The impossibility of preserving my Protestant Subjects in Jre­land, by a continuation of a Warre, having moved me to give you these powers and directions, which I have formerly done &c. 2. Besides it being now manifest, that the English Rebells have (as farre as in them lies) given the Command of Ire­land to the Scots: I think my selfe bound not to let slip the meanes of setling that Kingdome (if it may be) fully under my obedience, nor to loose that assistance I may hope from my Irish Subjects. Here you may observe, the necessity lay upon the King; For you had deprived him, of force, either to save his Protestant Subjects, or to reduce his Popish. Then He saw [Page 9] Jreland, as a prey given to the Scots; And surely the Irish have (which I hope we shall never grudge them, since they are His-Majesties subjects, what ever their Religion is) reason to expect to have His protection. And lastly, His Majesty saw his Irish Subjects designed as a Conquest for the Scot, and so he knew, he should not only want that assistance, which in duty the Irish ought to yeeld him (for certainly Protestant Princes, may use their Popish Subjects in their Warres, since none doubt, Christians formerly, could serve Heathen Empe­rours in theirs) But by the Scots Conquest of the Jrish, he was also to expect the Rebellion against Himselfe so much the more strengthned: Nay, English subjects might hereafter find the Scots, who now helped them in this Rebellion, when they should be masters of their own Lands, possessors of so much of ours (for I doubt few of us shall live to see them wholly outed) so enrich'd as they are, by the plunder of this Coun­try, and so strengthned by the footing given them in Ireland, Would at last be as like to conquer, or give the Law to this Nation, as they are now ready to assist some of them. And here let me say, since the King was borne in Scotland, I cannot e­nough expresse, how much the English are bound to Him, for His sense of the honour of this Nation. See how he expresseth it pag [...]. The English Rebells (whether basely or ignorantly will be no very great difference) have as much as in them lier, transmitted the command of Ireland from the Crowne of England to the Scots. Observe what He saies in His Instructions con­cerning the Scots interest, in the Government of the Militia of this Kingdome: If the English Rebells will be so base, to admit ten Scots to twenty English. But this care of the Honour of England, was no new humor, or distast towards the present Scots Rebells, for in that Letter, pag. 34. (so spitefully prin­ted, but so advantagiously to His Majesty) you see the King is positive enough with the Question; to whom now the only objection is, that He is too indulgent: And one part of the quarrell is, She neglects the English Tongue, and the Nation in generall. Behold then upon all Oceasions, how sensible He is [Page 10]of the Honour of this Nation, who are at present so forgetfull of their Duty to Him, and their Countrey.

But to returne to the businesse in hand. Marke the King's Offers, conclude a Peace with the Irish what ever it cost so as my Protestant Subjects there may be secured, and my Legall Au­thority preserved. A Fatherly, a Kingly care, one would think. But for all this, you are to make the best bargaine, (still it's a Bargain, and still it's upon a necessity, & it's still but a Dispen­sation with Penall Lawes) and not discover your inlargement of power till you needs must. At last if the suspension of Toi­nings Act, for such Bills as shall be agreed on between you there, and the present taking away of the Penall Lawes against Papists by a Law, will doe it, I shall not thinke it a hard bargain.

Poinings Act, (which is knowne to be a Law, whereby all Acts in Parliament there, were to be first sent over hither, and confirmed by the King before they be promulged) is the first. This indeed is a Branch of Royalty, a Flower of the Crowne, and not to be parted with, (certainly) were it not upon such a necessity, as endangers the being of Soveraignty: True, it was a marke of Irelands Conquest: and if it were so hai­nous in my Lord Strafford, to say the Irish were a Conquer'd Nation, to the same Persons that were so severe in their Iudgements for that; Can it now be so grievous that a mark of a Conquest should be wiped out?

The second is, dispensing with the Execution, and after­wards Repeale of the Penall Lawes. This hath had my ob­servations on it in the first Objection, and therefore shall not be repeated in this. Onely you plainly see, it is a necessita­ted dispensing with the punishment of particular Persons: Appeales to Rome denied; Premunire must stand in force; In short, Papists may be eased, Popery not countenanced. Remember who causes the Storme that makes the Merchant fling his goods over boord.

For that Objection that His Majesty hasted the Peace of Ireland, least He should be preingaged. Surely, considering to whom the Warre of Ireland was designed, and both for [Page 11]his owne Honour, and this Kingdome of Englands good, It were better that Realme depended on Him, that is our King; Then the Scots, who have been our troublesome neighbours ever. And if their hearts were look'd into; (though they have mett with an Age hath given them better beleife) they have notwithstanding brought in but their old good will to this Nation. The French paid them heretofore for disturbing our Peace: the Houses at Westminster buy them in now to have such a footing as may lead them to pretend to more then they will hereafter spare them.

The Duke of Lorraine's Army is a great and a dangerous discovery. The King of Denmarke being desired to assist: The Prince of Aurange's ayde by shipping; All speake the drawing in of Fortaigne Forces, and this contrary to the ma­ny Quotations of the King's Declarations and Protestations.

They that slight the Answer, know that it is a very sub­stantiall one, to say, Doe but distinguish times, and you accord all.

It will be hard to get beleife, but known it is how back­ward the King was, either to admitt Papists into his Army, (not but he knew he might justly make use of their service, The Protestants of France serving the French King, and the Hollanders imploying Papists in their Warrs,) or to call in Forraigne Forces. But when He perceived your obstinacy. How you could dispense with your owne imploying Walloon Regiments, and diverse other Papists; How you could have Collections in Holland, Agents with Fortaigne Princes, Committees in Scotland, for the two States, as you call them, that sent you in a great Army: Can you object this to Him, and not thinke it concernes your Selves? No, you have too much reason to doe it: If you found not that the Common People, and your interessed Party have so submitted their reason to your Declarations, that if an implicite beleife he rendred to the Chair-man at Rome, you thinke it high disobe­dience to be denyed any of yours.

If I should in answer of the black Characters you put on your King in His Government, desire you but to remember, [Page 12]how when you procured a Law, That contrary it was to the Liberty of the Subject, they should be press'd to the Warre, That notwithstanding immediately after Thousands were press'd by your Ordinances, and how miserably many of them pe­rished you know, and see by their wretched Widows and Or­phans. How when for the Subjects Liberty; Not the King, not His Councell, no Court of Iustice could imprison, but the Subject must have cause shewen, and his Habeas Corpus upon demand granted; yet Thousands you restrained, no cause shewen, no admittance to Picad.

If I should mind you how Property was fenc'd by you, That no Tax could be lay'd. Nay, Tonnage and Poundage, must be limited for a few moneths by a new Law, and yet in a mo­ment forc'd from the Subjects without one, As if you made Lawes not to preserve the Subjects Right, but to shew your power to break them. If I should remember you of your Murthering Ordinance, that (where no Law could) deprived a Reverend Prelate of his Life; Of your Repeale of Statutes, in the businesse of the Common Prayer-Book, by your Votes, called an Ordinance. Of your one day declaiming against an Excise, and the next day setting it up; and many more. What fruit must I, or any other honest Subject looke for by your Government? How can you with any countenance question the King, for not observing Lawes, who thinke your selves bound by none? Let the Soveraigne power reside where it will, in one, as in this and other Monarchies, or in many, as in Republiques, Yet every where the Subject may take the benefit of the Law: And so you may remember we were heretofore admitted to implead the King for ship-mony, was not the time of Government happy when Subjects Pleas could be admitted? Had the Law the same freedome now, as then; your Soveraignti's would soone be disproved, and your Tyrannies made manifest. Well, all I shall say is, you have your Iudge, and He resides in Heaven. The Lord is King, be the People never so impatient: You shall reckon for your disloyalty to your Soveraigne; for your cruelty and [Page 13]oppression to your fellow Subjects; for your slaundring the footsteps of Gods Annoynted; Even for your Paraphrase upon these Letters, whose stile, and weight of Sense, as well as Integrity and Honour they are lined with, will rise more in Iudgement against you: And I confesse, were you as you ought to be, were a better meanes to convert you, then all that hath been so weakly, but well-meaningly laid downe in these short notes, which should have been drawn out longer, but that it's believed some Person of Iudgement will declare himselfe on this Subject, as I have (without ends) my Duty and Affection to His Majesties Person and Cause.