'TIS not here our design to give the full History of his late Highness Charles the 5th of Lorrain, Generalissi­mo of the Imperial Armies, for who could be able to describe suitable to the Grandeur of such a subject, so many Heroick Actions, and such glorious Victories as this great Prince obtain­ed during his life over the Enemies of the Empire. Or at least was an [Page 2] eye witness of: His life and renown­ed Exploits have been attended with so many circumstances both of an ad­verse and prosperous fortune, that many Volumes would scarce be suffici­ent to publish them in their full ex­tent: This great Prince was without controversy one of the greatest Cap­tains of this Age, and the scourge of the Infidels, as he was like to have been also to France, had she not pre­vented it by his sudden death, which will for ever be regretted both by the Emperour and all the Consederates, what did I say, the Confederates! yea the whole World, except the Court of France alone, laments his loss, a Court which useth to rejoice at the fall of the great and brave, and which to obtain its end, never boggles at any violent means that may procure an untimely death to such as oppose themselves against the torrent of its Usurpation.

There are some accidents that have made it appear that three great Prin­ces have been capable to strike terror into it. The first is the Prince of Orange, by obtaining the Crown of [Page 3] England; the second, the Duke of Lor­raine upon the Rhine, and the third, the Duke of Savoy in Dauphine; so we have seen its rage, let loose against all these three great Personages, but one of them only hath had the misfortune to fall a Victim, and a sacrifice to the fury of France, which was Charles the 5th, Duke of Lorraine, and Bar, the subject of our present discourse.

Since Victory attended this Prince wherever he went, we ought not to be surprized, if his coming upon the Rhine, struck Lewis the 14th, his avow­ed Enemy, with Astonishment. And indeed he no sooner appeared there, but he took Mentz and Bonn, thereby opening to himself a fair carreer to­wards victory, insomuch that the fol­lowing Campaign, he would un­doubtedly have obliged the Court of France, to propose to him Terms of accomodation for Lorraine, which Lewis the 13th had begun to usurp in the time of Charles the 4th, his Un­cle and Predecessor, and which Lewis the 14th hath continued and com­pleated the making himself entire Master of, as a good step for him [Page 4] to mount by, to that universal Mo­narchy he hath so long flattered him­self withal, and which the French were in great hopes of, when the Grand Vizier with the Ottoman Forces lay before the walls of Vienna, for the French King lookt upon the taking thereof as the last stroke that would destroy the House of Austria, and that by consequence he should without any opposition mount the Imperial Throne: The Breaking of the peace of Nimeguen, that of the twenty years truce, his strict alliance with the Ottoman Port, and the relief he had sent to the Rebels of Hungary, are sufficient proofs that he and Mahomet the 4th had agreed to divide the World like good friends between them, altho afterwards the whole World might have been engaged to decide the Quarrel betwixt them which should then have all. So that we have no cause to wonder that the Councel of France makes such efforts to procure Triumph and victory for the Turks; Nor that the whole Court maketh solemn prayers for the success of the Alchoran, and command­eth [Page 5] all the Bishops within its Domini­ons, to put a stop to the singing any Te Deum in their Diocess for any Victo­ry obtained by the Arms of the Christians against the Infidels: like a notorious Harlot that having once lost her honour, lays aside all shew of modesty and sins openly in the face of the Sun and before all people: This open Alliance hath produced so great a conformity betwixt these two Con­federate Nations, both in the Govern­ment and in the Seraglio, that it may be said, that he who toucheth one, toucheth the other also, and I believe 'tis for this reason, that the Turks, at this day give the French not only the hand of fellowship, but the Title of Cadalasche, that is to say Brother: No­thing of all this appears amiss to the Arch-Bishop of Paris, who hath tak­en great pains in giving ample In­structions to the preachers of his Dio­cess that they by no means touch at all in their sermons upon the Politicks, against the Alliances which the King has made, since they tend (as they will have it) only to the welfare and advantage of the Catholick Church: And this that Prelat finds expedient [Page 6] also for his own Interest, for the good man hath a Patriarchship in his eye, in imitation of the Grand Mufty, if affairs had been a little more perplex­ed at Rome, or to speak frankly, if Pope Innocent the eleventh had for the good of Christendom lived some few years longer. But let us leave this miry path which we are unwati­ly fallen into, and betake our selves to that illustrious Carreer of the Duke, our present subject.

This illustrious Hero passionately desired to come and signalize himself upon the Rhyne, and doubted not to make a swifter progress there than in Hungary; for, as Naturalists say, every thing the nearer it approaches to­wards its Centre, the swifter it moves, so we must not doubt but that the Duke of Lorraine drawing near his own hereditary Countrey and Estate, would have doubled his pace to deli­ver it as soon as possible from the cru­el bondage it groaned under, by the Tyrannick Government of the French, who forged the Chains of its slavery presently after the taking of the Town of Rochel: For it was immedi­ately after that, that Cardinal Riche­lieu [Page 7] set himself in good earnest to de­stroy Lorraine, and the soveraigne pow­er thereof; which the then Duke Charles the 4th had possessed from father to son, time out of mind, under pretence to secure himself of a Countrey which might continually serve for a retreat and refuge to the Malecontents of the Court of France; there being at that time persons of the highest rank, and Princes of the Blood, who could not bear any longer to be insulted over by the Cardinal, that then entirely go­verned the Kingdom, but that which compleated and filled the mea­sure, was the marriage of the Duke of Orleance, who in the year 1632. be­ing in exile at Nancy, fell passionately in love with one of the daughters of the Prince of Vaudemont, and think­ing that he was then his own Master, married her without having the consent, or so much as acquainting the King his brother therewith, altho the Duke, who was necessitated to observe his measures with the Court of France, had communicated this whole affair to the same, lest he should be suspect­ed to have contrived this marriage, in revenge of some discontent he had al­ready [Page 8] received from that Court, yet let him do or say what he would jacta erat alea the Die was cast and his ruine resolved on, and all his submissi­ons gained nothing upon his Eminence, he knew how to make use of this con­juncture to exasperate the King, and hasten the Duke of Lorraines mifor­tunes, who had been but too easy in hearkning to the allurements of the Court of France, by means whereof he had parted with his Army, and lent his Troops to the Emperor, who was engaged in a War with Swede­land; his Imperial Majesty having to do with a stout and valiant Enemy, the Lorrain Troops were soon routed, and this was exactly what the Cardi­nal sought for, and therefore lost no time, but immediately caused the French Troops to advance into his Countrey and posses themselves of a small Town called Moyenvic: the Duke was extremely surprized at this, yet seeing himself taken unprovided, was obliged to have recourse to sub­missions, and to assume the Quality of an humble supplicant; The Counsel of France who had aimed to have him in their power, insinuated to him that [Page 9] he ought to come and pay his respects to the King who was at Metz; Just as the Fouler intices the Birds into his Nets by the melody of his pipe, so the Duke was so weake as to fall into the snare, and came to Metz. Immedi­ately upon his arrival the King, the Cardinal, and the whole Court after their Example, welcomed him at his first coming with Feasting, and much shew of Civility and honour beyond what he could or ought to have ex­pected, tho the Duke in the midst of his diversions ought to have remem­bred what Seneca, says, That that mis­chief which is covered under an appearance of good, is the most dangerous of all; for it was not long before they began to speak to him in a quite different lan­guage from what he met with at his first coming, and then he saw, when it was too late, his folly in venturing to come into the Lyons Den. Lewis the 13th told him in fine, that he was not satisfied in him, demanding Mar­sal as a pledge of his good behaviour for the future; he was not able to make any Appeal in this case, but was forced to submit to the strongest; The King would have it so, not because 'twas [Page 10] Just, but because 'twas convenient for him. It was also objected to him, that he had not made hast enough to come to the King and pay his submissions, and had therefore incurred his displea­sure: There was no remonstrances, intreaties or prayers could move the King or Cardinal, or divert them from their resolution: Only to swee­ten the Pill which they forced the Duke to swallow, they told him the King would keep it but for four years, but France has not reckoned those four years to be expired to this day. Now after the Duke had done all that his enemy could demand of him, he was let out of the Cage, and suffered to retire to Nancy, with two places less than he came withall; The Duke after his return, not being able to digest the Affront which was so lately done him, nor the treacherous dealing he had met with from the French Court, resolved to levy a new Army, under pretence to employ them against the Swedes, by whom he was equally in danger: This was made a new pre­tence to attack the Duke afresh and to march an Army towards Lorraine, which was a new cause of perplexity [Page 11] to his Highness, who being once catcht by the Court of France, durst not go thither again, but sent his brother the Cardinal to assure Lewis the 13th, and Richlieu, that he had no design against France, but to defend himself against Gustavus, King of Sweden, in case he should be attacked by him, as he thought himself in danger to be: However, all these protestati­ons were in vain, the Duke had at­tempted to bite the Moon, and must be chastised for it; It cost him four good places, and he was obliged to send his forces to raise the siege of Haguenau, which the Swedes under Gustavus had invested: But the Lor­rainers being furioufly attacked by the Enemy were put into disorder and totally routed. France desired no bet­ter an opportunity than this, to attempt, as it did immed ately, the siege of Nancy. This new misfortune obliged the Duke to send his brother again to the French Court, where he was re­ceived as usually, with more compli­ment than satisfaction; and to flatter the Cardinal of Lorraine, the King told him, that if himself had been the Soveraign of Lorraine, he could [Page 12] have confided in his word, but for the Duke there was no composition to be expected for him. The Duke upon this, seeing he had no male Children to inherit after him, that he might appease the personal hatred which was born him by the Court of France, of two evils made choice of the least, and transferred his whole Right to the Cardinal his brother; but the King when he made this com­pliment, to the Cardinal of Lorraine, had no design that he should possess his Brothers Estate and Autho­rity, he aimed to be the Master and absolute Soveraign thereof himself. However this sudden and unexpected alteration was some surprize to the Court of France, which, crafty and poli­tick as it was, caused the new Duke to be caressed and sweetned with com­pliments, but notwithstanding went on with their design to force Nancy from him. Duke Charles having made over his Estate, without appre­hending any danger, repaired to the French Camp, as a private Prince, but Richlieu no sooner understood that he had got him into his power, but he caused him to be arrested, and re­quired [Page 13] him, as the only means for him to obtain his liberty, to put Nancy into the possession of the French, altho he had already given it his brother, who had quitted the Purple to be made a Duke; But the greedy usurper of another mans estate is never content, and the Court of France thought it not sufficient to have five places, which it had obtained by subtlety and con­trary to all equity, but ordered the Marshal de la Ferte to march with an Army into Lorraine with design to possess himself of the rest of Lorraine, as it afterwards hapned; so that the two Dukes Charles and Francis were forced to submit to the violence and power of their enemies, and to aban­don all; But considering they had no heirs that might in time to come demand to be restored to their Patri­monyal right, Duke Francis resolved to marry, and in the year 1634. was espoused to the Princess Claudine his Cousin Germane, and this he did, the rather to prevent the French who had a design to carry her away, and to marry her to some Prince of that Court, by that means to have a co­lourable pretence to Lorraine. From [Page 14] this marriage on the 3d of April 1643. Sprung our Hero Charles the 5th. The birth of this Prince, the presumptive Heir of Lorraine, the death of Lewis the 13th, and of Cardinal Richlieu, hapning almost all at one time, seemed as a good presage of better fortune to the 2 Dukes than hitherto they had met withall; and they considered the Queen-mother and Cardinal Mazarin, who then governed the affairs of France as persons of more favourable, and just sentiments towards them, especial­ly since the Queen-mother had alwaies theretofore expressed much discontent and un willingness to see the House of Lorraine treated as it was by Cardinal Richlieu. But Mazarin more greedy and ambitious than his predecessor, inspired the Queen Regent with such a concern for interest, that she soon changed the good intentions which she had all along testified for the Duke, and entirely abandoned her self to the only Counsel of her first Minister; she therefore continued what Lewis the 13th had begun, and took from the two Dukes all the hopes they had conceived of lessening their misfor­tunes: Things went every day worse [Page 15] and worse until the time of the civil wars, which hapned in the Minority of Lewis the 14th, on account of the impositions and continual Taxes which the Cardinal had laid upon the peo­ple, and through the unhandsome treatment which some Princes of the Blood had received from his Emi­nence: The hatred of the people grew at last so violent that it became a custom when they had a mind to denote an honest man, to say, such an one was not Mazarine, which was then accounted the best commendation could be given a man.

France thus rent in sunder by in­testine divisions and civil wars, under which she was ready to sink, and fear­ing lest the Duke of Savoy should joyn himself to the discontented part, Mazarine, who was a subtle and crafty Fox, thought it expedient to gain over Duke Charles (whom he knew to be bold and daring) and to propose some Terms of accomodation, yet with re­servation of the Town of Nancy, which they intended never to part withall. But the Duke was un willing to heark­en to these Propositions, and chose ra­ther to continue in the service of the [Page 16] King of Spain, to whose interest he had devoted himself till he was impri­soned by that Kings order, which was the height of his misfortune. The occasion of his imprisonment was this, the Spa­niards apprehended he would close with France to their cost, and there­fore employed the Count de Fuensalada Governour of the Netherlands to sur­prize and send him to the Castle of Toledo, where he remained close pri­soner for five years until the Pyraenean Treaty. Duke Francis, notwithstanding his Brothers detention, went from Vienna, with his 2 sons to the Low-Countries, to put himself at the head of the Lor­raine Troops which were actually in the Spanish service. By the ill success which the Spaniards met with at the siege of Arras, which they had attempt­ed contrary to the advice of this Prince, they understood the Error they had commited in not following his Council, and had leasure enough to repent the losses they had sustained with the defeat of their Army, they having left behind them not only a multitude of slain, but their Cannon and their whole baggage: Duke Francis at his return to Brussels found [Page 17] a great alteration there, the place of his usual Residence had all its Furniture taken away: But this was not the most sensi­ble of his Afflictions, the carriage of the Governour of the Low-Countries towards him, had something in it more cruel and injurious, in forbidding his son Prince Charles so much as to appear in the Park in his Coach, a thing not deni­ed to persons that were of much lower Quality: These little mortifications, and the hardships which he was obliged to suffer from the Marquess de Fuensala­da, made him more apprehensive of his brothers sufferings, and forced him, as one may say, against his inclination, to a resolution of returning into France with his two Sons, not knowing scarce where to find a refuge: He was very well received there, but presently after his arrival, fortune, which continued to persecute him bereft him of one of his Sons Prince Ferdinand, who though young, was a Prince of great hopes, and promised great things had he come to maturity.

Spaine tired with the War; concluded a peace with the French, by the Pyraene­an Treaty, and married the Infanta to Lewis the 14th. After this peace the Spa­niard [Page 18] could have no pretence of fear or Jealousy of Duke Charles, and there­fore the Court at Madrid at the same time ordered his Release out of the Ca­stle of Toledo, but the Duke was much surprized, to understand that Don Lewis de Haro, Prime Minister of Spain, at that Treaty had without his consent or pri­vity, caused an Article to be inserted which concerned himself, to this pur­pose, viz. That the Spaniard should yield up to the French the Dutchy of Bar and County of Clermont, and that Lorrain should be restored to Duke Charles, the Fortifications of the Town of Nancy be­ing first dismantled; The Duke went immediately to the place where the con­ferences were held, but not being able to remedy the matter, was forced, whi­ther he would or no, to set his hand to his own ruine, upon the fair promises which were made him by Cardinal Mazarine, who knew so well how to ma­nage him, as to oblige him to return to France: His Eminence had in his eve a design of drawing him to marry his Niece Manchini, who till then had been the Mistress of Lewis the 14th, who was forc­ed to forsake her by reason of his mar­riage with the Infanta, but the Duke [Page 19] did not relish it, nor answered the Cardi­nals expectation, altho he designed to perswade the King in consideration of this marriage to restore the Duke to the possession of his whole Estate; At length his Eminence finding his design frustrat­ed, changed that little affection he had for him into a great hatred, and so disposed the Kings mind, that the Duke with all his sollicitations could ob­tain no more than empty promises with­out any effect.

The Cardinal having missed his aim with the Uncle, endeavoured to bring it about again with Prince Charles his Nephew, who being yet but young would undoubtedly have been caught in the snare by the specious and goodly promises wherewith his Eminence cares­sed him, of establishing him the peace­ful Soveraign of all his Uncles Domi­nions; But his Uncle openly opposed it, and the Queen mother refused to con­sent to it, having an aversion thereun­to, because the designed to break off all commerce betwixt she King and Man­chini, and to remove her some good distance from the Court of France, for which purpose she was sent into Italy, to be married to the Constable Colonna.

Cardinal Mazarine lying on his death­bed, and willing to make some shew of reconciliation with the Duke of Lorrain, perswaded the King to sign a Contract, whereby he restored to Duke Charles the Dukedoms of Lorrain and Bar, but upon such hard conditions, that the Duke, as unfortunate as he was, had no small difficulty to resolve upon it, how­ever he was forced to drink the cup, and to be governed by the strongest. The Duke having done, and submitted to all that the French King would have of him, was not one jot the happier in his Estate, for there he was in continual vexation and disquiet from the Ministers of France, who sought only an occasion to appropriate the Dukes Dominions unto France, and indeed Duke Charles his Conduct gave them but too much advantage so to do; he was indeed a Prince bold and daring, but uncertain and wavering in resolution, and an ene­my to Council or setled determination: He had the good quality of being very patient in all his adversities, yet con­ceiving a thousand things at a time, and changing each moment his purpose, this was in part the cause of his miseries, and one may say occasioned those of [Page 21] his whole family, for by his unstedfast­ness and wavering, he neglected all those occasions that might have been capable to have restored him and his successours to their Rights, witness all those Mar­riages which were offered for the Prince, his Nephew; as that of Manchini, and af­terwards that of Madamoselle de Monpen­sier, and Madamoselle d'Orleans, and last of all of Madamoselle de Nemours, which the King was entirely for. Duke Charles seemed also to give his consent to all, promising to settle his whole estate upon this Marriage, nevertheless his friends and relations could never fix him to any, and in this fickle temper, under some pretended discontent, in the year 1662, he thought fit to make a Donation of his whole estate, excluding all his own relations, to the King of France, a Prince that was a stranger to him, and a mor­tal enemy of the house of Lorrain, and withall the mightiest and most dange­rous enemy of all he had. Prince Charles perceiving that the Wolf had gotten into his paw the sheep which he had taken so much pains to look after, took up a resolution of seeking a better fortune, and privately retired from the French Court, to cast himself into the arms of his [Page 22] Imperial Majestie, who received him with all the honour that belonged to a great Prince, looking on him as a per­son that might hereafter be very useful to him.

Duke Charles had no sooner made this Donation to the French King (which in truth was but a sort of Agreement, with conditions to be performed on both sides) but he bitterly repented of his rashness, and perceiving too late his Errour, did his utmost to dissolve it, but it was happy for him that the Parlia­ment going to have it registred, made it null by certain Clauses which they put into it. The cunning and politick Ministers of France, finding that the Do­nation could not be made effectual, and not being able to perswade the Duke to give up Marsal to them, be thought themselves of corrupting the Nobles of Lorrain with mony, and to induce them thereby to withdraw their allegiance from their lawful Soveraign, and to crave the assistance of the French, the better to oppose him: But this design of theirs proved abortive, and the Lorrain Gentle­men considered that in submitting them­selves to have their Enemies become their Masters, they must be infallibly ruined.

Prince Charles, who at the Court of Vienna, had Intelligence of all these in­treagues, hasted from thence, consulting only his own innate courage, and ani­mated by his peculiar Interest, he threw himself, attended only with two more, into Marsal, for fear of any Treachery, and to defend it, in case it should be at­tacked; but Duke Charles, his Uncle, no sooner heard what his Nephew had done, but for fear it should breed him more troubles with the Court of France, or rather having some Jealousy of his Nephew, he caused him to be importun­ed by Duke Francis, and the rest of his friends, to return to Vienna, which he accordingly did after he had gotten assurances from the Nobility of their firm adherence to their lawful So­veraign: This bold attempt of the Prince was lookt upon at the court of Vienna, as a sure presage of his great Courage, and of that valour which ap­peared in him afterwards: The Court of France it self was somewhat alarmed at it, and looked upon this action as the effect of an undaunted temper in a Prince that might one day give it some disturbance.

Notwithstanding what this Prince had done for the security of Marsal, this im­portant place was delivered up to the French by the D. his Uncle, by virtue of a new Agreement which was made in the year 1663. As this was not the first morti­fication which our Prince received, so it was not the last that would give him discontent. It was necessary for him to prepare himself betimes to undergoe with patience the crosses of his adverse fortune, which spared him no more than the meanest man: He was desti­tute of all humane support and relief, and often without either friends, or money, nor knowing on which side to turn himself; yet inspight of all he was resolved to bear up steadily against all the tempestuous storms that France stir­red up, both against himself and family.

After the loss of Marsal, and the ra­zing of the walls of Nancy, Lewis the 14th, having no longer reason to fear the house of Lorrain, suffered the two Dukes, Charles and Francis, to enjoy for a while, the rest of their estate, and they hoped to enjoy them peaceably after they had performed all that France had required of them, & that the Ministers of that Court, after having harassed them so [Page 25] long would have at length left them in repose; Under this imagination they gave ordèrs for the return of Prince Charles to Lorrain: But his Uncle Duke Charles had no sooner given his consent thereunto, but repented that he had done so, becoming manifestly Jea­lous of the great respect and affection which the Nobility bore to this young Prince; He gave orders therefore im­mediately to the Governors of the Fron­tier places where he was to pass, to pre­vent his coming further, excusing the matter to them as if it was because the Prince his Nephew had withdrawn him­self from the Court of France unknown to the King, and that if he should enter­tain him in his Dominions it might cre­ate new disturbances. The Prince having given obedience to the first or­der, was much surprized to meet with this opposition at his first entrance into those Countries, which he looked upon as the same which would one day be his own. And thereupon consulting only the vehemency of his own great Courage he directed his course to Paris, with Intention to go and Justify him­self to the King of France of certain words which he was accused to have [Page 26] spoken at Florence and at Rome: As soon as he arrived there he addressed him­self to Monsieur Le Tellier, who acquaint­ed the King with the news. But this haughty Monarch who regarded little what Justification he could make, nor having any further occasion to keep his measures with the Princes of the House of Lorrain, sent a Captain of his Guards to him with express orders to depart Paris immediately and in 4 days to quit the Kingdom, having one to accompa­ny and conduct him to the Frontiers. So that the Prince, besides the mortificati­on he received by this Order, had no better Counsel to follow, than to take the shortest way to depart the Kingdom immediately, and return to Vienna. Thi­ther he came with this firm resolution, never to stir from thence, but upon occasions where the Emperors Service should call him. There he was received as usually, that is to say, with all the Honour, and Marks of Esteem that he could expect; His Imperi­al Majesty wisely judging, That all the Mortifications he receiv'd from time to time from the Court of France, would serve but to unite him more strongly to his Interest. And the Event made it appear that he was not mistaken. The Emperor, [Page 27] after a little time, bestowed on him one of his Old Regiments of Horse, consist­ing of 1000 Men; and with this Regi­ment he made appear what ought to be expected from him. He wanted not long an Occasion to signalize himself, the Turks having begun to make Disturban­ces in Hungary: The Grand Visier passed the River of Raab with a formidable Army, which obliged all the Christian Princes to send their Troops to the Re­lief of Christendom, and France it self would then be one of the Number. Mul­titudes of noble and brave young Gentlemen went Voluntiers to make their Campaign [...]n Hungary: Prince Charles inflam'd with a defire to signalize himself, was [...]esolv'd not to let slip so fair an occasion, [...]e therefore desired leave of the Empe­ [...]r to follow his Regiment, but his Im­ [...]erial Majesty foreseeing there was like [...]o be a brisk Incounter, and that the [...]anger was great in respect of the Inequa­ [...]y of Forces, refused to give the Prince his [...]eave; but this Denial served only as [...] Spur to his Martial Passion; and in this [...]ccasion his Courage Triumphed over his [...]edience; for withont saying ought there­ [...] to any, he withdrew himself from Vi­ [...]na, stealing from the Court, without [Page 28] taking so much as leave of the Empe­ror; and took post in all hast to Gene­ral Montecuculi that Commanded the Army of the Christians. After the loss of the Fort Serini, the Grand Vizier caused twenty thousand Turks to pass a little River, which separated the two Armies, by that means to surprize the Imperialists, and indeed they were At­tack'd with so much Fury, that the Right Wing was forced to give way, which the General perceiving, caused the left Wing to Advance to support the Right. But Montecuculi having by the way found the Prince of Lorraine at the Head of his Regiment, told him, that in this Conjuncture he must be forced to oppose his Regiment to the Fury of the Turks, till the left Wing could come up, and that he was very sorry for the danger he saw him ne­cessarily exposed to thereby. But the Prince ravished to find the opportuni­ty which he had sought for with all the vehemency imaginable, told his General, That he would either lose his Lif [...] there, or repulse the Enemy, adding, Th [...] altho he wanted above 150 of his Hors [...] which were gone to Guard the Forragers, y [...] he wouldstay no longer than for his Direct [...] ons [Page 29] where to fallon; which being given, the Prince charged the Enemy with so much vigour that he caused the first Squadrons immediately to give ground, but they being sustain'd by fresh Troops, he found a tough opposition. However at length, after he had four times made them give way, being seconded by some French Troops, he put the Turks to the Rout, who betook themselves to Flight, leaving above 5000 dead upon the spot, without reckoning those that were d rown'd in retreating over the River; and it may be with truth af­firmed, that this Battle alone (the good Success whereof was due in a great mea­sure to the Prince of Lorrain) occasion'd the Treaty, which was a while after made between the Emperor and the Otto­man Port, which notwithstanding lasted not long: In this Battle the Prince with his own Hand wrested a Standard from a Turk, which is to be seen at this day in the Chappel of Nancy.

Peace being concluded, and the Prince having nothing to imploy himself a­bout, the Crown of Poland happened to be void in the year 1669. This he thought worth his looking after, and the Emperor earnestly used his Interest in [Page 30] his behalf. The Competitours besides him were the Prince of Conde, and the Duke of Newburgh, who had great In­terests in the Diet, and threatned the Poles, in case they preferred any others before them: but to put an end to all their pretensions, the Diet made Choice of one of their own Nation, and Elect­ed Michael Koribat Wiesnowiski for their King; so that Prince Charles was disap­pointed of the Crown of Poland, and at the same time lost his Father D. Francis, who was snatcht away from him by death; after this Dukes decease. Lewis 14th, who had a longing desire to pos­sess the remainder of Lorrain, drove our thence D. Charles, and forced him to seek shelter out of his own Dominions.

The Charge of General of the Cavalry in Hungary falling vacant, the Emperour conferred the Honour there­of on the Prince of Lorrain: After this in the year 1673. the K. of Poland, who had Married Elenora Maria, the Em­perours Sister, passed from this World to another, and by his Death, left both a Crown and a young and beauteous Queen behind him, which occasioned his Imperial Majesty to have a double prospect, one to sollicite a fresh for the [Page 31] Crown of Poland to be placed on the Prince of Lorrain's head, and the other to have him marry the Queen his si­ster; The first of these designs was very agreable to the Prince, and the bounty and good offices of the Emperour towards him, still increased his hopes, altho he had for Competitors the P. of Conde, the P. of Muscovy, P. George of Denmark, the D. of York, P. Vaudemont, the P. of Newburgh and one of the Princes of Brandenburgh. But notwithstanding they were so ma­ny, the Crown had in all probability been bestowed on this our Prince, had not France (which was sufficiently acquain­ted with the mischiefs it had done to the House of Lorrain; and consequently 'twas its great interest to obstruct his pro­motion) used both Money and Credit by its Ambassador the Bp. of Marseilles, to divert the Poles from chusing him. This Minister made so good use of the means which the French ordinarily employ to compass their designs, that he procur'd the Crown to be plac'd on the head of the Grand Marshal Sobietzki, who was proclaimed King, and all the rest exclu­ded. When the P. of Lorrain received the News of it, he could not conceal his resentment against the K. of France, [Page 32] saying, That tho he was persecuted by him in all places, yet he hop'd he should not always be unfortunate; but that one day be should find an opportunity to be revenged. That which vex'd him the more, was, that having been disappointed of the Crown, he lost his hopes of obtaining the Queen; But thinking nothing at present but of being revenged, and being fully bent upon this humour, he came time e­nough to make One at the Battle of Se­neffe, where he endeavour'd to make good his promise; and indeed the French were very sensible of it, to their cost. He came out of the Battle full of Glory, and not without-danger; for he recei­ved a considerable Wound in his head: but this hindered him not from going to joyn the Imperial Army, which Mon­tecuculi commanded in Germany. The French Army was commanded by Mar­shal Turenne, who saw not the Battle, which he had intended that day; for having ascended a little hill, the better to observe the Euemy, he no sooner had given forth his Orders, but a Cannon Ball from the Imperial Camp struck him off his Horse dead to the ground. The P. of Lorrain, who had hopes that day to have ncountred one of the greatest [Page 33] Captains of the Age, was sorry to see himself prevented by so fatal a stroke; but Death, which seem'd at that instant to mow down only the Great, carry'd a­way also D. Charles of Lorrain, in the 72 year of his age, as he was returning from the defeat of the Marshal de Crequi, at the Battle of Taverne; at which time the said Marshal, and the City of Treves, fell into the Duke's hands, as a Reward of his Victory. After the Death of D. Charles the 4th, P. Charles his Nephew, took up­on him the Name of D. of Lorrain, as sole Heir of his Estate and Rights; yet the French King, at the Treaty of Nimeguen, scrupled to give him the Name of Duke, and the Title of Brother, as is usual for Soveraign Princes to give to each o­ther, calling him in the Passports which he caused to be dispatch'd to the Dukes Plenipotentiaries, only, My Cousin the Prince of Lorrain But the Emperor, and the States General of the Ʋnited Provinces, being re­solv'd to have Passports in due Form, be­fore they would begin the Conference, oblig'd the French to grant them as the Duke desired, and as they ought to be. The Duke was notwithstanding never the happier for these Concessions; for the Event shew'd, that the Treaty of Nime­guen [Page 34] produc'd no other good to him than the bare Title to which he pretended.

Whilst the Treaty of Peace was going on, the Armies were notwithstanding in Action, and the first Exploit which our young Duke perform'd in Germany, was the beating Marshal Luxemburgh and the taking of Philipsburgh. This good success, and 60000 Men, which the D. saw under his command, gave him some hopes then of drawing near his own Country, and the rather for that Marshal Luxemburgh fled before him. The K. of France supposing some other might be more successful to oppose him, sent the Marshal de Crequi the next Campaign, who began to ravage in Alsatia, by that means to deprive the Imperialists of all means of subsistence, if they design'd to go any further; but see­ing Success and Victory every where at­tended the D. of Lorrain, the M. de Crequi had express Orders from Court, to avoid all hazard, and above all things, to shun com­ing to a Battle; which the D. of Lorrain being inform'd of, was perswaded this was the time God had ordained to restore to him his Country, and caus'd this Motto to be put into his Standards, Now or Never. Thereupon he march'd forward, and [...]ook in the Castle of Dillighem, which [Page 35] surrendred at discretion, and sent a De­tachment to do the like to a little Town call'd Salsburg, which the Governour; up­on their Approach, set fire to, and re­tired with the Garrison into the Castle. The D. of Lorrain being provoked at this Action, refused to grant them quarter, but caused most of them to be put to the Sword; and seeing all places sub­mitted to him wherever he went, and that he commanded all the Countrey along the River, he resolv'd, for the fi­nishing his design, to seek out his Ene­mies, and fight them. As soon as the French saw the Imperialists draw towards them, they passed the River with much precipitation, and the Duke did the same at their heels, and encamped within half a League of them; but by misfor­tune there proved to be a Wood, upon a rising ground, between the two Ar­mies, by means whereof the M. de Cre­qui, who was re-inforced with Ten good Squadrons of the King's Houshold Troops, had an Opportunity of posting himself upon a little Hill near Morville, where with great diligence he raised some Batteries with his Cannon, to hinder the Imperialists from coming at him, and intrenched himself so well, that it was [Page 36] almost impossible to force his Camp The D. of Lorrain finding nothing to be done there, retir'd back, and re-past the Ri­ver, and march'd towards Metz, in his way seizing the Fort of Espli, and pil­laging the Town of Mouson, and per­petually allarm'd the Duke de Crequi, during the whole Campaign of the year 1677. the French not daring to show themselves while the Imperialists conti­nued in the Field; but no sooner were they entred into Winter-Quarters, but the M. de Crequi laid Siege to Fribourg, on the 10th day of November, which the Governour, who, it was plain, was corrupted by the French, surrendered in six days time, without waiting the Duke of Lorrain's Arrival, who was marching to its relief. The taking of this Town ended the Campaign on both sides, and the Winter, which is usually the season to think of accom­modation, renewed the Conferences at Nimeguen, with greater Application than ever: for the French were afraid lest the D. of Lorrain should make his way into his own Countrey, where his Subjects were all ready to receive him with open Arms. And that he might be comprehended in the General Peace, [Page 37] the Plenipotentiaries, as we have said, had their Passports in two different Forms: But the French Ambassadors, who had Orders to consent to nothing upon the account of Lorrain, started all Objecti­ons that a mind designing Evasions could suggest to them, even to an ob­stinate refusal to own the Dukes Mini­sters, but on condition that at the same time the Imperial Plenipotentiaries should admit to the Conference those of the Bp of Strasbourgh, a Dependant of the Empire, and one that was born a Sub­ject to the Emperour; when at the same time the D. of Lorrain was able to prove his Soveraign Authority derived from 65 Dukes, his Predecessors. But after a great deal of charges, this whole af­fair was reduc'd to Two Propositions; which the Council of France sent to Ni­meguen one after the other: the first of which was, to restore him agreeable to the Pyrenean Treaty; the other, to restore him to all his Rights, except Nancy and Marsal, the Soveraignty of which the French would not quit; and the ways and passages mentioned in the Treaty of the year 1661. The Duke refused to accept either the one or the other, because thereby he should have depri­ved [Page 38] himself of the best part of his Countrey, and of the Communication between one Town and another, by the 4 high Roads which the French would keep; and his Plenipotentiaries declared, That the Duke, their Mr. would sooner be to­tally deprived of all his Countrey, expecting redress, and a better Fortune from his Arms, than to regain a part upon such hard conditi­ons. But tho he was unhappy on one side, he beheld on the other some glimmer­ings of a better Fortune, by the Empe­rour's consenting to his Marriage with the Q. Dowager of Poland, sister to his Imperial Majesty. Yet as times of re­joicing are usually attended with some sorrowful occasion or other, so it hap­ned that at this juncture of time the Duke was in danger to have lost his life, by a fall which he had into the Ditch at Philipsburgh, where as he was going over the Bridg he unfortunately set his foot upon a Plank which being loose and unnailed threw him down to the bottom of the ditch; not without suspition that the Governour held cor­respondence with the French who might be supposed to lay this snare against his life, to rid themselves of him be­fore he had any Heir. The Gover­nour, [Page 39] for not giving him notice of the danger, was arrested and sent prisoner to Vienna, but matters had been so close­ly managed that it was impossible to convict him: Assoon as the Duke was a little recovered of the hurt he had received by his fall, he departed to Newstadt where the Imperial Court staid for him, to consummate the mar­riage, which was performed with all imaginable honour on the Empe­rours part; and his Imperial Majesty upon this occasion gave his brother in law so many marks of his good affection and love, that the Duke was transport-therewith, and it made him for that time forget all his misfortunes and sufferings, and to reckon that day to be the beginning of future happiness: His marriage was no sooner ended but he was called upon to put on his Ar­mour and prepare himself to make the Campaign upon the Rhyne for the year 1678, the Treaty of Nimeguen not being yet concluded. Assoon as the Campaign began the Duke was of opinion to attempt the regaining of Friburgh; but the Mars. De Crequi knew so well how to take all advantages of the ground, that he both secured the [Page 40] Town, and avoided a Battle; Howe­ver the Duke made complaint to the Imperial Court of two things, especial­ly, one that he was not furnished with money sufficient to carry on this siege, the other, that the officers did not show readiness enough to fight: So that the Campaign pasled onely in slight Skirmishes and taking of Pri­soners on both sides. The War end­ing with the peace which was con­cluded between the Emperour and France in the beginning of the year 1679. The Duke received no bene­fit thereby because he would not rati­fy what was projected on his behalf, and waiting a more favourable op­portunity and better time for his affairs, he retired to Vienna to his new Consort, being strongly perswaded that the peace would be of no long continuance. Indeed Lewis the 14th who could not contain himself within just bounds, some few years after had got it into his head, that the Imperial dignity had been too long confined to the House of Austria, and that the Crown of France had a right to pre­tend to it ever since Charlemaign; His Imperial Majesty living therefore [Page 41] longer than he wished, he took up a resolution to force him thence by Arms, and began with the seizing of Strasburgh, corrupting the Magistrates of the Town, who opened the gates to him at the approach of his Army and the Marquiss de Louvoy: After this the French sent an Ambassadour to Constantinople to make a League with the Ottoman Court against the Empe­rour, and to oblige the Grand Seignior to break the Truce that was between them two years before it was to have expired, he represented to them that in the condition the affairs of the Em­pire was, the Port might without op­position wholly possess themselves of the Lower Hungary and extend its do­minion even to Vienna it self. The French promising them that if they met with any brisk opposition, they would give a diversion upon the Rhine, and to facilitate this the better, would cause the Emperours own Subjects to take up Arms against him. For this pur­pose the Court of France spurred on the Jesuits to persecute the Protestants in Hungary and Silesia, to take from them their publick exercises and de­molish their Churches, which-obliged [Page 42] these poor persecuted people to have recourse to Prince Abafti, who sent Count Teckely to them with some forc­es to secure them from having their Throats cut by the Rabble, whom the Reverend Fathers, the Jesuits, had stirred up against them. At length the Protestants finding themselves not strong enough to stem the Tyde, which was like to have undoubtedly swal­lowed them up, were obliged to put themselves under the protection of the Grand Seignior, who being strengthned by his new Alliance with the French King Lewis the 14th, failed not to lay hold of this advantage, and to make use of these new troubles, by improv­ing the protection which the Ottoman Court was going to give to the Hunga­rian Malecontents to enlarge his Do­minions further into Christendom; on the other hand the Grand Vizier was not forgotten by the French Ambassa­dour, but sollicited both by promises and presents, to obtain of him that an Army might be sent into Hungary un­der pretence of succouring the Malecon­tents, which the Port had taken into its protection: The French well knowing that was the onely means left to get [Page 43] the Truce between the two Empires broken. The Grand Seignor who was at first something scrupulous of unjustly breaking of it before it was expired, yet suffered himself at length to be perswaded by his Grand Mufti whom the French Emissaries had by pre­sents corrupted, and ordered the Grand Vizier to send as secretly as he could some small relief to Count Teckely; and because the Emperours Counsel represented to him the dangerous con­sequences which this beginning would have, if it was not in time provided against, his Imperial Majesty sent an Envoy to the Port, to renew the Truce, while the French Ministers were la­bouring not only to hinder it, but to break that which was not yet expired: They had no great difficulty to attain this design of theirs, for that, the Grand Seignior and Grand Vizier were much bent upon it. The French Lew­idors were as so many secret springs that gave motion to the Army of the Infidels, which was very numerous, to enter into Christendom with design to besiege Vienna; The Emperour being advertised of what passed, with as much diligence and speed as he could, [Page 44] gathered together the few Troops he had to oppose this impetuous Torrent which came rowling down upon him apace. His Imperial Majesty took a review of them himself near Pres­burgh, and gave the Duke of Lorrain the command of them, declaring him Ge­neralissimo, of the Imperial Army: The Duke to begin with some action that might be considerable, went to lay siege to Newhewsel, and had un­doubtedly carried it, had not the Grand Vizier, who had with him an Army of two hundred thousand men doubled his pace to relieve it: At his approach the Duke was obliged to quit his design and to put himself up­on the defensive, after he had thrown in fresh succours into Raab and Commor­ra, and went and posted himself with the rest of his Army in the Island of Schutz to observe the Enemies march; the two Armies by this means were separated by a River for fear of sur­prize: The Duke having no more than fourscore thousand men with him, was informed that the Turks designed to match directly to Vienna, and that they might keep him shut up in that Island whilst they besieged [Page 45] the Town; so that he took up a Reso­lution to decamp, and go and post him­self under the Cannon of this City. But during this march, two things fell out very unhappily, one was, that 6000 Hungarians, which were in the Empe­ror's Service, under the Command of Count Dralkovitz and Count Budiani, de­serted, and went over to the Male-con­tents. The other was, that the Cavalry having been informed of the cruel bar­barities that were every where commit­ted by the Turks and Tartars, and that they gave no Quarter, were so terrify'd that at the approach of this cruel Enemy, they disbanded themselves, and passing a River, left the Foot alone, whilst the Duke, who was in despair, with the rest of the Officers, exhorted the remainder of the Army to stand to it, till they could make an honourable Retreat together. The Turks fell upon the Rear, and plunder­ed the Carriages, which began to put the Imperial Army into a great terror and consternation.

In this so great confusion and disor­der, the best course the Duke had to take, was to save his Infantry, whom the Enemies having already fallen up­on, had cut several of them in pieces. [Page 46] For this purpose, driven as it were by despair, he took his Sabire in his hand, and spoke to all those that were about him to do the like, and follow him. The Foot being rid of their Baggage, and a­nimated by the Example of their General, peirced their way through the Infidels Army. which were busy in preserving the Spoil they had taken, and threw themselves into the Island of Leopol­stadt under the Cannon of Vienna, where they were much surprised to find their Horse again, that had left them; who told them, They had only taken the opportunity to march before them.

The Grand Vizier, who was resolved to do something considerable, that would make a noise, with an Army of 200000 Men, began to besiege Vienna, July 15. 1683. The Emperour was got out of it before hand, and retir'd to Pas­sau. The Jesuits, who had kindled the fire, were willing to follow his Impe­rial Majesty; but the People stopped their Chariots, and would nor suffer them to go out of the Town, telling them; That since they were the cause of all their miseries, they should perish there as well as themselves.

The D of Lorrain finding that if he [Page 47] continued shut up with his Army in the Island of Leopolstadt, he was in danger to be ruin'd, without doing any good to the Town, as soon as the Enemy ap­proached, caused Bridges to be laid o­ver the River, and retir'd on the other side the Danube, after an hot Engage­ment with a great body of Turks and Tartars, who came to dispute with him the passage of the Bridge. I shall not here give a particular Relation of all that pass'd during the 2 Months which this siege lasted, nor speak of the K. of Poland's March, to which, as well as to the great care and vigilance of the D. of Lorrain, was owing the safety of this important Place, the main Bulwark of Christendom. I shall only say, that du­ring the time of this long siege, our illustrious Hero, expecting relief from the Christian Princes, did his utmost to oblige the besieged to maintain the Place, sending Soldiers from time to time that swam to the Town with Let­ters to the Governour Count Staremburg, to give him an account of affairs, and of the marching of Forces to their Re­lief. During this Interval, the Duke had twice Rencounters with Count Tec­kely, beat him, took his Baggage, and [Page 48] some of his Colours and Standards, burnt the Bridge which the Count had made over the River Waag; and there­by shut up the Town of Presbourgh, which was minded to have surrendred to the Male-contents, with whom the small Army of the Imperialists had often Skirmishes, and by the Duke's diligence and care the Grand Vizier was hindred from receiving fresh supplies. He sent also Courier after Courier, to the K. of Poland, desiring him to hasten his March, representing to him, that the Town was in great Extremity. No sooner was he informed, that the Succours drew near, but his Highness caused the Im­perial Army to advance, and joyn'd the Poles, without any hindrance on the Turks part. This happy beginning oc­casion'd the King for some time to be­trust him with the management of the whole Christian Army, which consist­ed of above 100000 Men; and he led them so safe away, that the Enemy could not prevent his coming within view, and beginning the Battle, which for 3 hours time was very bloody on both sides. The Duke, who had told the King when the Battle began, That he went to conquer or die, signaliz'd himself [Page 49] in an extraordinary manner upon this Occasion, both for his Valour and Conduct: And indeed never had any Prince a fai­rer occasion to signalize himself in than this was; but Night coming on, robb'd the Conquerours, not of the glory of the Triumph but of the pleasure to behold their vanquish'd Enemies falling before them. The Turks betook themselves to flight during the Nights obscurity, and left the Conquerors the Field strew'd with dead carcasses, and wounded persons, and all their Artillery, their Tents, Bag­gage, Provisions, Ammunition, and the great Standard of Mahomet, with a vast deal of Wealth and Treasure found in their Tents. Thereupon the D. of Lor­rain sent to congratulate the K. of Poland, who return'd him answer, that it was to him that the glory of the day was due. The relief of Vienna was the beginning of the Success which the Duke had ever after­wards over the Infidels. The first thing that was done after the Battle, was the taking of the Fort of Barkam, where there was a great slaughter made on both sides, the Turks having there ralli­ed their Forces together after the rout; and 'tis reported, that they lost more Men in that rencounter than they did [Page 50] when the siege of Vienna was raised. Af­ter this, both the Town and Castle of Gran follow'd the Fate of Barkam; and the Conquest of these 2 places happily finished the Campaign of the year 1683. which was fatal to the Grand Vizier Cara Mustapha, whose Head paid for the ill success of his Arms against the Christians.

The next Campaign, the D. of Lor­rain having to do with a New Vizier, took Vicegrade, even before the Turks were got in the Field. This success was a while after followed with a Victory obtained over the Bassa of Buda, and the taking the Towns of Weitsen and Pest at the same instant.

The Turks being in some fear for so important and strong a place as Buda was, they assembled the gross of their Army there, resolving to fix there, and resolutely expect the Christians. The D. of Lorrain, who had information thereof, and designed the taking of that place, march'd directly towards the E­nemy and gave Battle to the Serasquier, who was not able to maintain himself against that Vigour with which the Christians attackt him. He betook him­self to flight, leaving above 5000 men [Page 51] upon the spot, with a great number of Prisoners; his Baggage, Artillery, and his Standards were left to the D. of Lor­rain as a reward of his Victory. Not­withstanding this Loss, the Town seem'd unconcerned, and the Bassa who com­manded in it, made so vigorous a de­fence, that the Christians, after they had lain 3 months before it, were forc't to quit the siege, not being able to hin­der the Serasquier, who was near hand with New Troops, from throwing in Recruits and Provisions into the Town. That which contributed to this Misfortune, was a distemper which seiz'd on the D. of Lorrain, during the time of the siege, occasioned by the many and great Fa­tigues he underwent night and day, tho the command of the Army was put by him into very good hands. But when the General is changed, designs are of­ [...]en changed also. The Siege being rai­ [...]ed, and Pest demolished, the Imperialists [...]etook themselves to Winter quarters, where several distempers occasion'd by [...]he badness of their diet, after such Fa­ [...]gues, carry'd off multitudes of them. Notwithstanding the D. of Lorrain open­ [...]d the Campaign following, which was [...]e year 1685. with the siege of New­heusel, [Page 52] as also did the Turks with that of Gran, which oblig'd the D. of Lorrain to leave a Blockade upon the place, and to march immediately with 30000 Men to the relief of Gran. The Seras­quier, who had double the Number of Forces, left the siege to give the Chri­stians Battle, waiting for them in a ve­ry advantageous Post, betwixt two hills covered with Wood, having a Morasse before him, stretching as far as the Da­nube. But Gran being relieved, and the siege raised, the D. of Lorrain made no great haste to pass the Morasse, which was between the 2 Armies, willing ra­ther that the Turks should undergo the labour and hazard of passing it first. For this purpose the D. of Lorrain feign'd a Retreat; the Turks fail'd not to follow him, and the Christians wheeling a­bout on a sudden, fell on pell, mell and the fight was often renewed; fo [...] the Turks, who presently fled at the lea [...] disorder that hapned among them, rall [...] ed again also very readily, and renewe [...] the fight a fresh, as vigorously as before but at length being forced to give way they fled in good earnest, and left 300 dead upon the place, betwixt 20 a [...] 30 pieces of Cannon, great Number [Page 53] Bombs, and other Ammunition; above 40 Standards fell also into the Victors hands, which the D. of Lorrain sent to the Emperour. The effect of this Battle was the taking of Newheusel by Storm. After the fight, when the Serasquier reti­red under the Cannon of Buda, this remarkable passage hap'ned unto him, the Bassa of the place, when he saw him draw near, caused some Cannon Bul­lets to be discharged against him, and sent to tell him, That the Grand Seig­nior had sent him at the head of his Army to fight the Christians, and not to come and suckl himself under the Cannon of the Town. This General, covered with shame by these reproaches, returned back into the field, resolving to fight the Christi­ans, tho he died in the attempt. But the Ottoman Port, which never loves those that are unfortunate, and usually makes the Generals suffer for their misfortune, for fear lest particular mens miscarri­age should become general, sent Orders to strangle the Serasquier, who was not­withstanding reputed a very good Com­mander; So that the Loss which the Turks had of this person, was an Advantage to the Christians

The Reputation, Victories, and the ve­ry [Page 54] Name alone of the D. of Lorrain, had strucken his Enemies with such asto­nishment, that the Grand Seignior, nor the Vizier, could scarce find any one that would take upon him the charge to command the Army. The first to whose Lot it fell to do so, was one Soly­man, a Bassa of reputation in Poland. This Person being arrived at the Port, and the Sultan proposing to him to under­take the Command of his Army in Hungary, the Bassa cast himself at his feet, desiring to be excus'd, alledging for Reason, That the Ottoman Forces were Troops whol­ly dismayed; that the General of the Christi­ans was so fortunate and successful in his En­terprizes, that there wanted no more than his first appearance to vanquish and put a whole Army to the rout; that his continual Victo­ries had-made him fearless, and that thereby, let matters be managed, how they would, he could not end the Campaign without the loss of his head; He therefore intreated his Highness rather to sentence him to death immediately than to send him to Hungary under the Grand Vizier, who having him­self fail'd of his duty in many particulars, was the sole cause of the ill success of the last Campaign; adding, That he would however accept of the charge which the Sultan would [Page 55] have committed to him, if so be his Highness would be pleased to go himself in person into the field, as his Predecessors had done. Soly­man managed the matter so well, that the Sultan, after he had considered of it, deposed the Vizier, and placed this Bassa in his room.

The D. of Lorrain had a great mind to Buda, tho on the other side it appear'd to him a matter of impossibility, there be­ing then 10000 Men in the place, and a Governour that was undaunted, who was firmly resolv'd to defend it to the last drop of his blood. He was a Renegado, and in his youth had born arms among the Chri­stians. Nevertheless, since it was necessa­ry that this place should be taken, and there would be no less difficulties to do it the next Campaign, the D of Lorrain resolv'd to attack it, and got the Emperour, and his Council to approve of his design. The Bassa who commanded there, caused it to be forthwith published throughout the Town, That whoever should but speak of Capitulating, should be immediately hanged, which was accordingly done to some of the Janizaries, who had talked a little too freely As soon as the Christians drew near, he took care to turn out all unpro­fitable mouths, that could only serve to [Page 56] eat up their provisions, and to send the richest of their moveables towards Bel­grade, but to his great misfortune all this wealth fell into the hands of the Christian Army: I shall not here enu­merate the particulars of this famous siege, but only say, that there was no sort of danger or hazard whereto the Duke did not expose him­self, oftentimes presenting himself with great courage at the foot of the breach, to animate the Soul­diers, and to exhort them not to flinch, notwithstanding the great firing which the besieged made incessantly upon them. One day this brave General returned with a wound in his leg, which hindred him not however from conti­nuing to perform the office and duty of his place to the end: And after two Months and a halfs siege, he carried the Town by storm in the very fight of the enemies Army, which was 140 Thousand strong, commanded by their new Vizier: But it was not till after the Bassa who commanded there was killed in the Breach, where he fought more like a Lion than a man. The Duke found therein 400 peices of Can­non and 60 Mortars, with all things [Page 57] necessary for its defence. The loss of this place was of great consequence to the Turks, and struck such a terror into their Army, that they retired in the night without doing or attempting any thing against the Christians, who were extremely harassed by so long a siege. On the other side, the Duke of Lorrain taking the advantage of his good success, marched with the best of his Troops towards the fort of Esseck, in his way took Five-Churches, Darda and Kaposware, and then the Fort of Esseck, burnt a part of that famous Bridg which contains in length eight Thousand five hundred and 65 paces, and 17 in breadth. The tenth of August following the Duke of Lorrain fought that famous Battle near Mohatz, which brought the Turkish affairs into every low condition, and almost disabled them from doing any thing more for the fu­ture; for besides 12000 men which they lost upon the place, they left above 90 pieces of Canon, divers Mortars, and all their provisions in general, and their Baggage, Carriages, Camels and Elephants behind them; in the Grand Viziers Tent was found besides, above two Millions in Gold and [Page 58] Jewels, and every where about was to be seen the field covered with dead bo­dies: The Emperor was so over joyed at the news, that he writ a Letter of thanks to the Duke with his own hand.

The D. of Lorrain having extended the Frontiers of the Empire as far as the Bridge of Esseck, did not think it con­venient to go any further at that time, but marched towards Transylvania, by reason Prince Abaffi had declared for the Port, by a particular Agreement, which was but ill performed on either side, for this Countrey afterwards put it self into the protection of the Empe­rour: The Winter ensuing the Duke of Lorrains great successes occasioned a great revolution in the Ottoman Em­pire; It cost the new Grand Vizier his life, and Sultan Mahomet the 4th his Throne, and his brother Soliman (as is well known) was taken from a prison where he had been detained for 40 years, and set in his place upon the Throne, but this Prince was more fit to have supplied the Office of the Mufti then of Sultan, for during his whole Imprison­ment he had spent his time only in the study of Mahomets Alchoran: The first news he received after his being mount­ed [Page 59] on the Throne, was the taking of Agrea by the Christians; this loss was a sudden surprize to him, and not knowing which way to appease the troubles which daily sprung up in his Dominions, and fearing to meet with the same measure his Predecessour did, he bethought himself of taking a quite opposite course to what his brother Ma­homet the 4th had done; and openly declared that he condemn'd the break­ing of the Truce by his Predecessour before the time of its expiration, and to make amends for that unfaithful dealing which the Port had made ap­pear upon this occasion, he was nor ashamed to offer a peace to the Em­perour, thereby to stop the effusion of Ottoman blood. But these good inten­tions made no impression at the Court of Vienna, where they would not heark­en to a peace in the prosperous conditi­on the Emperours affairs were in, but upon Terms very disadvantagious to the Port; However this did not dis­courage the new Sultan, he resolved to send his Envoys to Vienna as soon as he heard of the taking of Belgrade which his Electoral Highness of Bavaria carri­ed by storm, while the Duke of Lorrain [Page 60] lay sick at Vienna, and was solliciting the Emperour to hearken to the propo­sals of peace which the Ottoman Port made him; but all signified nothing, since the Directers of his Imperial Ma­jesties conscience had other things in view, pretending, as they were pleased to say, to plant the Christian faith in Constantinople, and to say Mass in the principal Mosque called Sr. Sophia.

The death of the old Arch-Bishop of Cologne, and the earnest endeavours which the King of France used to get the Cardinal of Furstemburgh into the Arch-bishoprick, began to open their eyes at the Court of Vienna, after that they were more favourably inclined to the Duke of Lorrains advice for a Truce with the Port, to the intent that the Emperour might with all his force op­pose the French King, who was then be­yond all contradiction more dangerous than the Turk, pretending no less then him to the Ʋniversal Monarchy: These considerations put together, I say, caused the Emperour to determine the sending the Duke of Lorrain to Buda, there to hear what proposals the Turkish Envoys, who were on their way, had to make; But as soon as the Duke of Lorrain had [Page 61] begun the Treaty in hopes of bringing it to a happy conclusion, he happened unfortunately to fall sick again, and his fever continuing upon him, he was forced to be carried to Insprugh that he might be near the Queen his Consort; the Treaty being by this means broken off at Buda, the Envoys were conducted to Presburgh, but the Emissaries of France plaid their part so well, that this place proved rather a prison to the En­voys then a place of freedom for nego­tiations: The French King who fore­saw well enough the dangerous condi­tion into which this Truce would have precipated him, left no stone unturned to obstruct its taking effect, and seeing the Cardinals hopes of Cologne prove abortive, he resolved that he might encourage the Turk to continue the War, to march to his assistance; And in the year 1688 broke the League which had been agreed on betwixt the Emperour and him, and performed his promise to Sultan Mahomet the 4th, and began with the taking of Philips­burgh upon the 29th day of October 1688. after the Trenches had been open­ed 23 days: This Rupture being a thing that was odious to the whole [Page 62] World, the French King and the Sultan both having been equally guilty of breach of faith, and of making an end of the Truce before the time, the first was willing for decency sake, and to cover his perfidiousness to observe some bounds, and for that end caused a De­claration to be published, wherein he offered to restore Philipsburgh in the condition it was in before, and also Friburgh demolished, so that the Empe­rour would agree to prefer Cardinal Furstembergh to the Electorship of Co­logn, and to change the 20 years Truce into a perpetual peace. This was to the intent he might be able to keep by consent what had been violently usurped by him, and gotten by no other right but that he which is strongest can pretend to: The Emperour and Em­pire not being able by any means to consent to an offer, which to speak mo­destly, would have robbed them of the sixth part of the Empire, it was necessa­ry for them all together to think of defending themselves against France. And whereas the Court of Vienna re­posing with entire confidence upon the faith of a Truce which was but just in a manner concluded, had turned the [Page 63] whole force of the Empire against the Turks, the French gained thereby an opportunity of ravaging the Countrey, and of taking into their possession with­out scarce any resistance the Palatinate, and the places along the Rhine, and to extend their contributions a great length, choosing for themselves the best winter Quarters that could be got, where all from the General to the meanest Soldier behaved themselves with utmost cruelty and barbarity, such as was never before practiced by any Christian Army, striving thereby to imitate the Turks and Tartars their Confederates. But Heaven, which seemed resolved to stop this Torrent in the midst of its course, suffered such a sad scene of affairs to appear in England, as obliged the English to apply themselves to a Protector, to deliver them from that insupportable yoke which James II. was go­ing to impose upon them by the counsel and assistance of Lewis XIV. who expected, in requital, to make use of the Forces of K. James, his Ally, to bring in subjection under him the 17 Provinces of the Low Countries, and afterwards all Germany and the Empire. The P. of Orange therefore, as the next Heir to the Crown of England, was [Page 64] sent for to accomplish so great a Work; and the whole world are witnesses how well he acquitted himself thereof; in­somuch that K. James being convinced in his own Conscience of his male-ad­ministration, abdicated the Crown and Scepter, which the English with great Joy offered to their Deliverer. This so sudden and seasonable a change in Eng­land, was, as it were, the beginning of Europe's deliverance. Her Fetters were broken off by this unexpected stroke, which was given by the divine hand for the taming of France, and chasti­sing it for all those calamities where­with she has oppressed the World; For this so necessary and seasonable Revo­lution raised up the fallen courages of most of the Princes of Europe, and gave a staggering blow to the Partizans of France.

As soon as the Turkish Envoys had un­derstood that the French King was com­ing to the assistance of the Sultan, their Master, and had declared War against the Emperour, they in their turn started so many New Objections, relating to the Truce between the 2 Empires, that se­veral Months pass'd without any effect. As on the one side the D. of Lorrain was [Page 65] much troubled that he could not bring the Truce to a conclusion, so on the other side he saw some reason to rejoice at the Rupture which the French had made, because it opened to him a way of re­turning into his own Dominions; and the rather, because the Pope, the Emperour, Eng­land, Spain, and the rest of the Confederates, were zealous to restore him. Such charming hopes contributed much to promote his Highness's health, which he had conti­nued deprived of, for several Months at Insprugh. As soon as he was recovered, the Emperor's Council seeing he had been so gloriously successful in Hungary, were for continuing him there, and to have the Emperor send some other General upon the Rhine. But that being not the way to Lorrain, he was no sooner arri­ved at Vienna, but making it appear that his Presence was necessary on the side of France, the Council chang'd their resolu­tion, and the Emperour receiving infor­mations of the great Exploits which Pr. Lewis of Baden had but newly perfor­med in Bosnia, his Imperial Majesty resol­ved, that this Prince should command in the Ʋpper Hungary, and the D. of Lor­rain upon the Rhine. The Duke thereup­on tarried not long before he got there, [Page 66] and quickly made the Effects of his presence appear; for the French imme­diately quitted several places they were in, having first rifled them, and pilla­ged all they could find, keeping only some of the most considerable places, such as Phillipsburgh, Mentz, Bonn, and Keyserwaert; Several other Towns which had opened their Gates to the French, and pay'd Contribution, to avoid being plundered, amongst which were Worms, Spire, Oppenheym, and divers other, were nevertheless plundered without mercy by the French Soldiers, and made to ex­perience all that the rage and cruelty of these New Tartars were able to in­vent; for they spared neither Church nor Relicks, no, not the Virgins that had consecrated themselves to the service of God; but made it in a few days time, of one of the most flourishing Countries of Europe, a dismal and amazing Wilderness. The Ages to come will hardly believe that a King who calls himself the most Christian, has suffered his Forces to commit such bar­barities and horrid cruelties.

It seems as if Heaven sent the D. of Lor­rain on that side to deliver so many mise­rable people, that wandred naked thro' the Woods and Mountains, dispoyl'd of all [Page 67] they had, and depriv'd even of ordinary sustenance, and to restore the 2 Electors of Cologne and Mentz to their Countrey; for so he promis'd them, not to sheath his Sword till he had establish'd them in their respective Diocesses; and he perform'd his promise; for as soon as the Elector of Brandenburgh had taken Keyferwaert, the D. of Lorrain laid siege to Mentz, which place the Marq. d' Ʋxelles had in all points regularly fortified, and placed a great Garrison therein, by whose assist­ance this Gevernour defended himself bravely during the whole siege; and it may be truly affirmed, that the fre­quent and manifold Sallies which the besieged made, often 3 times a day, within 2 hours one after the other, with Drums beating, and Ensigns dis­played, gave the besiegers much Em­ployment. But as the defence was vigo­rous, the attack was much more, so that after the Trenches had been 6 Weeks opened, the Town yielded on Terms, and the Duke found time enough to be at the siege of Bon, which defended it self with much Obstinacy, altho the Bombs had reduced it to an heap of Rubbish within 2 days after it began to be bombarded; and to take it, the D. of [Page 68] Lorrain was necessitated to besiege it in due form: but at length he made himself Master thereof, Octob. 12. 1689. The ta­king hereof ended the Campaign for this year, and the D of Lorrain resolv'd for Vi­enna, to make his report to the Emperor of what he had done upon the Rhine: He chose to go by Ratisbonne, where he had some consultation with the Diet about his restoration to his own Countrey. This Prince never saw himself so near to it as at this time, and believ'd he was now going to triumph over his mortal Ene­my, and flatter'd himself, that Victory would not forsake him in so brave a way, but that she would attend him into the heart of his Dominions, as she had hitherto done, not thinking that Death was so near at his heels, and that the fatal sister was now cut­ting the Thread of his Life. This Great Man, like Moses, saw a far off the Land of Promise, but enter'd not therein.

The 17th of April the D. of Lorrain ar­rived at Wells, in his way from Insprugh; the next day having gotten up by break of day, to continue his Journey to Vienna, he would needs go to Mass in the Capuchins Church there, before he depar­ted. While he was there, he was taken ill with a kind of a Catarrh, which ob­lig'd [Page 69] him to put off his Journey for that time. After he was return'd to the Count de Montregiers House, where his Lodg­ings were, he took some Physick, and af­ter that some Posset drink, which the Ca­puchins had got ready for him; then he caused himself to be blooded; but his Distemper increasing, he sent for the Ca­puchins; the Superior of them sent Father Celsus to compliment him, and in his Name to assure him, That their whole Body took part with him in his distemper. The Father coming in to him at 9 in the morning, the Duke intreated him not to leave him; within a moment after his pains increased; at 10 a clock he rose out of his bed, endeavouring to get some respite, and gave Orders to bring more of the Capuchins to him He dispatcht an Express to Vienna, to fetch one of the Emperor's Physicians. An hour after, the D. of Lorrain being led to his Bed by 2 Capuchins, laid himself down again, and in so doing, he twice or thrice kissed the Cross which Father Cel­sus held in his hand, saying, I see that which rejoyces me intirely; and having whisper'd something to this Father, I beseech you, said he, do not leave me, for I perceive plainly that I shall not see the end [Page 70] of the World: These were the last words that were distinctly uttered by Him: His Defluxion growing worse, the Emperors Phisi [...]ian in Ordinary, that resided in Wells, caused him to be let Blood; the Duke made a sign with his hand to bring eight other Capuchins to him, and as soon as they were come, he ordered them, as well as by broken Expressions he had ability, to sing the Officium De­functorum for him, which being perform­ed, the Capuchins all departed the room except two; and not being able to deli­ver his mind by Speech, He made a sign for Paper and Ink, which b [...]ing accor­ingly brought, he wrote three Memo­rials; in one of which he made Confes­sion of his sins; in another, recommend­ed to the Emperor the Care of the Queen his Wife, and his Children; and by the last he intreated his Wife to take care of his Children and Servants, and to cause Mass to be said for his Soul; He also writ upon another Paper, something re­l [...]ing to the Empire, which two last he delivered to Father Celsus, who sent them forthwith to the Emperor, by the B [...]on de Tugg [...]r; after which the Duke was seiz'd with an Apoplexy, and then en­tring into his last Agonies, he continued [Page 71] strugling with Death till four in the af­ternoon, at which time [...]e quietly yield­ed up the Ghost; his body being opened his Intrails were found to be very sound, and his Head full of Phlegmatick Hu­mours: This fatal stroke occasion'd no less joy to France, than it caus'd grief and trouble to all Europe besides; for as much as this Prince made mighty steps towards bringing down the Pride of France: And altho Lewis the 14th speak­ing of him one day, said, That he knew well enough how to c [...]be this swagg [...]ring Hector, yet was he notwithstanding much afraid of him, and it is not without rea­son suspected that the French Emissaries contributed to the hastning his End by means of a Valet de Chambre of their Na­tion, it being an undoubted Maxime that an Usurper does his utmost, and slips [...]o opportunity to catch and destroy not only him whom he has dispossest, but his whole generation also: This truth is sufficient­ly confirm'd by what we have since seen, I mean the design laid against the K. of England's Life, and against the D. of Savoys, which gives, I say, great sus­pitions of France being guilty of the D. of Lorraines Death, who was its irrecon­cilable Enemy, and who was then just [Page 72] ready to Attack it, it being manifest that the moment before his Death he was the only person she fear'd most; The D. of Lorraine at his death, left behind him four hopeful young Princes, who tread­ing in their Fathers steps, 'tis hop'd will one day revenge the wrongs he in per­son suffered, so that the French have this more to afflict them, that for one Ene­my they have lost, they'll possibly have four: D. Leopold the Eldest, being the Heir of Lorrain and Bar, as soon as he shall be of Age to put on Armour, will no doubt manifest himself a Son worthy of so great an Hero, and will not lose any op­portunity to rescue his Estates out of the hands of him who keeps them contra­ry to all right and justice, if the Confe­derates do it not before, in pursuance of the Promises made to the late Duke his Father, that they would never lay down Arms, till be was restor'd to the Dutchy of Lorraine: For this purpose it is to be hoped that Providence will continue the good Union that is betwixt the Confede­rates, and preserve the K. of England a­against all the attempts of France, that so having Triumphantly finished the War, he may be able to restore each to his Rights, shut up Lewis the 14th within [Page 73] his antient bounds, put him into a con­dition, if it be possible, not to be able to make any more attempts against his Neigh­bours, and by that means give Europe a firm and lasting Peace. Certain it is, that to hinder this, France has set out pro­digious Forces both by Sea and Land, but it is not to be doubted but that these are the last efforts of a Monarchy strugling in its dying agonies which will undoubted­ly tumble in the Dust, if the Confederates also on their side use some strong endea­vours, by raising as many Forces in one year as they have us'd to make serve for two: it concerns the Emperor first and principally so to do, if he is mind­ed to secure the Empire to the King of the Romans, which can never be done by a slight Peace, such as France now offers, and which she will break as soon as she shall have dissolved the bond of the Confederacy, and taken a little breath; I say she will make no more Conscience of breaking it, than she did to break that of Nimeguen, and the twenty years Truce; we should soon see Lewis the 14th, return back to Germany at the head of a numerous Army, as he did in the year 1683. at the same time that Vien­na was besieged by the Turks. As the [Page 74] good success of this War will be of great advantage to the House of Austria, so it will be no less to most of the Electors, and particularly to their Highnesses the Elector Palatine, the Elector of Cologne, of Mentz, and of Treves, for thereby they will return again to their Diocesses, and will enjoy them in security and peace, and may assure the Coadjutorship to some of their family, notwithstanding all the wheels which are set on work by Lewis the 14th in behalf of his crea­tures, that by assuring himself of Voices in the Electoral Colledge he may pro­cure the Imperial Crown to be placed on the Dauphins Head. And the Emperour or his Counsel ought not to imagine that the last Election that was made, is capable to frustrate the hopes and designs which France hath; for if ever she hath her hands free and can awe, or influence the Electoral Colledge, she will easily find away to disannul all that has been done and force them to a new Election.

If ever Prince had need to use great indeavours for the happy success of this War 'tis likewise the King of Spain, since thereby he will be enabled to recover a great number of Towns which the French King Vsurped from him in the time of his [Page 75] Minority, especially in the Low-Coun­tries, the remainder of which he would have entirely possessed himself of, had King James reigned but one year longer, but heaven took care of it, by bringing about the happy Revolution in England.

I find the English have also great Interest to do their utmost for the good success of the present War, thereby to bring France to intreat for Peace, and not to give it, as she falsely vaunted to have done that of Nimeguen, be­cause thereby they may not only be able to regain those ancient Rights which they had over divers Provinces of France, but remain in the peaceable possession of all their Estates, Priviledges, Religion, and Laws under that auspi­cious Government they now live, and prevent relapsing under the Despotick Reign of K. James, who mov'd by the pernicious Counsels of the Emissaries of France, would have made himself an Absolute Monarch, Independent on Par­liaments, changing the Laws, and feiz­ing Charters at his pleasure, to make himself like Lewis XIV. Absolute Master of the Lives and Estates of his Subjects, and to despoil them of their Honours and Lands, to gratify therewith the Je­suits, [Page 76] Monks and Friars: So that it is much better, for the preventing of this, that they freely give the Revenue of the whole, rather than to lose the whole it self, find themselves gnaw'd to the bone.

It were to be wish'd, that all Nations, to animate them to the setlement of their Repose, had continually before their eyes the true Idea of Lewis the 14th's Statue in the place of Victory; which no longer remains a Riddle, but an Authentick De­claration of the Will of this Monarch: For what means all those Nations chai­ed at his Feet? Is it not an Emblem of Ʋ­niversal Monarchy? Doth he forbear Fire or Sword, or even Poyson it self to attain to it? When I Restect upon that Attempt of Granvall, a Villain procur'd by the French to Assassinate the K. of England, at a time when protositions of Peace on their behalf were making to him by the Mini­ciers of the Northern Kings. it brings to my mind the Answer which Alexander the Great gave the Ambassadours of Darius, who Complimented him with Propositions of Peace, and in the mean time contriv'd Plots against his Life. Tell your Master, said this great Prince, That Conpliments are unnecessary betwixt persons that are in War with each other; [Page 77] if I have used any clemency or kindness to­wards any that belong to him, it was only to gratify my self, and not for any respect I bear to him; it being none of my humour to Insult over those that are miserable; my Quarrel is not against Prisoners nor Women, I oppose only those that have Arms in their Hands, and are in a condition to defend themselves: If his demands of Peace were Honest and Sincere, I would consider what I had to do; but since be ceaseth not, both by Letters and Money to sollicite my Soldiers to betray me, and others to destroy me, I am resolved to prosecute him to the utmost, not any longer as an Enemy, but as a Poy­soner and Assassinate.

I shall not comment upon the words of this great Monarch; the parallel is obvious. But let us leave Deceased ones of Antiquity, to listen to what D. Charles our Hero, or at least, his Ghost, is about to say concerning the present and fu­ture state of affairs.

The Archbishop de Perefix, in his Hi­story of Henry the Great, assures us, that he had divers Apparitions; and who doubts but the dead may return? at least, se­veral Churchmen give us assurance of it in their Writings.

About the end of the last Summer, [Page 78] the Imperial Court following the Chace in the Forrest of Luxemburgh, the Hun­ters that were gotten foremost, o're­heard a far off a sound of Trumpets, Drums and Kettle-Drums, and drawing near the place, they heard a Voice something hoarse, out of a Thicket, crying aloud, To arms, to arms, and leave your hunting. The Hunters having told what they heard, the whole Court was desirous to approach the Thicket, and principally the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits, who commonly follow the Court, hearing of a Spirit's talking, were very desirous to hear some News from the other world; by and by they heard the Trumpets sounding to horse, and the Voice distinctly crying, To horse, brave boys, &c. Then the Drums beat a March, and the Voice cried again 3 times, To arms, march, for the French are in the field. The Reverend Father Me­negatin, who was the principal among them, drew near to the Thicket, and after some Exorcisms, he conjured the Spirit to tell him what he was.

I am the Ghost of Charles V. D. of Lorrain, that recommends it self to the Emperor's most August Majesty.

Ha! 'tis the soul of the late D. [Page 79] of Lorrain, that desires Masses to be said for its repose.

No, no, you may as soon heat an Oven with Snowballs as drive away one Frenchman with 1000 of them.

This smells of a Faggot, reply'd the Reverend Father; who was going on, had he not been interrupted again by a Noise of Drums and Trumpets, and the roaring of Cannon, after which a Voice was heard crying, There is a time to pray, and a time to fight; to arms, brave Ger­mans to arms, the French are in the field.

Why, the Germans are not back­ward to the field; did they not pass the Rhine last Sumer, and did not the D. of Savoy with their assistance, make an Inroad into Dauphine, and had it not been for an accident that befel him, the Duke had push'd on his Victories to Gre­noble, according to the advices which the Fathers have given us from Am­brun, who were great comforts to him during the time his Indisposition lasted.

At these Words there was heard a noise of Laughter out of the Thicket; whereupon, said the Father, I conjure thee to tell me the cause of this laughter.

'Tis at thy dissimulation, since you being one of the principal of your Order, [Page 80] cannot be ignorant of any thing that hapned there; and yet you would feed us with fancies and illusion.

This is no illusion, but a reality.

Very finel as if I did not know that the D. of Savey was really poysoned in the Jesuits Colledge at Ambrun, and had not this Prince been young, and full of Vigor, he had gone the same way that I have done.

Fie, you mischievous Spirit, what Interest have we to desire the Death of a Prince that is so good a Catholick.

Oh, a very great Interest, since you saw him in a way to bring down the haughtiness of Lewis XIV. whose Partizans you are become, ever since you beheld his Exorbitant Power.

This is meer Calumny; does not all the world know that out General is a Spaniard, and that no other can be in that place.

I know very well that the Head of your Order is a Spaniard, but the greatest part of the Members are in their hearts French.

All over Calumny still: Ours is a Society that imploys it self only in praying for the prosperity of others, and in propagating the Roman, Catholick, and Apostolick Religion.

Yet at the same time you are much mortified at the least check the French King at any time receives, or to hear of the Confederates entring into his Countrey.

That's because we are Men of Peace, and pray for Peace, and are a­fraid left Heresy should again lift up its head in France, whence that Noble and Pious Prince has so lately banish'd it.

You are special Fellows, that had rather see all Europe in a flame, than a Prince that is a Protestant, tho he be Confederate with, and linked in the same common cause with Catho­licks, should set his Foot in France, or do any thing to force Lewis the XIV. to restore what he has unjustly usurped from so many Princes.

It is ad majorem Dei gloriam.

See how you poyson the best things with your wicked Sophistry and pretended devotion; you are much like the Ambassadors that Henry III of France sent to Q Elizabeth, when Mary Q. of Scots, had been confin'd for several years, who in publick made a shew of demanding her liberty, but underhand solicited the death of that Princess.

Your comparison is lame.

Not at all; for as that Embassy was but a cheat to gull people with false appearances, in like manner your Society carries a fair outside, but un­derhand you betray the Emperour and King of Spaine your leige Lords and Masters.

Jesu Maria! What do you mean before all this Company.

Traitors you are in acting as you do, and doing your utmost to hinder the success of the Allies of the House of Austria, be their Religion what it will.

'Tis for the glory of God.

Is it for his glory when by the pernicious Councils you give the Em­perour you destoy the best advices of his most faithful servants, and carry the orders that are given and change them to the advantage of France: No man can serve two Masters, only the Jesuits have this priviledge, that hav­ing two faces in a business, they have two Souls, the one alwaies like a Jesuit, the other that accomodates it self to persons, times, and places.

You make us Monsters by your account.

You know very well the repre­sentation [Page 83] which the Faculty of Paris made of your Society, namely; That it was born to trouble the Churches re­pose, to subvert the State, and to pro­pagate it self in the world by the ruine and destruction of Christian people.

This testimony ought not to be admitted as coming from the mouth of an enemy, they being most of them Jansenists, and who are envious to see so many considerable persons among us which have much eclipsed their lustre, and lessened that great reputa­tion they hithertofore had.

But what have you to say against the Parliament of Paris; who when they expelled you out of the King­dom by an Edict declared, That the Je­suits are corrupters of youth, enemies of the publick peace of the King and State; these Gentlemen cannot be excepted against, you having been their Confessours.

Our Society when it was first born, was like an Orphan Child that was wronged by every one, but after it came of age has had the discretion to make it self honoured and respected. King Henry the 4th knowing the in­justice that was done us, recalled us back into his Dominions and we re­turned [Page 84] like the Dove into the Ark with an Olive Branch, the emblem or peace, in our mouths.

The true reason of your return was because you had threatned to mur­der him, Saying that you had only wounded him by Chastel, but he had best have a care the second time; And [...]o leave some stain upon you, he caused one corner of your Cap to be cut away that you might be distin­guished from honest men and good Doctors.

Our Cap is three cornered, in honour of the Trinity, and repres [...]nts our Christianity on our forehead.

In good time, But pray what did father Guignard represent when he was hanged in Paris at the publick place of execution, his Body cast into the fire, and his ashes scattered with the wind.

It was occasioned by false Wit­nesses that this holy man suffered Mar­tyrdom.

'Tis well known that poisoning and affassinating of Kings and Princes, are works esteemed meritorious by the Society, and the Perpetrators of those villanies make your principal [Page 85] Martyrs which swell the Martyrology of the Jesuits, which you suffer none to see but Jesuits that have taken the 4th vow. These only are permitted to enter into the place where the Pictures of those worthy Martyrs and holy persons are kept.

However, were all that you im­pute to our Society true, it would only show that we are Enemies to France.

At that time you were so, be­cause the King of Spain was then the most powerful Prince, but affairs hav­ing since altered you alter also to be of the strongest side.

Behold how the most innocent actions of the Society are accounted criminal, yet we shall never cease not­withstanding to labour for the propa­gation of the Christian Religion and the support of those Princes that make profession of it.

But you that would pass for Champions of the Catholick Church, and pretend so much Religion, pray tell me, what Religion had Tambourin that famous Dr. of the Society who taught and left in writing, that a man▪ may have recourse to the Divel without bur­dening his conscience.

You don't take him together, for adds this great Dr. So it be to free ones self from some witchcraft when all hu­mane means have been tried in vain.

See how your Society poisons every thing turning, the best side outer­most to the people.

I don't wonder now why you caused the Capuchins at the time of your death, to be brought to you to say the officium defunctorum and confessed your self to them, rather then to our Fathers, that are usually assisting at the death of all Emperours Kings and Princes, who are ravished with joy when they receive their benediction in their dy­ing hour, and carry with them as a precious treasure the holy consolations of the Society.

O the cursed recommendation of a Jesus prayer, 'tis just like a man that would carry the Plague into a healthful Climate.

Those that have been assisted by us when dying, have all found them­selves in a good condition.

So indeed it may seem because they never yet have returned to make any complaint.

Yes, but many of our Fathers [Page 87] have had Visions, and Revelations, up­on that account, which ought to make our Penitents sufficiently assured.

But since you prosper so well in the affairs of Heaven, and that no one can serve two Masters why do you not abandon those that belong to this world? All things would go better if you did not concern you selves with them, Kings and Princes would live in greater security, the Emperours Court would not be daily filled with your hypocritical Fathers who would make a more becoming figure in the Church, and the Confederates would bless hea­ven for it, for that their counsels would be kept more secret and their victories more assured.

Our Order does not forbid us the conversation of men, or to be where we judg most useful to give wholesome advice when 'tis demand­ed of us; but you had better maliti­ous Spirit as you are to return from whence you came, than to trouble the publick tranquility and the holy Har­mony that is betwixt the Emperour and our Society, Fare well I am weary to hear you longer affront honest and good men.

Stay; truth ought not to scare you.

On the contrary we preach it all the world over and our Fathers like Apostles have spread the know­ledge thereof in the Indies, in China, Persia, Siam and other Countries be­fore unknown and we may without boasting reckon the Society among the pillars that support the Church in its great Age, and sa [...] that we restore heat unto it in the feeble age it now is, like the Beautyful and young Abishag whom the Royal Prophet David took into his bed to warm him in his old age

By your account a [...]l the other Religious orders, are nothing in com­parison to yours. M. Nothing at all, are all your Rabble of Monks, whose orders ought to be esteemed by good men no more then as so many Harlots, neither do you see these Beg­ging fryars who usually smell of the grease of the Kitchen, much approach the persons of Kings or Princes as our Fathers do, who without vanity are in possession of the principal Chairs of Confession in the Church.

That is when under fair shews of Piety the serpent hides it self and [Page 89] you give your penitent to drink the dangerous poison of your abominable politicks, If all Princes knew you but as well as I did, when I was upon the Earth, they would serve you as the Templars were served, or at least they would banish all of you out of their Dominions for you are wretches that betray God and all Princes.

Wicked Spirit (replied the Fa­ther) in a great rage) that would turn Angels of Light into Divels, I conjure you to prove what you assert of a Society that has received so many favours of his Imperial Ma­jesty who has often been willing to stoop to us and hath not disdained to honour us with taking his repast in our Colledge and with our Fathers.

I should rather have chosen to eat wi [...]h the Capuchins; in truth their chear is not so good, but there is less danger.

Far from that, his Imperial Ma­jesty has esteemed these repasts as those feasts of Charity were formerly, when they were all but one body and one soul in that fraternal union by which they were knit together.

See the pride of these fat gutted [Page 90] hypocrites, who are so bold as to rank themselves with crowned heads, and their impudence besides to place them­selves at the Emperours Table which none of the greatest Princes of the Em­pire dare to do.

We blindly perform what his Majesty commands us, there you see our obedience and that we are not such rebels as you accuse us.

That is not the case I have told you the true reason of it.

I conjure thee yet once more in the name—to prove what you have been so bold to assert, call all the Spi­rits of the other world, if you will to your assistance; we fear nothing, and our Society is above any slander.

Owne that you have a forehead of brass that nothing is sufficient to make you blush, just like whores that have lost all but a simple appearance of honour.

Apply your self to the matter of fact and leave all these flourishes.

Did you know the famous Jesuit Eudemond.

Yes (answered the father in some disorder) I know that great man and have read his Writings and Apology.

Very well, without question then [Page 91] you have seen that final determination of his. That a Jesuit being exempted from all right of obedience, cannot do any wrong to the Kings Majesty.

This does not prove any Rebel­lion, on the contrary it proves that by his obedience to his General, 'tis im­possible for him to offend the King.

Ha! old Sophister, you know well enough how to gild every Pill, but I defy you to ward off this next blow, you know doubtless what reputation Father Zimancha had.

Very well, his memory is preci­ous in the Society, and we reverence his Opinion as a second Gospel.

Good, take notice then of the words of his New Gospel, That the Re­bellion of a Jesuit cannot be call'd High-Treason, because he is not a Subject or De­pendant to any King.

These are only Terms of the School to encourage one that is a No­vice, and to exalt the Order of Priest­hood; these are properly Theses to ex­ercise young Scholars with, as when a Professor denies the Divinity for Argu­ment sake, altho he knows the contra­ry in his heart: And as in the Sacred Writings, we must not interpret every [Page 92] thing according to the exact letter, so the words of our Reverend Father are to be taken with some explanation; for example, tho a Priest calls himself a King and a Priest, he is not guilty of Trea­son for that; altho to take the Words li­terally, it would be so, according to the Rule of State-Policy, which con­demns every private man that takes upon himself the title of King, to the prejudice of the Soveraign, as worthy of death. Yet we see that Kings and Princes are not at all offended at it, nor has it had any ill consequence in the world. When all comes to all, one mans particular opinion ought not to charge the whole, nor be drawn into conse­quence against our Society, which will always be cleared of it, by disowning it, it being true, as they say, that one Swal­low makes not Summer. 'Twas never known, that any of us have done the least thing that deserves blame at the Court of Vienna, his Imperial Majesty acknowledging the same by continuing his protection and Kindness, which in­deed makes some envy us; but we pati­ently bear all Calumny with a holy re­signation, hoping our Loyalty may be manifest to all the world; we shall con­tinue [Page 93] to discharge our duty in spight of envy and slander, the two mortal enemies we have.

Do well, and they will speak well of you; Religion will be purer, and more confirmed.

Tell me then, wherein have we acted so much against the Emperour and Empire.

'Tis no thanks to your Society, that France has not possess'd the Em­pire, or that the Imperial Crown was not placed upon the Dauphine's head, if it should have mist Lewis 14. his Fathers.

When did ever the Society en­deavour so to do!

Not openly, but slily and secretly by pernicious counsels.

When then, and at what time have we given these pernicious couns [...]ls?

You have, to go no higher than the year 1672. stirred up the K of France to declare War against the States of the united Provinces and you did your bu­siness so well in England, by the D of York's means, who was a Son of the Society, and devoted to the blind performance of whatsoever should be exacted of him, that he perswaded his Brother to Joyn [Page 94] with France, without any reason or pre­tence, and even against his true Interest, which could not be to increase the Grandeur of France, by the destruction of the Ʋnited Provinces.

Oh, oh, we had something else in prospect.

I know you have many strings to your bow; but pray let's hear what was that holy prospect you then had.

Because the War began to be kin­dled in Italy, the D. of Savoy, and the Re­publick of Genoa, were already come to blows, and France, that stirred up this War, was so closely linked with his Royal Highness, that she would have undoubt­edly been of his side, and made that a pretence, to enter into Italy with its Ar­my, and to draw near to Rome. So that it was absolutely nessessary to give the K. of France some sudden diversion an­other way. This we did by engaging him agianst the Ʋnited Provinces, which we look'd upon as the shelter, for Hereticks.

I know well that you had a two­fold aim, and that one should not de­stroy the other, but it is well known also, that under the pretence of Heresy the chief ground en which you have built all your designs at the Court of France, hath [Page 95] been to transport the Empire to the House of Bourbon.

What relation have the Ʋnited Provinces to the Empire?

Much, since they cannot be tou­ched without prejudice to the Spanish Low-Countries, and you were well assu­red, that the Emperor could not sit by with folded Arms, to behold the swallowing up of the Estates of the K of Spain, his near relation, and the eldest branch of the House of Austria, so that the Emperor and the Empire, would at length have insen­sibly fallen into a War with France, tho it might have slept for a while.

You were greatly mistaken, if you had such thoughts of us when you were alive; we are no such great Poli­titians as you would make us; we have no other aim, but to maintoin the Church, and root out Heresy.

Go, go, tell these idle stories to your seduced Bigots; Men of Sense un­derstand better, and they know well e­nough, by this time, where you have the Wood you warm your selves withal.

The World may think what they please of it, but our design is not to be pe­netrated into.

Notwithstanding, 'tis well known [Page 96] to be this, that you may make Lewis 14. the Ʋniversal Monarch, and reduce Europe to his Tyrannick Government, as you have done Burgundy, the Franch Comte, Lorrain, Alsice, Strasbourgh, and other places in Germany, as well as part of the Low Countries, which you have occasio­ned to be torn from the House of Austria.

All mistake, pure calumny and slander of our Enemies.

Hold a little, it is manifest that you so well knew how to play your part at the Court of Vienna, That whilst Lew is XIV. made havock and spoil of those Countries, al­most as far as Germany, it seem'd unconcern'd, as if it considered not, that that when ones Neighbour's house is on fire, our own is in great danger; and that as soon as the K of France should have en­ded affairs in Holland, he would have past to Cologne, a place that he had friends in, to go directly thence for Francksort, whilst another Army should have acted upon the Rhine, and then he would have compell'd the Electors to declare in favour of the Dauphin; then would Lewis 14. have obtained whatsoever he could well have demanded.

You attribute to us a great deal of power over the mind of great ones, and a mighty force, to give motion to so many Ma­chines, [Page 97] when as we, poor souls, are only devoted to Religion, and think of no­thing but of making our prayers to God.

Yes, yes, you are sufficiently known, you are some of those good souls that leave all behind you that you cannot carry a­way; you have done more than this; for you induced the Court of Rome to stand still and see the Conquest of the Spanish Netherlands, of Lorrain, and Holland, that the Dominion of them might be trans­ferred to the Dauphine, or his eldest Son.

What advantage could it be to the Society, if all these Countries had fallen into the possession of the French, or even the Empire it self, seeing we have recei­ved innumerable benefits from the House of Austria, not only in Bohemia, but in Si­lesia, Austria, Hungary, and Moravia.

I know that but too well; but you are persons that are insatiable, and the K: of France knowing you to be so, the bet­ter to gain you to his Interest, had pro­mised you firm settlements in that great, famous and wealthy City of Amsterdam, in the East and West Indies, whence comes Gold and other Riches, for the sake of which you compass the Earth with so much pains and greediness.

Well, and what else?

Two rich Abbys, both Heads of an Order, that of Cluny in France, and the o­ther in the Conquests.

In the mean time, where are the ef­fects of all these fair and great promises, since there is nothing of all that to be seen, it ought of necessity to be conclud­ed, that what you maintain is false.

Pogh, that's because the design a­gainst the Ʋnited Provinces proving in­effectual, your pernicious intention, and the great promises of the K. of France have vanish'd into smoke.

Thanks to the Emperor and Em­pire, that came to the relief of the Ʋnited Provinces, and declared War against France▪ So that you see we are unjustly accused of hindring it.

I know very well, and have told you already, that the Imperial Court having its Eyes open'd, it was no longer in your power to withold it, but then you endea­vour'd clandestinely to hinder the good success of the Imperial Arms, and by that means, of all the Confederates: and when Traitors were employ'd by your Orders, you knew well enough how to prevent their being punish'd.

This is another slander; prove it.

The express Order which the Empe­ror [Page 99] sent Montecuculi, to joyn the Elector of Brandenburg, that they might together fight Marshal Turenne; you manag'd the matter so subtilly as to get it into your hands, chang'd it, and sent an Order quite to the contrary: This is a Truth sufficiently known.

I deny it.

This I know, that the Negative is one of the usual Sanctuaries of the Socie­ty, but you cannot deny that there were none but the Fathers of your Society, that solicited the Emperor for the pardon of Commissary General Capelier, whose Let­ters, wherein he gave an account to the French of all his Master's Concerns, were intercepted at the Posthouse in Franckfort.

That honest person was sent to Vi­enna; if he had committed any Crime, why was he not punish'd.

True, there he ought to have re­ceived the reward of his unfaithfulness, but the Society, at the desire of the French Court, labour'd so effectually in his be­ [...]alf, that of a Criminal you made him a [...]rave person, and he was discharg'd as [...]uiltless, like the Governour of Friburgh M. I secure my self therefore in the Soci­ [...]ty's Fortress, the Negative; I say, I deny all [...]hat you would put upon us and will ne­ [...]er grant any of them, no more than I wi [...]l [Page 100] the design of the Powder, which was en­deavour'd to be sent from Franckfort to Phillipsburgh, when that place was besie­ged by the Imperialists, which they would also have laid to our charge.

At least, have you not by your In­terest and Credit hindred the Merchants that were your Commissioners, from be­ing punish'd as they deserv'd.

In good time: shall we be accus'd for using Charity and Compassion, in preserving the life of our Neighbour? I have nothing to answer to that.

Tom Thumb in Folie; you don't know I warrant you, that 'tis as great a crime to acquit the guilty as to condemn the innocent.

Charity is not at all suspitious, it believes well of every things, hopes all things, and regards not the deserts of him that requires it, it doth no man ill, injures none, and suffereth all things.

But, seeing you are so well able to publish the effects of charity, why have you not made use of it in respect to the Protestants in general, particularly to those of Silesia, Bohemia, Moravia, and Hungary, whom you have persecuted to extremity.

That was to set them in the righ [...] [Page 101] way, as we have done in France: Compel them to come in, saies the Gospel.

It was rather to compel them to rebell, that you so warmly plied the Court of Vienna, and got Dunewal their declared Enemy to be sent to them, who after he had forsaken their Religion, had given up himself intirely to do whatso­ever the Society should impose upon him, indeed he so well executed your orders, that every where as he went, of good and faithful subjects as they were before to the Emperour, he made them wicked and rebellious.

Can it be accounted ill, that we labour to gain Souls and endeavour by all sorts of means to bring home strayed sheep to the fold.

No, if it be by the ways and rules which Charity permits, but they discom­mend you for moving the Court to trou­ble the peoples repose, to make a breach of the Edicts of pacification which were granted them, and by that means to ex­cite them to a revolt, as it happened in Hungary, which has cost so much Christi­an blood in the event.

However we did not advise Tecke­ly to revolt or call in the Turks to his succour.

Not directly, but indirectly you did; by your pernicious counselling of blood and persecution, you drove the people to despair, and forc'd them to em­brace the first that would offer them re­lief, which brought the Turks upon us to Vienna before we were aware.

But what advantage could accrue to the Society by so many evils.

Only the grandeur of Lewis 14. whom you have endeavour'd to raise to the high­est degree, Judging him the best able to increase your Riches, and to subdue the Northern Heresy, in whose Countries you expected, as I have said, to erect your Trophies, and to share with him the U­niversal Monarchy.

All this might be well enough, if you were speaking to Father Le Chaise, who is French both by birth and inclinati­on, in that case I could forgive you; but to us who are Germans, establish'd in the Empire with all affluence, what likelihood can there be?

When one Jesuit labours in a busi­ness, it may boldly be said, that the whole Society does it; for I'le maintain, that he dares not make the least step without acquainting the General; so that to say one does a thing, is to say all do it:

Every one shall answer for his own actions.

To your General he shall; and I know also that he has power to disown all when the affair does not prosper as the Society would have it, or according to his intention.

For my part, I am not my brothers keeper, nor expect to answer for him.

So said Cain when he had murder­ed his brother. Generation of murtherers, after having caused so many calamities to the Empire, why have you not hin­dred the Court of France, where you rule by your intrigues, from giving assistance to the Turks, and from sending him con­tinually what he has occasion for, as mo­ney, Engineers, and Artillery.

Every one does with his own what he pleases, and we cannot help it.

But this is matter of conscience to assist the Turks against Christians.

I own it, but the most Christian King, at the age he is now of, thinks himself above such Peccadillo's as these.

That is because he follows the Jesu­its Morals; but if you could not prevent what was bad, why did you hinder what was good?

What was that?

The Truce between the 2 Empires, [Page 104] when the Grand Seignior offered it, and sought it with great earnestness.

If we did it, it was with a good in­tention, in hopes to plant the Cross in Constantinople.

Very well, Yet notwithstanding you suffered all to be ravag'd by the French; these barbarous wretches fill'd all places where they came with fire and blood, and spar'd neither Virgin, nor Noblemans Pa­lace, or the Peasants Cottage.

Alas, poor souls, I pity them; 'tis sad, I confess, but how can we help it? these are the fruits of War; we can only pray for peace, and offer up to Heaven the merits of the Society to expiate for so much blood as has been shed.

Ay, whilst on the other side you carry fire into all places and give bad and wicked counsels to such Kings and Princes as suffer you in their Courts, whence they ought to banish you as soon as you are known, and your intreigues discovered.

We must exercise patience if they do, and according to the precept of our Master, when we go, shake off the dust of our feet against those who would not receive us. We hope the Emperour, and other Kings and Princes knowing our [Page 105] innocence will continue to do us Justice, and protect the Society against all those envious and wicked persons who.—

Before Father Menegatin had finished the rest, there was a noise heard afresh of Drums, Trumpets and Kettle Drums, and the same voice out of the Thicket crying with all its force: Help, the French are entred into Germany, they will not leave one stone upon another, and their rage will not spare even the Sepulchres of the dead.

At these words one of the Company demanded of the Ghost, who he spoke to. I would speak, said the Ghost, to an honester man than a Jesuit, bid the Of­ficer of the Guard come hither.

He that had the command of the Guard that day, advancing forward, demanded of the Spirit what it would have.

I am the Ghost of the Duke of Lor­rain, I died a most faithful servant to his Imperial Majesty; Do you know whether he received the Memorials I writ to him as I lay a dying, and which I put into the hands of a Capuchin to carry to him▪

You need not doubt of it having left them in Father Celsus his hands [...]; you might have had some reason to [Page 106] have feared had you betrusted them to a Jesuit, for these people are naturally very curious.

I took care of that, I knew them too well.

Well, you may besatisfi'd in that behalf.

Very well but pray tell the Em­perour that I intreat him once more, that at the general peace he will take care of Lorrain, that by his means it may be restored to its own master, and that my enemies may not prevail, as they did at the peace at Nimeguen, for this poor Countrey (as it's known) as well as Bur­gundy and the Franch Compte was sacri­ficed to the usurpers ambition.

I'l do it, let not that trouble your repose.

Desire his Imperial Majesty fur­ther, that he never give his consent to a peace with France until the Confederates have brought him down, if he has a mind to secure his Frontiers, and the Crown to the King of the Romans, other­wise Germany will never be in quiet, but will alwaies be in danger of sinking, especially that he restore liberty of Con­science to his people that have been frighted and ruined by those unfortu­nate birds you call Jesuits.

I'l faithfully deliver all, but what con­cerns [Page 107] the Jesuits which for some rea­sons I dare not meddle with.

I knew those reasons but too well before I left the world: There I might perhaps have been still if I would have conformed my self to their Will, and followed their maxims, but because I al­waies resolved to do what became an honest man, it has cost me dear.

Why do you suspect that these Fathers have any waies indirectly con­tributed towards your death.

There is no confidence to be put in them, since they have embraced the Interests of France, they are managed by the same spirit which that Court is, they labour incessantly to rid them­selves, by sword or poison of all that op­pose them. Let the Confederate Princes have a care of them, this is counsel that I have no Interest of my own that can prompt me to give, for my part I have no further concern to hazard.

They are sufficiently perswaded of the truth hereof by what they see, but the mischief of it is, they cannot be suffi­ciently or timely enough aware of these sort of people.

Bring down France and all their Plots will fall of themselves, her Emissa­ries [Page 108] will forsake her, she will become pliable, and will then keep her word where she has promised it.

No body doubts of that, but the question is, how to compass this great affair, which all Europe looks upon as its only security, and the only means to live in repose for the future.

There is nothing impossible, time works all things, I remember still that Darius King of Persia was in his time as proud and as haughty as Lewis the 14th can be now; he had an Army of 600000 foot and 150000 Horse, and yet notwithstanding he was soundly beaten by Alexander, who had only a small handful of men.

It is certain that the sincere and firm Union among the Confederates ought to be looked upon as the work of Heaven, and which will effect the bringing down of France, or it will never be done.

For this reason it is that the Con­federates should put forth their utmost endeavours to banish from amongst them those mischievous Counsellers, who do their endeavour for a sordid in­terest to dissolve so important a Bond for the common safety:

It is true, and every one of the Confederate Princes ought to inflict ex­emplary punishments on all such low spitited Ministers of State, of whom there are but too many in all Courts, who sell themselves to the French Inter­est, and endeavour to Frustrate and ren­der ineffectual the best designs of their Masters, under a specious pretext of peace or neutrality; under this false dis­guise, they insinuate themselves amongst great and small, and have that way of address as to make Princes believe what they please because they see but little of what passes in the world but by others eyes.

When Darius's Army was defeat­ed Alexander was there himself in per­son, the presence of a Prince is more worth then 20000 men.

I apprehend what you mean, but the Emperour hath good Officers that are able to do his business; Prince Lew­is of Baden is a great General.

He is successful in all his under­takings, the Emperour and the Confe­derates may confide in him, let him but have money enough and forces sufficient.

True, besides his honour and the [Page 110] publick good, his own private interest is also concerned, which in my opinion is a great spur to provoke a General to push forward, and not lose time to a­muse the World, as many Generals do, in marches and counter marches, and who after they have thus marched backward and forward for a whole Campaign, retire to Winter quarters, laden with the spoils of the Countrey people and their purse filled with Con­tributions. These are the only victories that many have got.

You have untied the Gordian knot, and to prevent all these marchings to and again, wherewith the Countrey along the Rhine have been ruined, de­sire the Emperour to continue Prince Lewis of Baden he'l give a good account of his adminstration, because none will dispute the command with him.

But there being divers Princes and Electors that send their Troops, the Emperour cannot hinder their being there.

That is nothing, for the good suc­cess of affairs, this Prince ought to have the absolute command in chief, and the entire power over all those Troops and to punish those that shall not do their duty.

'Tis very like that so great a body having but one Head and that a good one, will be stronger, and more diligent in opposing their enemy, who sleepeth not.

You have reason to say the French don't sleep, therefore it were to be wished that the Ger­mans would be more early, to prevent the Ene­mies surprizing them in Winter Quarters, for of­tentimes Towns are taken, pillaged, burnt and plundered before they are awakened.

It is an old custom that many of the Germans religiously observe, and which surely they approve of, since it has continued so long.

But the case will be otherwise, if Pr. Lewis of Baden have the absolute command of all the Troops of the Circles of the Empire.

Diligence, I confess, is of great consequence; we experience it too much by our enemies, that they who are earliest in the field, have great advantages, because it tends to break all the others measures, aed fru­strate the best of their designs: but the misery is, that in a body compos'd of so many parties, there always happens some difficulty which must be surmounted, or the time spent in debates, and unprofitable con­testations, which the Emissaries of L. 14. insinuate a­mongst them, whilst he promotes his own interest, does his business and makes perpetual advances al­tho he makes overtures for a Peace.

Yes, he would give a peace in his own way, but he ought to receive it, otherwise Europe will never be in quiet, France knows not what it is to keep its word, or perform its promise, she is sincere so long as she finds nothing to work upon, but assoon as she perceives an opportunity of advantage, will not fail of an occasion to break either Peace or Truce.

But why is it then that he sollicites the Pope and the Northern Kings to procure a Peace, and that he offers to the Suisse, the Venetians, and to [Page 112] Fortugal the mediation, and that he cannot obtain his end.

The reason why he is so earnest is because he perceives plainly that he must sink in the end, his Trading and commerce is ruined, his people consum­ed, there are abundance of discontented persons in his Kingdom even of the Princes of the Blood, whom he has forced in imitation of the Grand Seignior, to marry his Bastards, and to stain the no­ble blood of the Bourbons with unlawful marriages.

It is true, that was a thing that the whole world stood amazed at, 'twas abominable to see one of the first Princes of the Blood, the presump­tive Heir to the Crown after the Royal family, to be forced to joyn himself to the adulterous brood of that lewd strumpet. Montespan, who was the scourge of the deceased Queen, and the abhorrence of all persons of honour in the Court.

But pray tell me how Madame the Dutchess of Orleance, she who is sprung of so noble and so il­lustrious a Blood, was able to consent to a marriage so little suitable to her birth and the humour of the Germans, who do not like to match below themselves.

It could not choose but be a great mortifica­tion to this great Princess, she fell sick with discon­tent, and was forced to bite the bridle, but could not help it.

Why so, she had nothing to do but to refuse her consent, and the marriage could not have gone on.

Her consent was never so much as asked; I see you don't know the story.

Not very well, for I have only heard of it here below from certain interested Courtiers, who when they speak of the Lineage of the French King, altho Bastards both male and female, swell their mouths as if they were all descended in a direct [Page 113] line from Charlemaign, or sprung out of St. Lewis his side.

You must know then, that the French King being sollicited by Maintenon, whom Mont [...]span had set a work, his Majesty was intreated to call to mind and consider his own blood, and that he might ve­ry advantagiously marry Mademoiselle de Blois with Monsieur the Duke de Chartres; the King at first made some difficulty thereof for as much as he was the first Prince of the Blood, but considering that Monsieur the Dauphin had 3 Princes to succed after him, this Monarch passed overall further considera­tion of the matter, and sent for the Duke of Orleance into his Closet, and proposed the matter to him; the good Duke who is none of the most couragious in the world, and who little expected to be compli­mented thus, was surprized, confounded and struck speechless, the King pressed him to give him his answer, and he to get out of the business as well as he could, referred it to his son the Duke de Char­tres, in hopes to gain time to get him excused from it, but the King who would not be put off, mistrust­ing his brothers design, took care to prevent it, and to strike the Iron (as they say) while it is hot, he caused therefore the Duke of Chartres to come in­to his Closer, and turned him about in so many wind­ings of discourse, that the poor young Gentleman was not able to unsay what he had said, but all a­stonished and at a nonplus, told the King, that he would do whatever his Majesty would have him, and thus against his will became a Gallant; as soon as the King was come out of his Closet, he publish­ed this marriage before ever Madam the Dutchess of Orleance had heard of it, for the King knew very well that she would never be brought to con­sent to it. The Duke de Chartres went to give Ma­dam an account of what had passed, and she having demanded of him if he had given his consent, the [Page 114] Duke quite out of countenance answered, Yes, whereupon Madame all in a rage pushed him from her with much violence using these words to him; Get you gone, you are unworthy of the Blood you sprung from, meaning thereby the Blood of the Family of the Electors Palatine.

But what compliment did Madame give her daughter in Law at her first visit.

That is the best of the piece. For Mademois. de Blois failed not of her duty, she went to pay her respects to Madame and to let her know the satis­faction and honour she received by being allied to her. Madame, to whom this visit was not very pleas­ing having made her new daughter in Law wait for some time, at length came into the Room where she was staied for, and Mademoiselle de Blois having be­gun her compliment, Madame interrupted her and said to her: It is very well Mademoiselle, we shall have time enough to see one another, and so left her in a very hasty manner. But the discontent and grief which Madame [...]ad upon this occasion, which she lamented with floods of tears, hindred not the marriage from going on and being consummated faster than it would otherwise have been; nor was Madame present when it was done.

If I were as Madame, after the King's death, I would get this marriage to be disannulled, as being unlawful and forced; for the D. of Chartres was not then of age, but under his Father's Tuition, and I would send Mademoiselle de Blois to a Nunnery, to pray to God to forgive her fathers and her mothers sins.

But if there should be children come of this marriage before that time, what must be done then?

There ought to be some settlement made for them, as they do for children that springs from a marriage that a Prince makes below his quality; there are some Examples of this in Madames own Family.

The King, who thinks every thing lawful for him, was minded not long since to have one propo­sed to the Prince Royal of Poland, with the Princess Dowager de Conti, daughter to La Valiere.

The Prince must have been utterly void of Reason to have hearkned to such a Proposition, and have deprived himself of the Crown of Poland for ever; for the Poles, who are jealous of their honour, would never have receiv'd a Bastard of France for their Queen, unless they had a mind to become the discourse of the whole world.

For that reason this proposition made no im­pression on the King or Queen of Poland; but they mar­ried the Prince to one of the Princesses of the House of Newburgh.

They did very well for that; 'tis a convenient match for a Prince that aims at a Crown; by this means the K. of Poland has allied himself to one of the most considerable Families of Europe. We have been told here below, of another marriage the K. of France endeavour'd to procure, viz. of Mademoiselle de Orleans, to the King of the Romans.

Without doubt, aiming thereby to make a Peace with the Emperor.

No doubt on't: but a daughter of France to be in the Imperial Family, would be exactly the bring­ing of the Trojan Horse into the Empire; Desire ear­nestly the Emperor not to hearken to any thing of it: whoever shall suggest it to him, are Ministers cor­rupted by France; his Imperial Majesty may call to mind what the Alliances with the French have cost the Spaniard, and consider what they are like to do hereafter, not only to Spain alone, but to all those o­ther Princes who have taken into their bosoms the daughters of France, that have been throughly taught their lesson before they departed.

'Tis true, we have seen a sad experience of it in that good K. of England, Charles I. whose death was [Page 116] occasion'd by Q. Henrietta, his Consort, thro' the per­nicious Counsels which France suggested to her from time to time, the sorrowful remembrance whereof occasions tears of blood to be shed to this day. But have you no more to say to me?

Recommend me to the K. of England, and tell him, that I intreat him not to lay down his arms till he has pluckt that Crow of France, and despoil'd him of those Feathers he has so proudly adorn'd himself withal, for 'tis he that must break Europe's chains, if he be but well assisted.

You need not doubt of that.

It is not so always; if it had, as it ought, possibly Namur would yet have been in the Spaniards hands: if, I say, when the King was encamp'd near the little River of Mehaigne, the Confederate Troops which were at Huy, had readily advanced, which they might have done before the River was overflown, that place had not chang'd its master. The General who command­ed them, received very many Expresses that were sent him from the King for that purpose, but in vain; insomuch that the River coming to swell with the abundance of Rains that fell, there was no way to re­pair the neglect, nor to regain the time that was lost.

I have heard it whispered so, and that his Bri­tannick Majesty was not very well satisfied, Is there no means to prevent for the future this misunderstanding between the Generals, which the French make advantage of every Campaign, to bring about their designs.

Yes surely, the only remedy the Allies have, is to commit their Troops, without any General, to the dispose of the K. of England, and to have no higher Officer than a Major General, and then one shall see that affairs will go much better, if the K. of England can presently be sure of Troops when he has occa­sion for them; otherwise every Campaign will have the same success.

It is true, that divers Heads to a Body give it the [Page 117] resemblance of an Hydra, each of which has its pros­pect several different ways; besides it is easier for France to corrupt, when there are many in chief, than when thereis but one.

More than that, when a design is communicated to 2 or 3, it no longer remains a secret; for France has ways to penetrate into them, that are imperceptible, and when she cannot gain the Master, she secures her self of the Secretary; thus these Gentlemen, when they are once in possession of the Pen, prove imme­diately men of importance, and nothing is account­ed too dear for them.

It is true, and I have often seen in Germany, that many of these Writers, when they enter into the Ser­vice of some Person of quality, have scarce had a shirt to put upon their backs, and no sooner have they been a few months there, but we see them sprucified, and drest up like Countrey Altars; money must come some way, for that which they get from their Ma­sters don't much burden them; and the worst on't is, that their Masters will take no notice of it, nor inform themselves whence they have the means to furnish these Expences.

It may be, there are some of these that share the Lewidores with their Secretaries.

That is not impossible; besides, I almost believe that oftentimes the Master is so greedy, that there is no need of a third person to receive the Present which France makes.

Therefore few Princes can resist 100000 armed Cuirassiers, as they appear to us in Hungarian Ducats.

That is excellent Seed indeed.

But it becomes pernicious when it is sown by a French hand

I confess 100000 Ducats is a strong temptati­on to an honest man.

Hold there, nothing ought to be able to corrupt an honest man; but you must own also, that a cause [Page 118] must needs be very wicked, when to support it, re­course must be had to Bribery, Treason, Assassination and poysoning. By this one may conjecture that France useth its u [...]most Efforts, that she insensibly con­sumes within, and that her very Intrails are wasted.

I believe it; for the Pope doth nothing but tire us at the Court of Vienna, to oblige the Emperor to give his consent to a Peace; the holy Father repre­sents, that Lewis 14. will restore Phillipsburgh, r [...]ze the Fortifications of Hunningen and Mont [...]ryal, and w [...]ll re­new the Treaty of Nimeguen; but all is but meersham.

Ay, and the Pyrenean Treaty, or nothing at all; for who shall be security for Lewis 14. and if he won't keep his word, as he usually doth not, is it that the Confederates, when they are then divided, will renew the Confederacy again, to oblige him to keep his word; never think it.

But we go on too slowly to be able to attain to that.

No matter, Courage ought not to be lost for that; the Confederates have only to redouble their Forces, and to contribute so much in one year as they design'd should serve for 3. France will infallibly fall. if they make head against it but 2 years longer.

'Tis true but the people are weary on all sides of contributing, as well as France.

The French will soon be at an end of their contribution, for their King not content with the Interest of their money has taken away their stock and plate, and has done the utmost to ruine them by augmenting and diminishing as he does conti­nually the money of the Kingdom, I am well in­formed that the Counsel of France are in much pain to find a f [...]nd for this ensuing year, and it may be said; they set a good face upon a bad market.

But in the meane time the French are alwaies taking some place.

That is only because thereby Lewis the 14th gets subsistence for the greatest part of his Troops by the contributions he draws from thence, but those which the Confederates gain go little further then their Generals, especially when they are Ger­mans.

I know it, besides since the revolution in England, France has spared a great deal of mo­ney, which she was continually obliged to pay dur­ing the two last reigns, to oblige those Kings and their Ministers to continue in her Interest and to suffer Lewis the 14th to do what he listed, as we have seen in the taking of Luxemburgh and in the war in 1672. against the united Provinces.

For one head lopt off there has sprung forth seven, France at this day gives above 20 Millions of pension.

That is a great deal of money, where can she employ such a summ to purpose.

Where, in the North, in Turkey, at Cologn, Liege, in Germany, Holland, and in all the Courts of the Confederates in General, I except not so much as Savoy, where the Abbot of Polignac sowed last Win­ter some of this golden seed, the effects whereof we saw the last Campaign there, for it behoves France to maintain its Conquests by any means, moreo­ver notwithstanding the revolutions in England, 'tis necessary that money be sent thither continu­ally otherwise the Jacobite party would fall to the ground, the Jesuits take care to keep the fire kin­dled, and find a means to go thither and carry the Lewidores.

Ay, but if they were catched, they would have but an ill time on't.

They know that the Government is gentle, and seldom puts any to death for Treason, so they venture easily with borrowed Pass ports, and as soon as they are once got there, they find a way to keep themselves there undiscovered.

It is true, and it is generally said, that if the King and Queen do not make an example of Trai­tors, they will grow so numerous that it will be too late to think on't when their number is in­creased, and they become linked to some conside­rable families.

It is with Treason as with Tares amongst the Wheat, it is easy to pluck up either at their first springing up, but assoon as they are grown to a cer­tain pitch, it is not possible to separate them, and the tares are so mingled with the wheat that one cannot be rooted up without hurting the other: So that the Kings of England ought to be severe, tho against their Inclination, if they would reign in peace, and secure themselves upon the Throne.

Henry the 8th then knew well the art to reign, since he spared none, not so much as his own Wives.

Admirably well, for by a severity that is sup­ported by the Laws of the Kingdom, the people are gained, and the Prince is ever exempt from blame when he punishes according to the Laws, and the people cannot find fault if he does, since 'tis themselves that have made the Laws.

We were speaking but now of the Confede­racy, and how France sollicits the Allies, endea­vouring by its offers and presents to gain off some of them, do you believe she can accomplish it.

Hardly, because all the Confederate Princes prefer the common Interest before their particu­lar concern; the most lasting League, is that which is made with prudence, as the present is.

I can hardly believe but that Heaven has united so many Princes together in so good a cause for no other end but to render the Grandeur of the French King more considerable, and to make his glory more sparkling.

Far be such thoughts from you, for 'tis the [Page 121] hand of this Confederacy that must give him the mortal stroke.

How will you prove that?

It is evident that the King of England, who is Head of the Confederacy, was raised to the Brittish Throne for the humbling of Lewis the 14th; yea all the world sees that the Revolution in England is a mortal blow to France, because it has ruined its designs, and greatly lessened its Adherents, the only Prince that Lewis the 14th ought most to fear, saw himself in a moment mounted to one of the most potent Monarchies of Europe, in a manner miraculous and inconceivable: who thought that James the 2d, the only Prince of whom France could hope any thing, and who alone was best able to assist it in its attempts upon its Neighbours, would in less then a days time have abdicated his Crown, and forsaken the Kingdom in such a pitiful manner, the poor Prince left his Palace as quietly as a sheep, and went his way; I say, there is great likelihood that all these Great and Extraordinary Events, which were the foundation and ground of the Confederacy, have only fallen out to the ruin of Lewis the 14th; the King of England is most likely to bring France to reason, when a Campaign com­mences; he does not send others in his room, he goes himself, and it seems as if heaven has designed this great Prince for some extraordinary work which at present we see not; you see how the best part of Europe consults him and adheres to his pro­posals because they are sincere and good, and that he keeps his word when he has given it.

It is certain he has this reputation in the World, and that he hazards and exposes himself extremely for the promoting the common good of Europe.

For my part I alwaies esteemed such Princes as were sincere, who seek not to aggrandize them­selves by usurping upon their Neighbours, and who [Page 122] like the King of England pass from their Cabinet to the Army, for a Monarch ought with his sword to make the pen that should write his History; as for Lewis the 14th, I have seen by all his actions that he has a soul more for self interest, than great, he had the good fortune in the beginning of his reign to meet with no Prince that made head against him, nor obliged him to a religious observance of the Pyraenean Treaty.

But yet he has Ministers that are diligent.

France has this good quality that it puts off nothing to another day, it makes present advantage of the mistakes or weakness of its enemies.

It is true, and this is what we don't do, we come only into a Campaign to ward off blows, and so we always are upon the defensive, this is not the way to bring her to reason.

I own it, therefore all the Confederates ought, as long as the League subsists, to make fresh efforts both by Sea and Land, and 'tis that which France is afraid of in the Condition she now is in, for you see how she seeks, as we said before, Peace by all sorts of ways.

Whence is it then that she seems rather to gain then to lose?

Because her disease is inward, and Lewis the 14th is very sensible that the union of the Confede­rates will in the end reduce him to reason, that his Kingdom is as infirm as his Body that he must bend or break, and therefore he had rather make a peace with arms in his hand and whilst fortune yet smiles upon him, that would be much more advantagious to him.

We always flatter our selves, and that de­ceives us often.

If it were not so, he would not have so many quaking fits, he is also afraid of the Turks clapping up a peace, and of this he is most apprehensive.

'Tis a mischief in most Courts of Europe to have different parties there, continually acting against each other, and that care not, tho they ru­ine their Masters affairs, so they can but undermine and supplant their Enemy, and thus it often happens also in our Armies, where envy and Jealousy spoils all, and some mens passion grows so high that they would rather see a Battle lost than it should be won by the conduct of a General whom they have a hatred against.

All such are as real Traitors as those that give up places without any resistance, the Soveraign ought to punish them alike, without, considering whether he be an Earl or a Baron? yea tho he were a Prince of the Empire.

Doubtless you have not yet heard how the poor Town of Heidelbergh fell into the French's hands through the treachery of the Governour, who suffered himself to be corrupted for a hundred Thou­sand Crowns, where they were no sooner entred, but they put all to fire and sword, the soldiers plun­dered the Inhabitants, ravished the young women and maidens, broke open the Tombs of the Electo­ral Princes, rifled their Coffins, plaid at Bowls with their skulls, ript up their bodies, and plucked out their hearts, selling them to those that would bid most.

These are strange cruelties that Barbarians never exercised, for hitherto they always respect­ed the Tombs of the dead; what became after­wards of this Villanous Governour?

He was degraded of his Imployments, ban­ished the Empire, and his goods confiscated.

He should have been torn in sunder with wild Horses at the head of the Army to prevent his going to France to find out those that had cor­rupted him.

Don't be mistaken, they love the Treason well; but not the Traitors, and tho they make but a [Page 124] sorry figure there, yet France notwithstanding continually finds some wretched soul or other that suffer themselves to be wrought upon.

Advise the King of England to have an eye upon Leige and Cologn; the Cardinal hath his party there, and left a correspondence behind him at his going; those people seem to have the mark of Li­berty in their forehead, but in truth they do not much care if they sell themselves, they are weary of being at ease, and know not how heavy the chain is of a despotick Government, and of a King that thinks himself Master of the lives and Estates of his subjects, and that they are born only to serve him for a footstool to mount to Glory.

Notwithstanding we find some in the Spanish Netherlands so foolish as so long to be under his Government, doing their utmost to fall into it, for there is nothing more certain than that divers Towns, were it not for the presence of the King of England and his forces, would have ere this opened their Gates to the French, as if they brought hap­piness along with them wherever they came.

There are a great many people that are sick of the French disease, especially it reigns among the Ecclesiastick.

You are in the right, and the Pope himself is not exempt from it, as appears by the great en­deavours he makes at the Imperial Court for a peace.

'Twould be better for him to think of death, for he approachs towards his end; but what answer does the Emperour give.

A very good one, that he will consent to no other Peace with France but that of the Pyrenean; and that he must be brought low to make him keep his word.

Excellent; and spoke like Caesar.

True, and it was to revenge themselves for [Page 125] it, [...]s the French give out that they committed all those Cruelties at Heidelbergh that I have mention­ed▪ as belonging to a near relation to the Emperour. The Pope would have done better to have pre­vented this misfortune by not revealing what had been said even to the French Cardinals.

See how all these Churchmen, who generally will be meddling in most affairs, spoil all they go about; They resemble the Sun in March that easi­ly draws up vapours and exhalations, but has not power enough to disperse them: In truth the affairs of the world would be more prosperous if the Ecclesiasticks would not intermeddle with them. They themselves would be more esteemed if they studied their Breviaries more then Politicks, and if they would deprive themselves of part of their great revenues to furnish out the War against the Infidel, whilst the poor Laity give all that they have, and are reduced to beggery for the common Cause.

Ho, ho, to touch the revenues of the Cler­gy is as bad as it was formerly to touch the Ark un­der the Levitical Law; They'l assure us that it would be the only way to bring all sorts of miseries upon a Countrey, and be the cause of its final de­struction, if we will believe them, and for this purpose they prevail upon the credulity of the Princes and Potentates to whom they belong.

Henry the 8th of Engl. knew better how to govern them, and was never the more unfortunate for that, but on the contrary became the richer, and was ab­solute Master in his Donations by discharging the body of the Kingdom of these naughty humours by a copious Evacuation, 'Tis weakness for a Prince to set his affection on these sort of men who sooner or later abuse that liberty that is granted them of approaching their persons, as I have seen but too much at the Court of Vienna. The good will of [Page 126] Princes ought to be better regulated and their li­berality extended only in rewarding those honest persons who are employed in the service of their Countrey, and not inriching idle paunches, and maintaining a sort of vermin that consume the poor people under a shadow of devotion, they should have Lands assigned them amongst the Hea­thens, and sent thither to be employed in labouring their Conversion.

Let's leave these wretohes, and talk of some thing else more to the purpose.

Pray tell me then, what was the occasion of so many discharges of Canon and small shot, with the noise whereof, all the infernal Caverns resound­ed; the French Partizans here below have made publick rejoicings for it, and have overwhelmed us with relations.

Oh, oh, you have heard of the last trick that Luxemburgh plaied in Flanders.

What means it that this sorcerer is still alive, will he make himself eternally be talked on?

He is ever the same, that is to say, full of jugling and sly tricks.

We expect him from day to day here below, and many thought that he would have come with Prince Waldeck, and Lucifer had ordered his lodg­ing to be got ready.

How so, is the time of his Contract expired.

Yea, long since, but his Master Lewis the 14^th sent an Express to the Prince of Conde and Marshal Turenne here below, to represent to the Infernal Court, the mighty services this Duke has done to the Crown of France, and if some Millions might procure leave to keep him till a General peace, he was ready to order the payment of them by the Bankers of Paris.

Should the Prince of darkness give a savour­able audience to Conde and Turenne, yet it is to be [Page 127] doubted whether the Grand Lewis will obtain his demand.

Affairs are managed in this Court much after the same manner as they are in all others; namely, by intriegue and money; It is true that the French are hated here below as they are upon Earth, but they turn and wind matters in so many various manners, that it is be feared they'l even deceive Lucifer himself.

You meet sometimes with Turenne, Conde, Schombergh and those other great Commanders, who were the glory of the age they lived in.

We often take a turn together, and the King­dom of darkness is a Country of Neutrality, yet notwithstanding each Nation has its distinct quart­er a part, but at certain times we have our Inter­views where every one speaks freely what he thinks.

Pray tell me what your discourse might run upon when you conversed wit 1 those Captains.

Always almost about the affairs of the War, the Interest of Princes, Matchiavels Politicks, the Revolutions and strange events that have hapned for near an age past; At Prince Waldecks arrival, Marshall Turenne invited us altogether to his A­partment, we were six of us at Table, viz. Conde, Turenne, Schombergh, Waldeck, the Marquiss de Louvois, and my self.

What was said during the repast.

Seeing Prince Waldeck was but just arrived, Conde and Turenne asked him several questions con­cerning the condition he had left the affairs of the war in at his coming away, and he told us a great many circumstances which we were ignorant of; Afterwards he recounted to us all the Battles he had won, and the tears that were shed in Holland at his departure; I made a sign to him to say no more, for fear of saying too much, because we had to do with persons who were sly and crafty, and [Page 128] would not fail to send word thereof to the Grand Lewis.

Pray tell me what said Schombergh.

Schombergh in his turn reckoned up the great services he had done to the Crown of France. in­larging upon the ingratitude and barbarity where­with he had been treated, and added for conclusion, that he left the world with this onely cause of re­gret, that he had not had time to pull the Crown off Lewis his head, as he had done to that of James the Second.

He was in the right on't, and the loss which the Confederates sustained in losing this great Cap­tain is irreparable, the world was in extream im­patience to have seen him in Flanders at the head of our Armies, I am perswaded that if Luxemburgh had to do with him, he would not have had so good a bargain on't, and that his marches and countermarches would have been unprofitable.

Without doubt, for having all along served in France he knew to the bottom the Wiles and stra­tagems of all the French Generals of his time? be­sides that, he had been often in Lewis the 14th's Ca­binet Council, where he had turned over and in­spected the great Book of Matchivilian Policy.

And Conde, did he say nothing.

Conde is always indisposed with the Gout, which makes him uneasy and peevish, yet that hindred him not from giving us a small abridg­ment of his life, which was very diverting, and a­mongst other things a relation of divers pleasant adventures that hapned in his time in France, which respect and decency had made him conceal till then.

Did he mention nothing in relation to his Scholar, the Marshal Luxemburgh, who has made himself at this day so much talked of?

Yes, the discourse falling upon him, Turenne and Conde said, that he would always have the ho­nour [Page 129] on his side in all the Battles he should fight in Flanders, and that King William would gather the fruits of it; they added at the same time, that if Lewis the 14th suffered him to go on, as he had begun, he would be soon forced to grant Patents of Nobility to all the Porters and Carriers of Paris, to fill up the vacant places of an infinite number of Officers of Quality, which he usually carries to be butchered.

How does Louvoy, that used to say but little, govern himself there below, is he not incommod­ed with the change of aire?

Louvoy is always bustling about, and if the Prince of darkness would believe him, there would soon be as many Imposts laid here, as have been in France; he has lately proposed a new project to in­large the posts, but it has not been minded.

But was it not moved?

Yes, this question was debated a long time, the French Gentlemen maintained, that in the con­dition that Europe was in at present, France being victorious and triumphant, I ought to bid an eter­nal adieu to my countrey, unless fortune should wheel about through the length of the War. I re­plied to them that I had so well recommended my concerns to the Emperour and King William before I left the world, that I was perswaded they would not sheath their swords till full restitution should be made me.

King William is the best friend you have, and he shed tears of blood when he heard of your death, so your concerns are in very good hands, and if this Prince were but supported, as he ought, by the Confederates, your desires would be satisfied in less then 2 Campaigns more.

Now is the time or never; I have much more to say to you, now I think on it, if the smail remain­der of time I have to stay in the world would suf­fer [Page 130] me; I am perswaded if the Confederates would make but the least reflection there on, and diligent­ly pursue it, they would have in their own hands the secret to ruine France without giving battle or taking a Town, and to force her to accept a peace in spight of all those numerous Armies with which she covers the Countries

Ay, How so?

By hindring the carrying of Corn and Horses cu [...] of their Dominions.

Indeed the Confederates furnish his Troops with wherewithal to subsist; and this irregular doing doth extreamely exasperate people, and makes the bur­den of the War insupportable to them.

Without doubt, because they see with their own eyes, France, taking away, as one may say, the bread out of their mouths, to make prodigious Magazines of Corn upon the Rhine, the Sambre and the Mouse. I'll en­gage she would be in great perplexity, if she had no­thing but what she fetches from her own Country, where the Farmer has scarce Corn enough to sow half the ground he has; so that by depriving her thereby of the means to maintain its Armies, we should have the sa­tisfaction to see the Forces of the Grand Lewis con­sume themselves.

There is dothing more true than what you say; but this misfortune is unavoidable.

Why is it unavoidable?

Because those who are imploy'd to prevent it, hold a correspondence underhand, and agree with the Merchant, who are but little concerned what becomes of the publick, if they can but find their own private advantage.

If it be so, and that the Master of the house with his own hand Kindles the fire that will consume it to ashes, there is no more to be said.

Pray tell me how we shall obtain a Truce with the Turks, which we spoke of before?

By an Insurrection in Turky; that is the only way in the condition the Turks are in.

I believe as much; but how must that be done?

There are divers ways for it; It ought to be begun by gaining their Grand Musti, and some of the chief Officers, who have the principal management of the Empire; afterwards the Mediators should declare that they have Orders to withdraw the 2 Nations of England and Holland; and the Venetian Fleet should present it self at the Dardanelles, the Confederates ha­ving before hand a Squadron of Men of War in the Mediterranean; and then one should soon see an Insur­rection in Constantinople.

I own what you say but a great many things are to be done before all these Machines will be in a con­dition to take effect; the principal means, which is mony, is wanting in many places, and if it were not for the Ducatoons of Holland, many Princes would not stir from home.

What! they will stay at home, and expect the success of things, as the Council of Spain does.

Now you put me in mind of Spain, what do you think of that great and vast Monarchy, which beholds the Sun both rise and set in its Do­minions, and which in the time of Charles 5. made the whole World tremble.

What shall I say of it! it is like a man whose Spirits being low, has need of good Cordials to sup­port him, for fear he should expire at the sight of his Enemy. The Council of Spain rest themselves secure upon their Neighbours, and in the mean time these Ministers behold Town after Town taken, without being at any pains to preserve the rest. The Grandees of Spain would not be at the least Expence, tho the French were even at the Gates of Madrid.

How comes this about? the Spaniards have always been fond of their Kings, and are suppos'd to be so still to this day.

That may be, but because they see no Successor to the Crown, and being uncertain into whose hands it [Page 132] may fall, they provide for a bad time, like some people, who hoard up Treasures in conceal'd places, while their Enemies are carrying away the furniture of their houses, so if the K. of Spain does not take other measures and make greater Efforts than he has done hitherto, this Prince will run a hazard to pay the charge of the War at a General Peace.

'Tis but too true, and the worst on't is, that no body will dare to represent to his Catholick Majesty the miserable condition of his affairs, for fear of giving him trouble; for in Spain, you know, he that makes the King sad, is thought worthy of Death.

I have known it too much, and could never see a Remedy for it, While I was upon Earth, I have of­ten told some great Princes, that they ought to divest themselves of such ill habits which may occasion the Ruin of their Estates.

In the mean time the misery presses them, [...]te [...] ­nia lies open to Invasion, and I don't see who will hinder their going, even to Madrid.

Nothing but the Inquisition.

How can the Inquisition? all its force consists only in Excommunication, and its Executioners.

True; but with these Arms it makes all Spain to tremble, from the highest to the lowest, not excepting the Court is self; 'tis the Inquisition that domineers and possesses all the Wealth of the Kingdom, and ought to op­pose Invasions; for the good King has his hands tied.

Ever since Charles 5▪ the Kings of Spain have been so weak as to suffer that Tribunal to incroach to its self too much Dominion.

I have often wondred, that Princes, who should be above all, should suffer themselves to he musled by Every little Priest, and not rather have driven out of their Dominions these Scare-crows, that are only fit to fright children.

Oh, they are afraid of the Thunders of the Vatican.

That's another Error; fools fear, but wisemen make [Page 133] a mock of it. The Pope's Power is only imaginary, such as is forg'd in mens Fancy. See the Princes who have withdrawn themselves from the Dominion of Rome, if they fear it, she may thunder and lighten afar off; it makes no impression upon them; but on the con­trary, it is to them a matter of derision.

That's because they fear no Priests or Jesuits, who continually threaten the lives of Princes, when matters go not as they would have them.

A good reason! Princes should therefore put themselves into a condition not to fear them, and to be Masters in their own Dominions; if the K. of Spain would do so, he would soon be one of the richest and most powerful Monarchs of the world; for he had still the same Indies that his Predecessors had, the Gal­lions go and come duly as before, and bring with them the same quantity of Wealth; but the least share is the King's, and yet he has not the power to do it.

But without medling with the Ecclesiasticks, his Catholick Majesty need only take the Tenth of the Riches which the Grandees of Spain possess, and those who have manag'd the Finances barely since his co­ming to the Crown, and he would have more mony than he would need to maintain the War against France for many years.

Besides, there is another way, the King need but seize at the arrival of the Gallions upon all the Bullion that belongs to the Subjects of France; and by these means he would ruin the French, and have where­withal to oppose any invasion of Lewis 14.

Ay, but will not that ruin the Trade to the Indies.

Not at all; the English and Dutch would supply the place of the French; so that the Council of Spain have nothing to fear in that respect, nor to be in su­spence of doing it; for Extraordinary Evils must have violent Remedies. Spain ought to think of putting it [Page 134] self into a condition to support it self; for its Allies may be weary of supplying it.

All its hopes are, that the Places it has lost will be restor'd at a General Peace.

Some of them will be kept to answer the char­ges of the War.

Spain has yet further hopes, that the K. of Eng­land, and the D. of Bavaria, will settle its affairs.

Not without reason; for had it not been for the wonderful Revolution in England, the Low Countries had been lost; K. James had sold them to France.

These Provinces were none of his to sell.

True, No more did Luxemburgh belong to his Predecessor, and yet History tells us, that he receiv'd 2 Millions for it; but affairs are since much alter'd to the advantage of Spain; and the Effects of Heaven de­throning Jam. 2. & placing William 3. in his stead, has been the saving of the Remainder of the Low Coun­tries, which without doubt would otherwise ere this have been usurp'd by France.

'Tis very likely the House of Austria has great reason to be assur'd that the present conjuncture will be advantagious to it; the K. of England has promis'd to act fairly; and this Monarch values his Word, and makes profession to maintain the Faith of Treatys.

That ought to be the Essential Character of a Monarch.

You are in the right; A Scythian Prince hereto­fore said to Alexander, That all the Oaths he would take should be only to keep his Word, without swearing; and that he who is not asham'd to break his Faith to men, will make no conscience to prevaricate with God Almighty. It would have been better for Europe, that Lewis 14. had had a Scythian for his Tutor, rather than an Italian.

When a vicious person does not amend of him­self, Heaven raises up others to correct him, & bring him to reason, as you will see in the End, if so be the K. of England be but well assisted, and they keep their promise to him.

I see no reason that can make the Confederates do otherwise, since this Monarch's only aim is to make France restore to each of them what she has usurp'd from them, and to reduce her to a condition not to be able any more to disturb her Neighbours.

It would be well also if the Emperor would prevent their nestling in Germany, by nominating, e­ven during the War, a Coddjutor for Cologne, Liege and Munster, to the intent to break all the French's mea­sures on that side; for Lewis 14. has for a long time endeavour'd to thrust in one of his Creatures. At Leige he had his party ready prepar'd for the Cardi­nal de Bovillon, could he but obtain Pasports to have been present at the Election.

Sure the French do not desire him to be made Prince of Leige, for fear he should still retain some resentment of the prejudice was done his Family, in usurping the Principality of Sedan.

Lewis 14. was once indeed of that opinion, but is since otherwise; and his Eminence has, during his Negotiations at Rome, made appear the warmth wherewith he has Espous'd the interests of France; so that if the Chapter of Liege had offered to have chosen this Cardinal for their Prince, believe it that Lewis 14. would have been very glad on't; and not have refus'd him. He knows well enough too that the Germans love mony, and that Lewidores are pene­trating things, that enter Cabinets, be they never so secret, or so securely lock'd.

A Purse of Lewidores has indeed irresistible charms; the luxurious person loves mony, because it helps him to rustle in Silks, glitter among the Ladys, troul in a Coach and six, and builds him sumptuous and magnificent Palaces; the covetous wretch makes it his God, sacrifices his heart to it, locks it up in his Chest as the most sacred Relick, Every Image he sees Engraven on it, is to him a new Saint, which he falls down to, and worships as his only hope; So that the [Page 136] Germans are not the only men that love mony; she is a charming mistriss, that pleases men of all Nati­ons, and is able to insinuate it self into the minds of the most austere, as we too plainly see in the present conjuncture; for France has its creatures every where, there is no Court free of them; the Confederate Ar­mies swarm with them, and one may almost be confident that there is scarce any considerable Assem­bly, but France has its Partizans in it.

Therefore if I were to advise the Confederate Princes, I would perswade them to change from time to time the Governors of the Frontier Towns and the whole Garrison at the opening of the Cam­paign; that would break the measures that an ill affe­cted person might have taken during the Winter; and besides, it breaks off the intelligence betwixt the Garrison and the Townsmen; for these long acquain­tance together, seldom produce any thing of good; it would be more convenient that there were in each Frontier Town, two, secretly to oversee matters, who should not be Known to the Garrison, nor to one a­nother, and that their Commission should direct 'em to observe carefully all the Officers and Magistrates of the place, and also the Governor himself, and to give secret information of all to the principal Mini­ster; for Prudence directs a distrust; they cannot be too much upon their Guard in such times as these, where Corruption marches with Banners display'd, and scarce ever hides it self.

It is true, if a Governour, and other Officers knew that there was private Observation made of them, they would take more care of their conduct, and consider better what they had to do.

What you say is something; but notwithstanding all these precautions, corruption will yet find a way to steal it self in.

Then there nothing more remains, but severe­ly to punish the Offenders without Exception of [Page 137] Person, and on the other side, those ought to be rewarded who do their Duty faithfully, and dis­cover a Traitor.

But the misery is, we are often close-F [...]st [...]d, where we should be Liberal, and the Confederates, by Endeavouring to be good Husbands, lose many good opportunities and Affairs. I am sensible there is no greater Inchantress than mony, that like Medusa's Head, charmes and metamorphoses all that come within sight of it.

Ay, but one must have this Inchantress.

True, and for that intent it is absolutely necessary that the People bleed, these blood-let­ings are healthful, for why cannot other People contribute as much as the English and Dutch.

Because they are not so rich.

Rather say, that the Monks and Friars suck them, and that they cannot contribute in two places, to the Prince and the Cloister; the Catholick Prin­ces ought first to begin with letting them blood; for what necessity is there that a Monastry that needs not above 1000 Crowns to support it self, should have 100 Thousand Crowns yearly coming in, while the poor people are intirely drain'd; as Cologn for example, which is full of great and wealthy Mona­steries, which alone, without hurting themselves, were able to find sufficient to maintain 30 thousand men Effectively; and yet they had rather quietly behold the whole Diocess entirely ruin'd, than to be at the charge of wherewithal to hinder it.

'Tis but too true; but these sort of People as soon as they touch their Kitchens, threaten no less than Murdering and Poisoning; and the fear of them is so general among the Catholick Princes, that they must be new moulded if they be alter'd, and therefore let us talk of something else, and tell me your opinion concerning the Affairs at Sea; you have heard, without doubt, of Admiral Russel's [Page 138] burning 18 of the French's bigest Ships, amongst which, was the Royal Sun that carried 120 Pieces of Canon, and had cost several millions in the 20 years time since the French began to build it.

We were inform'd of all that pass'd by some Officers and Seamen who did belong to the Fleet; but they could not tell us what reward the Admi­ral receiv'd for this good service.

Whether he did or not, he afterwards laid down his Commission, and the Command was given to 3 Admirals.

'Twas an unhappy Omen; I never thought they would do any mischief to the French, or any good to the Confederates, because when a Command is divided, it is never well Executed, and where one of them differs with the other two, he does his ut­most to hinder the Success of the design.

It is to be hop'd, that if they had met their E­nemies, all would have been well.

'Tis my Opinion, that unless the Confederates set forth two Fleets to Sea, one to fall upon the Coasts of France, the other to seek out their Fleet, they will never gain their End; for their intent is not to Fight, but to ruin the Confederates Com­merce by Sea, to oblige their People thereby to seek a Peace when their Merchants are ruin'd, their great business for the future will be to make War with the Merchants, and their whole Fleet will be no better than so many Pirates.

For remedy thereof, there ought, as you say, to be two Fleets at Sea, each of which, in Emulati­on of the other, should drive the French out of the Ocean; and then they would have their revenge at Land.

Not at all, they are not Invincible; let the K. of England be supplied but with 30 Thousand more than he has hitherto had, and he'll drive this wild Beast Luxemburgh into his D [...]n, for observe it, as he [Page 139] is cruel and greedy of Blood, he'll always fall on like a Murderer, but never with equal Force, how­ever he'll remember Landen, the very naming of which, has forc'd many Tears to be shed in France, so that, had the Confederates two good Armies in Flanders, they might, with one of them, pierce even the very Gates of Paris without resistance, while the other observ'd the Motions of the Enemies Army; then you would soon see France change its Tone, and lower its Sails, when the Confederates have Entred his Country, and brought the War home to him, to be maintain'd at his Charges.

He knows he has to do with two brisk Game­sters, and two of the greatest Captains of the Age, the K. of England on one side, and Pr. Lewis of Ba­den on the other, that will first or last make him comply; and he has shown how much he fears the former, by the Joy that was exprest at his suppos'd Death in Ireland.

And by the many Attempts made in the Field and elsewhere, against the life of this great Prince, tho nothing could be more abominable and Villa­nous, and which will be a reproach to the memory of the Great Lewis, if the Ages to come can have the Faith to believe a Truth that carries so much blackness in it.

For my part I look upon it as a good Omen, for nothing discovers a timerous and mean Spirit, more than such courses.

True, but let not the Confederates be carried away with that, Miracles now a days are wrought by Powder and Canon; and if you see at any time an Army of 40000 Men fight and ruin another of above double the number, you may say it is prodi­gious, and they must fight like Lyous; however, Soldiers breasts make the best Ramparts, and the strongest Fortifications are such as are compos'd of human Bedies, the most numerous Squadrons have [Page 140] ordinarily the greatest likelihood of Victo­ry, so that if the King of England, and Prince Lewis of Baden, have but good Armies, you'll see them do Wonders, and fall to attacking their Ene­mies, whereas hitherto they have been forc'd only to act on the defensive. It is not to be doubted al­so, but if the Confederates continue the War but 2 years longer, that their Troops will be the best in Exrope; and the French, on the contrary, the worst, being forc'd to take Youths without Experience, to recruit the loss of their best Soldiers, having no where to get them but in their own Dominions; Whereas the Confederates have all Europe to furnish them both with Officers and Soldiers. This alone is sufficient to ruin Lemis 14.

He Knows it well enough, that causes him to make so many Overtures of a Peace.

That he does indeed for his own Interest, not out of any just or charitable disposition; for how can it be thought he should have any Kindness for strangers, that has exercis'd such cruel severities a­gainst his own Subjects.

The reason is apparent, his people in general are reduc'd to the utmost miseries, and unable much longer to subsist under the charges of so ruinous a War: Besides, the chance of War is uncertain, the loss of a Battle, or a Descent into his Country, would infallibly put his whole Kingdom into a confusion, and indanger a general Insurrection. These consi­derations oblige him to seek a Peace before he comes into such ill circumstances, and by making these Overtures to pacify his Subjects murmurings, and get them more chearfully to furnish mony to maintain the War, in order to an honourable Peace, and likewise by his fair Offers to throw the Apple of Discord among the Confederates, hoping to dis­unite them, and that among so great a Number, some will be greedy of hearkning to his proposals.

His craftiness is well known to the Confederates; they will not allow him any great advantages by a new Treaty. Whilst they have their Arms in their hands, they will drive the matrer as far as it will go, and by a vigorous attack, be in a condition to give a Peace themselves, and not receive the Terms there­of from France.

We are now better acquainted with the French than we were before the War; we find they are not invincible, 'tis only their great diligence has hitherto say'd them, whilst our flowness to get out of Winter-Quarters, and our thriftiness in sparing to maintain good Numbers of Spys, has been very prejudicial to us.

You say true, and they triumph mightily in those two respects, but not at all in the want of vigor and courage in the Troops of the Confederates, who they will find will give them work enough, especially if they will use greater Endeavours for the future, and be more vigilant in Germany than they have hitherto been, then one shall have reason to hope the best, and when France hath its hands full, and shall be attackt from all parts, without respit or intermission, then you'll see the Confederates crown'd with Victory. Courage then, brave Souls of the Con­federacy. To Arms, to Arms, to Arms. After this, of a sudden was heard a great noise of Drums and Kettle-Drums, and Trumpets sounding to Horse; and thereupon the Voice immediately departed, and was heard no more.