AFflicted Europe weepes (for many ages) from time to time at her ruines, either because God doth most cha­stise the carelesnesse of those whom he loveth best, and so it is good will; or because he most punisheth the faults of them who are most bound unto him, and so it seemes revenge: he either trieth as mercifull or scourgeth as wrath­full. Sometimes she seeth her Inhabitants bloudy themselves in civill warres, and oftentimes she seeth her land overflowne with barbarous Nations. Our bitternesse calls simplicitie Barbarisme and him bar­barous, who is not tedious of other mens affaires; who is content with his owne, as long as it is able to maintaine him; who to offer violence, will first have it offered to himselfe; who goeth against a man through a desire of preserving him­selfe, [Page 2]and not through greedinesse of growing great; who slayeth another to preserve his own life, who invadeth Countries to get a dwelling place; valo­rous without cunning; hardy without de­ceit▪ as if Nature were worse then Art, and he best who much knoweth, when much knowledge serveth him to doe the greater hurt.

Warre was once more terrible to Na­tions when it was moved against them to dwell in the Country, then when the aime was domination; The one; was a­gainst all, the other against one in losing, the one obliged to change a master, the other to leave being one. Now adayes also the worst would be our leader, if our lamentable times with a most evill com­parison did not justifie it. The Countries were more fortunate, the men lesse evill. The necessity of living pricked men for­ward and not the greedinesse of com­manding, nor the hatred of him that commanded. The land changed its In­habitants, it did not lose them, men did not destroy the houses where they meant to dwell▪ they did not make the land bar­ren which was to nourish them, they [Page 3]peopled it, and did not lay it waste, and it did renew it, more then ruine it; Then was Europe a prey, but to men, now it is a prey to the Sword, Fire, Famine, and Pe­stilence; warre taking the dominion a­way from one, and not gaining it to the other, if so be command is meant over men, and not over buried carkasses which are turned to dust; over fruitfull and a­bounding plaines, and not a desert, burnd, unmanured, and barren Countrie.

In these turbulent motions▪ and deplo­rable, times came in the yeare one thou­sand six hundred thirty nine, the fire of dissentions burning more then ever, and like Mount Aetna, shewing no signe of going out, as if it also had its Scillaes and Charibdies, which devouring the wealths of Kings and Nations, did feed upon bloud and treasure.

Germany was destroyed, full of civill warres. The French overcome, but not weakened, nor mortified, thought upon revenge. Great Britaine as last in the world, was rather then forgotten, reser­ved for the last beames which made an influence of warre over Europe, and now feeling the dammages of it, sought for a [Page 4]remedie. The state of the Austriacall Monarchy was various; Flanders victo­rious, but not secure; Spaine triumphant and threatned; The affaires in Burgundy dangerous, in Brasill doubtfu [...]l, in Germa­ny adverse; Weymar possessed of Brisack, the Swede of Bohemia, the Turkish armies ready to move, the Hans townes waver­ing, the Switzers irresolute; The Fleet set upon by the Hollanders, and though not overcome, yet hindered and staied. In vain did the Catholick King desire peace, withstood by the Rebels obstinacie, the e­nemies greediness, & agreement of their Officers. These not being able to bee go­verned but by the violence of motion, and the other not satisfying, some their rage, some their envy, but with conquests of new Cities and Kingdoms▪ did already make easie things seeme difficult with strange pretences, and difficult things easie with new tributes, levies, and En­gines.

In the meane time the body of Chri­stendome, infirme, languishing, and hurt in its most solid parts co [...]sumed like an Ectick, either finding no Physi­cian, or wanting a remedy. It seemed [Page 5]because of the sharpnesse of the season to rest, and accumulate matters to kindle a new paroxisme. The motion did not cease, passing from the body to the head, from the heart to the mind, which partly disquieted, partly necessitated, studied a [...]l meanes to trouble the bodies, and stirre up armes.

In France the Officers discoursed of making new conquests in Flanders of ma­king sure the affaires of Germany, of troubling Spaine by Sea and by Land▪ lit­tle reflecting upon the businesse of Italy, where they weighed not the losse of small places, and thought time long in conquering great ones. That in the meane time the Spanish Army would decrease, and theirs increase. That they wou [...]d goe to relieve p [...]aces, and force their enemies either to give over what they had undertaken with shame, or fight with danger. That they should gaine in Flanders, and in Burgundie, and what sinister accident soever should happen they esteemed not the losse of a place in Italy considerable (beyond which they imagined those powers could not reach) they having so many there, [Page 6]so that they thought it impossible to be counterpoised, much more to be over­come.

In Spaine were very different thoughts, they looked upon the affaires of Italie, as their chiefe scope. That it was good to goe with great strength where the reward was great, the opposition small. The dates which they set in Piemont would be sufficient to bring foorth olive trees. That to be the most sensible part of Europe. Thither to be called by men, and invited by fortune, and if the one did shew themselves favourable, and the other should prove prosperous, the King of France his conquests would be coun­terpoised and he would be called into that Province where he most feared, and be diverted from that where he had most hopes.

They were not carelesse of the defence of their other States: the provisions for Flanders were great both of men and mo­ney: Foure Millions and a halfe of silver; Seaven thousand Foot at the Groine ready for to go; an Army of Germans under the command of Count Picolomini, all old Souldiers, and new Levies in the [Page 7]Country. Holsatia and Burgundia were to be releived with an Army under the Command of Don Francesco di Melo. In Spaine, Cantabria was made sure with foureteene thousand Horse and Foote who asisted it. And for a supply of the Forces in the County of R [...]nciglione there were great Levies appointed to be made in that Province. A Tertia of Walloones which was comming out of Flanders, the Italian Infantrie which the gallies of Spaine, Scicilie, Naples and Genoa were to bring over in the Spring. Now for to keepe the Mediterranean Sea, and the Ocean, there should bee, the Navies which should come from Carthagena and Cadiz, that which was at the Groine, and the Ships of the Fleet which was expe­cted out of the Indies. And to secure themselves totally from the threatnings of mighty Fleets which were preparing in Britanie, the Coast of Spaine was all furni­shed, with Men▪ Ammunition, and Pro­vision. Providing for Land affaires as if they wanted defence by Sea; And think­ing upon the Fleet at Sea as if they could not defend themselves by Land▪

A victorie obtained against the Hollan­der [Page 8]at Sea gave a beginning to this years conquests, an enemy of a long time, and yet domesticall; almost at home, and therefore continuall.

Some Dunkirk Ships were to goe to the Groine to take in some Spanish In­fanterie, they went to Mardick to joyne with the rest having fought with the e­mie, who strong with a Fleet of seaven­teene saile all of strength, came to besiege them at the mouth of the haven. The Generall Michael d'Orno, though une­quall in strength, yet superiour in cou­rage, being not able to endure the re­bells insolence, with a prosperous wind came forth of Mardick and set upon them three times. The first time though for a little space they fought generously, yet the Hollander made some shew of giving back▪ the second he gave back the third he fled and getting into their owne harbours left a most glorious vi­ctory to his Majesties forces which joy­fully, being but eight ships strong furrow­ed the waves to gather the fruites, many promising them the dominion of the O­cean yeelded by the Hollander shut up and weakened.

[Page 9]But who is the Master of the Ocean? It is not overcome, though in it one o­vercommeth, yea he often is conquered by the Sea, who hath conquered man. He that was overcome fled and the Sea is overcome by flying it. He that over­commeth fighteth, and who fighteth with the Sea looseth by it▪

There arose the most horridest tem­pest that was in the memory of th'eldest men, it scattered the ships & tore them, so that with much toile, and almost by miracle they came into harbour, some at Ostend, and some at Dunkirk, without rudders, sailes, or masts, more like re­liques of a shipwrack then ships fled from the injury of the waves.

I could note to make you bend the eye­browes the strangenesse of it; there be­ing but very few houres betwixt the re­joycing with triumph and the bewayling of losses▪ if I would therein follow the tracks of a wise man who for an admi­rable particularitie of the Sea cried out, that in the selfe same place ships were one day playing and sporting and cast away the next. As if the Land did not produce such effects, which are not [Page 10]thought of nor observed, because they are more frequent. Who seeth not that in the selfe-same bed, where man taketh his best rest, and where he enjoyeth some­time amorous, sometime Matrimoniall delights, bee a so lets forth his last and vitall spirits and breathings with paine and horrour amidst tormenting sor­rowes?

The Marquesse of Fuentes care did get the ships mended, and shipping two thou­sand Walloons in them for the [ Groigne, caused them to set saile.

The Enemy was returned powerfull within sight of the Harbour, out of which his Majesties ships came, but not with happy successe, for some run aground, and other for want of wind could not get out; there were but five that fought. Michael d'Orno set upon the Holland Admirall with such fiercenesse, that he had almost sunke her, shee shunned the boarding, and presently fled with the rest of the ships, and in the flight met with two of the Kings ships. The Sea grew calme, the Captaine and the Admirall runne on ground, so that the enemy was left with the two ships, playing upon them with [Page 11]their Ordnance, but would not adven­ture to boord them. So here were two great victories, which the Kings Forces, obtained against the Rebels, the one was counterpoised by too much wind and the other almost changed for want of wind.

The Captaine got off, and all the rest of the ships but the Admirall; the enemys battered retired to their owne Ports for reliefe, and the Kings ships to Mardick and Dunkirke, and from thence after they were mended they went away with their Walloons, and arrived safely into Spaine, where the Cardinall Infanta writ in what distresse Burgundy was, Weymer be­ing come into it▪ and having taken Pon­taglier▪ and Joigri, by meanes whereof he cut off that Province from all reliefe of Armes and provisions from the Swit­zers.

His Majesty sent money, and order to the Marquesse of Leganes, that he should assist them with men.

In the mean time Prince Thomas was extraordinarily importunate at Court, to get leave to goe and assist the businesse of Italy. That his Country did burne, that the Government was swayed by a passio­nate [Page 12]woman, an unable Prince, and Offi­cers wonne, bought, hindered, and forced by the French. That the lawes gave him and the Cardinall the tuition. That hee could not justifie to the world his stay in Flanders to looke upon the flames. Hee promised his Majesty fruitfull actions, and that he likewise promised to himselfe from his Majesty, justice and love, if hee should have recourse to his Clemencie, and great assistance, if there were need of power. That he had many intelligen­ces, and that he was called thither, by his friends, malecontents, convenience, ob­ligation, and hope.

Every one did not applaud this going into Italy, many believing it could doe no good, did prognosticate great dam­mage might ensue thereupon. The male­contents within, shewed every thing to be easie for them as went out, because they should trouble the State; and these made every thing seeme easie to the King▪ wherein they might assist him, pro­mising themselves more then they could performe, and promising more then they knew they could performe. Force of Armes, nor intelligence of Princes could [Page 13]not gaine so many places to his Majesty, as the Dutchesse despaire might give un­to the King of France. True it is, that her reason of State is not that she should de­liver them into the hand of the French, and that now in case the affection of Sister should perswade her to it, the love of a Mother would disswade her from it: But if she should imagine that they must be lost, shee would sooner fall into the armes of a Brother, then under the feet of her Kinsmen. Convenience is the rea­son of State, and they are all counter­poised while a state remaines, but it be­ing lost, revenge takes the place of con­veniencie, and rage the place of reason; The future is not discoursed upon, onely the present is hated, neither doe they consider which is the best, when all are bad. The sick man, whilest he hopes to obtaine health patiently endures thirst, hunger, iron, and fire, but if he once falls into dispaire, he abhorres the Physician, and hates the remedies worse then the disease. The powers of the Spaniard un­till that time to have seemed to the Dut­chesse to be against the French▪ her state to serve for a field to wrath, and not for [Page 14]a reward to victories. If she see the Prin­ces of Savoy with those forces she will think them to be against her. And where­as before in case of losse, the King of Spaines more moderate mind, did pro­mise her restitution; the title of Kins­man might deceive her, and the just title of the King of France; and of both these things did assure her the emulation which was between them, and the agree­ment betweene the Princes of Europe. And she might now doubt that in this third, the contraries might agree, the e­mulation might be appeased, the Sub­jects satisfied, and the world contented; there being not wanting lawfull, speci­ous, apparent, and hidden titles and pre­tences. Intelligences do worke better a farre off by their power, then neere by their person; thoughts which men have cannot be seen; but the eyes doe shew where a man meanes to hit. That Prince Thomas in Flanders did thrive and gaine as present, in Italic as absent, changing of countrie he might breed turmoile on the one part and doe hurt in the other, if not in both. Ostentation to be the greatest e­nemy that this enterprise could have, e­nough [Page 15]will be done, if they can perswade that little can be done. The Dutchesse will not desperately cast her selfe into the hands of the French, and they will not go with great powers, where they imagine not to gaine great rewards, or hinder great conquests. Scarce shall Prince Tho­mas appeare, but the one, and the other growen jealous and suspicious, will stirre up every stone, and use the uttermost en­deavour, they will change all gover­nours both in holds and armies, and fill every thing with French; whereby the one side assured of the treacherie, and the other not forbearing to attempt it, cunning being in vaine employed, the time will be lost of helping ones selfe with force. Nature hath thought craft to be hurtfull to valour, and onely help­full to cowardlinesse, granting it to the weakest kind of beasts, and denying it to the most valorous. They are both hin­dered when they are together, dimini­shing when they are mixed, and being good for nothing when they are dimini­shed. That it was not knowne of what degree Prince Thomas his person should be in the army; it was not convenient he [Page 16]should be superiour to the Marquis of Leganes, and to have him inferiour would be dissonant. Howsoever he would breed disturbance, in Warre, in Peace, in o­vercomming, and (peradventure more) when he had overcome.

But wise men, and those who under­stood his Majesties mind aright, discour­sed the contrarie. That it had alwayes bin helpfull to the conquering of coun­tries, to have in the armies persons of their blood who ruled. This meanes which had served many to cover injustice and to deceive people, would now serve to shew the truth, and to undeceive those which went astray. That nothing could hinder his Majesties good intention more, then the not being knowne, and that nothing could make it more knowne then the presence of those who were in­terested. Should he feare the Dutchesse should despaire? let her do what she wil, when she hath done what she could doe she will peradventure not be more des­perate (and that questionlesse) when she is assaulted. Her mind cannot be gained, it must be forced, she will give unto the French, whatsoever the Spaniards doe [Page 17]not take. That the King ought to pro­cure that shee might be wonne to her selfe, taking away her estate, that she may not lose it, with an intent (as a guar­dian) to restore it to her again when her Frenzie is over-past, and that shee hath recovered her health. In the mean time that it is necessarie to hinder her from casting it into the hands of the French, and binde these to leave that by force, which they had through covetousnesse usurped, or to restore it through envie. The presence of those Princes to bee ne­cessary, they had not yet gathered so ma­ny intelligences, as they would gather. Let Potentates and strange Common­wealths Armies once heare them, and they will know that the King of Spaine goeth to protect, and not to gaine. Let the Subjects see their faces, and they will believe they come to govern them, and not to fight with them. All will follow them, partly confessing themselves oblie­ged for received favours, and partly knowing themselves freed from the oath which was given them, honour and con­veniencie not hindering them, and feare and interest pricking them on. That those [Page 18]people hate the French, and distrust the Spaniards, and so being unresolved be­tween distrust and hatred, they shall scarce see the Princes, but without exact examination of the businesse, they will without any further consideration cast themselves into their armes. He who is in a streight betweene two contraries, feares hurt from each, and as soone as he seeth a third, without further advise, he runnes precipitously to him. The hatred will be encreased towards a womans go­vernment, and contempt of a childes. Distasters will be imputed, some to the ignorance, and some to the evill will of them that rule. They will desire to change their Lord, and at last they will change him.

They confessed that intelligences which are had in States, promise more then they can doe, counting of that which others shall doe, and that others are de­ceived in the doing, making accompt of that which hath been promised them. Hee that means to undertake an enter­prise and sets intelligences foremost in an accompt, shall find himselfe deceived. These ought to follow hopes, not to [Page 19]frame them, doing service enough, when other things are disposed, as if they ser­ved for nothing. Great forces confirme those who are well affected, and gaine those who stand doubtfull; Small forces lose every one, even those whose under­standings were before perswaded; That his Majestie did confide in the greatnesse of Armies, as in a substance, in that of in­telligences as in an accident. Who comes into a State with these two, runnes like a torrent, and the further hee goeth, the more he increaseth. That Prince Thomas his valour, and experience in his owne Countrie (if no other circumstances did concurre) promised victories. That the Marquesse of Leganes gentlenesse of mind, (who without losing the Supream power, could yeild the supreame honour) would secure all disturbances in the pro­gresse; And the good intention of the King and Princes, after they had gone forward. The King not weighing whe­ther it were profitable or hurtfull that Prince Thomas should goe into Italie, onely willing to satisfie the desire he see­med to have of it, granted him leave: and he came thither just at that time that [Page 20]the Marquisse of Leganes incited by ma­ny Letters of Count Duke, resolved to take the field.

Hee knew that to overcome the Frenches valour, it would be very ad­vantagious to conquer their nature. Hee already for two yeares time had happily found by experience, what a great helpe celeritie was in Matiall affaires: and that greater swiftnesse was able to counter­poise greater force. The nature of the heavens sheweth it, wherein the weakest are made the swiftest, because the inferi­our shall not be hindered by the migh­tier. The Moone whose influence hath not vertue to equall Saturnes, sheweth her effects more cleete, and if she doth not produce them greater, shee reitera­teth them more often, supplying the weaknesse of her beame, with the swift­nesse of her motion. The French is brought into streights by being preven­ted: either he believes not himselfe to be come time enough to opperate, and so gives himselfe over, or he moves out of time, and so loseth himselfe. The Spa­niard is not so: his nature is slow, and when that slownesse imprints a quality [Page 21]which seemes to be hurtfull, not failing in what is necessary, he brings into con­sequence the others which follow it, in such manner equalled with the first, that they make it profitable, or at least they doe correct it. Who so is overcome in his peculiar quality, ruines with the con­sequent; Not by reason of the first which he hath lost, but of the rest which he hath not changed.

The Marquesse of Leganes sent D. Martino d' Arragon, with a part of the Army to the passes; And hee with the rest came to Novara; Thither came Prince Thomas, they discoursed of the surprisall of Civasco, and it was resolved in Vercelli to attempt it. The Prince with two thou and Horse did attempt it; and having had good successe, hee being strengthened with two thousand foot which the Marquesse sent him, set upon Jurea, assaulted it, got within the Walls and wonne it, Veglia yeilded to him, and becomming Lord of both their Territo­ries, hee became Master of the vale of Osta.

Don Martino of Aragon thinking that to gaine Cencio, it was first necessary for [Page 22]him to take Saliceto a small Castle, sent D. Lewes of Lincastro, thither, he raised a Battery against it with two Demi-Cannon. D. Martino went to view the place, and a Musket-shot hitting him in the forehead, slew him. A Souldier of extraordinarie valour, who had with his hand justified what he was; He was lo­ving to his inferiours, affable to his e­qualls, and reverent to his betters. Great in place, experience, hope and merit. Worthy to live to performe greater matters, or to die upon a greater service. But there was nothing to be found fault with in him, if so unhappy a death had not given cause to accuse fortune.

The losse of D. Martino, might have occasioned some competition amongst the chiefe Officers, which useth to end in tumults, But D. Lewis Ponze of Leon gi­ving no time to discourses, came to re­medie it with his perswasions, and chiefly by his example; For calling them alto­gether, he shewed them, that he was one of his Majesties Councell of warre, the eldest field Marshall, and of the tertia of Lombardie; hee said that by reason of these qualities, and of some circum­stances, [Page 23]by right the government belon­ged to him, which he did voluntarily lay downe, sacrificing his owne interest to the good of the King his Master, who when he receives dammage by a compe­tition, every he who is in the right doth deserve punishment: there being no pri­vate respect that can parallel a publike dammage. That advices came of the ene­mies approaching; That the command might bee better deserved by fighting then by competition. If they did not a­gree, there would be no fighting no com­manding, and all would be lost. That the Governour of Milan shewed, which way he inclined when he sent D. Antonio Sotello to seize on the workes; The not yeilding to this would be a thwarting of the Marquesse his desires, and to hinder rather then to accept of the command, which if it were laid downe, ought rather to be refused with wisedome, then be af­terwards forcibly left with shame.

They all approved of this discourse, content to be commanded by D. Antonio Sotello. The King in his Letter acknow­ledged himselfe to be well served by D. Lewis his discreet proceeding, not only [Page 24]for the present act (which occasioned a Victory, and the like being not observed in times past had occasioned great losses) but chiefly in respect of the document which so rare an example would leave unto posteritie: and admitted of no ex­ception, because that besides the having right on his fide, hee wanted not great valour, and the like experience, besides the Nobility of his famous house.

This action so new, and so unusuall in the Kings Armies deceived the Cardi­nall of Vallette, and the Marquesse of Vil­la, who went with all their forces to re­lieve Saliceto, thinking to find the Soul­diers without a Commander, or with many confused ones. They found them commanded by D. Antonio Sotello, with so much union, order, and valour, that comming to battell, they were routed and put to flight, with the death and im­prisonment of the boldest. A great part of the Victory, ought to bee acknow­ledged from D. Lewes Ponze di Leon and his Regiment, who after he had modestly yeilded to his friends, fought valiantly a­gainst his enemies shewing himself more fit to govern then ambitious of govern­ing.

[Page 25]So was that strong place wonn, which would have troubled any other Army that had not been Spanish, for the space of a whole yeare, and was a place of great importance, one part of it standing upon the entrance of Piemont, and the other to secure Finall.

This piece of Army was returning to joyne with the Marquesse under the con­duct of Don John di Garrai, and comming neere to Verrua in an evening, he tooke the out-workes; At the dawning of the day he assaulted it five wayes; wonne it, Set upon the Castle, and it yeilded to him.

Hee was revenged of the wounds which he had received in that place when he served the Duke of Feria, and if hee did in some way disgrace his Masters act taking that in foure houres, which his Master could not take in three moneths; yet did hee doe much credit to his advice, the Dukes Counsell be­ing them to assault it, not to besiege it: Then hee joyned with the Marquesse of Leganes, who laid Siege to Crescen­tino, and though it had a dike full of water, deepe, and well fortified, and kept [Page 26]by a Garrison of thirteene hundred French, yet in eight dayes he wonne it.

It will not peradventure be distastefull if I here set downe what reason moved the King of Spaine at first to invade the Duke of Savoy his Dominions, for the sting of revenge, reason of State, nor ri­gor of justice are not sufficient motives for his mild piety, to bring him on to en­dammage other men, if he were not o­therwise violently moved thereunto.

Marquesse Forni Amadeo, Duke of Sa­voy his Ambassadour was in Madrid, who in the name of the Duke his Master, promised all friendship, and forbearance of hosti [...]ity, when the Duke at the selfe-same instant joyning with France, entred into the State of Milan; when (for feare of breeding jealousie) it lay in a man­ner disarmed: with an Ecclesiasticall per­son over the Politick government, and an old man over the Militarie; So that from one skirmish to another, it came to that passe, that if they would not yeeld without any more stirring, they must bee forced to adventure it upon a battell at Tornevento, with so much disadvantage, that nothing (necessity excepted) could [Page 27]have freed it from the judgement of a most rash act.

Being as it were by miracle escaped out of these streights, Duke Amadeo died. And what rational man then would have said▪ that it was not then just for the King of Spaine to overthrow his Dominions, who had deceived him with publick faith? and joyning with his enemies, had assaulted the State of Milan, and brought it in jeopardy of losing. What Politici­an would not have judged it necessarie, not to leave an example so pernicious to all Monarchies, viz. that they might bee set upon by inferiour Princes, and those Princes receive no other dammage ther­by, but the not obtaining of the issue-of their desires? And what humane heart of flesh would have blamed the King for running upon a revenge necessarie in Policie, and lawfull in Justice; Yet his Majesty courteous, not vindicative: magnanimous, not Politick, pious with Justice, and not just with rigour, propounded Peace to the Dutchesse if she would forbeare to assist the French, taking upon him to make an agreement between her and the Princes her Allies; what [Page 28]could he doe more to have this Vine pro­duce Grapes? yet it brought forth no­thing but wilde ones. What could he do lesse, then come in with fire and Sword, to shew what gentlenesse provoked with ingratitude, and mercy sleighted by ob­stinacie can, and is able to doe? Yet hee hath not done it; he burned onely to fat­ten the soile, and destroy the weeds; He cut downe to engraft Plants, to cause them bring forth fruits in stead of thorns; He overcame the Mother, that she might not ruine her Sonne; He moved war to e­stablish peace and seized on dominions to restore them.

The French were already come into low Germany, with two mighty Armies, the one under the command of Migliari, to goe upon the Country of Artois, the o­ther led by Fucchieres to enter upon the land of Luxenburg. The designes were to renew the name & recover the Kingdom of the ancient Austrasia. Surely a great thought, and befitting a high mind that were not most Christian. The provoca­tives were the remembrance of Charles the great, and the greatnesse of the house of Austria, the end to renew the first, and ruine the last.

[Page 29]The first things wherein Princes are in their younger yeares instructed, are [...] great acts of their Predecessors; They hear them rehearsed with delight, whilest they are not able to act them (infirmity of humane nature, which not to remaine without glory, having none of their own, appropriate other mens to themselves, and takes from the fortune of Birth, that which springs onely from the worth of the person.) But if their spirit growes up with their age, those relations which once seemed to please, do now torment, to praise, reprove, and tormenting and re­proving enflameth them, first to be imi­tators of their Auncestors, and to follow their steps; then to emulate and outgoe them, which ever tieth them either to live idle in despaire, or troublesome to disquiet the world: And if by chance to the memory of those who are past, be ad­ded an emulation of some that are pre­sent, finding greater in their owne and other families by reading and practise experience. And if equalling the first consists in overcomming the last, What provocations will these bee to fight with them? Surely very sharpe ones. [Page 30]And what shall be the ends of fighting with them, certainly peace and quiet­nesse, not of the world, but their owne, for not being able to attaine unto those ends, but by overcomming the world, they set that at variance, and conquer it not, but disquiet, and ruine it.

Happy is the King of Spaine (and by his meanes the Christian world) who hath no emulators, who being greater then he, doe disquiet him, and hath no memo­ries of any Ancestors, but such as tie him rather to keep what he hath, then to gaine more. His quiet is not moved, but he appeaseth motions, he shuns war, and loves peace: never takes up Armes, but to cause them to be laid down.

The Cardinall Infanta gave order to Piccolomini to goe set upon Fucchieres, and bid him battell. The Marquesse of Fuenes to oppose Migliare his proceed­ings, who after the burning of certaine Castles and Townes, had laid siege to E­dino. And the Count of Fera was to watch the Hollander, who was drawing neere to the Island of Bommell. Things seemed here to be well ordered, but a sudden accident had like to have distur­bed [Page 31]them. Banier had routed, six thou­sand of th'Imperiall Foot, the Emperour desired so many men of Piccolomini to supply that want. It was judged in Flan­dars, that to send those men, would but little helpe the Empire, and occasion the totall ruine of that Province.

That the French was to be more look­ed after then the Swede. That Banier would not effect that which the King of Sweden could not doe, the King of France might doe it. Nothing is more easie then to know his intent, and there is no Prince or Common-wealth in Germanie, but if he knew it, would take up armes to hinder it. All of them might hinder it, if they would determine so, and they would all know it, if they would reflect upon it.

The first thing the King of France de­sires, is to make himselfe Emperour, and it will bee the last hee will attaine to; His Ancestors began with the taking of Metz, Tul, and Verdun he hath followed these with the taking in of Alsacia and Lorraine. Being Lord of Teonville, hee will now take Luxemburge, Burgundie will totally fall, the Palatinate will not [Page 32]bee able to defend it selfe, hee will be­come Master of the Land of Trever, and all the old Austrasia, hee will subdue th'Ecclesiafticall Electors, the Kings of Spaine will lose Flanders, Caesar the Em­pire, and the Common-wealths of Ger­manie their Liberties, and the Princes their States.

The Father of this Emperour found himselfe in th'extreamest streights ha­ving nothing left him but Vienna (and that besieged) whilest he was not as yet Emperour. The King of Spaine relieved him with reputation, Armies and Trea­sures, which he could not have done, had he not been Lord of Flanders; Hee be­came victorious, subdued his enemies, re­covered his Dominions, made himselfe Emperor, & his Son King of the Romans.

It is a great Error for a little evill not to shut the doore against greater ones, which will suddenly happen, and then bee remedilesse; and a great losse of reputa­tion, for a small losse to forsake the in­terests of Germanie, Italy, Westphalia and Flanders.

The emperour and the King of Spaine their Dominions are separate, to enjoy [Page 33]every one his owne, in time of peace, but they are not divided upon occasi­on of defence in time of Warre; Where dangers are common, it is not good to make the interests particular. A man ought not to take more care of his owne state then of anothers, if his greatest interest lieth in the others.

If the case require it th'Infanta would goe in person to defend him; And would leave (as hath beene done at other times) the King his Masters Dominions to assist him, but th'occasion doth not now require it.

If Piccolomini his Forces should goe away (which in a manner bridle the bounds of Westphalia and the Rhine) the Princes who are friends, and if they faulter not, doe at least feare) losing courage, would accept the e­nemies proffers, which they would not doe, let the pretences bee never so specious, if they were not put to de­spaire.

It would be fourtie dayes before these Forces could come to the place where there was need of them; in the meane time there might either bee no need of [Page 34]them, or greater would bee required, which might then bee sent him, seven thousand Foot being daily looked for out of Spaine, there being new levies in the Countrie, and daily hopes of routing the enemy.

The Forces might be defeated by the way, and the French might set upon Pic­colominie being weakened; and overcome him, or with a few Horse set upon this reliefe, and rout it, so that it would ar­rive too late and defeated or being over­throwne, would not come thither at all.

These reasons shewne by the Cardinall to Piccolomini, perswaded him to stay till further order, and being likewise re­presented to the Emperour, he was con­tented to desist and presse it no further.

The King of France his Fleet consist­ing of forty great men of warre, and more terrible by reason of thirty fire shipps, which sailed along with it, set saile being commanded by th'Archbishop of Bourdeaux, who thus encompassed with fire and Sword (as Tasso de­scribes Lucifer withstanding heaven) car­ried Vulcan in Neptunes lappe, to fire ra­ther then fight.

[Page 35]Hee came within sight of the Groine. There commanded on the shore, the Marquesse of Valpraiso, who endowed with Spanish valour had also some French fantasticalnesse in him; The ship­ping was under the command of Don Lo­ze di Ozes, a valiant Souldier, and most expert Mariner, most happy in all his en­terprises whensoever he struggled with the Sea, or fought with his enemie, if so be the fire was not his enemie, or the Sea became not a Hell. Th'Archbishop en­deavoured to draw neere the Haven, hee was put back with losse. He tried to burn the shipping, & he was opposed by float­ing timber which shut off the entrance of the Haven.

These things passed by Sea, and by Land were greater dangers threatned by the preparation of Armes, and provision which was made at Narbona: the re­port went the Prince of Conde was to in­vade the Countie of Raciglione with a powerfull Army.

This Monarchy was ordained to have warres, either for him, or by him; And hee alwayes to retire, either into Spaine, being persecuted by the French, or into [Page 36] France, being pursued by the Spaniard, by a retreat receiving curtesies, and with another repaying them.

Wise men imagined the Enemies in­tent to be rather to amaze with reports, then to set upon with Armes, to threaten rather then assault, to divert rather then conquer. The diversion possible to bee obtained by setting up three or foure Co­lours at home, without displaying them in the field, Listing men, without stirring them. Conquests to be almost impossi­ble, disgraces easie, and the dammages certaine. No account to be made of Sal­sas, and though it should chance to bee lost. Perpignane not to be feared though it should be assaulted, being strong of it selfe, back'd by a Province abundant in provision, rich in coine, and numerous in hardie and valiant men. That the King of Spaine would bee the hardlier turned. by reason he was tied to defend himselfe being assaulted by great Forces, and had strength enough to doe it, and because of th'effect which the love of their King, and the hatred they have to the French, might worke in the hearts of the Cata­lonians. That his Majestie had with the [Page 37]Havens, the Dominion of the Sea, his Gallies might hinder any one else from becomming master of it. This gate be­ing closed, it would be impossible for the French to maintaine a potent Army, seeing hee was to bring Ammunition and provision on his backe, so farre for it. The fire to bee kindled in Italie. Piemont in eminent danger to bee lost, and the Kings Sister with it. That it was good to draw the Spaniards thi­ther, where the reward was great, and whither they could not come but by Sea, where the Climate is different, and where once routed it was hard for them to bee recruited. That Nature had parted these two Nations with th'Appenines, the Spaniards Foote to bee more valiant, and the French more numerous in Cavallerie; The one to bee forced to come into the Moun­taines to move warre, where they can make no use of that wherein they most abound, and the others to descend into the plaine, where that was needfull, which they most wanted. To so many motives of reason, and naturall cares, was added the ancient experience, and [Page 38]especially the moderne of Fonterable, where the last yeare they lost so many men, and so much reputation.

But now in these dayes experience is followed, onely wherein it is favourable; if adverse, it must bee overcome, and though its authority be not denied, yet it must be interpreted; The cause is attri­buted to chances, which alwaies accom­pany every great enterprize, and the crosse of chances imputed to the Com­manders, changing of which in stead of taking away th'inconveniences, they al­ter the Generalls, in stead of amending the evill, they multiplied and increase it.

One runneth not twice into an error, when in the same there is both shame and losse, for the danger of losse will not suffer them to adventure the shame. En­terprises obtaine not their effects, either because they are projected, or badly exe­cuted, the error is sometimes in the one, sometimes in the other: but the fault is alwayes laid on him who can least helpe it.

It is common to all men to erre, but proper onely to brave men to confesse [Page 39]their error; He that hath often dealt infal­libly, if he receive blame for being once deceived, receives no shame by confes­sing that he was deceived, It is no abase­ment of spirit, nor losse of reputation; It is a confidence in ones owne credit, which is not feared to be lost in one one­ly action. Hee that confesseth an error, bindeth himselfe to the cancelling of it by some great attempt, whereas he that denieth it, seemes to be subject to com­mit a greater. And it is strange that an ignorant man will never confesse one, when the wise man affirmes, that the just man commits seven in a day.

The French Army (numerous being of twenty thousand Foot, commanded in chiefe by the Prince of Conde, a Lord of a great bloud, and secondarily by the Duke of Luin, a Souldier of great valour) was by the most Christian Kings Officers sent into the Countie of Ronciglione, as though they would overcome the bounds of nature, the valour of the Spaniards, and alter the Generalls fortune; Fortune smiled, but did not favour; Valour over­come by multitude, appealed to time: Na­ture was betrayed, and not overcome.

[Page 40]The Governour of the Castle of Oppoli, a small place, a passage of those Moun­taines of a craggie situation, inaccessi­ble by Ordinance, and almost impenetra­ble to man, suffered himselfe to be surpri­sed by a Fanatick terror. The cries of the French threats entred into his eares, the number of the men presented it selfe be­fore his eyes, and in stead of viewing them with emissive rayes, which he might have done a farre off from the foot of the hill, he received th'impression of them in th'eyes of his imagination, he figured them to himselfe, as if they were before him, and was disturbed, and before hee could come to himselfe againe, he lost his courage, his discourse and himselfe: for yeilding up the Castle to the French, hee and his Lieutenant were put to death at Perpignane, punishing him, and by his punishment giving others example.

The Count of Santa Colomba governed the Province of Catalonia in those dayes to the King and peoples great satisfacti­on, a Gentleman of great hopes, though but of small experience. The defect of this quality suffered him not then to bee an eminent Souldier, the plenty of other [Page 41]promised he would be one. Hee was no­ble, apt, prudent, calme, and valiant. In a peaceable government, you could have desired no more: And in warre hee so behaved himselfe, that it seemed that did him no hurt, which he was defective in; For providing discoursing, and doing e­very thing exceeding well, none could judge he needed that which hee onely wanted.

Hee did not find himselfe to have strength enough to resist the enemie in the field; The men he looked for to re­cruit that Armie were not yet come; greater conveniencie, therefore was to be exppected, it being reasonable to doubt in things not to be questioned at that time.

The Marquesse of Leganes businesse would not permit to have six thousand Foot taken from the Army which were allotted for that place, seeing he had lost many men in the Conquest, and employ­ed many to secure the conquered places. The Gallies of Naples and Sicily, think­ing their orders for comming into Spaine had a connexion with those six thousand Foots comming, stayed for new orders, [Page 42]whereby they retarded the arrivall of the Tertia of Modona of the Levies made within the Territories of Lucca, and of the old Gally souldiers. The Catalaines, either because they did not imagine the enemy would at that time set upon those parts, or because they were too much tied to the Letter (construing their priviledges too straitly and rigorously) had not made any fitting preparation. To all these accidents there concurred at last (to the great wrong of wisdome, which opposed is the ruine of wise men) some French Officers had intercepted certaine Letters sent by the Marquesse of Leganes, importing that the Prince of Conde with his Forces in Linguadoc was to march towards Italy. It was easily be­lieved, for if it was not, it ought to have been so; and though it did not perswade to desist from being carefull, yet it disswa­ded from using compulsion.

Spaine was encompassed with enemies, a mighty Fleet at the Groine, a great Ar­my in the County of Ronciglione, threat­ned in the Mediterranean by the Ships and Gallies of Marseilles, in Cantabria by the Forces which were gathering to­gether [Page 43]in Bayona, and yet the people (a thing worthy of note) which last yeare were affrighted with one Siege, in a place of no great danger, were no more moved at the rumour of so many forces, then if there were none. Whether it were because the French, who have no power to overcome, but at the first shock could affright them but at the first; Or that the people being assaulted, where they thought they could not bee endammaged, believed their owne judgement to be de­ceived, and not the enemies. And not finding what reason moved him, because they could not find it, they judged it to be great, and finding it once vaine and weake, giving over unreasonable feare, they fell into a foolish securenesse.

Novelty deceives the judgement, ei­ther because it goeth before the discourse, or because it disturbeth it. In a moment it strikes to the understanding, and for­ceth it presently to frame a confused and indistinct conception: and with deceit increaseth those passions, which igno­rance would abate. Every thing in the world is vaine, when it is once knowne. There is no delight can please the mind [Page 44]nor feare can terrifie it; Habit diminish­eth our passions, not through any power it hath from custome, but through the want we have of the true objects; No­velty increaseth them, not because it is unusuall, but because it is unknowne.

But whether the Spaniards or the French-mens nature caused these various motions; Sometimes ignorance, some­times undeceiving, sometimes the novel­ty, sometimes the habit, Certaine it is that above all other things, that wrought in it (which the eyes of all Spaine saw the yeare before) the Kings great wise­dome, wise phantasie, and sure direction; The certaine judgement, eminent under­standing, quick execution, and uncessant labour of the Count Duke, whence arose the confidence which encreaseth the cou­rage, and perswades obedience; which if it be not deceived in the object, assists the Victories, and being deceived, it ho­peth for them. And if it be not sufficient to make one overcome, it sufficeth at least to make him fearlesse.

The Marquesse of Villa Franca, went to command the Spanish Gallies which were in Barcellona, Gianattino d'Oria [Page 45]arived thither with them of Genoa, Fri­gets were sent to hasten away them of Sicily and Naples. It was ordered that the remnant of the Count Dukes regi­ment should march, and with it six thou­sand of the choicest foot in. Cantabria. That Perpignane should be fully ammuni­tioned, and that the forces should lie un­der shelter of it; That the Marquesse of Torracusa and Arena should goe thither; That onely five hundred horse should stay for the defence of Cantabria, and the rest should march to Perpignane; That money, munition and victuals should be provided. That the Levies in Arragon, and Valencia should bee hastened; that these should be perswaded to defend their Countrey, and all should remember the bond wherein they were tied to their Liege Lord.

The King of France his Fleet lay at the Groine, and vexed the coast of Spaine. The Hollanders lay in the Channell, and hin­dered the sending of men appointed for Flanders; And because it was necessarie to defend the one, and relieve the other, the Count Duke called the Junta of the Councells of State and Warre, without [Page 46]which he hath done nothing, and in which hee hath done every thing. If he spake first, the voting ended in him; Hee left way for nothing but for applause; If last from him it tooke beginning, mending errors, or by him it got perfection, bette­ring what was defective.

To desire to be the onely adviser of a King, makes not an Officer great, it makes him odious, and exposeth him to danger, and oftentimes is a signe of a rash mind, which arrogates too much to it selfe; sometimes of a suspicious and mistrustfull beart, and many times also of a weake breast, which shunneth the test, fearing to divide the Kings favour, and lose it, if he prove inferiour.

There was scarce ever any great Of­ficer, but that desired to doe every thing himselfe, and doing it, hath not been rui­ned. But if the wisest men could not keep themselves from this itching desire sure­ly there must be some great convenien­cie in it; And if so many have beene wracked thereby, there must lie hidden in it some great danger. Two great qua­lities which the Count Duke hath, make these so intricate points even, namely his [Page 47]moderation and valour, doing every thing by the advice of counsell, and in counsell prevailing above all; whereby he enjoyeth the conveniencie, of avoyd­ing hatred, and converting it into admi­ration.

I desire not to bee alone believed in what I say of this great Officer. Let the Originall consultations of both the great Councells of state and warre together be looked upon, and you shall find (which is a thing worthy of wonder) that the vote comming last to the Count Duke, upon some particular considerations of his, many Consultations have bin altered, all confessing that they had erred.

The meanes was canvassed in the Jun­ta how to remedy the present inconveni­ences; It was voted by all that the Coast should be defended by land, and that the reliefe should be conveyed into Flanders, (if the French Army did not hinder it) by sayling about Scotland, with a long compasse, exposed to many misfortunes, and by a parcell of Sea, naturally threat­ning shipwracks.

But the Count Duke, in whose under­standing lyeth joyned the whole frame [Page 48]of the Monarchie, whose breast is capa­ble of two worlds, considering what ves­sells were in Cantabria in foure townes, namely, in the Groine, Lisbon, Cadiz, A­licant, and Cartagena, some Merchants Vessells which were come out of the In­dies, together with those as were every day expected with the Fleet, made it ap­peare that his Majesty had a Fleet suffi­cient to fight with the French, carry re­liefe into Flanders, and also to passe into the Mediterranean Seas, and for a need, fight with the Turke, and relieve the Ve­netians.

His Majesty and the whole Iunta a­greed with the Count Duke his opinion, who sent Orders, and provided for ne­cessaries, that these Fleets might as soon as possibly they could, be ready to set saile.

From hence let it bee gathered, how great the forces of the Spanish Monarchy are, and which most to bee regarded. When these did not so much as come in sight nor thought worthy consideration, though they were greater then some, as other great Potentates would make their last refuge and ground their highest thoughts, and liveliest hopes upon.

[Page 49] Piccolomini was marching towards Luxemburg, to fight with Fucchieres, but could not reach him so soon, but that hee was first entrenched and besieging of Te­onvill. He set upon him, disordered two of his quarters, made him breake up, re­lieved the place, passed over the Mose: fought with him squadron after squadron, where for a time th'enemy fought vali­antly, then gave way, and at the last fled.

The French have swift and subtile spi­rits, easie to be moved, and being moved, easie to be dissolved, and because swift and moveable, they run presently where they find occasion, and united in the selfe­same time and place, they make the sub­ject at the first greater then man and be­cause they are tender and subtile, and apt to consume in the end being weakned, destroyed, and dissolved, they forsake him, and leave him a dead carkasse. Such like effects are seene every day in a can­dle before it goeth out, and in a sick man before he dieth. The candle because it shall not ruine at the first; by framing a great light, is hindered by the tenacity on grossnesse of the matter, which at the lat­ter [Page 50]end being softened & rarified, move­able, and light, runs without delay to fo­ment the flame, and increase it; it doth it; but for a little time, because there is but little matter left. In a sick man the spirits being subtilized by diet, not overburthe­ned, nor hindered by the body already brought low, consumed & wasted; finding themselves at liberty and loos, fiercely set upon the diseas; & being more active then ever they were, at first they overcome, but being tender, they consume in over­comming, & being consumed, not finding where to refresh themselves, having none to second them, if they overcome not in an instant, they die. The slaughter was great, because the foot were all slaine or taken. The victory was the more famous by the chiefe Commanders being taken. This Noble man a Politician, and a soul­dier of greater experience in State-bu­sinesse then in warres, was advised more by politick, then Military art, did rather follow the time, then manage his forces; and lost, seeking to prevent losse. Hee knew by th'example of former Captains, that there was no meane; that hee must either conquer, or lose himselfe, amongst [Page 51]his friends with shame, or amongst his enemies with glory. For in France, where the unwillingnesse of losing, was not ad­mitted for a sufficient reason of not ha­ving overcome, there remained no proofe of a mans not being able to overcome, but onely by losing.

Piccolomini stayed not to enjoy the vi­ctory, he thought to increase it by trying Mouzzone, and if hee had attempted it presently, he had surely taken it, but want of provisions hindered him.

Man proposeth an end unto himselfe, and for that end he prepareth his means; if upon a new occasion he change his end, if he provide not new meanes, he loseth himselfe, and while he doth provide them, he loseth his opportunitie. He that goeth about one enterprise, ordinarily cannot performe two, and hee that will un­dertake two, seldome performeth any. Some have not followed victories, be­cause they could not, and so have lost their credit; and some, when they ought not, having gone on to follow them have quite lost them. When one partie is in possibility of being overcome, the other is not alwaies fitting to set upon him.

[Page 52]The staying of his Majesties Officers, gave the Marshall of Castillon time to come and relieve it, causing the forces which Piccolomini had sent thither to re­treate, whilst hee marched on speedily with the Cavalrie (sent for by the Car­dinall Infanta) to relieve Edino, brought to the last gaspe.

The Cardinall of Richelien, the most Christian Kings great Officer, had brought his Lord to the Frontiers of Ar­tois, very neere to Edino, were it a pur­pose to give the King the honour of it as Joah did, or upon necessitie to encourage the Army, that it might not disband. Confidence of overcomming, or provisi­on to overcome, had so much the more ingaged him, because that having coun­terpoised the losse with the gaine, the following of the enterprise, with the de­serting of it; he found it was more re­proachfull to retreat halfe flying, then glorious to enter into a small place when it was wonne. Joabs successe then had some conveniencie in it, now adayes it is become a meere curiositie. David was a great Commander, it might be thought of him, that by his braine he had taken [Page 53]the place, though he was farre off, where­as it would not be thought so of other men, though they were neere. But if this were imprudencie, (which I will not affirme) over carelesnesse transformed it into wise dome. For the Garrison want­ing powder, being well assaulted, better defended, wanting Ammunition, it was lost, not being not able to subsist eight dayes, which had been enough to have made this yeare, the gloriousest yeare that the Monarchy of Spaine had ever seene. The Cardinall Infanta could not relieve it for want of Horse, the Gover­nour for want of Powder, and Piccolomi­ni for want of time.

He came to the Army, and was there received with applause; Hee was born of Auncestors famous both in Peace and Warre; renowned sometimes by the Keyes, and sometimes by the Sword; he served his naturall Lord at Court, in his childhood; Being yet but young, be went to the German warres, and in his first beginnings shewed himselfe worthy of the chiefe degrees; He arrived thereun­to by the lesser; for whereas they use to stay for a time, that yeares may increase [Page 54]valour, they were faine to stay a time, that his age might increase, because that which was proportionable to his merit, might not be disproportionable to his yeares; so that leaving it to be questio­ned whether fortune or valour were greater in him, I will onely affirme that he hath been longer valorous then fortu­nate; Generous, magnanimous, fearlesse, liberall, and ordained for victories, hee made them spring in the middest of los­ses, and conquered where he did not o­vercome. So fortunate, that valour see­med to superabound in him, and that hee had no need of it. So valorous, that it seemed fortune was superfluous to him, and that he even forced her. This enemy to merit, when she cannot beat it downe by abandoning it, will follow it, to make it seeme lesse: and weakens glories, by dividing that which is not to be divided and requiring share in that wherein she hath not wrought. In his first age he was valiant without any defect of wisedome, in his second wise without any diminuti­on of valour. Happy in all occasion, vi­ctorious at all times, so that nothing hin­ders him from being compared with the [Page 55]greatest Commanders of our time, but this onely, that he was never overcome. His Majesties forces overrunne Piemont without any resistance. Prince Thomas propounded to the Marquesse of Leganes, to goe before Turin with the Armie, not to trie the strength of it by force, but onely to shew himselfe, and encourage those friends which he had within it. But all were not of that mind.

Some said that there was no reason to goe thither, but onely upon hope of in­telligences, which hope was easily per­ceived, when there was no other, and once perceived, was easily crossed. That the Citizen was nothing worth, where the Souldier was armed and forewar­ned. That darknesse and suddennesse did favour turbulent designes, light and time would dissipate them. That what might be would for that time be made impossi­ble, by shewing ones selfe; And the sur­prizall for ever, by making ones selfe knowne. That the course of Fortune ought not to be stayd, nor reputation endangered, time lost, and given to the enemy.

Notwithstanding all these reasons the [Page 56]Marquesse knowing that it was good to trie any thing which could not bee hurt­full, and dealing with carelesse men; that might prove easie which seemed most difficult; and to avoid the censure of Cri­ticks, which alwayes thinke well of that which hath not been tried, he did not op­pose Prince Thomas his desires, and dis­posed the businesses in that kind, that hee would be sure to lose no reputation by beginning any trench; nor any time by staying there but few dayes, and not to give over his conquests by sending Trotti to Pontestura.

Being come within sight of Turin, the Enemy opposed him with Horse and Foot, our men routed them, slew many, and tooke some prisoners, and some few that fled they pursued to the very Pur­cullisses of the Citie. The Dutchesse sent the Popes Nuntio, to negotiate an a­greement between her and her Kinsmen; Her Propositions now when she lost all were as high, as if she were a Conque­rour; Shee seemed to give, rather then take lawes. Her demands were great and once granted could not be recalled; And all shee promised, was as nothing [Page 57]and that revocable when she pleased.

The Treaty broke off, th'intelligences failed, and the Marquesse went away, and because Trotti having taken the town of Pontestura, found much refistance in the Castle, he resolved to divide his Ar­my into two parts. Prince Thomas with the one part went to Villanova, and tooke it by storme; with the other, the Mar­quesse marched towards Pontestura; Hee overthrew the enemies reliefe, tooke the Castle, went to Moncaluo, and having taken that place, he lay downe before A­sti with his whole Army. The Piemon­tesses, terrified by the Kings forces, brought the Keys of the Citie to the Princes, and the Spaniards valour over­came the obstinacie of them that kept the Fort.

The Marquesse his desires aimed at the taking in of Trino, a place of it selfe be­ing of importance, and besides it cut off reliefe from Casal, and safeguarded the State of Milan. Hee had sent his Caval­rie thither, (whilest hee lay before Asti) to hinder th'enemie from sending in any forces. They tooke much Ammunition which would have gone in, and cut off [Page 58]almost a whole reliefe of five hundred chosen French, whom the Marquesse of Villanova sought to bring in there. Trino is held to be almost impregnable, forti­ed without and within, a bogge neere it not to be medled with, deep water in the Motes, a strong Garrison, and well vi­ctualled. Notwithstanding the Marquesse besieged it, made a Trench, and withall his approaches as neere as hee thought fitting for raising of Batteries, and re­solved to give a generall assault, hoping thereby to gaine some of the outworks. He gave the assault, tooke all the out­works, the Citie, and the Castle, which having no time to receive the Sonldiers that fled thither being unprovided, and amazed, yeilded within few houres; It was impossible to hinder the Army (vi­ctorious and heated) from pillaging, slay­ing and burning.

Who shall deny valour to break forth? it groweth with the heat of victory, and snatching the reines out of judgements hands, it guides a man, and more then that it carries him? Whereby being hea­ted, he goeth where he thought not, and being in cold blood, he findeth himselfe [Page 59]where now he could not goe, because hee went not, but was carried thither.

It would be needfull here to set forth the Marquesse o [...] Leganes his glories, who hath filled Flanders, Germany, and Italy with his acts and victories; mortified France, and made Spaine glorious. But what greater testimony can I give him of it, but to make it knowne that a Let­ter of the Kings spake his deserts; A Monarchs Pen was requisite therein, that authoritie might cause it to be believed; The whole world unanimously with one hand setting downe those glories, which conformity causeth it to spread abroad with one tongue.

The affaires in the County of Roncigli­one went on with various fortune, the enemy had taken the Castle of Oppoli, and having put a Garrison into it, had laid siege to Salsas.

This place lieth almost in a Semicircle at the foot of the Pirenean Mountaines; high hills, small hillocks, and standing waters are the theatre of it. On the South it lookes towards Catalonia, on the North are the Apennines, the Sea is on the East, and on the West a Poole [Page 60]which falls from the Pireneans, almost to the Walls; The Country may be called barren, the aire subtile, by reason of the Mountaines which overtop it, and soggie, because of the water which is so neere it, which mixture rather hurts it then mends it. The Place if you consider the situa­tion is not very sufficient to defend the Country; if the Fortifications, not to de­fend it selfe; The Motes are full of wa­ter, the Walls massie, high, and counter­mined, by the forme it is altogether ex­posed to the enemies injurie, by the mat­ter partly defensible. The hardnesse of the stone will not suffer any breach to be made in it, the smallnesse of the Flanc­kers will not hinder the approaches. It was strong enough in those dayes, when the art used in assaulting tied men to no greater defence. The last who put it in a posture of defence, found it so scituate, that it was necessary, either to fortifie or sleight it; He fortified it, because it was, not because it should be there.

The Governour valorous, but not of experience equall to it, resolved to lose himselfe before he would yeild the place, more faithfull then warie, thinking onely [Page 61]upon the not yeilding of it, failed in the means of keeping it; He defended not the counterscarff, he came not out of the wals, he fortified not himselfe in the Mores, he did not sufficiently meet the Mines, nor he did not disturb them in their Workes. Every time the enemy came with force upon him, he beat him back, but he did not hinder him when he used art, wherby after fourty daies resistance Salsas was lost by carelesness, & after so many more of siege it was won by surprise. For the enemy ha­ving in vain attempted with foure Batte­ries to beat down the wall, comming to it with the mattock had very good success by reason of a Mine, which springing, made a hole in stead of a breach, by which (though little) there went in a great ma­ny French before the besieged espied it, or at least had time to hinder them. Where­fore running too it too late, and to no purpose, some of the valiantest died there. The Governour being lame of the Gout, was not present at the action, and yeel­ded upon Composition, with those soul­diers which he had left. Many think they have performed their duties, if they doe not yeild up a Hold, as if yeilding them, or having them taken were not the same [Page 62]thing. It is better for a Captaine to want valour, then experience, the Souldier sometimes helpeth the one, and addeth confusion to the other. There is no­thing worse then ignorance accompanied with valour, the heart goes against th'un­derstanding, the one will doe, and the o­ther knoweth not what to doe, so that one doth, and knowes not what he doth.

Warre requires art and valour, and all enterprises, doe not require these two qualities in an equall proportion, sometimes there is most need of the one, sometimes of the other; but because this distinction is seldome made, and lesse knowne, though many times one over­come with one alone, it is judged he hath done it with both. So men deceived some­times by th'understanding, and most­times by the heart, doe give the com­mand of all enterprises to such as are not good for all.

To few men hath nature given both great valour, and great understanding, whether because they require a contrary temperature, which is impossible to be given them, or an even counterpoise which cannot be joyned to them. Some­times [Page 63]the great heat of the heart, over­heateth the braine, and sometimes the coldnesse of the braine, does coole the heart too much. And though in Armies there be seen more valorous then under­standing men Commanders, it is not be­cause these be lesse necessary, but because they are not so easily found; It is hard in warres to become famous without va­lour, and men attaining to command if they be not famed; Vnderstanding at­taines not to it for want of heart, and the heart because it hath no understanding loseth it, after it hath attained unto it.

Th'Archbishop of Burdeaux, seeing his attempts vaine at the Groine, despairing of force, and his art being bound up by our men with chaines of timber, set a­shore two thousand men at Ferol. His Majesties forces (though not great) caused them to retreat rather confusedly then in order. He returned to the Groine, then putting to Sea, he sailed out of sight, leaving every one suspicious and doubt­full.

In the Junta of State and warre th'opi­nions were different. Some believed the enemies thoughts were deep and impene­trable. [Page 64]Some said their ends were to take the Groine, some that it was to hin­der the reliefe of Flanders, some to ran­sack the Fleet, some to passe into Italy, some to joyne with the Holland Fleet in the Channell, some to burne our ships in their harbours, and some that it was to set upon Cantabria. Amongst so many, and so various opinions, there was one who began to speake thus;

SIR, Though man may well be de­ceived in seeking, to divine or imagine what the ends and intents of mighty ones are, and the imagining to have found them may be hurtfull, yet it is necessarie to discourse thereof, not to affirme what they will doe, but to hinder them from doing it. And as it is true that great Princes ends cannot be understood, so it is likewise certaine that the ends of great affaires may be found out, for the great­nesse it selfe discovers them.

It is the opinion of some, that this great Fleet was raised for inscrutable ends. I forsake the opinion, or feare not the ends, especially in Spaine, where we need not doubt of any traitors that will yeild up Holds, or raise tumults in Kingdomes, [Page 65]and much lesse in this Junta, full of so ex­cellent men, that it cannot be doubted that they should in discoursing, omit any thing which may be possible. And if the enemies end be any of those that is dis­coursed of, it is not impenetrable, if it be known, it will be avoided, if not knowne, it will not be feared.

But because it is more easie to denie then to affirme; in affirmations, for the most part, arguments of likelihood be­ing used, and in negations, certaine de­monstrations, it will be the easiest way to shew the intent of raising this Fleet, by making known for what intent it was not raised; for often-times where the truth of an opinion cannot make it selfe known by it selfe, one may attaine to the doing of it by the falshood of other opi­nions. And that which cannot come to effect by proving, may be gained by dis­proving.

It was not raised to th'end to ransack the Indian Fleet which they ought sup­pose to have been already come into Spaine, nor to hinder the reliefe for the Lowe Countries, which they might ima­gine already arrived into Flanders, nor [Page 66]to fire the Navie which they believed was gone. All these things being orde­red to be done, some moneths before it came out of the harbours of France, and all (save onely the Fleet) staid upon such accidents, as the French could nei­ther see nor imagine. The Forces, which the enemy hath sent to Luxemburg, and into the County of Artois, have caused some to thinke, that the intent was to land them in Flanders, an open and rich Countrie, abounding in fodder and vi­ctuals. And this opinion might be con­firmed by the instances the Hollanders made to the King of England, when he came to Cadis, that he should forsake the hopes of the barren sands of Spaine, and land his men in those fruitfull Provinces. But the King of France hath too many Forces in the Low Countries, and is too neere, and too mighty to have the Hol­landers suffer him to set footing there, much lesse to invite him to it.

This opinion is controlled (as likewise another, viz. that they should imagine to find some part of Spaine unprovided, to land their Forces there, and to take it) by an advertisement or animadversion, [Page 67]which is this; Fleets doe manifest which way their enterprises tend by their for­ces. If their greatest strength consists in shipping, their intents are for the Sea, if in the strength of men, traine of Attille­rie provision of horses, they intend land service. But this Fleet being power­full in vessells of great burden, without any horses, or carriages for Ordnance; weake in men, which are new raised, of a base condition, and violently shipped, gives no cause to feare any conquests by Land; And much lesse can we be perswa­ded that it is intended for Italy, by rea­son of the place where they were built, namely the Ocean Sea; the greatnesse of the ships dangerous for the Mediterra­nean, and the prosperous wind they have had to goe thither, and went not.

The enemies thought may (in mine opinion) be to draw us, with the feare and report of the Army, to furnish all the sea coasts of Spain with men; and they to assault with the Navie of Marseilles the Counti [...] of Ronciglione, incouraging the Army which is there, and hath already taken Salsas to besiege Perpignane, and with the Fleet in the Ocean and the [Page 68]forces which are raising about Bayona, by Sea and Land to invade Cantabria, lay siege to St. Sebastian, first disperse our forces into divers parts, and then force them to come strongly into severall pla­ces, thinking it impossible for us to de­fend a vast Countrie, and with two migh­ty Armies to relieve two invaded Pro­vinces.

There is an erroneous opinion spread amongst the chiefe Officers of France, that the Spaniard hath no men, and a­mongst the common sort of Spaniards a­nother, that the French have no mony. A Monarch that hath great store of mony, may find men enough. And a King that hath great store of men, if obedience be not wanting, never wanteth mony. I am confirmed in this opinion by seeing that this Fleet hath already layen a moneth sailing to and fro before the Groine with­out attempting any thing; It workes to­wards its end, without doing any thing.

I believe it would willingly set upon the Fleet, burne our shipping and gladly hinder the reliefe of Flanders, and much rather discomfit it and that if it found a Port of importance neglected, it would [Page 69]set upon it, as things casually and occa­sionally laid before them, which fall in their way, and sometimes come to be ea­silier effected, then those which were at first conceived; Like unto the difference there is between a child at first concei­ved, and one that is bringing forth, the one comming forth into the light alive, and the other sometimes vanishing away, wasting in its beginning, or when it is reduced to an embrio.

I promise not my selfe, that I have pe­netrated into th'intent of the French, neither doe I care. When the enemy will performe an enterprise, and set upon that can performe no other, it conduceth much to a defence, if one can penetrate into it; but when he thinketh to doe one thing and may doe many, the best defence is ignorance. Notice causeth man to se­cure that part which is threatned and suffer the rest to be neglected. And that being safeguarded, causeth the enemie to alter his mind, and the other neglected, helps him to attaine to that upon which his altered mind is fixed.

Hee that hath not power to defend himselfe in all parts, doth necessarily lose [Page 70]himselfe for want of strength. He thath hath sufficient, loseth himself sometimes through carelessenesse, and sometimes through too much providence. The knowiedge of the assailing enemies in­tention is an ease when it is good to know it, and a difficultie when the notice of it is hurtfull. For where he can doe but onely one thing, it is likely secured, and where hee may doe diverse, the un­derstanding knoweth not how to resolve upon one, and it would make the other easie if it were resolved upon.

The Count Duke hath with admira­ble wisdome secured the difficulties of provisionall things. The chief Ports are sufficiently surnished. Cantabria is set in posture of defence to hinder the enemy if hee should affaile it. Catalonia rea­dy to thrust him out when he is come in. Don Anthonio Ochendo, ready in the streights to secure the Fleet. The Marquis of Villa Franca with the Gallies to oppose the shipps of Marseilles. Every thing pro­vided for and armed.

But our discourses and the enemies de­signes were carried away with the wind, which rising tempestuous, & lasting three [Page 71]dayes (a thing unusuall at that time of the yeare) brought the Fleet in danger of over setting or sinking. The lesser Ships perished in the Ocean, in the furie of the tempest. The biggest of them in a calme Sea, when they were going into harbour. As if it did presege danger of shipwracke to great ones in tranquilli­tie of peace, entring into harbour, or in the harbour it selfe, by some revolution of State, after the little ones were peri­shed in the turbulencies of Warre.

The enemy being become Master of the field by taking of Salsas tooke all places which lay open and ordinarily fol­low the fortune of the most powerfull, He never skirmished nor fought, with our cavallery, but we carried away the best of it, shewing that the Spanish horse are no way inferiour to the French, if we had them. The long peace this Pro­vince hath enjoyed the warres at Sea where there is no use of horses, forraigne warres, sometimes in the Indies where we could not convey them, sometimes in Flanders where foot did the greatest execution sometimes in Italie, or Ger­many where we found Auxiliarie ones, [Page 72]made us first to neglect the use of them, then grow carelesse in bringing them up.

But it is either the convenience or fate of the greatest Monarchies, to have their chief strength and prop to consist in the foot; the Romanes in their Legions, the Macedonians in their Phalanges, ma­king up their Cavallerie, alwayes with strangers, friends, or Auxiliaries.

Many yield to opinion, when they have neglected art, and after they have yielded for a time, going to try whether the con­ceipt be true or no, they are overcome, and yield againe, confessing themselves inferiour in valour, when they are one­ly inferiour in practise. Through this deceit the Spaniards would have tried and yielded a thousand times, if warres had not happened in Spaine it self, where necessitie hath forced, and time undecei­ved them.

His Majesties Army had not as yet a­ny convenient number it did enough doing nothing, seeing it hindered the e­nemy from much doing. But the Soul­dier partly valorous, and partly inexpe­rienced, some for shame, & some through [Page 73]interest, de [...]red to come in sight of the French, and fight with them and he de­sired it most who had never seene the e­nemy, nor knew not what fighting was.

The Commanders for a while did stay their heat, rather then allay it. Being perswaded, that as in a sick man, so in a Souldier, one ought to hope, where he hopeth, and feare, where he feareth (a rule which is false, in that hope, which often deceiving, causeth good to be looked for where there is evill, and onely true in the feare which though deceived may bring forth evill, even where it doth not finde it) they went with a small Army. partly of new and partly of not discipli­ned men, to see the enemy, and saw his advantage so great, that they retreated without doing any thing. The King and his Councell had presently a lively fee­ling of this disorder: what incourage­ment the enemies might gaine, and our men lose. And because the Army con­fisted of people of that country, comman­ded by the Count of Santa Colomba and of hired men, haste was made to send them a valorous and expert Chieftaine, who with generall applause was Don Phi­lip [Page 74]Spinola Marquis of Balbases.

This man was sonne to Marquis Am­brose Spinola, the renownedst Generall of our age, and one of the greatest that histories mention. He followeth his Fa­thers stepps in martiall affaires to revive the glories of them and he filleth them up so, what with valour, what with wise­dome, that it shall serve to say for the praise of them both; of the one that he was borne of such a father, and of the o­ther that he begot such a sonne.

The Count Duke gave him his first imbossement in the best way as such a Subject could doe, who being one of the greatest Generalls is defective in no qua­lity. Which this one thing would make envy it self confesse. Namely that his en­gagement of being present in all Armies by direction, hindered not his genius from being personally present in one. His not fighting in any, may hinder him from being stiled a great Souldier, but his commanding there will admit to the title of a great Generall.

He that knoweth (as the Count Duke doth) both his Kings, and the enemies forces; The art of fighting, the place [Page 75]where they fight, and hath (like him) had experience or so many warres, framed so many Armies, withstood so many disa­sters, given advice in so many enterpri­ses, and with his counsell disposed and ob­tained so many Victories, may wed go­verne Armies, and stay at home; com­mand them, and be absent. The swiftnesse of Posts makes that which is farre off to be neere, the strength of the understand­ing soreseeth what is to come and though he cannot affirme what an enemy will do before he doth it, it is sufficient if hee knoweth what he should doe. The good is onely one, but the evill manifold: The first is to be knowne by great wisedome, and the other is no great matter whether it be knowne or no. To instruct a Ge­nerall of an Army, it is enough to teach him wayes to defend himselfe from the enemy and how to offend, when hee doth well for if otherwise his own errour will instruct him by erring.

The Cardinall of Valletta was already strong in Italie, and did hourely look for the Duke of Longeville to come with those Troopes which were destined to the harmes of But gundie. The Dutch effe [Page 76]openly professed she would receive them in Monmiglian, Susa, and Carmagnuola.

The Marquis of Leganes lay under Santia, which being taken, Casal was quite blocked up; and though it was a very strong Castle, it had victuals but for eight dayes: Prince Thomas was of opi­nion to goe into Piemont with the Ar­my, to win those places before the com­ming in of the French. Urging that the Countries were willing to receive them, and invited them thither. That they once lost their oportunity of besieging Trino, through the desire of streightning Ca­sal. That the Frenches stay, before they came into Piemont, and the Spaniards quicknesse in winning of that place, had caused the opportunity to be rather de­ferred then lost.

That if now they would retard upon the same pretence, and stay till Santia was ta­ken, the occasion would be lost. That re­medies should not be sought for the feet, where the disease proceeded from the head. That Santia might be held in play with small forces.

That being in sight of the enemy in Piemont, he could not relieve Monferras; [Page 77]the Duke of Longevill might be hindered from joyning with the other forces: those Holds would be taken, and so they would remaine masters of the field, and of the passes of Savoy to Burgundy, and Flanders: that the French would be confined in Pi­narole, without victuall to maintaine themselves, or Country to resist, where­by they would bee forced to come into these parts with great strength to de­fend themselves, and so forsake the hopes of flanders and Burgundie give over mo­lesting of Spaine, and laying downe their vast imaginations be brought to a good peace.

That giving them time to get into those Holds, was the dividing of Pie­mont, and bringing perpetuall warre into it, more dangerous for him that is neerest with his state, and furthest off with his forces. That the enemie might there with small forces defend himselfe, and put Flanders in danger; or come with much strength and indanger the state of Milan.

If the Dutchesse did not admit them into Turin, it would bee impossible for them to relieve Casal; and if shee did [Page 78]admit them, it would be difficult; they would be opposed by evill passes, deep ri­vers, and dangerous places of abode.

That for a small reliefe it would bee sufficient if any neighbour Garrison were encreased with fifteen hundred Foot; and as for a great one it could no way bee compassed: fighting would become ne­cessary, and then one might consider whe­ther it were better to give battell in the entrance of Piemont, with so many reti­ring places at their backs, to goe into up­on occasion of losse, and so many before them to conquer, in case they overcome; or to give it upon the very Frontier of the State of Millan farre from any place to conquer and neere to lose all.

That his Majesties Commanders had stumbled at Casal (as at a fatall stone) with much danger to the Monarchy; Once thinking to surprize it by intelli­gence; and another to take it by force, and this would be the third in going a­bout to block it up from reliefe.

The Marquesse of Leganes being scan­ted of men by diseases which had killed many, by overthrowes which he had gi­ven, still with some bloud any by places [Page 79]which he had taken, and was bound to put garrisons into, thought he could not without danger goe farre from what hee had gotten, and expose himselfe with small tired forces to fight with a multi­tude of fresh souldiers: which either oc­casion, or necessity might easily have en­forced him to. That the Kings chiefe in­terest consisted in defending the State of Millan that Santia being taken Casal re­mained quite cut of [...] from all re [...]iefe. That staying in those parts, he could make all hee had gotten sure unlesse it were Ci­vasco the endangering of which could not counterpoise so many conveniences. That no hopes invited them into Piemont, but onely intelligences: which he had so often found vaine, that to confide in them would be a folly, and much more to put themselves into irrecoverable hazzard if they should faile. That it was no great matter whether the French did get into those holds or no; they could do no more in them, then out of them. They would ingage a number of men in them, would vexe the Inhabitants, and make them their enemies who before were their friends.

[Page 80]The taking of Santia was made difficult to the Marquis. The hold of it selfe be­ing strong, the ground without unfit for batteries, wanting wood to make sconces, and being without water. He resolved to besiege it at large. But the enemies forces recruited came marching towards Asti to relieve them. The Mar­quis encamped himselfe in such sort that he could hinder their designes and yet not goe from the place, insomuch that the enemy lying on the other side of Do­ra, within seaven miles of the place, vi­ctuals failing the besieged, they yielded themselves. The Cardinall of Valetta, and Marquis Villa, despairing of doing any good in those parts, went to besiege Civasco. Prince Thomas and the Mar­quis drew neere it with their Army▪ but finding the enemy already forti­fied, and without comparison surpas­sing in number, they did not endea­vour to relieve it, and so the place was lost.

In the meane time Conio a strong hold, and of great consequence for the gaining of Nizza▪ and Villa, Franca, declared it self to hold with the Princes, The French [Page 81]set upon it, and were forced with great losse to retreate. The Cardinall of Val­letta came thither with all his Army to besiedge it. The Cardinall of Savoy (res­pecting it as his owne creature) with more resolution then care, threw him­selfe into it to defend it. Prince Thomas nor the Marquis of Leganes had not consented to his engagement. But seeing the danger, they sought for a reme­die.

They marched towards Turin with their Army, not with any certainty, but onely with a kind of hope to divert the enemy from his former enterprize, and call him thither. And to make it sure, the Prince with the Marquis his advice re­solved to attempt it. Which he did, and advancing forward one night with two thousand horse, and a thousand foote, he hung a pettarre upon the gate, set scaling ladders to the walls, and (though with resistance and bloud) he wonne the Ci­tie, where (a thing which seldome com­meth to passe) the prisoners were more in number, then they who tooke them. The dutchesse recovered the Cittadell, but so closely pursued, that for want of [Page 82]time she was forced to leave even her very jewells behind her.

In this action were most taken notice of, the Marquis of Carcena Don Marti­no of Mexica, and D. Francisco Tuttavil­la, who bravely relieving one another, revived the almost extinguished hopes, and perfected the designe which was al­most desperate.

And this is the effect which the Car­dinall of Savoy his phantasticallnesse brought forth, who bringing his bro­ther and his friend into a streight, oc­casioned the taking of Turin.

As births come not forth of a woman with child without great paine, so the understanding cannot bring forth with­out great labour. The expulsive ver­tue worketh not unlesse it be provoked and best, when most; valour increaseth, and falls, according to wrath and inte­rest; and the understanding through af­fliction. There is none naturally care­full or valiant man, but may be care­lesse and fearfull▪ in respect of him who is made carefull by danger, and valorous through dispaire.

The King of France his Fleet rather [Page 83]patched up then repaired covering its nakednesse, with the spoiles of Eng­lish, German, and Holland ships which lay in the harbours of Brittanie, set saile againe, and comming in sight of the Pro­vince of foure Cities, after some tac­king about, came into Laredo, an open place, without any forts to relieve it, or souldiers to defend it, he tooke the towne, sacked it, wasted the country a­bout, and robbing, ruining, and bur­ning went abord againe. With the news of Laredo there arrived into France the the newes of the surprise of Turin by Prince Thomas.

Paris and the whole Kingdome mur­mured▪ that so many millions should be laid out upon such a powerfull Fleet, to no other end or profit but to sack a poore place, which had been a small mat­ter for a poore sea rover to have done. Upon a mighty Army to take a Castle which brought more losse then gaine with it, causing a great Army to be kept there, wasting many men, and much money. That with these costly vani­ties, the interest of Italie was abandoned, friends, and the Royall bloud exposed [Page 84]to dangers, fraudes, accidents and for­tune. They accused the Officers of vani­tie, that they made difficult the surest enterprises where something might be gotten, wasting time, and the bloud and substance of subjects, in those things which made but a faire shew, and a great deale of noise. Perswaded some­times by passion, sometimes by emula­tion, rather to kindle coales, then con­quer states.

To those who defended them by say­ing, that the powerfullest way to destroy the Monarchie was to set upon it in Spaine; for keeping the Warre there, and diverting it from other places, the rest of the dominions were cut off from reliefe, where there was continuall need of men and money; They answered that to defend Italie by invading Spaine, Flan­ders and Burgundie, was to make one plant grow by sowing of another; that it was wasting of Gold in Alchimie; and like thinking to make Gold of Mercurie, and brasse, and give over digging it out of the mines.

That it was not to be thought a small matter to divert the Marquis of Leganes [Page 85]fortune in its fierce beginning, and that it was impossible to doe it with a Fleet in the Ocean that fired three or foure straw ricks, or with a powerfull Armies ta­king a small Castle in the County of Rou­ciglione, and that they could much lesse make Piemont secure with onely diver­ting the enemies forces, and not defen­ding it.

That diversion required, an opportune time, great forces, and prosperous for­tune. That the Romans did not make use of it with Aniball in the torrent of his victories, but after his first violence was past, and when (though his course were not staid) his fury was asswaged. That they opposed him strongly in one place to call him to another; that they forsooke not the defence of Italie, when they in­vaded Africk. and did not only divert him with Armies, but tyed him to it with vi­ctories.

But whosoever shall at this time atten­tively consider the state of France, the houses full of bloud, the neighbouring Islands full of exiled men, the Kingdome of tributes, the publick priviledges can­celled private mens goods taken away, [Page 86]Subjects discontented, Hereticks multi­plyed under the name of overcome, the Province destroyed under pretence of reforming, every thing by nature tur­ned upside downe, and by violence kept quiet, may know that the endea­vours which are used to maintaine the Swede in Germanie with store of money, to assault Spaine, Flanders, and Germanie with powerfull Armies, are prudent and necessarie, that the evill may not penetrate into the inward parts of a body full of very evill hu­mours. And that the glory of being an invader, losses dissembled, conquests mul­tiplied, and increased, may so fill the ears of the Parents that they may not heare the grievous groanes of their sacrificed children resounding in their aire.

Order was given the Count of Santa Columba, that he should not undertake any new enterprise before th'arrivall of the Marquesse of Balbases, who stayed so long, that before him came the Mar­quesse of Torracusa, the rest of the Count Dukes Regiment, the old tertiaes of Can­tabria the horse and foot disembarqued out of the Neapolitan and Sicilian Gal­lies, [Page 87]so that at his comming he found the Army numerous and valiant, desirous of enterprises, and able to performe great ones; But because the enemy prevailed in number of Cavalrie, and many re­cruits were by him daily expected, it was considered of in the Junta of State and warre, whether it were good to goe find him out and fight with him. And there was but one who was of opinion that we should not give battell.

That we ought not to fight with the enemy, when we were too weake, and that if we were too strong we could not. Hee would retreat into France, where the pursuit of him would bee impossible through want of victuals, fotherage, and traine of Artillery. And that we were then to fight with them in their owne Country where their reare was secured, their provisions certaine, and their Ca­valrie advantagious.

When the enemy is not afraid, if it be a shame to feare, yet it is wisedome to doubt, and this Monarchie ought not to be exposed to a doubtfull fortune, which adverse may make us unhappy, and pros­perous can adde no felicity to us.

[Page 88]Princes take Citizen-like advise, when they adventure their estates upon a point of reputation, which consists not in the losse of a Castle in the mid'st of warres, but in the ending of them with great Conquests, or an honourable Peace.

Finally it would doe small good to o­verthrow the French Army in Autumne, and to regaine Salsas much lesse, but to lose a battell, might bee a great pre­judice.

And if we should win it, the enemie by vertue of their numerous Cavallerie might retire with little losse with the remainder of their Army by th'assistance of the Sea, it being now October, and having so populous a Country might by the Spring be recruited. Ours would di­minish in the fight, and more afterwards. Those of the Province thinking the en­terprise to bee at an end, and that they had done enough to maintaine their re­putations, being raw in the profession, weary of the field, and troubled by the waters which were naturally neere upon comming would hinder the besieging of Salsas, or the gaining of it, if it were besieged.

[Page 89]To know what his Majesties victori­ous Army would doe in Catalonia, let it be considered what they did in Canta­bria. If any thing had remained to doe after the Battell, there was nothing left to doe it withal'. Armies raised in Spain, (as if they were raised but for one end) last but for one enterprise.

The profit attained by the winning of Salsas, would not counterpoise the dammage that might follow a disa­ster, which God forbid. This Army be­ing overthrowne, which for want of Horse (if conquered) would bee quite destroyed; How could it be recruited in a Country scarce both of horse and men, at such a time as the proud conquering enemy, emboldened, would prepare to assault Cantabria by land, and having a mighty Fleet at Sea, would engage us, ei­ther to secure this vast circumference of Spaine, or oppose them with a greater Fleet beside, that which is needfull to convoy the Plate Fleet, defend Brasil, and guard the Streights.

Where should men be levied, if there were fighting in so many places, especial­ly if we imagined we were to fight where [Page 90]there is now no fighting, being bound to defend all this Province, besides Italy, Germanie, Burgundie, Flanders, and the Indies?

That the enemy had an advantage a­bove us, viz. that hee could beare many losses. Hee was this yeare overthrowne at Theonville, and routed with great slaughter, and at the same time he tooke another Hold, and within few dayes came into the field againe with a new Army. The last yeare at the Siege of Fountaina­rabie hee lost a Battell, and he is now re­turned more powerfull both by Sea and Land, giving us cause of feare one way, and another way besieging Holds, and winning them.

If the French doe not take Perpignane▪ they have done nothing▪ nor we, if wee take not Narbona. They will not take Perpignane with keeping Salsas, nor wee Narbona by routing of them.

The best revenge one can take▪ is to take none. The greatest conquest is to be content with losse. If a man cannot al­waies conquer▪ when he loseth, a small losse, it seemeth to be a great victory, and many times it is a preparation to it.

[Page 91]It is easier to goe on in prosperous for­tune, then to stop in a disaster. The one doth not please the mind with so pow­erfull a charme, as the other with a sharp goad wounds it. He that stops in good successe, oftentimes loses it, he that doth it in a disaster, oftentimes changeth it.

Two small things ruine a foole a little: victory, and a small losse; in the one hee groweth carelesse, in the other he is pro­voked. Being carelesse, hee loseth that which he had not gotten, and provoked, hee adventures that which hee had not lost.

That Battells ought to bee given in France by any other way but this, getting into the heart of it, and driving it to de­fend it selfe. There is a difference be­tween fighting with one who defendeth himselfe, and with one that offends. The first being overcome, hath lost the means of defending himselfe, and the other may defend himselfe with that which he hath not lost.

The Romans at the same time as they avoided fighting with the Carthaginians in Italy, sent Scipio to fight with them in Africk.

[Page 92]Hee that overcommeth in France, Ita­ly and Germany, shall be the umpire of the world.

That it was not fitting to leave it to a Generalls will, to fight; or not: if they be not much inferiour, they will fight. They see those who last yeare disswaded it, have lost their credit. They find this counsell inclining to it, and they will ad­venture to put that reputation in questi­on by fighting, which they would be sure to lose by retiring.

The Count of Lauta Columba would have fought before it was time; Mar­quesse Spinola doth judge it to bee time now. One is moved by one reason, the other by another, and both (if they be left to their own mind) will fight.

This Army, which is the most flourish­ing that hath been seen in this Monar­chie since the memorie of man; either may be lost in battell, or wasted in a siege, and either lost or wasted, there will not such another bee gotten together in a hundred yeares, for it is a hundred years since any such was seen.

They should keep it till such time as they might better secure themselves from [Page 93]losses, and profit themselves more by vi­ctories. They should imagine Perpignane was the Frontire. They should lodge their Army, maintaine it, increase it. The Spring would shew where it might best bee employed: and the Gallies would convey it where need should require.

Contrary to this another began to say; SIR, There is amongst Counsellers a maxime more wylie then honest, profita­ble for themselves, but most pernicious to Princes, viz. not to give any dange­rous counsells, but to let Princes take them of themselves. The intent is to a­void danger, and hatred, which is done by exposing their Lord to hatred, and a­bandoning him to danger.

It is a mistake of a shallow braine, ra­ther then deepe wisedome to disswade battells when there is no greater reason then the danger of trying it. That which is lost cannot be recovered nor that de­fended which is assaulted, but by endan­gering what remaines.

The preservative power in man▪ which sweetly governs the body, when it is in health, if once set upon by sicknesse goeth not about to sooth it up, it useth violence, [Page 94]assaults it, and adventures to overcome it, putting it to the fortune of a Duell, ei­ther to live or die.

If your Ancestors had not adventured themselves in battells, they had not con­quered, if your Majesty doth not adven­ture, he will lose. No Monarchie did e­ver subsist long, if it did not sometimes adventure.

Saying, that the enemy ought to bee gotten out of Spaine by diverting not by battell is a vanity. Either he would not be turned away, and we shall then remain weaker, or if he be diverted, wee should but onely change our danger. Consider nature, which employing its forces to di­vert humors raw, before she hath over­come them, if being violented they yeeld unto her, it lames, and kills, not heales; if they contumaciously resist, having wea­kened her strength by seeking to divert them, it remaines unable to overcome them: she then obtaines her end, when she first concocts, and then diverts them. That is a wise diversion which is made not with an intent to begin Victories, but to perfect them when they are begun.

The fortune of the French is sudden like [Page 95]their temperature: it rises and sets in the same field, and as it is hard to overcome it when it growes, so it is secure when it declines. When occasion is come, he that through weaknesse loseth it, or through ignorance doth not know it, never seeth it againe. He that passeth by ripe fruit, and doth not gather it, when he comes again, either it is gone, or grown rotten; whe­ther it be that nature is an enemy to sim­plicitie and ignorance, or that th'imper­section of worldly perfection comes late, stayes but a while, and falls suddenly. Fortune comes to every one at some time; most are put off because they knew her not, not because they had her not, and all may become happy, if they knew how to goe about it. When the Romans de­termined to give battell no more in their owne Country, they had given it there foure times already; It was not wisdome but faintnesse, not because they had got­ten more brain, but because they had lost their hearts in so many battels with such unfortunate successe. That which dishear­tened them, ought to encourage us, who have once given bastell and won it, and have overcom, as often as we have sought.

[Page 96]If the Romanes had gotten the better in the first battaile, Hannibal must have dyed there, or gon back discomfited. And it would now have runne in Politi­tians pennes that we ought to fight with the enemy presently, and not give him time to take footing in the country▪ nor assault it, to dishearten the men, & destroy the land: If fortune should prove adverse we might with the remainders keepe the country, and with these entire parts at the back of them renew the Army, and try our fortunes againe, if it should prove prosperous we might undoe the enemy. One victory would suffice to become conquerors, and by one overthrow we should not be overcome. But because the Romanes were overcome, the Coun­cell is blamed, whereas the execution of it should, having lost rather through want of valour and discipline, then of wisdome.

It is much that Scipio a young man his advice, who was more rash for his owne glory then for the profit of the common wealth, great in estimation not for what he was but for what he came to be, ap­plauded onely by the people, not by the [Page 97]Senate, suffered rather then allowed of when they could neither diswade nor hin­der him, should now bind men in all ages to follow him, being favoured by fortune▪ which onely did approve of him, condemned by Fabius Maximus his rea­sons, by the authority of a whole Senat, and much more by the experience of his Father and Uncle who in the selfe same enterprise with little glory lost part of their Army and their lives.

Many opinions are defended (by the res­pect is borne to gray haires, and many are borne up to the reverence due to the Majestick memory of antiquitie. It is more harsh to bring ones mind to thinke they are false, then to find they are so: and yet it is a manner of deifying anti­quity to believe their sayings, without examining them.

When Scipio went into Affrick it had peradventure bin better to have chan­ged Captaine then Country. With that power, that Army, and that his valour, he might more securely have conquered in Italie. And if he lost in one place he might also have lost in another. Neither could he have recovered himselfe, being [Page 98]so farre from the Romans assistance, nor peradventure they, having sent him a­way so farre from them. He overcame, it is true, but who will deny that he might have bin overcome? if he had fought in Italie he had made sure the victory; be­cause he overcame in Africk he increa­sed the common-wealth, if he had lost, he had ruined it. The conquest had bin vaine in one part, to have remedied the losse in the other. In Italie the com­mon-wealth had gon to ruine, in Africk Scipio had become King.

Then if all that the Romanes had, con­sisted in the end, successe, and fortune, of the forces of Italie, why did they wea­ken, and abandon it?

In our times the Duke of Bavaria joyned with the Spanish forces, might have taken the Palatinat, and yet he went to seeke the Palsgrave, where he had his Army, not his dwelling, Knowing that if he lost in Bohemia it was in vaine to Conquer in the Palatinat.

Let what hath bin in times past, be as it will, either well discoursed according to reason or favoured by fortune. This Monarchy, now the biggest that ever [Page 99]was, must not make use of others exam­ples, she of it selfe, ought to be an exam­ple to it selfe.

One ought not leave the doing of a good thing, to doe a better; when both may be done, especially when they doe not hinder, much more when they fur­ther one another. In our case conque­ring the enemy in Ronciglione doth as­sist, and not disturbe the going to Paris.

Let us then Sir try to overthrow the French here, to profit our selves by the victory, to call him to defence, to offend him elfe where, and over come him eve­ry where. It was not Scipio his Army in Africk that overcame the Carthagini­ans, but those forces which they had con­sumed in Italie. So it may befall the French to lose themselves at home, by going to much abroad.

Let us fight with this enemy in France in Italie, in Flanders, by Sea, by Land, wheresoever we find him, seeing we Conquer him wheresoever we fight with him. The dangers which seeme to threa­ten are not such as at first they seeme to be. There was seldome a battaile lost but that some part of the Army hath [Page 100]bin saved: The remainders, though ne­ver so small, will serve to hinder the e­nemy from further proceedings, the gold and men of Spaine, to repaire it on all sides: the Officers valour sufficient to doe it, and the season, will afford time for it.

They are deceived that hold Spaine to be a desert place. There be disinhabited and barren places, but there are likewise many populous, and fruitfull. And it is so large, that not counting the first, mea­suring onely the last, it would be found bigger then the fruitfullest Country of Europe.

Deductions and consequences from times past to the present are dangerous, their examples are not available. The knowledge of events, if nere at hand are decitfull, if farre off false. Fighting now is diverse from what it was, there are o­ther men, another age, and (I will say it) another world.

The Iunta agreed that battaile should be given, Marquis Spinola who advan­ced to seeke out the French Army. O­vertaken by night when he drew nere it. he never laid hand to spade made no [Page 101]trench, defence or fortification▪ but set his Army open in battai [...]e array. The enemy retired towards his owne Coun­try, drew nere to Salsas, under the safe­guard of that place, at the recovering of which the minds of the greatest part of the Spanish Commanders seemed to ayme.

Marquis Spinola was perplexed. He had many important difficulties before his eyes. The time of yeare farre spent, the Country cold, the Climat unhealth­full; the long drought which had bin, threatned, great store of raine, small pro­vision of food, none of Fother, the ground bare to make hutts for his Army, stony to intrench it, no stuffe to make any shel­ter, no Pioners, nor Gunners, nor Foun­ders, few instruments to worke with, miners fewer, the former unfitted, the latter inexpert. The place fortified with­out and lined within, Ordnance, Ammu­nition and Men, more then abundant. The enemy encamped about it, to hinder it from being besieged and it ready to receive him if he were assalted. Forced to fight before he could besiege, and ex­pose himselfe to a dangerous battaile, [Page 102]for to begin an incertaine enterprize: a losse would put him in great danger, and one Victory not sufficient to make a con­quest.

The water, the sword, and want would undoe the Army. The Souldiers would forsake their Colours, being wounded sick, and wearied. They must be relieved with men out of Cantabria, the Shippes and the Gallies with old and new Levies; To forsake their enterprises, would make the reliefe of Italie impossible, weaken the defence of other Provinces, and growing obstinate about a small Castle, would make all provisions for the future field difficult.

And if the enemy should refuse to fight, and goe back with his Army entire, rest it, encrease it, and having an eye up­on ours, when he saw it diminished and wearied, should set upon it powerfull and fresh; it would be a shame to retreate dangerous to meet him, and more to stay for him. The ordinary manner of in­trenching would be hard, the extraordi­oary impossible. The quarters of necessi­tie must bee so distant, that they should not in an instant relieve one another e­very [Page 103]very thing would be weak and disunited; so that the enemy might in a darke night give alarme in divers places, set upon one quarter strongly, and take it, so we might lose them all without fighting, but onely with the hands of a few, and peradventure the weakest. If we should goe to meet him, wee must either forsake and slight our trenches, and the labour of many dayes would be lost, which (the time of yeare considered) would not bee made good againe in many weekes. Or wee must leave men to guard them, and that would weaken the Army, tying it to fight with notable disadvantage.

The Marquis desired nothing more then to give battell, and nothing assured him of victory more, then to give it quickly.

In this perplexity was Spinola, when by the advice of the Count of Saenta Colum­ba, and other head Officers, it was resol­ved to send all the Horse, and foure thou­sand Foote to view the place, and the enemy.

These forces were commanded by the Maquis of Torrecusa, Field-Marshall Generall, and with him the Marquis of [Page 104] Arena. Being arrived, they found the French quartered behind the Fort Tor­recusa determined to try them with horse and foot; he caused John de Arza the field Marshall to advance with a fly­ing squadron, he gave the charge of the foot skirmish to the Marquis of Mor­tara. It began with such valour of our Horse and Foot, that gaining ground, they presently forced the enemy terrifi­ed and lost, to forsake their stand, and re­tire under command of Musquet shot of Salsas, with great-losse of men, and grea­ter of reputation, leaving their quarters and tents in the hands of the conquering Spaniards. The reliefe of the Ordnance and Musquet shot from the Castle would not have saved them, if night, and a con­fused retreat, and orderly flight with much silence had not conveyed them fur­ther off.

This fight had engaged the Kings Ge­neralls to advance with the whole Army, and though they arrived before day thin­king to fight with the enemy at the daw­ning yet they found him already retrea­ted. They determined to seiz upon a Fort royall, and Redout which was upon the [Page 105]hill; wherein they had prosperous suc­cesse.

Death stayed the course of many, yet abated no mans courage, where it hit not it terrified not, stirring up wrath in the rest, in stead of compassion as it or­dinarily doth where valour is above feare.

They put the enemy to flight, they entered the Fort and Redout and having got these, with the same valour they gai­ned the rest of the out-workes.

Then the whole Army charged the place with more courage then discipline, For the officers endeavoured to have them stay, and shelter themselves there. But the souldiers in that rage refusing it could not be stayd by fear nor wounds. For though their Flankes were discove­red, and lay open to bullets, fire, and stones; many drunke with valour, runne to the very Gate to hang on a Petard, and others into the Dike to assault the Wall, not discerning possibility from impossibi­lity, esteeming every thing easie for the couragious, and nothing shut up from a valiant man. In this fight, all the Field Marshalls and particular men behaved [Page 106]themselves valiantly, especially the Count Duke his Regiment, which being all of old souldiers, and reformadoes, Comman­ded by the Marquis of Mortara, and Don John di Arza, made it selfe to bee knowne for the chiefe squadron of the Army.

In the enemies flight, or retreat, the French his Letters happened in the Spa­niards hands; There were some of the Cardinall of Richlieues which spake somewhat modestly. Some from a Se­cretary of State, which were more arro­gant viz. that they expected in Paris to heare that the King of France his Army was penetrated into the very bowells of Spaine, made the Provinces desolate, and taken the Royall Pallace of Madrid. The Duke of Luin his conceits gave more scandall then any thing else. For he being esteemed a valiant and wise Captaine, it was strange to heare, that when our men had set upon his Cavallerie, (which was divers times) and had alwayes made it retire or runne away hee should write That our men having presumed, to set upon a few of their Horse, with many men, some eight or ten of their Gentle­men [Page 107]comming in, had caused ours to run away, as if he would make Ariosto be be­lieved, and turne him from a Poet to a Chronicler, making that a history, which was once but a fable.

Nothing manifested the deceipt more plainly then his last Letter, when hee lay with all his men under the shelter of the Fortifications of Salsas he certainly pro­mised that the King of Spaine his Army would not dare to looke them in the face, nor come within Canon short of them, And yet within few houres he saw a par­cell of it set upon him in his quarters, drive him out, rout him, and put him to flight.

Whilest they writ with so much con­tempt of the Spaniards valour, the Let­ters of his Majesties Officers in the Ar­my spake very honourably of the French, made their forces great, and (though truth had shewed them to be faint-hear­ted) gave an honourable report of them.

This which seemes in one part to bee folly, in the other weaknesse, if it be not art which foresees the want, is nature that provides for it. Where courage is wanting, it is good to take away the un­derstanding, [Page 108]and where one cannot in­courage to deceive. It is needlesse to shew a valiant man, to have him fight, the securenesse of the businesse▪ if he but knowes what he should doe. He takes his vertue from him, that conceales the dan­ger to him. He deserves the name of va­liant, who knowing the danger by dis­course, meets it with reason.

The French manner produceth this ef­fect, that he being deceived, sets fiercely upon his enemy, thinking he will runne away. But if he finds him stiffe, he often­times loses his courage, and recovers his brain; and whereas his first motion was of an inconsiderate violence, his last comes to be an abject mind, The Spani­ards valiant in their onset, pursue their enemies rashly, for having imagined a resistance; overcomming it, they think to find none greater. Therefore the French scarce being set upon, fled, and the Spa­niards being Conquerours, runne against the Wall, thinking the very stones would yeeld to that steele, which trenches and men had yeilded to.

Amidst these prosperous, pleasing, and happy successes, the Army put to flight, [Page 109]the Fortifications wonne and the enemy retired into the Hold dejected: the dif­ficulties of the siege seemed to the Mar­quesse to be increased by the death of so many valiant Commanders and Souldi­ers rather then decreased, yet hee resol­ved to besiege it. Whether it was be­cause the victory did likewise enflame him, which suffered him not to consider of every thing or whether fortune called him, which must many times be followed blindfold, or whether the Armies valour perswaded him to it? or whether most of all likelihood bound him thereto, not knowing how to justifie himselfe, if hee did not besiege it, to avoid the blame of great, and small; ignorant and wise, when every Commander and Souldier gave it up for taken.

Counsell is hard against likelihood: It requires a great understanding, pene­trating into the truth: a strong resoluti­on against murmuring, a heart not void of interest, and not caring for his owne credit, things rare and necessary in a subject, and either are not to be found, or are not available. Likelihood doth almost alwayes deceive, whether it be a punish­ment [Page 110]for Princes against flattery, or the reward of wise men, for the welfare of liberty. If their advices were believed, it would prevent the seeing of effects, the onely way to undeceive a man.

So happy and prosperous a beginning encouraged, and perswaded the Officers and Souldiers; it is halfe the worke if we believe wise men the whole, if Astro­logicall foolishnesse, which judging the event by the constellation in which the action began, will believe this to bee fa­vourable and him happy if it began well. Weymar was still in Burgundie, who be­sides being a great Souldiour, was also a great Politician. I cannot affirme whe­ther his great understanding made him such, or whether rime, occasion, and for­tune made him onely seeme so. He began at first to assist the French; he knew hee could not grow great that way; then he caused the French to assist him, and this, hee knew could not last; if hee got for himselfe hee should want helpe, if for others hopes. He thought to make use of the most Christian Kings forces to begin great enterprises, and by beginning them grow full of reputation, with reputation [Page 111]to gaine forces of his owne, and with them, and that, to accomplish his intents.

He saw the King of France desirous to gaine Burgundie, and that he knew not how to obtaine it, or being diverted could not. He endeavoured to take part of it himselfe, thinking to exchange it for Colmar, Leistar, and Benfelt. With which he designed to overthrow Stras­burg, and so maintaine himselfe with his owne forces, to alter the Scene, and per­sonate another man; set up a party of himselfe, and gaine reputation by Warre or to conclude peaces with advantage. These thoughts seeme great, and are so. Yet they were no way disproportionable with the fortune and valour of that re­nouned Commander. The King of France who favoureth no man, so farre as to assist him, but onely to be assisted. On the one side fearing the Switzers anger, threatned by the injuries received from Weymar in Veiglia, a Country usurped from the Canton of Berna; On the o­ther side growen jealous of his conquests in Burgundie; urged by the Swedes ear­nestnesse, and called upon by the Marquis of Leganes victories, would have had Wey­mar [Page 112]give over troubling of Veiglia, agree with the Switzers, entru [...]t him with the conquests in Burgundie, and divert the Austrians in Germanie.

All these things were instantly moved to him by the French Ambassadour resi­dent in Switzerland who met with him. The discourses were long. Hee promised to give the Switzers satisfaction, and fit himselfe to the times for the tolls of the Rhine. For that which he had conquered in Burgundie, and for greater conquests which he promised to atchieve he desired supply of men and money. And because the Ambassadour perswaded him to goe and assist the Swede in Germanie, and did peradventure encroach upon him more then Weymars spirit would beare, though tractable yet sterne, they say (being mo­ved) he answered;

That the King of France did alwaies request of him, sometimes Sieges, some­times diversions, but he never sent him neither men nor mony. That hee had many Holds to defend; That hee was threatned by the Duke of Bavaria his Army affrighted by the King of Spaine, and th'Archdutchesse Claudias forces, [Page 113]which were to joyne with him, if the Swede should be overcome by the Austri­ans, all Germanie would fall upon him, round begirt with enemies, having no confederate Prince neere him, onely France which was farre off, and did not assist him. That he wanted men, his be­ing almost all dead by war and diseases; That the Country was able to maintaine him no longer, and his mony was spent in providing for Nova-Villa, Brisack, Friburg, Than, Rinfelt, Launfenburg, and other places upon the Rhine. That hee should fall into the hands of the first that came against him, and in a day lose what he had gotten in so long time, and with so much labour. That hee had no hope left but in his Sword, and the valour of those Officers who followed him. That he knew his fortune was no better then other Princes who had assisted the French, hee was to be thankfull to her, because she had remained longest with him, he being the last to fall.

The Ambassadour sought to quiet him; He promised him money, and did indeed share some amongst the Souldiers: and whilest they were negociating the taking [Page 114]of Salins, thereby to gaine the good will of the Switzers: or that of Dala or Be­sancon, to goe forward in their proceed­dings, there came news of the overthrow of Teonville, and the conquests of the Spa­nish forces which daily increased in Italy, whereupon laying aside, or deferring these hopes, that meeting was ended. In the meane time the Switzers were met at Baden.

The late Conquest of Brisacke where­by the Navigation of the Rhine was shut up the former and present proceedings in Burgundie, by the King of France, and his confederates forces, and the greater which were feared, caused the most at­tentive Politicians to cast their eyes, to see what the Switzers would doe therein, who were bound by confederacie, inte­rested by traffick, and by all that as was or might befall. Some said that old grud­ges not yet forgotten▪ suspicions (though vaine) often renewed, Militarie art aban­doned valour qualified weapons rustied, and profit proffered, all put together would smother up conveniencie and rea­son of State; But the wisest sort held suspicions to be so vaine, and the conve­niencie [Page 115]so apparant, that they were con­fident to see the Switzers armed in de­fence of Justice.

If they would know what the King of Spaines thoughts were, they should con­sider this Province, which subject to him, hath most happily enjoyed all the bles­sings of liberty, and profits of Monarchy, the King acting there the part, rather of a Protector then a King; Leaving to them the pleasure of living free, and taking upon himself the burthen of main­taining their freedome; That in Bur­gundie there is liberty, because they en­joy it, and a Lord because they have none. That in cannot be imagined he will goe about to make of Common-wealths-sub­jects, who of subjects makes Common-wealths.

If the King of Spaine hath Burgundy they border upon a great power, but small because he himselfe doth not border upon Burgundie. If the King of France hath it they border upon the lesser power, but all. And if it were their convenience, and not their ruine rather, to let that Province be lost, why should they bee en­ticed to it by proffers of the Salt pits?

[Page 116]It is not to be believed that he desireth a companion in his conquests, that taketh away from companions, friends, kinsmen, nephews, and from them most that he can get most.

That Common-wealths may be bought as well as conquered. When it may a­vaile the King of France to give away that which is other mens, to gain States; theirs were not secure, nor they Lords of them. Hee would give them another to subject them, and hee should prevaile most in the world who possessed least, having the more to give away. That a vaine mistrust of the Spaniards, and a most vaine confidence in the French de­ceived them. That which may doe most hurt, ought to bee feared, though it were profitable; and that which can doe none, is to be upheld though it may bee thought hurtfull. Let them not feare the Austrians, but the French. A great pow­er dis-joyned from its Lord by having cut the bonds in sunder with the Sword and abolished the memorie thereof with time, (there bee many examplss of it) hath returned to its ancient yoake. And many are likewise read of, that have fallen [Page 117]under another, onely to keep themselves from the first, whom they ought not to be afraid of, his anger being asswaged, the shame forgotten, and the strength over­come: and yet there is nothing that doth more ruine them then this mistrust, to free themselves from which, they fall where they thought not. Even so a start­ing horse being on the secure side af­frighted by some vaine object, casting himselfe inconsideratly on the other side, breakes his neck downe a precipice. One might truly doubt that things would re­turne to be as they were, by the figure of the heavens from whence they have their influences. But what then? Though it be circular, they move with such diverse motions, and that heaven which giveth most influences, moveth so slow a pace, that though every instant they vary their aspect, there would an infinite number of yeares passe away, before they (if it were possible at all) returned to the same being.

A Nation so vigilant, that hath former­ly been moved through a little zeale, and once moved, hath gained such glorious victories, a terrible name, and warlike [Page 118]renowne, how can it now choose but bee stirred up with mistrust, wrath, and shame, seeing a King of Prance endea­vour himselfe to be Lord of Burgundie, after he had stolne away Loraine, partly usurped, and partly bought Alsatia, made himselfe master of divers places in Savoy, Piemont, and Montferrat, under pretence of preserving them? That trieth to enter into Flanders, and Spaine, to ru­ine Germanie, to overthrow the Empire, and make himselfe Emperour. And if he should come to be so (as he undoubtedly would if the house of Austria did not hinder him) who would then defend them from so great a violence? Peradventure that Justice which would have no Tribu­nall Seat to appeale unto? Titles are not wanting, where there is power. The greedy desire of commanding though it be a most unjust plague, seemes to be the mother of Justice, time the Father, and both being joyned, seeme to bring it forth.

That the King of France already block­ed up their passages from reliefe and tra­ding, and would shut them up likewise for corne, impoverish, starve, and subdue [Page 119]them; they being not able to live free, who have not meanes of subsistence com­ming to them freely.

If they should so basely forsake their confederates, they would lose the reputa­tion which their Ancestors had gained with the losse of so much bloud, and so many conquests, and feeing the default could not bee ascribed, either to conve­niencie, or reason of State, it would be attributed to feare, and they would fall in contempt if not slavery; That to preserve their libertie, it was necessary for them, to fight; And for those, against whom they fought, to obtaine it; It was deter­mined at the Diet, (as it was divulged) that to not engage themselves they would mediate with the King of France rather to obtaine a neutrality in Burgun­die, then to oppose him with violence.

Any one may bee a mediator in those things which are already counterpoised in matter of interest, for they want no­thing but one to interpose himselfe, but when they are unequall there is no other way, but to make ones selfe a party; For in seeking to equall two unequalls, hee loseth his credit, time and friends, the [Page 120]one thinking himselfe offended, because he desired to hinder his fortunes, the o­ther because he would not helpe him in his diasaster.

In warres which are already ancient, there ought to be great cause to make one entermeddle with them. They see those Countries which were fruitfull, and plentifull, made barren, and poore, men impoverished, houses ruined, all things full of bloud, death, and miserie. They compare those losses, to their happinesses. Neither doe they thinke that any bond, shame, or conveniencie, can be sufficient meanes to counterpoise the disasters of warre, with the emoluments of peace.

When there are bloudy and lasting warres between mighty Kings, they that are not ingaged in them, looke on asto­nished, and dejected, and though they may wrong them, and sometimes doe, yet they can take no true counsell nor reso­lution. This which is true in all formes of State, is almost infallible in a popular: it lives more conformable to nature then to art, it teacheth onely to defend its own when occasion serves, and never before. Monarchie and Aristocracie often lose [Page 121]themselves by seeking to get what is [...] ­nothers: and Democracie someti [...] by suffering it to be taken away.

The Switzers to the perswasions of neutrality, had added a protestation, That if the most Christian King followed the warres in Burgundie, they should be dri­ven to recall their forces which served him. And because they were but small, of no profit, and great charge to the King of France, it was a threatning hurtfull to them onely that made it, which cansed every one to judge it vaine, and of no moment.

Yet I will adventure to say, that the hurtfuller the Protestation was to the Switzers, the more it was to be feared by the French King. Hee that doth hurt in shewing himselfe to be distasted, seemes to be by that already satisfied. Hee that receives hurt shewes a token that he will have satisfaction.

I cannot believe that so warlike and honourable a Nation will so shamefully forsake the Burgundians in such an ur­gent case without any occasion, or infa­mously by taking a reward to doe it.

Weymar left Pontaglier and Joux, con­trary [Page 122]to his conveniencie, it being a most important passe. And burned them con­trary to his promise, for which hee had received money sufficient. Hee went to wards Alsatia, and without attempting any great matter, either there or in Bur­gundie, he died.

This Nobleman was a man of his own interest. He was no friend to the King of France, whom he being a German ab­horred as a stranger; Hee was an enemy to the house of Austria, which hee (de­scending from Duke Maurice of Saxo­nie) hated; he was of a turbulent minde, various in fortune, he lost oftner then he got, yet got more then he had lost. His spirits were generous, his bloud royall; expert, and very valiant in warres; bet­ter known through our mens defaults then his owne victories. Seeing the grea­test that he obtained were the overthrow­ing of John Vert, when he was carelesse, and the taking of Brisack when it was unprovided. The hopes which through his reputation he had framed, for the rai­sing of his Fami [...]ie, ended with his life.

There happened this yeare no losse of any value in Burgund [...]e. The faithfulnesse, [Page 123]prudence, trust, attention, and vigilan­cie of Don Antonio Sarmiento, who by the Kings command was there; Mar­quis de Leganes his victories, which drew from thence the Duke of Longueville his forces; The battell Piccolomini wonne, which broke Weymars designes, and his death which gave no time for the reun­dertaking of them, defended it.

The Kings Fleets which were in the Harbour of Cadiz, set saile, one very po­werfull towards Italy, commanded by the Duke of Naccara; and Maccheda, to be employed for the Common-wea [...]th of Venice, if need required; the other com­manded by Don Antonio di O [...]hendo, di­rected its course towards the Ocean to fight with the French shipps, and having spent much time in putting out into the Maine to come up with a scarce wind to the Capes St. Vincent and Finisterre, fell just upon the Groine. It came not into the Harbour, but stayd onely till the shipps under the command of Don Lope de Ozes came out of it which though hee perfor­med with all possible celeritie, yet they could not come so soone, but that the French ships were retired into their own harbours.

[Page 224]Almost at the same time came his Ma­jesties Army out of Perpignane, and the Fleet from the Groine; the rumour of the one made the Duke of Luin returne into France, and the report of the other caused the Archbishop of Burdeaux to forsake his place.

The coast of Spaine being freed from the enemie, they undertooke their voy­age to carry the reliefe into Flanders. Being come into the Chanel, they dis­covered seventeen Holland shipps. Don Antonio appointed his to goe on, and hee followed with the Admirall, but they staying, and he thrusting forwards, found himselfe alone in the front of the ene­mies, who had placed themselves in form of a halfe moone for to deceive them. Hee desired to, board their Admirall, which to attaine unto he was, for almost an houre, forced to be the aime of all their shot, without answering with his, inten­ding to make use of it at the boarding. So soone as he came neere, hee began to shoot, and when he thought to board, the enemy hoysed up his Sailes, and went fur­ther off. The next day being made stron­ger by sixteen ships, he shewed himselfe [Page 125]againe; There began the horriblest fight that ever was seene at Sea. The noise of so many pieces of Ordnance hindered their hearing, and the smoake their sight, that little as could be seen or heard, was the battering of ships, tearing of sailes, shivering of masts, the voyces of Com­manders, and the groanes of dying men.

One of the Kings Ships and a Hulke inconsideratly, or ignorantly straying from the rest, fell into the hands of the Hollanders reare-ward, Don Antonio went to rescue them, he rescued the ship, but not the Hulke, finding it already ta­ken by the enemie. The time being farre spent, the Fleets tacked about to get the wind, and were parted, that of Generall Ochendo having sailed within sight of the coast of France, found it selfe neere the English shore, where the securenesse of the Habours, the friendship and peace between the two Kings, and finding his Admirals ship evill intreated (having a­lone fought with sixteene ships of the e­nemies) made him resolve to Anchor at the Downes, from whence hee sent over almost all the reliefe to Mardick in small vessells, though the Hollander were in the [Page 126]same Harbour increased in shipping to the number of one hundred and fourteen.

The Spanish Fleet seemed to lie there secure, and was to be so by the capitulati­on between the King of England, and the Catholick King. But the Hollander was not long before he undeceived the world, (if there were any one in it so simple as to be deceived) by setting upon his Maje­sties Fleet though the two Generalls of Spaine and Holland had both passed their words to the Vice-Admirall of the King of England, that they would not offend one another, the Vice-Admirall being there, and threatning to fall upon them who should break their Covenants.

A great boldnesse and presumption in those Ports and harbours which are their Asylums and places of refuge, and a dishonour done by them to that King whose Ancestors first set up their repu­tation.

But what dare not those people doe? They are pernicious to all men and lesse to those to whom they most seeme to bee so more powerfull in stratagems then va­lorous in strength, without God, without Law, without Faith; friends or enemies, [Page 127]they measure all in one manner. They hate all that is not common-wealth, and lay snares for any thing that is a Prin­cipalitie. In one part they fight against a Monarch, and in another against Monar­chie. They seeke to augment the one, and diminish the other. In some places they assault states, in some the formes of them; And having bin assisted while they were rebells, they likewise assist rebellion. They are every where framing common­wealths, which they have ready framed in their minds, and goe about actually to set them up. Part is, and part will be seen.

I hold France to be no Monarchie, it is halfe a Common-wealth; if not all, it will be: it is no matter though Hereticks possesse no Cities there. Walls make not the forme of a state, but lawes; which on the one part grant them liberty of conscience▪ and perswade it their bodies on the other. If it be said they are dis­persed, it is so much the worse▪ they worke the more, and lie closer hidden; a fault not common to great and small things, but peculiar to spacious King­domes in which great evills are nouri­shed: they lie hidden, and are not knowne [Page 128]untill they be past remedie. So bodies of strong complexions beare great de­fects, and when they can no longer beare them, they cannot cure them, having employed all their strength not in cor­recting but entertaining them: being en­tertained they grow, growen they over­flow, and not corrected, they kill. Evills that they may not grow, must be hinde­red, and good things that they may not decrease, need help. Mixed together if the one be not assisted and the other hin­dered, they unite in a body so corrupt, that it admits no cure neither of steele nor fire.

I would be deceived. But I feare it, because I have not bin deceived in fore­seeing the like cases; whosoever hath seene my writings some few yeares since knoweth it. This is not boasting, but zeale, not to gaine glory, but credit with them to whom it may doe good if I gaine it.

I take on my course, having digressed for others sakes that they may get out of laberinths. Don Antonio Ochendo fin­ding himselfe forced to fight, came out of the harbour. One and twenty of his ships [Page 129]followed him, the rest (I know not the cause) peradventure they were out of order, but staying behind, at last ran on ground most of them.

There began a cruell fight, and though the enemy had a great advantage (having one hundred and fourteen ships to one and twenty) yet the Hollander continu­ally shunned the aboard; The Admi­ralls ship wherein were the Generall Ochendo, and Michael d'Orno Admirall, was encompassed with a multitude of ships, and so was the Teresia commanded by Generall Don Lope de Ozes: But they all fought generously. The enemy plied them with Ordnance to sinke them, and with fire ships to burne them, they had their purpose in the Teresia, which irreco­verably perished in flames, with so much Ordnance, so many men, and (which is most of all) with so great a Noble man. Ochendo though he much endeavoured to come at it, could not rescue it. They fought fiercely for many hours. Night parted them, leaving six ships in the ene­mies hands, and they having lost above twenty. Don Antonio was comming for the coast of Spaine, but the wind turning, [Page 130]he was forced to put into the Haven of Mardick, onely with the Admirall of Dunkirk, and seven other ships, the fight and tempest having severed him from the rest.

This was th'event the Kings Fleet had. Which having set saile to drive away the French from the coast of Spaine, and to carry reliefe into Flanders, performed both. And fighting with such disadvan­tage, wonne more then it lost. Victories being not measured by the losses in a mighty Monarch who wants no mony; But onely by the glory, which consists, in obtaining his end, and the meanes of ob­taining it.

In Italy the most Christian Kings Of­ficers (under the name of the Dutchesse of Savoy) propounded a Truce, making the world believe they did it to please the Princesses womanish humours, that she might not goe live in France, nor give over commanding in Italie.

Their ends were because they would not seeme to grow weake, nor breed any suspicion, thinking under colour of her to cover their designes, and salve their reputations. But all was perceived and [Page 131]knowne, and the French themselves could not conceale it, no mans breast being vast enough to hide such a great desire.

They sought to better the businesse, by propounding a Peace in Italie, and make it the easier, by propounding a generall one. They asked whither the Kings Of­ficers had any authoritie to treat of it, and being answered yea, they asked time untill they might send for the like: and did all things, with indirect, various, doubtfull and confused meanes, so that they caused every one to imagine they meant to deceive.

The Marquis of Leganes called a Coun­cell of the chiefe Commanders, to discusse the businesse, and found them almost all for a Truce.

They alleaged that Truces were al­waies profitable to them who were in possession, and especially for such as were in danger of losing. That his Majesties Army diminished, and would daily grow lesser▪ even to such a proportion, that it would scarce beare the name of an Army. That those Souldiers which had escaped the Sword and sicknesse, were so tired with continuall lying in the field, and [Page 132]weakened with continuall sufferings, that they were not able to labour any longer. That fodder began to grow very scarce, and it might be imagined within a while it would quite faile: And if they should be forced to a retreat, how should they doe it (between two Rivers) without losing themselves?

That hope of Supplies diminished every day, there being warres in all pla­ces: so that they were onely to reckon upon those they had there, which were few and unserviceable. That the enemy superiour in strength, with daily supplies comming out of France, found himselfe numerous in fresh Souldiers, who were able to endure hardnesse, having yet en­dured none; Provision they had more then enough, having so much land behind them. The attempting any thing against him was impossible, to defend every thing from him difficult hindering him from relieving the Cittadel of Turin, past hope, to set against him openly a madnesse. The enterprise would bee made everlasting and impossible, and not without danger of losing the City, in steed of taking the Cittadell, if so be the enemy more nume­rous, [Page 133]and better fortified should go about to assault it. That he wanted not recruits, there comming every day fresh to him out of France, and expecting greater daily.

The Truce would give time to fortifie our selves within Turin against the Cit­tadell, which being a great Worke, could not be done in few daies, and with a few folke, that our men being once secured, we might thinke upon the besieging of it. In the meane time our Souldiers might recover their health, and refresh them­selves. The French would waste, and his heat of sighting being abated by the Truce, he would leave his Colours and returne into France as hee used to doe. And in case he should goe into Burgun­die, he might be followed.

There was no need to feare making a Truce, much to refuse it. Our Army not to be in state of gaining any thing in so small a time, and yet that little, was suffi­cient to secure that which was gotten.

That ceasing from hostility, did usually give way to discourses, and discourses to Treaties of peace. A truce would ap­pease and coole mens hearts, and being so [Page 134]calmed, many times such things were concluded, as they would not so much as heare spoken of when they were heated. That we might when the Truce was en­ded, if the Treaties proved vaine, and we found it not good to confirme it, againe begin warre with more advantage.

Some who held the contrary said, that all the reasons the Spaniards urged to make a Truce, were grounded onely up­on likelihoods and conveniencie. But the French proposing it with losse of repu­tation, seemed to yield. That their na­ture was knowne to bee such, that they never would desire such ends, but when they were so streightened, that they could doe no otherwise, wherefore they might be thought to doe it through necessitie. And therefore there would bee as much inequality in it, as there is between con­veniencie and necessitie.

The profit and advantage of the one side, in warre was not to bee measured simply in it selfe, but with relation to the other side whence groweth the littlenesse or the greatnesse of it. A man is victori­ous that kills his enemy in single duell, though he receives many wounds.

[Page 135]The enemy who proposeth a thing, bee it what enemy it will, alwayes gives oc­casion of suspecting it to be evill: if hee be a French man, it is assuredly so.

That the reasons alleaged for our side, were in the realitie, not in the under­standing onely, so cleere and manifest, that either they were false, or if true, known to the enemy. And that those of the contrary part, (if they might bee known to us) were so weake and shallow, that they would not counterpoise ours, if true. And therefore wee must imagine the one to be made greater by a vaine feare, and the other strengthened by some secret designe, which ought alwaies to be reputed great, it being knowne that there is one, but not what it is.

That Princes and Common-wealths may know what is good or evill for them, by measuring it with their inte­rests, and the states which they possesse. A Governour of Milan his interest li­eth a great way off from the State and he ought to be governed by that which hee doth not governe. To undertake great affaires, be it to move discord or warre, or to conclude Peace or Truce, he ought [Page 136]to have the consent of Spaine. And hee that should doe otherwise, might bee thought worthy of punishment by reason of the great danger in which he might at any time put the Monarchie by not certifying concerning it.

That the enemy may plot to assault Burgundie, set upon Flanders, not be di­verted out of Spaine, and secure Alsatia. Burgundy known to be unprovided. Flan­ders with small power to defend it selfe. Spaine with the losse of one place easily rescued. Alsatia by the death of Weymar recoverable. To make a Truce at this time, might be called letting loose the e­nemy, who was called thither, and there chained, conquered & dejected, to th'end he may runne where fortune is more fa­vourable to him, and the warre easier to encrease his victories.

If the truce be because we want strength, how shall we keepe him back if he be go­ing into Burgundie? it will be harder to follow him out of Italie, then to conquer him in Piemont.

The Cittadell of Turin, if we should make a truce for seventy dayes, could not be besieged till the spring, that it was [Page 137]sufficiently beset for what could be done to it for the present, and we had time enough to provide against the future.

If we abounded not in provisions, the enemy was likewise very scarce of them; if our Army grew weake, the French grew to nothing, being subject to the same diseases, and wanting that patience to endure; apter to runne away, and ha­ving more opportunitie to doe it.

It is not to be denied but that Truces are good for them who are in possession, if they be made for a long time, and those who are in possession pretend to keepe that which they have conquered; and wanting for that purpose sufficient strength and just titles, seeke to have their strength encreased, and make their title just by prolonging of time.

The Marçuis of Leganes not content with the opinions or those Comman­ders who were present and almost all inclining to a truce; did likewise by let­ters give his Majesties chiefe Counsel­lors notice of it, in whom finding no contradiction, he also finding it neces­sary, concluded it for seaventy dayes. They framed articles (which are inserted [Page 138]at the end of the booke, because wee would not interrupt the course of the hi­story) and they who signed them on the one part were Prince Thomas, and the Marquis of Leganes; On the other part the Cardinall of Vulette and the Duke of Longueville, in the name of the Dut­chesse also, promising that within the li­mited time she should ratifie them.

The French kept not the truce, and the Dutchesse did not accept of it. The one because they tooke many places, which before they had not; and she because she did not ratifie it, according to their promise.

The Marquis of Leganes found himselfe obliged to hinder th'exchange of six hun­dred souldiers in Casal. The Cardinall of Richiliew heard of it and writ him a letter, which in few lines, with great art, con­tained many, but weake, reasons. He praised the Marquis, to gaine his good will. Made shew as if he believed not that the exchange was hindered by order from him. He vindicated the Dutchesse in that particular of not presently rati­fying, saying it was sufficient that it was done, and that it was no breach of truce [Page 139]being sent so soon as it was certified that it was not receaved. Concerning the ex­change of the garrisons of Susa and A­vigliana, he interpreted the articles as though they did not any way hinder it. He confirmed his reason by an argument taken a simili from the like case, viz. by what was done by the Spaniard in Nizza, and confirmed it with another argument taken a majori, viz. That the decree made at Turin against the Dut­chesse was of a nature quite different, making by it one order against the o­ther. Finally when he had interlaced the letter with many faire wayes of perswa­sion, at the last he inserted odious wayes of threatnings, mitigated with a plea­sing kind of insinuating them, shewing ra­ther then threatning what dammages might befall them who did not observe the covenants.

On the other side the Marquis had ma­ny reasons to lay down wherfore though he were as courteous in the manner of doing it he could not be so briefe in his expressions. He thanked his Eminencie for the commendations he gave him and more for the good opinion he had of his [Page 140]Majesties Officers; That if his gentle­nesse deceived him in the one, in the o­ther he shewed his understanding.

That he was glad to have to doe with so eminent an Offiter, and of so great worth, in the discussing of this case, who would easily be capable of understanding the truth; That the Dutchesse ratificati­on was promised within a limited time, and the Contract was voided by the not having received it within the time limi­ted, though it were made, and not requi­red, and much more, it not being made, Shee staying (as it was said) for order from the most Christian King, and they having (as it was knowne) demanded it. That this clause, not accomplished, excluded her highnesse out of the Treaty; and the King of France being included therein, it severed him from his Sisters interests; Shewing that his Majesties Officers also had therein committed a de­fault, by not withdrawing their Forces out of such places where they were em­ployed in her Highnesse service; because the Truce concluded in Italy with the King of Spaine, did not admit of the se­curing any of his enemies places: whence [Page 141]might be perceived how much they had gone beyond that which was agreed up­on, by entering into Susa, Avigliano, and Canor: as if it were the same thing to ex­change a Garrison, and to take possession of a new one; to leave the state of things as it was, and to better it by the gaining of three places. An act so farre from what was agreed upon, that though the Dutchesse had ratified the contract, and made of two parties one, it could not choose but be a manifest breach. He mar­velled not, that his Eminency had spoken nothing of Canor, for having neither rea­son; likelihood, nor shew to defend the seizing upon it, he would take no notice of the doing it; seeing the Governour thereof had immediatly before the Truce by a Letter subscribed with his Captaines hands, made an acknowledgement of it, to be the Princes Cardinall and Thomas. That which his Eminencie insisted upon of the like done by us, by bringing in Garrisons, where those of Piemont were, was not as yet done. And if it had, it would have been a thing very different. The King his Master with the Princes, being but one party, whereas the King of [Page 142] France, and the Dutchesse were two. That it was true, Nizza had changed Lord, but many dayes before the Truce; But the French had bettered themselves in their Workes under the Castle of Villa Franca, against and since the capitulation. That the Decree published in Turin, was no act of hostilitie, of policie it was granted, and that if it were of hostilitie, it might bee done against the Dutchesse, already ex­cluded from the suspension of Armes. That his Eminencie might know that the Spanish officers had observed the Truce, as if it had been ratified; And that the most Christian Kings Officers had bro­ken it, though it had been ratified. And howsoever that the want of the ratifica­tion did debarre the most sophisticall un­derstandings, from questioning the de­fects of the one part, and the subtilties of the other.

His Eminencie must excuse him if hee did not satisfie his request, and that hee could not remedie the inconveniencies, or understand them otherwise, but that he must hinder the exchange of the sixe hundred Souldiers from Casal. Nor would he doe it, if the Dutchesse would [Page 143]ratifie, and the King of France desert those places, which his Officers had ta­ken; not binding them with so much ri­gour, but that they might yet have so many dayes after the truce, to amend what was past.

The Marquis concluded his Letter which was full of the Cardinalls praises, with proffers, and thankes. I have here­in, trusting to the Readers capacitie, not so farre enlarged the reasons, nor unfol­ded them with so much spirit, as the Marquis did write them; Yet I have not added any thing of mine owne, nor ta­ken away any thing of the substance.

In the meane time the Fort of Salsa [...] in Spaine, was set upon in foure places; In the most dangerous place wrought the Count Dukes Regiment commanded by the Marquis of Mortara, and Iohn d'­Arza. there th'enemy made out tren­ches, sallied, sprung Mines, leaving no­thing unattempted to hinder the designe; but all in vaine. When he sallied, he was driven in sometimes by the one Com­mander, sometimes by the one Com­mander, sometimes by another, still with excellent valour, and by both of them first beaten into the out Dikes, and after­wards [Page 144]from thence dislodged, giving our men thereby leave to advance, which they valiantly did. The Governour with great care and watchfullnesse giving e­very one way to obtaine reputation.

The enemy was closely besieged, with­out any more hopes of sallying out; the Count Dukes Regiment being gotten within the Dike, close to the wall to un­dermine it. The great fall of raine hin­dered the worke for a time: then the re­port of the enemies comming on to re­lieve it, caused it to be intermitted, and at last was quite given over through a deceitfull report, or relation of deceived men; For some being runne out of the Fort or at least dissembling as though they had forsaken it, said there was not provision within to maintaine it for a weeke, and that the Souldiers died for hunger. They shewed some of the Bis­ket mouldy and stinking, and added so many circumstances, that the Captaines tooke the newes for certaine, And to a­void the shedding of blood about a place of no great importance, and because of the incommodities of rainie and cold weather, the intemperatnesse of the aire [Page 145]which cause diseases in men, and the ne­cessity of fortifying our selves against the approching reliefe; they determined to lie still, till famine caused it to yeeld, see­ing by force it was not to bee wonne in lesse time. The terme of many dayes being spent, and no yeelding spoken of it was attributed to the Governours obsti­nacie, never perceiving the deceit. And one weeke passing away after another, the enemy within, and without, still main­taining the report of the famine, it was alwaies judged ill done that they had not set upon it by force; and it was now thought it could never be taken. Every day some precedent error was blamed, and some new one committed; losing time through th'opinion of having lost it.

I doe not affirme there was any error committed, but if there were, it may bee called a most fortunate one: it stayd not the Conquest so long, as it increased the glory of it taking away from the enemy all manner of excuse, for covering his de­fects, even of time.

Leaving men enow to besiege the place close, they began to cast up our workes, [Page 246]and though they were large, they brought them to that perfection that there might be some hope of defending them.

All this worke, which caused the ef­fect of the enterprise, must be attributed to the Count Duke, who whilest the Ge­neralls writ sometimes of impossibilities, sometimes of difficulties, with effectuall Letters, shewing them it was not impos­sible, relieving them with men, engaged them to goe on with the work, and made it so easie, that in the end of the Siege it was almost inpregnable.

In Flanders the King of France his Army being divided in two parts, one under the command of the Marshall of Chatiglion. the other of Migliare, the Cardinall Infanta opposed the first with Piccolomini, and the other with the Mar­quis of Fuentes. Few passages happened on either side, the King of France being drawne into Italie by the Marquis of Le­ganes his proceedings, and Piccolomini in­to Germanie by Baniers.

The greatest matter the French at­tempted, was, after they had raced the Fort of Rhuminghem, and in vaine as­saulted Bovignes to seeke to passe the [Page 147]river. Don Andrea set forward with three hundred Musquettiers, to view them. The Enemy endeavoured to cut him off: The skirmish began very hot, & growing on by degrees, the Marquis was enforced to engage his whole body. They fought Pike to Pike, and Sword to Sword with so much valour, that the enemy lost a thousand men, the Spaniard lost two hun­dred and fiftie men, counting the kill'd, wounded, and prisoners. The Marquis of Fuentes obtained the renowne of a brave Commander, having with two Terci [...]es onely, opposed the French Army, and hindered their great designes, and also of a valiant souldier, having with his owne hand taken prisoners, wounded and slaine many of th'enemies. What the Prince of Orange did this yeare, I will speake in few words, and all at once, for it was almost nothing, if it be not thought much to have diverted and kept idle so many forces of his Majesties, and to ob­serve their movings. Hee desired to take the passe of Gaunt, but the Count of Fera his vigilancie did frustrate his intenti­ons. Hee fortified himselfe about the Phi­lippines, and besieged Gelders. The [Page 148]Cardinall Jufante who drew neare with the Army, caused him to retire in the night, not without confussion and losse of men. He faced Rhinebergh, and sought to lie before Hurst, but because Van Na­men was beaten back when he went to set his men a shore, and Count Fontana hap­pened to be thereabouts with the Kings Army, and the Cardinall Infante drawing apace that way, he resolved to give o­ver the enterprise.

These were the Hollanders (I know not whether I should say) motions, or de­sires, when the King of France pricked them forward to undertake some notable enterprise.

I cannot enter into these mens poli­cy: it may be beyond mine understan­ding, or it may erre. Composers of a fable, movers of engines, spectators of a tragedie, the end whereof (if it be dole­full) may be the beginning of theirs. If he overcomes who was their Lord they will be as they were; if he that is their com­panion, they make themselves as they de­sire. He that hath not thought it a shame to forsake them in time of peace to set­tle his Crowne upon his head, will not [Page 149]be scrupulous, being a conquerour to sub­ject them to enlarge it. To say that these two soveraignes powers are counterpoi­sed, that they waste, and not end, that they will both lose, and neither over­come: that being afflicted and wearie, they will be brought to a good peace; in which looking narrowly to their owne reputation, the good of their confede­rates will be well provided for, would be a good thought if the supposition were not incertaine and the consequence false, if War were alwaies ended with peace, & not sometimes with conquest, if armes were laid downe, and Warres maintai­ned with the same passions; if experience had not shewen the contrary, and reason demonstrated it. Rage and hatred being ceased or abated, the scene is altered be­fore the eyes of the principall parties. Being at peace with his enemy, he con­sidereth his companion, who hath inci­ted him to Warre, helped, that he might be consumed, hindered, that he might not overcome, false▪ lying and deceitfull, and seemeth the more to have bin an e­nemy, because he should have bin a friend, and was not. The turmoile by reason of [Page 150]which the heat of emulation could not be avoided, Or the hope of great conquests: The former being now quenched, and the latter lost, are now examined, and proves a vexation. And being boren with­all whilst the Warre lasted, is now re­venged when peace is concluded; the desire whereof comes not, without ha­tred of that which caused the other. He that layeth downe armes and hath got­ten nothing, thinketh he hath consumed his money and men, in the service of his confederates, and comming to make peace seeketh to repaire his losse with their dammage, counterpoising it with the profit which he pretends he hath re­ceived. The cause which bindeth two enemies to come to agreement, who have bin so obstinate in Warre, and growen old in emulation, is alwayes so powerfull, that it suffers them not againe to renew such an appearance, more like then convenience, to not give an exam­ple to posterity; and especially when at other times it hath bin given, and hath done hurt. Either they must accommo­date themselves to others wills, or War with their owne powers.

[Page 151]But if through the victories of either of the two Monarchies, dangers hang over their heads, by peace they receive dammage, by Warre profit, why doe they not, before this ease, or that begin, stay the wheele of fortune, and accommo­date themselves with their Lord, who to overcome his competitor with a glo­rious victory, or bind him to an honou­rable peace, would peradventure yield to that, which at any other time he would deny? Who is a better neigh­bour, he that is a borderer upon them with all his power, or he that, doth it, but with a small part? He whom they have known to governe in time of peace without tyrannizing, in time of trouble fight without subjecting them, in time of truce helpe by inviting them; Or he who in time of peace was alwayes an enemy, in Warres, sometimes hath comforted, sometimes forsaken them, and at no time ever sufficiently assisted them, looking upon nothing but his owne proper inte­rest, and conveniency, that never joines with them, but when it doth them hurt.

Surely I write as I conceive it to be; I have no recourse to Metaphysicks, nor [Page 152]use any art but thinke to write the truth, plainly and sincerely, and either love de­ceives me, or hatred blinds them.

Under Salsas Spinola found greater resistance in the enemy, then many ima­gined, and in our men lesse constancie. The country people began to retire home, to avoid the falling waters and the unwholesomnesse of the aire; where­unto adding the necessary retreat of many sick and wounded men, the dearth of fodder, and the doubtfull provision of food, the Army was so decreased, that he was forced to represent unto his Majestie, the danger of forsaking the siege, or the necessitie of being relieved with Souldiers, munition, labourers, and provision.

The letters were read in the Tunta of State and War, and newes being brought that the Duke of Maccheda, and Don Charles d' Suarra were arrived in Ca­talonia with the other Fleet; the landing of those forces, was thought the onely remedy for to gaine Salsas.

Nor could the promise which was made of it to the Venetians, be any ob­stacle, seeing the Turke was not knowne [Page 153]to stirre any way And when a mans owne house is on fire, a wise man will not carry his water to quench anothers. The Venetians would not blame it, the world would find no fault with it, and his owne subjects would commend it. To this consultation the King made answer, that they should not thinke up­on the Fleet, he had engaged his word to the Ambassadour Contarini, to send it in­to Italie to be at the disposall of that com­mon-wealth, and he would not faile therein by any meanes. His Majesties intent was either to assist it in its, brea­ches by employing his forces, or further its accommodations by shewing hee would have employed them. He slighted the dammages he himselfe received, touching his reputation with a compe­titor, in respect of those a confederate common-wealth might receive in its dominions by the hands of Gods ene­mies, and preferred her service to his owne; With the lawes of friendship he overcame the sharpenesse and provo­cations of emulation which is most pow­erfull in operation, inmisleading mens hearts. He laid aside th' affection of a [Page 154]competitor, which is alwayes greatest in greatest men, and shewed he was not void of that of friendship, which usually ta­keth root in none but the meaner sort. The one was occasioned by the greatnesse of mind, and State, which admits of no competitor, the other by the sincerity of the heart, which never deceives, nor for­sakes a friend. This King hath (a thing which peradventure is not in other men) all the qualities which are required for the compleating of a Gentleman, with­out hurting thereby them which make a King great. He hath recalled from ba­nishment the morall vertues, and hath placed them amid'st thrones, and scep­ters, which vertues had bind expelled, not by the reasons, but the vices of Politi­cians. Shewing that they which belong to a Prince, and to a private man are the same; and if there be any difference, it is not in the kind or species of them, but in the superiority of quality, converting them out of private into Royall ones, and practising them as King.

Who would have bin so sincere in this corrupt age? in which (peradventure through meere emulation) we hate our [Page 155]mothers, fight with our brethren, for­sake our Sisters, persecute our Kindred, and abandon our friends. Or who hath done the like in better ages?

It is much that this King, though he were bred up in good customes, hath not suffered himselfe to be carred away by an evill ones, by time nor example, and that he is so pious, when it might be pietie enough, in him, to not be impious. But he can pretend no excuse, from any such imitation, or time, from which his vertues have alwayes kept him. And he ought alwayes to shew himselfe as dif­ferent from mens actions, as he hath bin from their vices.

The strict and continuall instances of Marquis Spinola, and the seeming im­possibility of remedying all wants, seemed to incline and almost force the minds of many to raise the siege.

The Count Duke who amidst other mens hopes, had not voted that Salsas should be besieged, in their despaire would not suffer it to be given over. He thought it a small conquest to take it, and a great losse to not take it after it was besieged. He durst not with his [Page 156]vote endager his Lords reputation, but it being endangered by others, hee was with his valour bound to secure it. The difficulties were many each one in it self great, and all laid together, seemed im­possible to be overcome.

But what cannot a subject of eminent understanding doe, having great power, and that insused into him by a great Mo­narch? He can doe what hee will, and it is no marvell if another knoweth not what he can doe, since hee himselfe doth not know it, before he hath tried it.

Who feareth dammage from such kind of men, erres so much the more, the more he engageth them in great affaires; They performe alwayes the greatest, be­cause they are greater then any thing they undertake. The wise man hath no certaine bound, he groweth with th'oc­casions, encreaseth with operating, and like Powder, gaines force by recei­ving it.

What one onely man may availe the greatnesse of a Monarchie, hath not as yet been tried, as now adaies. Or hath not been known, either because he hath not been eminent, or because he hath not [Page 157]been so alone. So many subjects, famous, and worthy of respect, both in peace and warre, dying within few yeares, might have prognosticated some unhappy e­vents, to these most happie states, the Lord being wont, when hee will ruine a Country, to take away such persons as may sustaine it; if it were not that hee doth it also when he will make some one subjects worth apparent and profitable by taking away such, as with their credit might usurpe his glories, or hinder them by their competition.

The Venetians who knew by experi­ence, that to stay the course of a barba­rous horse, a golden bit was better then an iron one: after they had with great preparations valorously showne, they fea­red not warre; wisely bought their peace, and obtained it, good and honourable. Whereby the King being freed from his promise, gave the Fleet order, to send men, instruments, gunners, and what els they could to the reliefe of the Army under Salsas.

The greatest and most difficult busi­nesse was the want of provisions, and e­specially of fodder. From the neighbour [Page 158]Countries, it could not be expected, see­ing they were spoiled, burned, and wasted. And to have them brought out of other Kingdomes, the distance of place, the sea­son of the yeare, it being Autumne, the foulnesse of the weather, and the sudden­nesse which the urgent necessity requi­red, made it almost impossible to be done by any humane diligence. But the Count Duke, with the greatnesse of his under­standing found a remedie for it, and ef­fected it with so much celeritie, that within few dayes the Army was abound­ing in provisions and fodder. He was not content to provide for them one way, hee appointed them to come out of Sardinia, Arragon, and Majora, and they came from all these places; Hee knew there was no way to secure hard enterprises, but to provide therein abundantly, and that errors may happen without rui­ning. And so those things at last proved easie, which seemed impossible.

To provide in a Country totally rui­ned, for a numerous Army, not compe­tencie, but abundance of provisions, and especially of fodder, from far Kingdomes, in the end of a rainie Autume, not by a [Page 159]former determination, but by a suddenly changed resolution, taken in an instant, in the straitnesse of time, when a delay of few dayes might have lost both the de­signe and the Army, when it seemed im­possible that letters should returne soone enough by Posts, and much more provi­sions, is such a case, as is certainly unex­ampled in former ages, and must passe unimitated to ensuing times, requiring for the performance of it, many things whereof each one of it selfe is singular, and altogether necessarie. Great power, an eminent understanding, a worthy brest, and extraordinary activity. Which qualities cannot come together, if there be not a Monarch resolute in command­ing, a supreme Officer full of spirit, watchfull Officers to put in execution, and most obedient subjects to not disturb them.

When an enemy brings one into streights, it makes him know what may be done; Many times because it increas­eth the understanding, and for the most part, because it leaves a man to his free will, taking away the power of Law, with that of necessitie. In engaging hee disin­gageth, [Page 160]in raising difficulties hee makes them easie, changing just things into un­just, and making that necessary which was but convenient.

Nature, be it slow, wise, or sparing, de­layeth her uttermost endeavours, for the last violent assaults; True it is, that re­serving it selfe to be able to doe it, it of­ten dies without doing it, and oft-times because it hath not done it. One ought not to runne upon conquests every time as one may.

In the execution of these orders which were the soule of the enterprise of Salsas, it is fitting to speake with honour of the vigilancie and care of Don Hierome of Villanova, Protenotarie of Arragon, a most qualified Officer, acute of understanding, quick in executing, great in intelligences, and most faithfull in his services. To have great designes come to a good end, it is enough if hee undertakes them, losing one hope he despaires not, and never for­saking the businesse, either he attaines to it by valour, or tireth it with diligence, and alway overcommeth it.

This Hold which Marquis Spinola be­sieged against his will, being ledd unto it [Page 161]by chances, engaged in it by fortune, kept there through obedience, he wonne not onely by great valour, gallantnesse and vigilancy (qualities by which men use to winne such holds) but also by diffiden­cie, which ordinarily loseth them. He did as much as a Generall could doe to bring an enterprise to passe; and writ as much as an officer could, to desert it, sometimes shewing a desire to raise the siege, and almost still giving occasion to be commanded to continue it.

This way, which gon about by a de­jected mind, would have ruined the en­terprise, being undertaken by a high spi­rit, secured it. The Count Duke was not daunted, like one that had no heart, nor grew not obstinat, like those that have no braine. Constancy engaged him to find a remedy for diffidencie, and he stood not to dispute the matter with rea­sons, but went on to overcome difficu­ties with providing money, ammunition, provision, and men; and the seeming­nesse of want to be greater then, it was; became the cause of having the conquest by a meanes thought impossible.

The eminency of understanding cau­seth [Page 162]a man to be fearfull, and a great heart to be rash, where they are equall they oppose one another to get the con­quest the braine would intimidate the breast, and the breast would make the braine valiant. From that conflict comes forth a mixt, which is not feare, but con­sideration; and there they two being qualifyed leave off the contention be­tweene themselves, and with one ac­cord set upon the difficulties, the breast will not yeeld to them, the brain will overcome them; and whereas severall they might have lost, the one being ab­ject and fearefull, the other obstinate and rash, being united they overcome with constancie and providence.

I know not whether next to God and the King the glory of the enterprise be due to the Count Duke; but I know he gave it knowledge, power, will and ac­complishment, giving them order they should not give off the siege, teaching them how to secure it, providing for the maintenance of it, and with so much a­bundance that it might be overcome.

The Cavallerie lay idle under Salsas. There came Intelligence that the enemy [Page 163]had laid up in a Castle in France fodder and victuall, and had not left a sufficient guard to defend it from a sodaine assault. The Generalls with the advice of other commanders resolved to send Duke St. George with eight hundred horse and five hundred musquettiers to fire it. The en­terprise seemed to be bold, and painefull, as grounded onely upon doubtfull and unlikely advices.

The Duke set forward, and by the way met with a body of Cavallery more nu­merous then his owne standing in a rea­dinesse, whether it were there before, or by chance, or upon notice given. This unexpected accident, forced him to alter his mind, but not his valour nor wise­dome, and made him resolve to alter his fire into stee [...]e, and conquer where he could not burn. He sent th'Infantrie to take the passes to make his retreate good in case he should discover more forces, and be with his Cavallery went to charge those horse which were in sight, he rou­ted and put them to flight, slew them, and tooke but few prisoners because he would not trouble himselfe, and so re­turned victorious to the Camp.

[Page 164]This Cavalier is sonne to the Marquis of Torrecusa; his actions which speake for him, shew his father to be not onely valiant in fighting but also happy in be­getting of children; Leaving it doubt­full in what fortune hath most subjected him to envy, either in what he hath performed, or in that he hath begotten.

The King of France his Army consisting of twenty thousand horse and foot, shew­ed it self entrenched upon a little hill, with some few squadrons descending into the plaine, viewed the outward workes, to relieve the Place. Marquis Spinola had disposed all things with watchfull prudency, fearelessely expe­cting th' assault. A troope of horse about midnight endeavoured to come neere the trenches, but the ground slippery, and yeelding by reason of the great quantitie of raine water engaged some to forsake their horses, which were fallen and mired there, and the rest to retreate. A thunder bolt fell in the mid'st of them the noise gave alarme to the trenches. The night was darke, tempestuous and rainy. His Majesties army stood impati­ent, and desirous to fight. Having laid [Page 165]aside their musquets as unprofitable, they expected their enemy with [...]pike and sword, when a light descended upon them, which shewed the points of their armes bright in proportion of a starre. Whe­ther it was naturall, as well it might be, & signified the clearing up of the aire; or supernaturall; which may be believed in a cause so just, and shewed heaven to be favourable to us. But whether it indeed proceeded from a heavenly, or ethereall, knowne, or unknowne beginning, it was a light, and every one saw it.

The Walloones whose fortifications the enemy threatned, after much silence, gave a great shout.

In doubtfull cases every thing is great. There is no meane betweene silence, and shouting. The spirits which in danger runne to the heart, cannot move the tongue, and there is silence. If need re­quire to advantage our selves by uttering our voice, being all heaped up in a vitall part, they runne with such violence to the organs of speaking, that they must needs frame a great sound. The enemy had a great number of forced, and new men, who being already fearfull of their [Page 166]owne nature, and dejected by reason of the waters which incessantly powred downe, terrified and amazed▪ with the light, armes, and shouting, as if the thun­der and lightning had followed them fled away; the valiantest sought to stay them, and when they found that to be in vaine, they likewise retired and fled confusedly. Their tents, armes, waggons of ammu­nition and victuall were left behind for a prey. It seemes that these new forced and base men are good for nothing but to encrease the number, and with the number, difficulty to maintaine an army; an engagement to fight, with shame if they be overcome, a hinderance to con­quest, and confusion in retreating. They prevent danger with their flight, and ne­ver stay for it; whereby others are af­frighted and follow them, or endeavour to stay them, and are disordered. If they did but stay for th'incounter, and a lit­tle oppose the enemy, they would be good for something. And it is hard if the one part be not routed through the others disorder, For they will follow them that flye, and they that flye being disordered, they who follow must needs imitate [Page 167]them: so that by the flight of the baser sort, one may rout the most valorous, and being wearied and disordered slay them.

But experience having so often shewed the hurt they doe, when the businesse hath come to a triall, it seemeth strange to me, that at the instant when one go­eth to fight, they will fill up Armies with such kind of folke. I know not whe­ther mans vanity ought to be blamed for this error, which habituated more in shew then substance, and accustomed to gaine thereby, cannot (though it do him hurt) recede from that habitude, or ignorance, which erring in the manner of framing an argument, concludes that cowards mixed amongst valiant men will gaine valour, whereas it should rather be inferred, that valiant men mixed a­mongst cowards, will lose their valour. Peradventure also it is neither vanitie nor ignorance, but a secret providence of human nature. The great number, if they doe not come to triall, availeth much, and especially to avoid the triall: a thing which nature above all things desireth, when it makes the least shew of [Page 168]desiring it. It loves not to come to tri­all of the arme, and to that end it useth all kind of meanes, sometimes multi­tudes which shall be either fantasticall or fruitlesse. Sometimes the quality of their out-sides, long haire, guilded armes, hu­morous apparell, scarfes, and feathers. Sometimes the noise of horrid outcries, threatning death, or a deepe silence re­presenting it. Sometimes a motion, which being violent may make one runne away, or forget to offend.

There came newes into the Leaguer, that the enemy had an intent to attempt the relieving of the place by water, and by land, both at one time, and to that end had armed at Leucata certain Brigandines, and great store of Boates, with men and munition, defended by a great Trench guarded with Musquettiers. It was jud­ged fitting to fire them. The first attempt tooke no effect, for it being to bee done by night, our men lost their way. The second time taking expert Pilots, the charge thereof was given to Lieutenant Don Diego Sanchez; he to worke more like a souldier then an incendiarie▪ though hee might with ease have fired [Page 169]them, would by force bring them away. Being come to the place, he landed some Musquetiers, who holding them in the great Trench in play, did so farre divert them, that he having seized their Boats; embarqued his men, and returned victo­rious to the camp.

The praise for th'execution of this no­table act must be attribured to the Lieu­tenant, the advice to the Count Duke; who many times voted in the Iunta; that some Boates should be fitted and armed in the poole, and though they did it not (pretending it to be needlesse or impos­sible, onely because they made it so) hee still insisted upon it, till at last Don Fran­cesco d'Iuarra comming thither, finding the truth of it, did put it in execution, and after the enemy had beene divers times damnified thereby, at last it hin­dered them from this notable reliefe.

Onely by overcomming great difficul­ties, are obtained great Conquests. Hee whom they are against useth all his en­deavours to overcome them he that hath them on his side, trusting in them grow­eth carelesse; and whereas hee should oppose his enemies wit, with his whole [Page 170]understanding; hee opposeth it with rocks, woods, hills, and seas, as though mans understanding had not known how to goe over rocks and hills, and passe through Seas. Hee is deceived that trusts the resistance to a pregnant understand­ing to any thing but to a more pregnant.

The Prince of Conde blamed the raine in the last attempt, and thinking with valour to relieve the place, having rallied his Armie, he came again within sight of it, and fortified himselfe upon the same hill. And having chosen the best spirits amongst his whole body, hee sent them downe into the plaine, backed by all the Cavallerie, with the Duke of Luin, to set upon the Fortifications in two places. The onset was terrible and dreadfull, made by men who were of noble blood, undaunted hearts, valiant, worthy to live for the defence of Religion, or die in de­fending it. Five hundred Gentlemen died in the field, and most part in the Tren­ches, finding death and buriall in the fame place, and leaving their memories written in the bloud of honourable wounds. May they rest in peace, and let a forraigne Pen applaud them, to make [Page 171]their actions live, who died gloriously valiant.

Amongst our men were most noted, the two Field-Marshals, Molinguen a Knight, and Don Giusto di Torres, whose quarters were [...]et upon. The Field-Marshall Iohn di Arze▪ who went with part of the Count Dukes Regiment to relieve them. This man raifed his fortunes in Flanders by his valour, and passing through all the degrees of honour, attained to that of Field-Marshall. Hee is brother to Don Peter de Arze Secretary of State. The one employes his Pen, the other his Sword; the one fights, the other writes and gives advice. They strive who shall doe the best service. Which of them deserves best I know not▪ seeing there is no diffe­rence, in their abilitie, or will, but onely in their profession. It will then appeare when the competition between the Pen and the Sword is decided.

But above all shined the valour of the Marquis of Torrecusa, who some­times Leading the head on [...] sometimes heartening the men, omitted not any thing pertaining to a Commander or Souldier, but hee did command, and [Page 172]performed it. Hee encouraged with words, and when need required with deeds. The enemy being gotten upon a Trench, taking a pike in his hand, hee hindered, disordered, and overthrew him.

Let Poets have leave to describe their Orlandoes, and Rinaldoes, if under those fabulous narrations they intended to set downe this truth, That one mans valour is sufficient to gaine a victorie.

An Army when it hath no Comman­der, is a meere dead carkasse, when it hath one, it is sometimes valiant, some­times cowardly, according to the soule which assists it. Even as the Members runne to the danger where the head is, so the souldier where it goeth. That hand that arme, that fearfully avoides and shunnes the blow which intends to wound it rashly runs on to meet it, in defence of the head. When one brutish, and unadvised man goeth, all the rest will follow, (though cowards) to precipi­tate themselves. So doe not the wise. He suffers himselfe most to be led▪ who hath least wit, the danger diminisheth wit in many, and takes it quite away from the [Page 173]most part, making them like brutes fol­low him who goeth before them. Having lost their owne discourse, they now dis­course with anothers. They hold it more secure to sight in his company, then to fly without him. They would all runne blindfold into a precipice, some through valour, and the most part through igno­rance, were it not that many who should lead on, sometimes stay behind to meet the danger, till it is too late, and the Ar­my runnes away: and whereas before ig­norance would have been favourable to cause him to be followed, it now becomes dangerous to cause him to be obeyed. All trust remaining now in good advisement which is hard for to find place in him that feareth, and most necessary to alter the course which he is in. I say not that all the Commanders ought to be such, but such a one there must be, and that Army which wanteth such a one as the Marquis of Torrecusa is, shall not bee without a head▪ but without a heart. The Prince of Conde retired into France with the body of his Army, or to say better, hee dragged it along, like a sad and lifelesse corps.

[Page 174]He is a man ordained to doe harme where he hath received benefits, that for­tune which being adverse, caused him to receive them, seeing him in his prosperi­ty unthankfull, returnes to be adverse to cause him to repay them, shewing it selfe contrary to his designes, yet favourable to his engagements, where without be­ing either treacherous or unngratefull, he serves his King faithfully, and because of his ill fortune serves his benefactor hap­pily. And if he alone be happy, that (ac­cording to the opinion of the wise) can­not be unhappy, who can be so, more then this Prince, who is alwayes sure to ob­taine noble renowne, whether he lose or conquer, by either deserving much, or paying a great debt?

The enemy having already twice in vaine attempted the reliefe of Salsas, driven back sometimes by valour, some­times by fortune, being now past hope drew his Army into quarters.

The Truce being expired in Italy, the enemy entred into Chieri, a place which may he termed to have no walls, and had no men in it. The Marquis drew neere unto them, and hindered their designe of [Page 175]besieging Turine; He cut them off a Con­voy of▪ a thousand Souldiers; Hee proffe­red battell divers times, and they refusing it, drove them to retire to the hills, hee followed and overtooke them, and forced them five times to change their stations, still gaining them from them, and had he not wanted time hee had strength and courage enough to have destroyed that Army in two houres.

The enemy left in the field, many dead men store of baggage and munition, and found himselfe so rent, that hee durst not hinder the Marquis from taking of Bubio, and Wesme, two great Castles which they had [...]eft in those passes.

The proceedings of his Majesties Ar­mies this yeare in Italy were those wee have rehearsed which are peradventure greater, then either ancient or moderne histories mention to have beene perfor­med in the short space of so few moneths, with so many painfull circumstances.

The war was betweene Nations, war­like both renowned and experienced; In a fruitfull Land▪ full of strong holds, provided of victuall and Ammuniti­on, assisted with old forces and Garri­soned [Page 176]with valiant Souldiers.

The glories gained, were Armies rou­ted, and overthrown, reliefes sometimes hindered, sometimes given; Forts assalted, won & defended; walls scaled, great store of places taken, sometimes by sudden as­saults, sometimes by short sieges, none through intelligence, one onely through cunning, & that valorously; Very few vo­luntarily, & they first terrified, some yeil­ding to strēgth, som to fear, & al to justice.

The Conquests have been th'enlarging of his Majesties Dominions from Milan to the Alpes by Yurea and Turin, & to the Sea by Monferrat and those places. Thus were the consultations and advices of the French Ministers of State deceived, who by not cōming into Italy with great for­ces, boūded within a smal cōpasse the pos­sibility of cōquests to the Spanish armies.

The Spaniard who workes least, and fights best of other Nations, changing his fighting into labouring▪ lost his ad­vantage, and amidst the bankes of earth rather hid his valour, then defended his person. But at last (were it chance, necessitie or choice) throwing away the spade, and taking the sword in hand, he [Page 177]shewed the souldiers were not different from their ancestors, but rather the com­manders; not the valour, but the way of fighting. This sodaine metamorphosis, which in the conquering of places, chan­ged dayes into houres, was misinterpre­ted by them who should have believed it, and because they would not respect true valour where it was, they accused fals­hood where it was not, and endeavouring rather to secure themselves from that, then defend themselves against the other, deceiving their owne understanding they found themselves to be faithfully served and valiantly overcome.

To hide the enemies valour from the vulgar sort, because they may not be dis­heartned, is a conveniency of State. To punish innocent persons, and conceale the guilty, to deceive the people, to gaine repute with the Prince savours of dam­nable policy. But for a man to deceive himselfe, and not believe what he sees, as if the not believing of it, could unmake the truth, and th'imagination make the case, is neither humane not diabolicall conveniency. It is true that the one de­stroyes the truth, and the other frames [Page 178]the case; but it being not in the thing its selfe, but onely in the understanding by such an errour they lose both th'under­standing and the thing.

It was dayly expected at Court to heare of the yeelding of the place, and that shortly, risoners, and those which runne over to us did assure us of it; affirming they drunke cisterne water, eat rotten­bisket, wanted wood and salt; that soul­diers fell sick, and dyed, and those who were living did mutiny. That the Go­vernour talked, though he did not par­ley: and though his words were rather of sending to the Prince of Conde then of yeilding the place it was a signe of faint­nesse, and he would yeild it. Likelyhood perswaded these things to be true and es­pecially the desire of those who were un­willing to premeditate, and knew not how to provide for the dammages which delay might breed, made it serve for a cō ­fort, & a remedy to perswade themselves and others that it would quickly yield.

It is necessary for an officer to provide for all as he can imagine, and not for that chiefly which is most likely, but for that which is most dangerous. To ex­pect [Page 179]a good event quickly, it is necessary first to secure ones self fro [...] evil. One that is to be deceived is never quite and utter­ly deceived; there alwaies remaines some­what, in which being not totally deceived, though it doth not undeceive it troubleth.

Hope which is framed to sustaine one, in great misfortunes being ill used, pre­cipitates us into miserable calamities, Not cōtent through it to keep our selves from dispaire, we would thereby attaine to happinesse. The future becomes pre­sent, hope is turned into security; And being deceived by our owne desires, and not hopes promises, we call it deceitfull and false; which would not be deceitfull if we did not make it so nor false if we did not falsifie it. It deceives none, but leaves them perplexed without any determina­tion; and he that determineth, changeth it by his opinion.

The Count Duke who made use of hope▪ with a proviso that it should not prejudice wisdome, comforted himselfe through it as if it were certaine, and did use prevention against it, as if it were false. At this time the art and deceipt of the French was to be more looked too, [Page 180]them their valour, who have changed their custome, though not their nature, their head, though not their heart.

That the Prince of Conde was their generall, who had openly said in Dola, that his understanding was much to be feared, his force not so much, and his fortune but little. That it was unlikely he having had so much time and so co­venient a season had not sufficiently vi­ctualled the place.

That it was to be imagined the Go­vernour fearing force, more then want, to prevent that, feigned he feared that most which he feared least. To eate rot­ten bisket was in wise men, not so much a demonstration of want as an argument of providence, as they who reserved what was good, against a greater faintnesse, and for a smaller number; little regarding the health and life of souldiers, when they can doe no better service, then to dye.

When shew is made in any besieged place either of abundance or want, the contrary is alwayes to be doubted.

His advice was that two thousand of the best old souldiers should be left in the trenches; the rest should be lodged some [Page 181]where nere thereabouts to refresh them­selves, and be ready upon any occasions. That the void place, which they left, should be filled up with men our of Cata­lonia, Arragon, and Valencia, with a pro­mise of exchanging them if the siege should last long, and if ended, soone, to discharge them. That the Gallies should returne to Naples and Sicilie, having first landed reliefe into the State of Milan, and the rest remaine in Spaine. And that the ships should make ready for the In­dian voyage.

This opinion was applauded by all men, but not wholly effected, by reason of a rumour which began to be raised of a great reliefe preparing in France. And likewise because that some few weekes after, the Governour upon honourable conditions (which are set downe in the end of the booke) covenanted to yeeld up the place, if he were not relieved by the day of th'Epiphanie.

In the meane time the Marquis of Bal­bases writ to the Duke of Ferrandina, how he heard the enemy was advancing with a numerous and strong Army, having a double intent; Namely, either to force [Page 182]their out-workes, or to keep away our provisions. Hee shewed that the former was not impossible to be done, and the latter vere easie. He spake concerning both, with much valour and yet with some diffidence an ordinary thing in wife men, and being done with moderation is profitable to secure one against future times. If it falls cut well it credits the valour which hath overcome the difficul­ties: if ill, the advice which hath given notice of them.

The Marquis of Villa Franca sent the Letter to the Count Duke.

I have affirmed this to be a great Ge­nerall, who from his Closet can com­mand Armies. I would be silent in many things concerning the Count Duke, if I framed a Poem, but I relate them, be­cause I write a Historie. The former makes use of what is likely, though false, the later leaves not out that which is un­likely so it be true.

Be it then granted mee to prove the truth of the most unlikely thing. I can speake in the commendation of this great man, to honour my Historie by the Let­ter he writ to Marquis Spinolis. I will set [Page 183]set down a true copy of it word by word, without adding or diminishing. I shall secure my selfe from the blemish of in­famy, if not amongst ignorant and ma­licious men (the praise and dispraise of whom I equally contemne) yet amongst understanding and well minded folk▪ who alone can commend and discommend.

SIR, There arrived here this mor­ning a letter from the Marquis of Villa Franca dated the 29 of the last month, and one inclosed from your Excellency of the 27. I confesse that if the advices your Excellency writes of, are those which you expected for certaine, I find my selfe disburthened of three quarters of the cares I tooke. An Army which hath two designes, doth much weaken the action with the diversity of two in­tentions, whereas having but one it may doe much, there remaining no appeale to the second. I will now discourse with your Excellency upon your letter to the Marquis after I have cursorily touched something concerning the time given for the yeilding of the place, it being judged to be somewhat long; and though here others consider other points of the capi­tulation [Page 184]I only insist upon that of having water in the dike, which being so ex­travagant and new to me, maketh mee suspect (finding no other reason for it) they desired it, to th'end they might have water to drinke; and if they wanted wa­ter (seeing thirst cannot be endured two dayes,) I would by no meanes have made any agreement with them, but for a very short time. And if this bee a customary clause, and there be other reasons to en­force it, I referre my selfe to experience, which though it cannot hinder the pre­fixed time from being thought long, may satisfie the strictest difficultie, and chie­fest ground. Now comming to your Ex­celencies Letter, wherein you relate the enemies twofold designes, I will speake what I thinke of it.

As for the first to force the out-works, I assuredly believe that after so many moneths time they are setled in very good forme, and that by that meanes, and with the helpe of the Cavallerie, it will be more then difficult for the enemy to force those workes in such sort as to en­ter them with their Horse and Ordnance, which not comming to passe, it will bee [Page 185]impossible for him to obtaine his desire, which I fear the lesse, because I know those two thousand men are making ready for your Excellencie, which I suppose you one­ly wanted to secure the Workes; As for the hindering you from victuall, if I may speake the truth, I hold it impossible, your Excellencie hath within your Trenches provision sufficient for twelve dayes at the least, according to the reiterated or­ders, and peradventure for longer. They who must hinder them, must return back to take the way of Estagel, and conse­quently must passe under your Excellen­cies Canon, whereby besides the discou­ragement an Army receives by going back, you may have them pursued in the reare; and if that should not hinder their good order, yet might you keepe backe their reliefes and provisions, in those rough, and narrow waies, and provide as is fitting for Perpignane. Out of which in my opinion it would bee good to leave some Commanders of Horse and Foot, who uniting themselves with the men of the Province might upon any occasion either obstruct the enemies provisions, or bring him in between those Troops and [Page 186]your excellencie. For as it may be belie­ved and as upon the last Orders advice is given, that the Catalanes were raising forces, whereof the faintest part, increa­sing the bulk, and the best, strengthening Perpignane, would make the enemies in­tentions exceeding difficult, if not impos­sible. Besides, I hold it very painfull, there being no provisions ready upon the Fron­tiers the 24th day, to bring all necessary provisions from Sicas, to Rivas altas for an Army (which stands in want of it) by reason of the great compasse which by reason of the ill way they must fetch, and the short time of ten dayes, which they have to worke in, your Excellencie being abundantly stored with every thing for above twelve. If the enemy should make his attempt by the way of Rivas altas your Excellencie would not have so much time as I think of between the one, and the other action. But before any such, passage could bee made, you would have had it, by that which I have spoken of Perpignane, and alwayes cut off the enemies Convoyes, they being at such a distance, or burne their provisions in their Magazines. For it is impossible and [Page 187]not to be imagined that he can keep such a guard upon his provisions and other places, and secure himselfe.

Whence shall he provide such a strong Army both in quality and quantity as might stand for seaven whole leagues in every place stronger then the body of your Excellencies, to secure him from receiving a blow, which may disorder him, and utterly overthrow his de­signe?

I beseech your Excellencie to pardon me, as Don Pietro de Toledo was wont to say, if I souldiour it with so great a foul­diour, who am altogether inexpert in that art. I conclude Sir, that we are and ought to be Gods; hoping he will not forsake his cause. I send your Excellen­cy money.

I will also rehearse the circumstances; they will seeme weake but they are ne­cessary to lay open the great ones; they will abase my stile, but what is that to the purpose, so they doe exalt a­nothers glories. He did not elaborate this letter with his pen, he did dictate it without any intermission, not when he was quiet and farre from any noise, sit­ting [Page 188]at his desk, but in his coach running, not imparting it to any, onely dictating it to Don Antonio Carnero one of his se­cretaries, a man of great understanding and knowledge, of most unspotted fide­lity, and cleane hands, in service atten­tive and infatigable.

I beare with them who set me out for a flatterer. They see me rewarded, they examine my talent, and because they find no great worth, they blemish it with a great vice. They find me a writer of great actions, they examine what they can doe, and because they find it come short, they call my relations fables. The conciousnesse of what themselves would doe, causeth them to thinke ill of him that writes, & that which they cannot do to misunderstand him that doth it. An Historian of understanding flatters him­self if he imagines he can avoid slanders. He hath somewhat within him which he concealeth, a great vertue and a great vice, which being hid from the eyes of the vulgar, when it comes to be mani­fested, it seeming he addeth it of his own (because that though it were so, it was not knowne) they call him, if he writes [Page 189]of excellent good ones, a flatterer, if of exceeding bad ones, a malicious person.

I would be pleasing to heare vice re­proved, but with modesty, and vertue ex­tolled, but with moderation; and its displeasing to have the secrets of vertues and vices discovered. They would be wil­ling to embrace the one, and not have it knowne, and to not labour for the other, and yet have it imagined that they have it. They heare the writers expressions blame vice wholly, but in vertue praise onely the greatest, and men having com­monly of the one and the other, and few of the latter excessively, participating of the reproof, which extends it selfe even to mediocrity, and not of the praise, which goeth onely upon the extreames, on the one part they remaine ill satisfied, on the other offended. Upon the report of the reliefe comming out of France, his Majesties Army was increased by a con­siderable number of Catallanes (who in this occasion carried themselves cun­ningly) and by many souldiours who ha­ving recovered their healths went to em­ploy it in their masters service.

Above all others remarkeable was the [Page 190]arrivall of the Duke of Naccara and Maccheda not so much because he brought three hundred of the choicest musquettiers of the Fleet with him, as for the person of so compleate a Gentle­man, who not through any other perswa­sion but of his own well-guided courage, voluntarily came to increase it in that Ar­my; and whereas before he without feare stood expecting the enemy, now feare­lesse came to challenge him. He put himselfe in the regiment of the Count Duke, under the Command of the Field Marshall Don Iohn de Arze, to make himselfe famous with his pike in his hand.

Let it be a sufficient attestation for the nobility of his bloud, that I have named him; Of the great endowments of his person, the relation of this action. In the former are rehearsed the memories of his many illustrious forefathers, and a person is set forth in whom is made the union of all those greatnesses; in the lat­ter shines, modesty, wisdome, valour, and devotion to the King, and gallantnesse in serving him.

Th'intelligences which many wayes [Page 191]came out of France were, That the most Christian King was resolved to have the Fort relieved. That to that purpose came cut of Paris, Monsieur de Poncourle Mar­quis▪ of Coastin▪ Nephew to the Cardinall of Richelieu. That the old and new For­ces of Languedock were appointed for that purpose, soure companies of forraign Nations, the Regiment of Lionnois, the Regiment of guards, eight which came out of Lorraine downe the Rone, all the Cavallerie that was in pay, the bound Nobility which was bound to come, and that which came voluntary; and because they should be enow for such a great en­terprise, there being a scarcitie of them in France, they resolved to remedy it by the same way as it came, taking the Ba­ron of Bassompier out of prison (for so they write him) that hee might with the Duke of Luin, and Marshall La Force, goe to the reliefe.

All this rumour ended with the ap­proach of the Vanguard within foure miles of the place, the day before that which was agreed upon for the yielding of it; And to th'end the default might be imputed to want of time, or peradven­ture [Page 192]to the Governour, because it was not then relieved, and for the former time to the Generall, because he could not relieve it. They did nothing at all, and left it to be doubted what they would have done if they had fought. But what they would have done, may be knowne by what they did, when they did fight before. The time was long enough being foure moneths; the Governour deserved commendati­ons, having (before he yeilded) suffered long famine. deadly diseases, and great mutinies. The Generall was justified by the two reliefes which he attempted, and by this third which was not attempted.

The Governour came out of the Hold according to the agreement the day of the Epiphanie.

The Lord would not have our King want this place to offer up that day wher­in other Kings present their gifts unto him. And because it should bee manifest what his Majesties directions doe ope­rate in all enterprises, what the Princes hopefulnesse begins to operate, and what the Count Dukes advice had operated, this could not happen upon a fittinger day then this, which is his Majesties day [Page 193]by his preheminencie amongst Kings, The Princes by his name of Balthasar, and the Count Dukes by reason it was his birth day. The Sunne shines not up­on the birth-day of him who was borne for the greatnesse of this Monarchie, nor returnes not to the place where hee was on that day, or celebrates the festivall of it, with a lesse favourable aspect, then the conquest of a place regained with so much valour and glory.

There the world being spectator, be­held as on a Theatre too great and terri­ble Provinces, Spaine and France fighting a Duell, not for their states, but for their reputations, expecting, as the reward of victory, the renowne of being the most valiant.

There with foure thousand foot, and two thousand five hundred horse was the enemies whole forces set upon in their own quarters, and routing them, they were faine to be beholding to the dark­nesse of the night, to not have it knowne whether they retreated or fled.

There in little more then an hour, were assaulted gained and throwne downe their Forts, halfe Moons, Trenches, and [Page 194]what ever else in so many dayes was set up about that place by French art, and understanding to safeguard him from the the Spanish valour.

There a few forces tired with want, and sickly by reason of the unseasonablenesse of the aire, defended a large and weak cir­cuit of trench, against a most powerfull Army of the King of France increased in great number by the Souldiers, & Gentry of the adjoyning Provinces, and by old re­giments from far parts much reinforced.

There along the Poole with weake Barkes was overthrown a Convoy, and a great aide overcome, which the enemy had embarqued to relieve the place with victuals and Ammunition.

There after they had gathered, toge­ther all the power of France, they durst not appeare in the field, being dishearte­ned by the horror of seeing their dead companions, and discouraged with the re­membrance of the overthrowes they had there received.

Finally the Spaniards have there been alwayes conquerors, a foot [...] a horse-back, by land, by water, in open field or intren­ched, in assalting, or in defending tren­ches; [Page 195]Let it be knowne that nature on the one fide raines downe plenty, on the other it instilleth valour, to some it gives number, to others solidnesse and hath im­printed the character of superiority in the breast of them who exceed in valour, not in number.