THis little Pamphlet pretends to nothing at all that is new, the materials of it having heretofore been discussed in more large, rationall, and demonstrative Treatises; nor is the scope of publishing it to teach judicious men, but only to put some Englishmen in minde of what hath passed heretofore, such Englishmen as in all these times of trouble, have had (to the great mis-fortune of the Common-wealth) very treacherous memories.

When the Parliament of England had for the space of one whole year, fought for their Laws and Liberties, against the King, and those unnaturall English, which assisted him in that quarrell; their Arms proving not then prosperous, (for the time of Gods deliverance was not yet come) and the King not content with his successes, sought to strengthen himself fur­ther by making a cessation of Arms with, and drawing aid from those bloodie Irish Rebells and Murtherers; the Parliament likewise to pre­serve themselves, their Religion, Laws and Liberties, had recourse to the Scots, their Brethren, being of the same Religion, and in danger of the same enemy which oppressed England. At that time being about the beginning of August 1643. the Commissioners from the English Par­liament arrived at Edinburgh, entred into a treaty with the Convention of Estates of Scotland, and their Assembly, about bringing an Army to the Parliaments assistance, the number was agreed upon, and the sum of mo­ney likewise to be disbursed by England; and with this Treaty a Cove­nant was propounded by the Scots, consented unto, and taken by both Kingdoms, whereupon the Scots advanced.

This Assistance of the Scots was acceptable to the Parliament, to whom they were the more welcome friends, because, had they been Enemies, it had probably been ruined: But this addition of strength was dearly pur­chased by the English, for though the Scots by their own Interest (for mutuall defence of the Religion, Laws and Liberties of both Kingdoms a­gainst one common Enemy, were engaged as brethren to assist in the same cause: yet their necessities made them mercenaries, and so much the more burthensome to England, because the name of brethren and confe­derates, made them less subject to the Parliaments commands, then plain Mercenaries at the same price, would have been.

Hence it followed that not only their services were not so quick and effectuall as might have been expected for gaining a Victory; but the con­ditions [Page 2] which they brought were of such a nature, that Victory it felfe, though never so absolute, could bring no happinesse to the English Parlia­ment; this proceeded from the Covenant, but was not ▪ included really in the true and genuine▪ sence of that Covenant, but accidentally flowed from a seeming ambiguitie, or perverse interpretation of it by some men, who laboured to make use of the Kings name (inserted into that Cove­nant though conditionally, yet somewhat strangely) to such an end, as must have rendred the whole war vain, and not available to any purpose. Whether the Scots in the framing of it, intended any such snare by insert­ing the Kings name, we cannot tell, but somewhat may be conjectured by what happened in November, 1643. (that Covenant being then framed, but not taken) when the Lord Generall Essex moved in Parliament, that to stay the effusion of blood, and prevent the continuance of so unnatural a War, (the King encouraged perchance to try the uttermost in hope of impunity, when all was done) a peremptory day might be set down for him to come in at, or else to know his danger (which was consented to by both the Houses) the Scottish Commissioners prevailed with them so far (the English in simplicity of their hearts not doubting what follow­ed) as to hinder that direct, plain, and honourable way: By which means the War run on in a strange inequallity, that one side should venture all, and the other nothing. This was not only a weakning to the pre­sent Parliament (if God would have suffered such a cause to sink) by lengthning the war, but for the future a prejudice to any vindication of liberty it self, while the people, by protraction of such miseries, groaning under the charge, and impatient of present sufferings, might look upon that great counsell not as their deliverers, but oppressors; and prefer the peace of any King, before the warr of a Parliament. By the frame of this Covenant (the Scots upon all occasions wresting the interpretation of it, which the plain dealing English never went about) they struck at two things, namely the setting up of their own Presbytery; and interessing themselves in the Government of England, in all matters of power here (though the English meddled not with any thing of Scotland) and both these things they had almost obtained by the pride and ambition of the English Ministers, who bit earnestly at the pleasant bait of that Presby­tery and by that were carried to joyn in all things else with the Scots against their own Parliament, and at last by their Doctrines had so wrought upon the City of London, that they were quite lost in the same kinde, and forgot the true end of the Covenant; which was to defend Religion and Liberty against the common Enemy.

By this usurpation, of interpreting the solemne League and Covenant, according to their owne sence, they did not onely extend it beyond it selfe, as oft as they pleased, but also gave themselves liberty, to act quite [Page 3] contrary to the expresse words of it, in divers things; as namely, taking into their owne hands, and putting Scottish Garrisons into Newcastle, Tinmouth, and Carlile; yet still the Covenant could not be broken by them.

Afterwards, when by the blessing of God, upon the valour of that English Army, under Sir Thomas Fairfax, the common Enemy, the King, was almost quite subdued, and beseiged in Oxford, from whence he stole away disguised, with a cloke-bag behinde him, like Ashburnhams man: The Scots received him (according to the Covenant) without the know­ledge, or consent of the English Commissioners, upon the place, and con­trary to the Votes of the English Parliament, detained his Person with them, and carryed him to Newcastle, a thing, which in the whole Series of it, did so much violate all confederacy and covenant, that honest men were amazed, when they considered the case; namely, That an Army of Scots, in pay of the Parliament of England, and who, by treaty and covenant be­twixt both Nations, were to be ruled by the Commissioners of both Nations upon the place; should, notwithstanding, receive the King of England, in England, Without the consent of the English Commissioners upon the place, and carry him away to Newcastle (a Towne of England) and there keepe him, contrary to the will of the Parliament of England. But now examine what the Scots answer, to the branches of this.

1. To colour their receiving of him, they pretend, it was unknowne to them, and wrote to the Parliament, that they were, when they saw him, amazed, and like men in a dreame; when it is known well, and hath been proved, that there had been a secret Treaty▪ two months before, between the King and them, managed by Mountrevill, the French Embassadour, and designed in France, upon which he came and sent Mountrevill to Lis­ley, who treated there with him, without the knowledge of the English Commissioners at Newarke. Besides, let any man judge, whether, or no, the King (who had shewed so much craft and subtilty in all his proceed­ings before) would be now so inconsiderate and mad, as to runne his Per­son, without any assurance, or pre-contract, into such a hazard amongst them, whom he so much hated, as the first opposers of his arbitrary tyran [...]y; whom he proclaimed Rebels and Traytors, for invading England before; and upon whom, not long ere that time, he had sought such cruell revenge, by his Commissions to Montrosse.

2. For their detaining of him, they alledge, that as He came to them un­looked for, and of his own accord, so he had followed their Army, not being either perswaded, or forbidden by them, therefore they could not deliver him up without his own consent. And in one of their papers, immedi­ately after, they deliver these words; If the Scotish Army should deliver up his Majesties Person, without his own consent, this Act of the Army [Page 4] were not agreeable to the Oath of Allegiance (obliging them to defend his person from all harmes and prejudices) nor to the solemne League, and Co­venant, which was not intended to weaken, but to strengthen our Allegiance. Observe here, what a strange thing the Covenant is made: the Kings will is here preferred before the determination of Parliament; and that accor­ding to the Covenant. Did both Nations enter into Covenant that they would be ruled by the Kings will? Is it not apparent to all the world, that by the plaine and cleare words of the League and Covenant, all actions were to be carryed on by the mutuall consent of both Parliaments? Was any word, or mention of the Kings will and consent inserted into it? Was the Kings consent ever asked, to the making of this Covenant between the two Nations, for mutuall defence of their Religion, Lawes, and Liberties? No surely; it was made against him as the common Enemy; nor can it be thought, that he consented to that Covenant (having so often bitterly inveighed against it) which carryed on a warre against himselfe and his Par­ty. How therefore, comes the will and consent of the Covenants Enemy, to be here preferred (and that according to the Covenant) before the will and determination of the Parliament it selfe, by whom, and for whom it was made. And whereas in that Paper, they mention (like the very seduced Royalist) the Oath of Allegiance, to deceive simple people, we would aske them whether our Allegiance were every tyed to his personall will? If it were, in what a condition were both the Parliament of Eng­land, and their brethren of Scotland, for making a warre, and entering into a Covenant against his will? But that this was not good sence; their Chancellour Lowden, in his Oration to the King at Newcastle, not long after when Propositions had been sent to the King, proveth in these words, and upon this very occasion, of delivering up the Kings Person. If your Majesty deny to signe these Prepositions, They (meaning the English Par­liament) will require of us to deliver your Majesty to them, to restore their Garrison Townes, and carry our Army out of England. Lastly, If your Majesty persist in denying, both Kingdomes will be compelled to agree together, for their mutuall safety, to settle (where is now the Kings will, or consent?) Religion and peace without you, which to our unspeakable greife, would ruine your Majesty, and your Posterity. These were not bare words onely, the deeds followed, just to the same effect; for when the Scots had received 200000 l. from England, within few months after; then (according to the Covenant) they delivered his Majesties Person to the English, and the Garrisons of Berwick, Carleill, and New­castle, and received Commissioners from the Parliament into Scotland, that at Edenburgh they might treat with the Scottish Parliament, about setling the common affaires, without the King, or any consent of his; and this also was according to the Covenant.

But let us see, when the warr seemed at an end, what the Covenant wrought among us, in the yeare, 1647. the King residing at Hampton Court (having, the yeare before, denyed the Parliaments Propositions at Newcastle) the Parliament not altogether wearied, nor deterred, by his of­ten denyals, on the seventeenth of September, sent Propositions againe, to the King at Hampton Court, humbly desiring his answer within six dayes, the Commissioners of the Kingdome of Scotland, concurred with the En­glish Parliament, in sending of these Propositions.

The King again, denyed his assent to them. The Parliament, notwith­standing, began to debate, about sending Propositions againe to him; but the Commissioners of Scotland (after that Louden and Lanerick, who came newly out of Scotland, had talked privately with the King, at Hampton Court) sent letters to the Parliament, in which they require, that those Propositions should not goe, denying their assent thereunto; which was much wondred at by the English Parliament, what shew of reason could be given by them, why they should not concurre with the sending of the same Propositions then, seeing that both Parliaments had before agreed, that the same Propositions which were sent to Newcastle, should be pre­sented again to him there.

The Scots had found out a new way of their owne, which was, that the King should be admitted in honour, freedome, and safety (no such words being in the Covenant) to a personall Treaty in London; They alledge for a reason in their Papers, pag. 3. Finding no successe in that way, of sending Propositions to the King, and insisting upon his positive answer thereunto, without giving any reasons, for the justice of our desires, or hearing any Propositions from his Majesty, we did, &c.

Observe here, that they would make the successelessenesse of sending Propositions to be from (not the obstinacy of the King, but) the Parlia­ments not giving reasons for the justice of their desires.

To this the Answer is very plain, Did not the Commissioners of both Parliaments shew many reasons for the justice of their desires at Newcastle, nay, did not the Scots then do it? What a whole Army of arguments and reasons did their Rhetoricall Chancellour Louden muster up to the King at Newcastle in that Oration, which before I quoted, against his refusall to signe these Proposions (the very same Propositions, in sending of which they now refuse to concurre) pressing him in these words. We know no o­ther remedy to save your Crown and Kingdoms, then your Majesties as­senting to these Propositions: and further he added, If your Majestie re­ject our faithfull advice, and lose England by your wilfulnesse, your Ma­jestie will not be permitted to come and ruine Scotland. Yet now the Scots would inferre, that no reason had been shewed for the justice of our de­sires [Page 6] sires. If those desires were not just, why did they so extreamly presse him to grant them?

But now consider their horrid tergiversation, and deniall of their own words, and assertions formerly; in that clause concerning the place, that they would have him admitted to a personal Treaty at London, having be­fore held it altogether unfit for him to come thither.

To set a colour upon this, they tell us in their Papers, pag., 6. Hereto­fore, indeed, his Majesties presence might have bred divisions, and conti­nued our troubles, and when his Majestie desired to come hither from Ox­ford, with freedome and safety; it was thought unfit, and denied by the Houses, and Commissioners from Scotland; but that argument hath now no force at all; For the case of affaires, the Kings condition and ours (which were given for reasons, in that answer to his Majesty) are quite altered from what they were; then the King had Armies in the fields, and Garrisons to returne to; now he hath none of these. But now let the world judge of the Truth of these men; Were these all the reasons then given, why the King could not bead mitted to a personall Treaty at Lon­don; viz. because the King had Armies and Garrisons? The paper it self will almost blush, when I recite to you their own words, and what reasons the Scots themselves at that time gave against his coming to treat personally at London; these they are punctually. Concerning the personall Treaty desired by your Majestie, there having been so much innocent blood of your good Subjects shed in this war by your Majesties Commands and Commissions, Irish Rebels brought over into both Kingdomes, as also Forces from for­reigne Parts; there being also Forces in Scotland against that Parlia­ment and Kingdome, by your Majesties Commission; the War in Ireland fomented, and prolonged by your Majesty, whereby the three Kingdomes are brought neer to utter ruine and destruction. We conceive, that untill satisfastion and security be first given to both your Kingdomes, your Ma­jesties comming thither cannot be convenient, nor by us assented unto.

Though these were the reasons which they then gave, why the King should not be admitted to London; namely, till he had given satifaction for his blood-shed, and security to both Kingdomes, in relation to their peace: yet now to deceive the people of England, they falsly say, that the reason, why they could not formerly admit of his comming to London was, because he had Armies and Garrisons, now he hath none, and there­fore may come without any satisfaction given.

Now Reader judge of these things; Neither can we in charity beleeve, that the Kirke of Scotland did mocke God Almighty, or dally with him in that so solemn admonition from the Synod at Edenburgh, in the year 1645. where among other Patheticall expressions, they thus speak; We the servants [Page 7] of the most high God, and your Majesties most loyall Subjects, in humility and grief of our hearts, fall down before your throne, and in the name of our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, who shall judge the World in Righteouness, both great and smal; and in the name of this whole National Kirk, which we represent, we make bold to warn your Majestie freely, that the guilt which cleaveth fast to your Majesty, and to your throne is such, as (whatsoever flattering Preachers, or unfaithfull Counsellors may say to the contrary) if not timely repented, cannot but involve your selfe, and your posterity under the wrath of the everlasting God: for your being guilty of sheeding the blood of many thousands of your Majesties best Subjects, for your per­mitting the Masse, and other Idolatry, &c. Which the Reader may be pleased to peruse at large, and he cannot but think it was written with much devotion and zeale, and wonder as much, how they came afterward so well reconciled to him, without any satisfaction given, or alteration at all perceived in him,

Besides this instability or injustice of theirs; you cannot but wonder, how uncharitable they were toward their Covenanting brethren of England in this; that those very Scots, who (when the King was quite subdued, and at Newcastle) denied to receive him into Scotlād, (he having then no Armies) for feare his presence might raise commotions in their Countrey, would then have him brought (to the probable destruction of the honest Party) to London, a Citty filled with Malignants, and fit for any tumults, in which the Parliament it self, without the guard of an Army, could not safely sit.

But now let us see the great drift, and aime of our brethren of Scotland, which is to gaine to themselves a joint Interest in the very Government of England; to which purpose they did not onely stretch the Covenant (in those many and tedious Papers which they vented against the Parliament of England, to draw the people of that Nation from thei Obedience) but would make it speak quite contrary to it self, and the expresse words of it; as we shall now shew. In those voluminous Papers, under the name of League and Covenant, they intrude themselves upon the whole Govern­ment of England, as is to be seene in the pages 7.18, 20, 21, and 22. in which places, they take upon them to dispose of the Kings Person, while he remaines in England; they will have the King to have (as inherent to his Crown) a negative voyce in the English Parliament (whatsoever he have in Scotland; for the modesty and justice of the English Parliament never looked after theirs) they will invest him with the power of the Mi­litia of England; they will have the Court of Wards preserved for him; and what other revenues in England they shall thinke fit; which must not be disposed of, without the joynt advice and consent of Scotland: All [Page 8] this they will have by vertue of the Covenant, as if that gave them a joynt Intetest in all English affaires; and so labour to argue the Kingdoms in­to a confusion of Interests, by that strict union (as they call it) which the Covenant hath made between the two Kingdomes. But to dispose of the government of England by any joint or united property, the Covenant will not serve their turn, for the very words of the Covenant are ex­presse and clear to the contrary in every Article of it, ingaging both each Nation, and each Person, To endeavour in our severall places and cal­lings, And again, In our severall Vocations, And again, According to our several places and Interests. Thus though the Covenant in plain expresse words provide against confusion of Interests, (England and Scotland being severall distinct Kingdomes) and each to act in his severall place, vocation, calling, and Interest; yet the Scots indirectly quoting the Co­venant in abstract Positions, and not blushing when these fallacies were often detected by Answers of the Parliament, proceeded boldly in chal­lenging a joint Interest with the English, and power to dispose not on­ly the King, but the Kingdom also, as in the forementioned Negative Voice, Militia, Court of Wards, Revenues, &c. which did not only not tend to the preservation and defence of Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdomes (the main Basis upon which the Covenant was built, and only end for which it was framed) but was utterly destructive to them, and by consequence to the Covenant it self, the King still remaining as firm to his principles both Civill, and Ecclefiasticall as ever.

For all this their boldnesse in stretching and contradicting the Cove­nant to intrude upon Englands affairs, yet let the Reader observe how tender they were in preserving entire their own Rights and Liberties, as appeared in their Declaration 1641. That neither by our Treaty with the English, nor by seeking our peace to bee established in Parliament, nor any other action of ours, wee doe acknowledge any dependency upon them, or make them judges to us, or our Laws, or any thing that may import the smallest prejudice to our liberties. Upon remembrance of this their Assertion, an English Gentleman answering one of their latter Papers, seems much to wonder that they should bee so tender of the Mint and Cummin of Scotlands Liberties that they should not admit of the smal­lest prejudice thereof; and yet would have the Parliament of England dispence with the great things of Englands Interest, betraying their trust, and breaking their Covenant; for to confound that, which by the Cove­nant should be distinct, is a breach of it. By vertue of this joint Interest which they claimed in most part of their Papers, (still forgetting those words of the Covenant, Our severall places and callings, which still flie [Page 9] in their faces) they seemed to labour for, not only their own Emolument, but the very ruine of their fellow Covenanters, which may seem a hard saying; but may appear probable enough by what shall be alleaged: For there they demand of the Parliament of England that they would disband their Army, they for bid them to send any Propositions to the Isle of Wight, but admit the King to London (as before said without any satisfaction) with honour, safety, and freedome, there to treat personal­ly. If these two things had been done, I appeal to all the world, whether the Parliament in probability could have subsisted, the Malignants and tumultuous Citizens being then at that height which they were: But it may be answered, The Scort might by that means have ruined themselves also, and therefore in all likelihood had no such intention: We reply, That the Parliament had more reason to doubt such a consequence, then the Scots had to endeavour the tryall of it; and therefore we must needs wonder at it, and if not wonder, then have we reason to suspect some false tampering on their part with the common Enemy, and that they might break that part of the Treaty, which they so often in their Papers desired the Parliament to remember; Namely, That no Pacification or agreement for Peace whatsoever, can be made with the King by either Kingdom, without the mutuall advice and consent of both Kingdomes, or their Committees in that behalf appointed. Which clause of the Treaty the Scots may bee the more suspected to break, by what formerly they had done; as their receiving the King at Newarke without the consent or knowledge of the English, their secret tampering with him by Lon­don, and Lanerick at Hampton Court, (which may be thought a cause of hardning his heart from assenting to the Parliaments Propositions) their close compliance with him in the Isle of Wight; where they pleased him so well, that one of their State-Instruments received an honour from him. These things are such as the Parliament of England never did, nor attempted; from whence it may be judged, which Nation did best observe the Solemn League and Covenant, as to that clause.

And that the Scots played false with the Parliament, will more appear by the reason which in those Papers they give why he should be ad­mitted to London, and the Parliament should not deny it.

If they were esteemed Enemies to the Parliament, and peace of the Kingdome, who advised the King to withdraw from his Parliament, what estimation will the World have of them, who will not suffer him to return to his Parliament, when hee offers to cast himself into their Armes? This is a Reason (besides the Non-sence of it) so full of malice, as that no Malignant could speak beyond it; and made only [Page 10] to insinuate into the English People, that their Parliament being a­gainst the Kings Treating at London are the Kingdomes Enemies, and so to stir them up against their own TRUSTEES: Was this ac­cording to their Solemn LEAGUE and COVENANT, or ac­cording to what they would have had done to themselves, or one Christian (without a COVENANT) would have offered to ano­ther?

These things, and many other in a calumniating unjust-way did the SCOTS publish in Print to the People of England, without the Parliaments-consent, nay contrary to their expresse Commands concerning Printing and Publishing; which was a course contrary to the practice of all publique Ministers, but the end which they drove at, was worse then the meanes they used to it; for the end could bee no other then to raise Commotions in England, and another War against the Parliament; which (as all men know) was effected in abundant measure the Year, 1648. when so many Insurrections were through most parts of ENGLAND made, and Warres raised, not onely by the old Malignants (and they encouraged by the Preparations in Scotland) but by those other Malignants, which called themselves Presbyterians, by complyance between the City of London, and their Scottish Brethren.

But it pleased God in his great Mercy to the Parliament of England, to send them a Miraculous Deliverance; and so to blesse the Valour and Labouts of their Army, that all the Enemies, though wonderful­ly exceeding them in number, were shattered, and broken in pieces.

Then also did a numerous and Potent Army of Scots, under the com­mand of Duke Hamilton, by the Authority and Commission of the Parliament of Scotland, (contrary to all Leagues and Covenants) in­vade England.

Scarce was it ever known, either in these Warres, or in any former Invasions of the worst of forreigne Enemies, that any Army was more barbarous, or exercised greater cruelty to the poor Inhabitants of Eng­land, then this under Hamilton did; which wee may the lesse won­der at, considering this Army was our open Enemy, when that Army of Scots which were our Brethren and Contederates, shewed so little pity to the Northern parts of England heretofore, who besides those great summs of Money, which they received as Pay from the Parlia­ment, extorted by unjust and Arbitrary Levies, from the poor weep­ing Inhabitants of those Parts, above ten times as much as they could pretend to, by any Ordinance of Parliament or Compact, or by the So­lemn League and Covenant.

But it pleased God, by his great blessing upon the English Forces, under the command of Leivtenant Generall Crumwell, in a signall Victory, wholly to subdue and vanquish those Scottish Invaders.

Thus was this Covenant, which had before been so often violated in the most essentiall branches of it, by our Scottish Brethren; now by our Scottish Enemies wholly annihilated, and made void; for the Invasion was made by authority of the Parliament of Scotland, the representative Body of that Na­tion.

But to make this Invasion to be no crime of their Nation, though by the Decrree of a Parliament; they say, that those who were of the succeeding Parliament, protested against that Invasion (though the Hamiltonian faction, being the greater number, caused it to be a Decree of Parliament) and made oppo­sition in Armes against it, and the contrivers of it.

It is true, that Leivtenant Generall Crumwell, after he had gi­ven that great defeat to Hamilton, following his victory (but especially invited by them) entered into Scotland, to helpe Arguile, Leven, and the rest, whom we accounted the honest Party, against the Forces of Monroe, and Lanerick, which he affected with great felicity; and further, at the request of their Committee of Estates, left a considerable part of his Army in Scotland, untill that Nation was setled, in a peaceable condition, and such Forces raised for their defence, as they thought fit.

For this most Christian Act, and requitall of good for evill; the Committee of Estates there, writing to the Parliament of England, stiled Crumwell, the Preserver of Scotland, under God; and for preservation of Religion, and brotherly am ty with the English Nation, decreed, that no man, which had joyned with Hamilton, in the late Invasion of England, should be chosen into the new Parliament (which was then called) or into the Assembly of the Kirke.

But this great benefit from the English, was soon forgotten, even by that Party, which succeeded in Power (which Power they obtained, meerly by our assisting Forces) who instead of thanking, began again, to revile their English Brethren, and Pre­servers (as they had stiled them) for Sectaries, Covenant-break­ers, &c. and new Plots of Treachery devised against them, and indeed, little lesse could be expected from them, when a [...]y oc­casion [Page 12] for their own profit served: for even at the time, when that Invasion of England was plotted; we were credibly in­formed, that the question was not to much, whether England should be invaded, or engaged against, but what Party among them, should have this Trust committed to them.

Notwithstanding all these brotherly offices, performed by the English to them; and their not onely breaking, but utterly dissolving the Treaties and Covenant by their invasion of Eng­land; yet they that now are in authority and power there (which power they owe to the aide of England) doe still flie in the faces of our Common-wealth, using their old Treaty and Covenant, as Weapons against us; which they have here­tofore so often used, that they cannot now leave it, although out of date, unlesse the solemne League and Covenant were made upon such conditions, that the Scote might absolutely breake it, and yet the English remain bound.

Under the pretence of this Covenant, the Scots take upon them, to direct us, in point of our owne Government, and absolutely determine what it shall be; (we medling not at all with theirs) they will make us renounce that Forme, which we have chosen; they will put a King upon us, and an house of Lords into out Parliament, as if it could be made appeare by any thing expressed in the Covenant, Treaties, or Declarations, that have passed the Parliament of England (if they stood now in force, and had not been cancelled by the Scots) that the Parliament hath excluded, or debarred it selfe from the use and exercise of that Right and Power, which is inseparable from it, as the supream Legislative Authority of this Nation, to alter, repeale, make void, in whole, or in part, any thing whatsoever, appertaining to the Govern­ment of this Nation, within it selfe, as they shall judge requisite, and necessary, from time to time.

Notwithstanding this, the Parliament of the Common-wealth of England, in the yeare, 1649. willing to procure, by all faire and freindly wayes, a reparation of those damages, which this Nation had susteined by them, and their invasion; did to that purpose desire, that Commissioners, in the behalfe of each Nation, might be authorized to meet at a convenient place, and time, to end the differences; but their friendly offers were not onely rejected and denyed, by the present Parliament of Scotland, and Power, now ruling there, but in a disdainfull way, [Page 13] they put the English in an uncapacity of treating with them, not acknowledging the name of the Common-wealth of England, nor the title of Speaker of the Parliament of England. They likewise in expresse termes, declared themselves Enemies to the present Government of England, and all that adhere to it; and malitiously layed foundations of Sedition, and new In­surrections, among the English; they did also in pursuance of those grounds (though they could not claime the least colour of authority over the English Nation) take upon them in Scotland, to proclaime Charles Stuart to be King of England and Ire­land; and afterward, in their Treaty with him, promised him their utmost assistance against the English Nation; and to that purpose, emplied their whole endeavours to strengthen them­selves from all Parts, for a second Invasion.

Whereupon the Parliament of England, their designe beeing thus evident, resolved, in June, 1650. to send an Army into Scotland, and withall, published to the world in a Declaration, not onely the Justice, but the necessity of their so doing. In which Declaration, let those; who have not read the whole, take these few reasons in their words; Not to leave them to invade us, at their chosen opportunity, and our greatest disad­vantage, when they shall have compleated their designe with Forreigue States for their aide; and with their Faction and Party in this Nation, for correspondency and concurrence, in their attempts upon us; and that we may not be at the insup­portable charge of keeping severall Armies in our own bowels, and subject our selves to the Contributions, Plunderings, and Barbarous usage of a Scoatish Army, if we suffer them againe to enter; Or of keeping one formed Army constantly upon the Borders, for preventing or resisting those attempts upon us, which they are waiting an opportunity, at their best advantage to make.