UPon Munday the 17. Jan. 1647. I was at the h [...]se of one Mr. Williams a Gardiner in Ratcliff-high-way neer East Smithfield, where I met with divers honest men, Inhabitants thereabouts, about a Petition now on foot; amongst whom was one Mr. Masterson, the Parson or Priest of Shoreditch neer London, who (as since I am told) came pretendedly as a Scrupler, but said ne­ver a word there as I heard, coming resolvedly to catch and intrap, as by the sequel of his carriages appears.

For the next day being Tuesday, up he comes with a full careere to the House of Lords, as if he had been running for a fat Benefice (as I was informed) makes a most desperate complaint against Mr. John Wildman and my self, as though un­der the pretence of managing a Petition, we carried on a desperate design to de­stroy, or cut the throats of the Parliament men, and the execution of our desperate designs could not be far off, for that I had (as he said) appointed blew Ribbons to be the sign to be worn in our hats to know one another by upon that day.

And after he had given in some such information as this, with much more of the like nature at the Lords Bar▪ where without doubt it was hugg'd to the purpose, and rejoyced in, as the issue of a design of their own brain, to blast (without all peradventure as they thought) the reputation of the original and chief promoters of that transcendnet, gallant, and large Petition that so much touches their Copy hold, that so if it might be possible the Petition it self might be crusht in the birth, before it had brought forth strength sufficient to pull up their rotten tyrannicall Interest by the rootes.

And after he had done with th Relation at their Bar, having giving the Lords, as it seemes, a flagou of sack and suger, they were in pains (as it appears) till they had communicated some deep draughts of it to their friends of the House of Commons, divers of whose rotten Interests were concerned in it, as the Lords sons and servants, the Patentee, Monopolisers, the Merchant Adventurers, the Lords would be (which are principally the chief of Cromwels Faction, who having now the power of the Kingdom in their own hands, and therefore in their own imaginations can not miss of being (within a little time) made Barons, if not Earls) but especeally (that grand inslaving Interest) the rotten Lawyers of the House, divers of whom, if the Petition took effect (in disabling all Members of that House that are Lawyers to plead at any Bar of Justice) would deprive some of them of two or three thousand pound per annum, which now they get by their Pleadings by vertue of their beeing Pa [...]liament men; for if a mans Cause be never so unjust, if by large Fees he can get two or three Parliament men to plead it for him, he is sure to carry it, for the Judges dare as well eat their nailes as displease them for fear of being turned out of their places by them, which they more regard then their Oathes, which tie them to do impartial Justice; I say, after he had done his Relation at the Lords Bar, a Conference was betwixt both Houses, where he again belcht out his most abomin [...]ble malicious and false lyes; and one being present that heard it, came immediatly to me in London, [Page 11] and told me of it, of which I no sooner heard, but immediatly by wa­ter, of my own accord, I posted by boat to Westminster, and coming up to the House of Commons door about three or four a clock, I found the House to be risen, and meeting with some of my friends and acquaintance at the door, I told them there, I understood the House of Commons had again dealt worse with me then the Heathen and Pagan Romans dealt with Paul, who when his adversaries desired Judgment against him, they told them, that it was not the maner of the Romans to judge or condemn any man before he which is accused have his accuser face to face, and have liberty to answer for himself concerning the crime laid a­gainst him, Act. 25. and yet upon a bare accusation of a single Priest (as I was informed) they had again committed me to the Tower before they heard me speak one word for myself, in which (I told my friends freely and openly they had outstript the Heathen and Pagan Romans in Injustice, who though Paul by Tertullus the Orator, was accused for a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews through­out the world, and a Ringleader of the Sect of the Nazarens, Acts 24. yet they would not condemn him before they heard him face to face speak for himself.

And I further told them, this unjust proceeding of the House of Commons against me, was but just the same unrighteous measure that they had meted out before unto me, for about two years ago I had come Post from Sir Thomas Fairfax Army, to bring them glad tidings of his routing of General Gorings Army at Lamport in Somersetshire, and be­ing daily waiting at the House door, I was a few dayes after, by the Speakers means (as I have been since largely told) Voted upon a bare suggestion to Prison, without the House ever so much as calling in my pre­tended accusers (viz. Dr. Bastwick, and Colonel Edward King, with whom for divers moneths before, I had not, to the best of my remem­brance, changed so much as one word) or ever so much as calling me in, though then at their door to speak one word for my self, they Voted, and Resolved upon the Question, That I should be committed to prison till they please to release me, without telling me to this hour wherefore they imprisoned me; and from their Serjeant at Arms, tossed and tumbled me to Newgate, for refusing (to make of one of their Committees, a High Commission, or Spanish Inquisition,) to answer (against all Law and Justice) to their Interrogatories: And then when they had me at Newgate, made an Order of their House, to arraign me at Newgate Sessi­ons, for no less then my life; and Ordered the prime Lawyers about London, viz. Master Bradshaw, Master Steel, Master Walker, &c. to be my prosecuters, and by a law-quirk, if it were possible, to take away my life from me: And yet for all that, they being sufficiently baffled, by my own pen, and the pens of my Friends, they sent me One hundred pounds to Newgate (as may be supposed) to help to bear my charges, [Page 12] and released me by Vote of the House, as an innocent man, after thirteen weeks imprisonment; without all that while laying any thing to my charge, or so much as ever telling me, wherefore they The full story of which, you may read in my Printed Epistle of two sheets, dated and in my large Book called Innocency and Truth Justified, and in Englands Birth-right, Englands misery and remedy, and Englands la­mentable slavery. imprisoned me, or who were the prosecutors, or informers against me; and all this was done unto me by Master Speakers malice principally, who though he had not the least pretence or shadow of Crime originally against me▪ yet thought by provocations laid upon me, to exasperate, and chafe my Spirit; and thereupon, as it were, to force me to do some­thing that might intangle me, and be a colourable ground for him to destroy me; forgetting (although he pretend to be a great Lawyer) that maxime of the Law, made use of by Judg. Hutton, in his Argument in Master Hambdens Case, against Shipmoney, pag. 49 That that which was defective in the Original, is not good by any accident sub­sequent; or as that learned Lawyer, the Author of that notable Book, called Vox Plebis, pag. 20. 43. hath it, That which is not good, or just, (but illegal) in its original or beginning, by tract of time cannot be made just, or lawful. See also my Grand Plea against the House of Lords, pag. 13.

I further told my Friends then, and there. That if I might have but fair play, and free liberty to speak for my self, I doubted not, but to make it as evident as the Sun, when it shined at noon-day, That at that pretended treasonable meeting at Wappin, (whereas I understood the parson accused me, for plotting the destruction of the Parliament, &c.) I did the House of Commons in its just and fundamental Interest (sim­ply considered) a peace of the reallest, and best service, that ever with my tongue I did them in my life: And as I said, I was very sure I had done them some real and unspotted services.

For the occasion of that meeting, as I told them, was upon this ground, there being a large Petition a promoting, some Copies of them came into the hands of some cordial, honest, active men about Wappin, who though they had nothing to object against the Petition it self; yet one or more of them, did very much scruple (as I was told, not maliciously, but conscienciously) how they could lawfully act to promote any more Pe­titions to this House of Commons, seeing that in their Declarations, they had declared (in answer to the Kings Objections, about tumultuous meetings, about Petitions, That desired the abolition of things established by Law,) That they did conceive, that numbers do not make an assembly unlawful, but when either the end, or the maner of their car­riage, shall be unlawful. Divers just occasions (say they) might draw the Citizens to Westminster, where many publique and private Petitions, and other causes, were depending in Parliament; and why that should be [Page 13] found more faulty in the Citizens, then the resort of great numbers every day in the Term, to the ordinary Courts of Justice, we know not These are their own words in their Declaration of the nineteenth of May, 1642. 1. Part. Book. Declar. pag. 201, 202 See also pag. 123. 533. 548. 691. See the Ar­mies Declarations, to this purpose. Book. Declar. pag. 10. 11. 17. 23. 33. 35. 44. 60. 61. 62. 83. 85. 118 but especially read the notable Arguments in Master Natha­niel Fines his Speech in the House, the ninth of February, 1640. To justifie popular Petitions, and multitudes deliv [...]ring of them for the abolition of the things established by Law; which you may read in Print, in the 22. 23. 24. 25. pages, of a Printed Book, intituled, Speeches and Passages of Parliament. Printed 1641. for William Cook. And in the same Declaration, Pag. 209. they say, That such a concourse of people (as is before mentioned) cannot in the inter­pretation of the Law, be held tumultuary and seditious.

And in their Declaration of the second of November, 1642. 1 Part. Book Declar. pag. 720. They do acknowledg that they have received Petiti­ons for the removal of things established by Law; and (say they) we must say, and all that know what b [...]longeth to the course, and practice of Par­liament, will say, That we ought so to do, and that both our Predecessors, and His Majesties Ancestors, have constantly done it; there being no other place wherein Laws, that by experience may be found grievous and burthen­som, can be altered or repealed; and there being no other due and legal way, wherein they which are aggrieved by them, can seek redress.

And yet notwithstanding all this, That this very Parliament, or House of Commons, that had made these Declarations, Should declare men Traytors, for endevoring to Petition, burn their Petitions, and imprison the persons of divers honest men, meerly for Petitioning for those things they had made us fight for, viz. Our Liberties and Freedom When formerly they re­ceived the poor mens Petitions with threatning language in it, with a great deal of thank­fulness, as appears, 1. Part. Book. Declarat. pag. 289. 364. 365. 398. 533. 548. 557.

All these things laid together, were such dis­couragements to the Objecter, or Objecters, That at the present (as it was said) they could not in Conscience, nor Honor, go about to Petition so un­worthy an Apostatized House any more. Whereupon some of their Neighbors, in and about Wappin▪ that were zealous in promoting the Petition, appointed a meeting, to debate, and satisfie these Scruples, (if it were possible,) that so they might go unani­mously to work, to promote the Petition, which was now much retard­ed by the foresaid Scruples, the party or parties scrupling, being of some eminency amongst their Neighbors: Unto which meeting, by some Friends, I was earnestly desired to come, and if I could, to bring Mr. John Wildeman with me; which I did.

And the substance of that Discourse was, to convince our scrupling [Page 14] friends or friend, That the Kingdom was in exceeding great distractions, and the people under general Oppressions and Burthens, and trading generally decayed; which had occasion­ed mighty heart-burnings, and dividings of Spirit amongst the people; and the present House of Commons (though sufficiently corrupted) was the visibly best, and justest Au­thoritie that was extant in England; the overthrowing of which (as things stood) would bring in such a present Inunda­tion of misery and confusion, into the whole Kingdom, that there would be nothing in the eye of Reason, but cutting of throats every where, and all return into its first Chaos, and the longest Swords to be Judges of all, and we might be as soon destroyed in such a general confusion, and hurly burly, as any others. And therefore, I and my friend pressed, That if they either wished well unto themselves, or their Native Countrey, they were tied in duty and conscience, to the utter­most of their power, to preserve the Interest and Being of the House of Commons (so long as it continued a House;) and yet in such a way, That they might not invassalize the people: Both of which, they were told was provided for in this Petiti­on; and to do any thing that might pull down or destroy the present Power and Being of the House of Commons, in the eyes of the people, before things are in some settledness (which would sufficiently be done if they should disclaim them as unworthy to be Petitioned unto any more) were to undo and destroy our selves, especially considering, That they had so lately engaged so high against the King, and the Scots; and therefore it behoved us not so to act, as to increase their adver­saries, but rather to strengthen their hands, and the rather at this juncture of time; and yet so to do it, as that the generality of the Commons of England, might be gainers by it, in the knowledg of their particular Liberties; that so if it were possible, they might be united therein, and might thereupon, as one man in the Spirit of Englishmen, stand up, and live, and die each with other, against all Forraign Interests what­soever.

And as I further told my said acquaintance and friends, That I was [Page 15] confident there was never any one Discourse in England, wherein the true and just Interest of the House of Commons, was more firmly, cordially and strongly maintained, then in that: And if they should punish me for my actions or speeches at that meeting, I should be punished for doing as great (and as real) a peece of service to the Interest of the House of Commons, (and consequently to the Interest of the Kingdom) as ever was done in any meeting by any Member of the House. And this I told them, I doubted not but to make as evident as the Sun, when it shined, if the House would hear me but speak for my self. At which, my Friends were very much refreshed, considering so desperate things were charged upon me by the Priest.

So enquiring if any of them could tell me where Master Sergeant was, I was answered, He was with the Speaker, and the Earl of Manchester, in the Queens Court; and going up thither to finde him, I found him ready with his Mace, to usher the Keepers of the Great Seal unto the Chancery Court. So standing in their way, as they were to come out, I had a minde to face them, to see how they would look upon me; and after they passed by, I could see the Speaker lay his head to the Earl of Manchesters. Whereupon, they both turned about, and stared wishfully upon me, and so did the three Judges that followed them, which were, if I mistake not, Judg Rowls, Judg Phesant, and Baron Atkins; and I looked as wishfully upon them, with an undaunted countenance, thereby demonstrating that unspotted Innocency chear­ed my heart, and so down stairs they went, and I followed them at their heels to the Chancery, with an earnest desire, to know the matter more fully of Master Sergeant, and truly to know what their House had done upon it, who within a little while, coming out of the Court, I had my opportunity to speak with; who looked very strangely upon me, as though I were now a destroyed man; at which, I smiled, and told him, If ever the House of Commons in their lives, had true ground and cause to thank me for any service, that ever I had done them with my tongue, it was for that nights Discourse, and my there pleading their Cause and Interest. And much more Discourse to the same purpose (as is before mentioned) we had, but I grated very much upon Master Speakers unjust and unrighteous dealing with me. And I told him, I conceived this was one of his new plots, or the Earl of Manchesters: For guilty conscienced men, are always afraid of the shakings of an Aspine-leaf; and would frame and contrive, out of their own brains new plots, and then themselves bring them to light, as contrived against the State and Parliament, That so they might there­by blast all sorts of men that were likely to pinch them. And truely I told him, they were to mine own knowledg, very good at these tricks, for I knew them both of old; at which he was distasted, and told me, the House had taken off my former Order for my going abroad, and had [Page 16] remanded me to the Tower again, and had sent an Order to the Lieute­nant of the Tower, to morrow morning, to bring me up to their Bat as a prisoner: I told him, it was but like all the rest of their just deal­ings, towards me; and in this I told him, they cleerly demonstrated to the whole Kingdom, That they had less Justice within their brests, then was in the Heathen, and Pagan Roman Judges, that had nothing but the light of Nature to guide them in their judgment; and yet would not condemn Paul before they heard him, though his Adversaries laid greater things to his charge, then all the men in England are able justly to pretend against me. And as for my going again prisoner to the Tower, I told him, I would now never go upon the old score voluntary, while my eyes were open. And I further told him to this effect, That if their hearts were not totally hardened, and their souls scaled up to do wickedness for ever, they would blush for shame, so much as to talk of committing me to prison, before now after above seven yeers waiting upon them, they had done me some reasonable proportion of Justice; but now again to com­mit me to prison, after eleven or twelve yeers (as heavy) sufferings, as ever Englishman (that I read of) endured; to the exhausting me of all that ever I have in the world, yea, and more too, by running into debt to buy me bread, and to keep almost three thousand pounds of my Corn from me by force and violence, and to commit me to prison again, without any maner of provision in the world, for me and mine to live upon (after I have made so many mournful cryes and moans un­to them.) What is this else, but to be more cruel then the very Cannibals themselves? who always feed fat those men that they intend to eat, and devour; and were it not more justice in them, to cause their Guard of Halberders, to knock my brains out, and so put a period to my days, and miseries, then again to send me prisoner to the Tower, either to be starved, or eat the stone walls (which is impossible.) For as the Spirit of God saith by Jeremy in his Lamentations, Chap. 4.9. Better are they that die by the sword, then they that be slain with hunger: And he gives this Reason of it, For the last pines away, stricken through for want of the Fruits of the Field; whereas he that is slain quickly, endures little or no pain. And how they can conceive in the eye of Reason, (laying all things together) how I should thus long live, and subsist without miracle, (especially, contesting with all the great corrupt Interests of England, who have scores and hundreds of mercinary, pencionary emissaries, in the City and Countrey, with their lyes and falshoods, to rob me of my Reputation and Credit; and with their groundless reproaches, to bespatter me, and make me as black as a Chimny Sweeper, and render me as a man not fit to live in civil or moral Society) is beyond my Reason to apprehend.

My Prayer.

BUt O thou Just, Righteous, Powerful and Compassionate God; that sensibly hath been my God and guide about these twise seven years: that hast often refreshed my soul with those far, and soul satis­fying refreshments, that hath made my heart sing and be merry, in the midest of many deaths; and which hast made me lightly esteeme the cruel malice of all my fierce, and murdering Enemies: O thou glori­ous God, that hath taken me by the arme when I have been ready to fall, and by whose power alone, I have been kept upright before thee, in the midst of many soul piercing temptations; and by whose sweetnesse, discovered unto my soul, I have been drawn after thee, with ready willingnesse of spirit (though backwardnesse of flesh) to follow thee whithersoever thou goest: keep now (for the glory of thy name-sake) my heart sincere and upright before thee, that I neither flag, fall, nor start aside, like a broken bow, but may stick close unto thee, (and to that justice and purity that shines gloriously in thee) to the death.

O Thou compassionatest and sweetest God, who in all the afflictions of thy people art afflicted with them, and hast said, thou hearest their cries, and bottellest up their tears; O now in the greatnesse of straits, when my soul is indeavoured to be over-whelmed; hear now in hea­ven, the habitation of thy greatnesse, and protect and deliver me from the cruell and bloudy rage, of thy once SEEMING servant, CROM­WEL, who if my soul is now able to judge, is visibly become a FALNESTAR, an Apostate from thee, an ENEMY to thee, and a desperate persecutor of thee, in all those where he meets with the shining splendor and the glory of thine owne bright Image of Ju­stice holiness, purity and righteousness; and hath done a thousand times worse thereby, then Peter did, who, though he forswore and denied his Master, yet he never persecuted him in his members, as he hath done, and thereby hath Crucified the Son of God A FRESH, and put him to an open shame: O put a hook in his nostrils, and a bit into his teeth, to curbe his furious drivings to destroy Righthousnesse, Truth, and Ju­stice (from off the earth) the bright shinings of God amongst men; O discover him (to all those that truely know thee) and his wicked opres­sing and tyrannical accomplices, to be what they are, (and have of late clearly demonstrated themselves to be, to every seeing eye) the SONS OF SATHAN AND WICKEDNESSE, THE PERVERTERS OF TRUTH, JUSTICE, AND ALL KIND OF RIGHTEOUSNESSE; THE DECEIVERS AND SEDUCERS THAT THOU HAST DECLARED SHOULD COME INTO THE WORLD IN THESE LAST DAIES, TO DECEIVE, IF IT WERE POSSIBLE, THE VERY ELECT. O Lord, deal with him according to all his late deserts, in doubling unto him that cup of affliction and sorrow, that he hath of late meated out divers of thy [Page 16] choice and redeemed ones; O thou righteous God, who hast declared, that evil shall shall never depart from the house of him that requites evil for good, let it be so unto him; who causelesly, as thou knowest, hath with all his might and power, sought the destruction and totall ruine of me thy poor servant, who in the uprightnesse of his soul, while he judged him to be thine, adventured all he had in the world for him; O dearest and truest God, seeing thou hast made the spirit of thy poor supplicant, willing from time to time to stoop unto the lowest condition in the world, (that might consist with that knowledge, duty, fealty, he owes unto thee, HIS ABSOLUTE AND UNLIMITED SOVERAIGNE, fairely to reconcile things betwixt us; but nothing wil serve his turne, but the prostrating of the honour and conscience of thy poor servant unto graven Images, and painted Idols, viz. the usurping tyrannical House of Lords: and seeing by his potency and greatnesse (by reason of that absolute commanding power, he hath over an over-awing, mer­cinary, Turkish Army, that now serve not to defend the liberties of their native Country, but the exorbitant tyrannical lusts of men) that thy servant can obtaine amongst men no Justice, nor right, but is hin­dred of all that tends thereunto, or his powerful influence; he there­fore thereby appeals to the great and SOVERAIGNE CREATOR AND OVER RULER OF ALL THE WORLD, FOR JUSTICE AND RIGHT, against this great and mighty (apostatizing) hunting Nimrod, CROMWELL, and solely at thy feet cast his contest with him, earnestly imploring for that glorious and unparallel'd riches sake that shines in Jesus Christ, & for that unspotted Justice and righteousnesse sake, that shines in thy owne selfe; to do justice with thy own Almigh­ty, but stretched arme betwixt us; and visibly before the eyes of the present generation of men, execute impartial judgement between us, that so it may be made manifest to the sons of Men, but especially to the present living generation of thy people, who is principally in the fault, thy servant that now in the ardency of his soul speaks unto thee, or he against whom, in the anguish and bitternesse of his heart and spi­rit, he complaines of unto thee:. O, as thou art a righteous God, and as truth and justice is inherent in thee, and one with thee, judge betwixt us, and visibly avenge upon the guilty one of us, and that speedily; that so if it be thy wil, those heart-burnings, and divisions of spirit may cease, that by our contest is occasioned amongst our native Church-men, but especially amongst thy darlings, by reason of our contestings each with other, who both have been eminent in the eyes of many thousands of those that truely know thee: for that reall integrity to thy truth and glory, that they have Judged to be in us, that so peace and quiet­nesse, truth and justice, thereby (if it be thy good wil and pleasure) may speedily come unto the land of our nativity; and truth, righteous­nesse, joy, comfort, and union of hearts and spirits, may come unto the chosen ones, and glory, honour and peace unto thy great and glori­ous Name. Amen. Amen.

[Page 17]But in the conclusion of my discourse, I told Mr Sergeant, that though I would not willingly go to the Tower, yet I would promise him willingly and voluntarily of mine owne accord to come to morrow morning, ( being Wed­nesday, 19th. of Jan. 1647.) to the House of Commons, and if they would give me but fair play, and leave at their Bar freely to speake for my selfe, I doubt not but to make my base and lying accuser (for all the start he had got of me) ashamed of what he had done: so after I had a little faced the Com­missioners of the Great Seal fitting in open Court, and talked a little with some Parliament-men, and given them three or four lashes, for their ungrave, un­just, and light credulity, away to my Lodging in London I came, and being up very betimes the next morning, to meet some understanding friends, to confer how, and after what manner the businesse by me should be carried at the House; this man, and the other man, threw in very sollid advise, and pressed me to a careful and diligent observation, but I bid them hold their peace, and talke no more of it to me; for I neither could nor would observe their directions; for I told them to this effect, my heart was all one fire, and my soul did thirst and long to be amongst the Parliament-men, that in the might and strength of my strong God, I might talke to them, and I told them my old refuge in all such cases as this is, was the 10th of Matthew, and I cared for no other counsellor; neither in this case could I regard any but his, who was, and is, the author of that, who in all such cases, had commanded me to take no thought how, or what to speake; promising that it shall be gi­ven me in that same hour, what I shall speake, for (saith he) it is not you that speak, but the spirit of your Father that speaketh in you; unto which, an eminent man in the company replied, he lik'd it well, but yet for all that he lov'd to use meanes; But I told him, I lik'd that wel too, but in this case, not knowing what they wil say unto me, or lay to my charge, all discourses to me below the tenth of Mathew was to no purpose, and therefore I pressed againe to be gone to Westminster, for my soul longed to be amongst them, being brim-full, and ready for want of vent to overflow; desiring at present, nothing so much from God, as to order their hearts so, as to cause them to give me free leave to speak.

So preparing for the journey, I arrived with other of my friends at West­minster, and being not long at the House door, (where was many friends come downe from London and Southwark, to hear and see how things went) I ad­dressed my self to the Sergeant of the House, to let him know I was there to tend upon the Houses pleasure; And he immediately after came out with his Mace, and CALLED FOR Mr. MASTERSON, THE JUDAS PRIEST, and my selfe; so in we went, and also the Lieutenant of the Tower as my guardian, and having given them that due respect, that I conceived is due unto their just and true authority, (though I owe little or none unto the persons that sat there, by reason of their grosse abusing and most abomi­nable of their righteous authority) the thing that passed, so near as my memory to the utmost punctilio will serve me, I shal faithfully relate unto you. Upon our comming to the Bar, where both my lying ac­cuser and my selfe stood, the Speaker stept up in his Chaire, and commanded Mr. MASTERSON, in the name of the House of Commons, to give [Page 18] them again a narrative of what he yesterday declared to them.

So he very formally begun, and spoke as freely, as if he had learned his Lesson without book; and truly, I could not but stand amazed at the mans impudence, that he durst, with so much confidence, tell so many lies as he did: But giving not much regard unto his accusation, to treasure it up in my memory, being resolved before hand, to take no cognizance of his verball impeachment, which in Law was nothing, I fixed my mind very seriously up­on the Lord Jehovah, my old experienced refuge, strength and support, and was a wrestling with him for the incomes of his own self, that so I might speak freely and boldly, in his might and power (if it were possible) to the amaze­ment and terrour of his enemies, amongst those that should hear me; divers of whom, I was confident, would lye in wait to catch and intrap me.

And now and then (the House (in my apprehension) being very full, I cast my eie about me to look upon the countenances of the Members, and to observe their behaviours, most commonly fixing my eie stedfastly upon the Speaker in the Chair: Who assoon as he perceived Mr Masterson had done, beckoned his hand unto me, as I conceived, to have me answer the Priest: but I stood still, and took no notice of his beck; at last, he wished me to say what I could answer for my self unto it: whereupon pausing a little, after a congey made unto him, I opened my mouth to this effect.

Mr Speaker, I desire, in the first place, to premise this, That I look upon, and own this honourable House, in its constitution and power, as the best, legallest, and justest interest, power and authority, that is established in this Kingdom; or that all the Commons of England visibly hath, for the preser­vation of their lives, liberties and estates: And I doubt not, but so to speak unto you, and so to behave my self before you, this present day, as thereby to demonstrate to you, that I am an honourer; an owner, and a prizer of this greatest English authority and interest; in which, as a free Commoner of England, I have a little share: And therfore, if this honourable House please to afford me Paulis PRIVILEDGE, that he enjoyed amongst the Heathen and Pagan, Roman Governours, or Magistrates; which was, to hear him speak freely for himself, before they would condemn him: Which li­berty and priviledge, I freely and largely enjoyed, at the hands of the Cava­lier Judges at Oxford, when I was arraigned in irons, before the Lord chief Justice Heath, and Sir Thomas Gardiner, late Recorder of London, for drawing my sword, and at your comand, adventuring my life, for the great interest of the Kingdom involved, and single represented in this honourable House, in the destruction of which it perisheth; who before all the City and Country, then assembled in Guild-hall in Oxford, gave me free liberty, without the least interruption, to say what I pleased, and to plead for my life, in the best manner that all those abilities God had given me, would inable me The enjoyment of which, was but my right by Law, as appears remarkably in the third part of Cooks Insti­tutes, fol. 29. 137. 230. to do. The which priviledge, and legall and naturall right, if you please to grant me, I shall speak freely, WITH THIS PROTESTATION, AND SALVO, That I do not speak, nor answer, out of any dutie, or tie, that lies upon [Page 19] me by LAW, FOR ALL CHARGES IN LAW OUGHT TO BE IN WRITING, under the hand, or hands, of him, or them that chargeth, and in that form that the Law requires; and proceeded in, according to the form of the Law of the Land, expressed in the 29 Chapter of the great Charter, and these Laws which expound it, which are mentioned Which you may at large read, in my plea before Mr Corbet, recorded in the 8, 9, 10, pages of it, being called, The Resolved mans Resolu­tion; and Mr John Wildmans notable defence against Ma­sterson, called, Truths tri­umphs, pag: 2. 11, 12, 13, 14. and my late Book of June 8. 1649. entituled, The Le­gall Fundamentals, &c. p. 6, 7, 8, 9. and nomi­nated in the Petition of Right. Which this pretended Vergall charge is not, in the least: And indeed, Mr Speaker, in Law it is no charge at all: neither in the way this Infor­mer is in, can I well have any remedy against him, in case he abuses me; for, as I under­stand, if he tell twenty lies against me, I cannot punish him; but if he maliciously swear one against me, I have his See Sir Edward Cooks 1 part Institutes, fol. 294. b. and 3 part, chapt. Conspi­racy, is very remarkable: fol. 143. & ch. Perjury, fol. 163, 164, 165, 166. and 4 part, fol. 66. ears as my mercy, &c. & therfore a Betraier of my Liberties I should be, if I should look upon it as any charge at all, and in that consideration, return an answer to it; and therfore again, saving unto me the rights and priviledges of an English man, which is, to be tried by no other rules or methods, for any reall or pretended crime whatsoever, then what is declared by the known, establi­shed and declared Laws of England; nor by, nor before any other Authority or Magistracy, then what the Law hath authorized to be the executors Which I am sure the House of Commons are not in the least. See my Book, called, The Peoples prerogative, p. 40. 41, 72, 73. and my Book, called, The Laws Funerall, pag. 15, 16. And my second Edition of my Picture of the Councel of State, pag. 7, 8. And my Book of the 8 June, 1649. entituled, The Legall Fundamentall Liber­ties of the People of En­gland revived, pag. [...] 16, 17. And Mr Wildmans Truths Triumph, pag. 2. 17, 18. And the Laws subversion, or Sir John Maynards case stated, pag. 33, 34, 35, 36. The plea or Protestation of Lio­nel Hurbin, in behalf of the late four imprisoned Alder­men, pag. 10, 11, 14, 17, 18. and the Aldermens Petiti­on of the 23 April, 1648. of it: I say, saving, as before I have expressed.

I shall, out of that ingenuity of spirit, can­didnesse and integrity of heart that dwels with­in me; and out of that high and honourable respect I bear to the interest and just authori-of this House, Give you, if you please, a free, voluntary, full and perfect relation of all the most materiallest actions, passages and spee­ches, that have past from me, about this Peti­tion, since it was first begun, to our late mee­ting at Wapping.

And I shall the rather, at present, lay aside the punctilios of my liberty, which is, not to answer to any Interrogatories, or confesse any thing against my self, till it be legally, fully and punctually proved, because I have longed for such an opportunity as this; and my silence at this time, might, in the prejudiced opinions of some among you, against me, argue in their spirits, my guiltinesse of all the lyes layed un­to [Page 20] my charge; and thereby might, in their own hearts, take me, pro confesso, and conclude me guilty from my silence, but without a grant of free liberty from this House, to speak my mind freely, without any interruption: I shall not say one word more, but remain in perfect silence: So the Speaker commanded us to withdraw, which we did.

And after about a quarter of an houres time, the Sergeant at Arms came, with his Mace, and ushered us in again; and having placed our selves at the Bar, Mr Speaker having a paper in his hand, looked upon it, and said to this effect, Mr Masterson, the House conceives, that you have nothing nigh given them so full a relation of this businesse to day, to Mr Lilburns face, as you did yesterday, when you were single: therfore I am commanded to ask you what you say, to such a thing, and such a thing? and mentioned, as I remember, about some six or seven particulars: The substance of all of his accusation, so near as that little heed I gave unto it, would enable me to col­lect, was to this effect:

That there was a design (especially by me declared at the foresaid mee­ting) contrived by me, Sir, to destroy, or cut off, both Houses of Parliament; and that we could not be far from the intention of executing it, in regard I had appoynted blew Ribbons to be worn in the hats of all those that should be saved alive: And that though we did now drive on a Petition to the House, yet it was no more but a cloak, or a colour to raise the people by, that so we might the more covertly make our selves strong enough to destroy them.

But after he had done, the Speaker told me, the House had given me free liberty to say what I pleased: at which I made a congey to him, and mighti­ly raised up my heart to God, with an earnest inward cry to Heaven, now to come in, if ever, with power, strength, wisdom, resolution and utterance; and praised be his name, he heard my inward sighs and cries unto him; and put, as it were, a new heat, and burning fire, into all my veins, and raised up my spirit high, beyond its ordinary temper; and, with a little pause I begun, and said after this manner, with a soft voyce.

Mr Speaker, I take it for no small honour, to be admitted this day, to this great (though just) priviledge, to have free liberty to speak my mind freely, and boldly, without interruption; and having again premised what is before premised, and protested again what is before protested, with a loud and mighty voyce (though with an easy and sensible command over my self) I went punctually on (without the least interruption extemporary) and said,

Mr Speaker, I do here freely and voluntarily confesse it, that I had a hand, or a finger, in drawing the great Petition, with large Which at the last end hereof, is printed at large. Marginall notes fixed to it; and that I also had a hand in putting it to the presse, and paying for it: And truly, Mr Speaker, the ground of drawing of it, in my made standing was this, we have many [Page 21] years been fighting for our liberties and freedoms, and yet the generality of the Kingdom are as far to seek what they are, and where to find them, as ever; and the oppressions, and burthens, are very great and heavy upon the peo­ple, as by tyths, taxes, excise, and free quarter, &c. and that which is worst of all, all trading, in a manner, is dead [...]d, and all victuals grown so dear, that famine draws on apace; and this House seems (to us) to be afresh engaged, not only against the King, but also against the Scots: all which laid together, hath occasioned such heart-burnings, divisions and dissentions, in all sorts and kinds of people, saving those now in fat places and offices, that are made rich by the ruins of the Kingdom: In which regard, there was nothing more likely to arise, then a generall confusion; and the people being (as we per­ceived) united in nothing that concern'd their Common good, as English men; might in their distractions and confusions, destroy their neighbours and friends; which might breed such s [...]uds in City and Country, that one faction or party might be so earnest to destroy another, without hopes of any composer; till a forraign enemy seeing our divisions, distractions and hurly-burlies, came in with an inundation to make a prey of us all, and of the Land of our Nativitie: The consideration of which strook deep into my spirit, and therfore I studied how someting might be done speedily to prevent it: And this Petition was brought forth as a salve to heal and cure all our sores and di­seases, and to knit the hearts together of all ingenuous men, in every faction or interest, that had but the least spark of a desire to do unto their neigh­bours as they would be done unto: Which Law is not only the prime Law of Nature, but also the strict command both of the Law and Gospel: And truly Sir, I for my part conceived this Petition so just, necessary and righte­ous, that if the people closed with it, this House could never so far dishonour themselves, as in the least discountenance it: Nay Sir, I dare here at your Bar with confidence aver it, that there is never a man in England that dare or can speak against the body or scope of it, unlesse it be those that have guilty consciences within them, or those that are of, or allied unto some of those corrupt interests that are therein struck at.

And truly Mr Speaker, I my self look upon that Petition with such admi­ration and satisfaction of spirit, and of so transcendent concernment to all honest and just men in my native Country; that I count it one of the most glorious morall actions to promote that Petition, that ever God counted me worthy in all my life to have a finger in: And Sir, let me freely tell you: I count it my glory and honour amongst the sons of men, that I have had so great a hand in forwarding of that Petition as a had: And therfore Sir as my crown and glory I shall freely tell you, that as soon as I and some other of my true and faithfull Comrades had caused some thousands of that Petition to be printed; I did the best I could to set up constant meetings in severall places in Southwark to promote the Petition: to which meetings all scruplers and objecters against any thing contained in the Petition, might repair unto for satisfaction: and I did constantly make one at all such meetings, to improve and put forth my abilities, to open and unfold the excellency of that Peti­tion, and to answer all objections against any particular in it: and when there was appointed Trustees in every parish (which only did consist of such as [Page 22] had been, and stil were active, cordial, and untainted faithful men, to the Liberties and Freedome of their Native Country) to take the especial care to promote the Petition effectually and vigorously, in their respective Parishes; I laboured the most I could to set up the like meetings in London; and for that end, diverse cordial, honest, faithful, and Noun substantive En­glish-men met openly at the WHALEBONE behind the Exchange, where by common consent, we chuse out a Committee, or a certaine numb [...]r of faithful undestanding men (but in regard I abhor to be a betrayer, or a mis­chievous accuser, I shal not dare without leave from themselves to name their names, but leave you to the information of my illegal and unjust accuser at the Bar, or such other, as from such as he is you can procure it) to withdraw into the next roome, to forme a method, how to promote it in every Ward in the City, and out-parishes, and also in every County in the Kingdome; and for the more vigorous carrying it one, we nominated, as he tels you, two or three treasurers, and a proportion of Collectors, to gather up our vo­luntary contributions, which were no greater, then some two pence per week, others 3 d. some 4 d. some 6 d. some 12 d. 18 d. 2 s. the highest was halfe a crown per weeke; and this was, and is, the voluntary act of every man in himselfe, and the end of it was to pay for Printing the Petitions, and bea­ring the charges of those messengers we should have occasion to send downe into the Countries to our friends there to promote the Petitions; and I doe acknowledge, I have been at diverse other meetings in London, and the out-parishes, to promote it withall the migh [...] I had: and I do further confesse, that I wrote a Letter, Intituled, To my friends and faithfull Country men in Buckingham-shire, and Hertford shire, that ingaged for me, &c, in a Petition to this House about 13 moneths agoe, to desire you to hear, judge, and determine according to Law and Justice, my businesse against the Lords, depending in this House, either to my justification, if innocent, or condemnation, if guil­ty. And the Copy of the Letter I have by me, which when this House shal command me, I shal be ready and willing to produce it at this Bar, the con­tents of it being to presse them with all their might and interest, to promote this Petition in every parish quite through both the Counties.

I also went to Darfort in Kent, and there was one of those that set my hand to a Letter, subscribed to all the — in the County of Kent; and also I set my hand to a Letter to Colonel Blunt, the Copy of both which, at the command of this House, I shal be ready to present unto you at this Bar; and at my comming home, I set my hand to a Letter to Captaine Boine in Kent, and did besides, the best I could to promote the foresaid Petition, not only in London, but in several other Yea, and I am confi­dent in a moneths longer time, if Cromwell and his agents in the House had not hindred us, as they did, we had got above a hun­dred thousand hands to it; the promoting and prose­cuting of which, would in all likelyhood have hindred the Wars that followed, the innocent bloud shed there­in, lying principally upon Cromwels score for this con­stant hindering the setling the liberties of the Nation, and prosecuting to death and bonds, the prosecutors thereof, which bread divi­sions, and they the Wars. Counties be­sides, and hearing as before is declared in my foresaid discourse at the House of Commons door (the substance of which I againe related at their Bar) that some honest people, in or a­bout Wappin, scrupulled to Petition any more to the House, for the reasons before mentio­ned in p. 16. 17. (which I gave the House) & be­ing [Page 23] desired by some friends to come to the meeting, to help to answer their objections; I did accordingly, and being at the foresaid place, there were diverse friends met, and the discourse was begun; in which, with many arguments it was declared, that it was our duty to go on with Petitioning to this House againe, for that it was all the visible just power, that was left in the Kingdome, to preserve the peace thereof, and though all members thereof did not act as they should, yet to do any thing that should destroy the power of the whole, it would be a destruction to our selves and the Kingdome, for the people being in that mutinous temper, by reason of their oppessions, and burthens, there was no way to keep them in peace and quietnesse, but by a vigorous proposing and prosecuting of some universal just things to ease them, and for the future to secure them; neither was there any safe or sure way for the people to act in, to make their grievances known and probably hope for redresse, but by Pettiion, and that to the House of Commons, which was the most our owne interest of any power in England; and no man knew at this nick of time, what just and righteous things might be produced by and from the House, if they should see the people universally own, & close with so just and gallant a thing as this Peti­tion is, and much more to the same purpose, which I cannot well remember: but this I am sure of, that there was not in the whole discourse, one dis-ingaging expression to the interest of this House, but I dare with much confidence aver it, that the whole streame, scope and bent of the whole discourse, was to lift up and preserve the interest of this House, that so it might be the better inabled to do just and righteous things for the whole Kingdome, according to the end of the trust they have reposed in you; and I dare safely aver it, there was not so much as one bit of a mischievous or factious discourse at all; the whole tendency of it being to peace, Justice and Union.

And by-and-by there was an objection raised, as I remember, to this ef­fect: I, but if the generality of the people would joyne in the Petition, and act to save themselves, with vigour and strength, there might then be some encouragement for us once againe to joyne in acting with them, but for any thing could be perceived, the generality of the people were as willing to be slaves, as any were to have them so; and having been so often jaded, had set down with a kind of a resolution to stir no more come what would come; therefore we being but a small number to the whole, our striving in this case, was but to sow the wind.

Unto which Mr Speaker, it was answered, much to this effect, That the great end wherefore God sent man into the world was, that he should do good in his generation, and thereby glorifie God in his generation; and it is said of Christ, that he made it his worke, to go up and down to do good unto all, that he could meet with; and therein he was declared to be like unto his Fa­ther, the immitating of which he had required of al of us, that should do good to all men, and how did we imitate him in this; if our friends, our Country­men, our brethren, were ready to perish, and in their sottishnesse were ready [Page 24] to be destroyed; and God had opened our eyes to see it, and yet we would not do the best we could to save and preserve them, though they were unwilling to save and preserve themselves.

Nay, Mr Speaker, it was there further pressed, that to sit stil in such a universall perishing case as this is, was so far below a Christian, that it was beneath and below the very light of nature and selfe-preservation, that was evinced after this manner, as I am an individual, I am a part of the whole Nation, and if it perish in the eye of reason, I and mine must perish with it; But the whole Nation is in danger of an universal de­struction, by oppression, injustice, and decay of Trade, which would speedi­ly bring famine, and that would bring all manner of confusion, by the poor peoples rising up to cut the throats of the rich-men, to get their estates and monies to buy them bread, and to preserve nature, and in this horrible con­fusion, we should be a prey to every forraigne enemy that would first invade us; and if such a thing should happen, we must become an Aceldoma, a deso­lation, a wildernesse, a field of bloud: And I clearly see all this before my eies, and yet I wil sit stil and do nothing towards the publique safety (in which I am transcendently concerned and involved) because the far greater part of my neighbours sit down in silence, and are like sots resolved (or ready) to perish in their sottishnesses, and I must perish with them: am I not guilty of mine owne ruine and destruction, if when I see it before me, and sottishly sit downe, and use not my uttermost indeavours to preserve the whole (in the preservation of which, I am preserved) because the rest of my neighbours and friends wil not joyne with me to do it?

Nay, Mr. Speaker, it was further pressed, that in such a case as this is ( which is now the case of the Kingdome) I am bound and tied in conscience and duty to my selfe, with vigour and strength to act, although my neigbour refuseth salvation, or preservation by me, and commands me not to save him. And it was further illustrated in this manner; my neighbours House is on fire, and I clearly see, if it be not quenched, mine is likely to be burned by it, whereupon I go to my neighbour, and proffer him my helpe to quench it, and he being, it may be in a fright, a fullennesse, a sottishnesse, a mase, a di­stemper, or a revengefull maliciousnesse refuseth my help, yea, and com­mands me not to helpe him, but threatens me if I doe; yet notwithstanding all this, I am bound in duty to selfe, and universall preservation to help to do it whether he wil or no, yea, & to pull down his house to help to quench the fire, to keep my owne and my neighbours from being burnt, whereas if none of this were, but that his house were standing, and in no such dan­ger, for me then against his wil and mind, to set my foot over his threshold, I am a transgressor, and an incroacher upon my nighbours rights and pro­perties. In the second place, Mr Speaker, it was answered, That in case my neighbour were a drowning of himself, and I see it, I were bound by the Law of God and Nature, whether he would or no, to save him; nay, but much more, if in his drowning, I were likely to be drowned with him, were I bound to save him (if I can) although he laid a thousand commands upon me to the contrary.

And hereabouts, as I remember, it was further objected; That the peo­ple [Page 25] all over the Kingdom were generally very ignorant, and malignant, and hated the Parliament and us, whom they called Roundheads, Independents, &c. for our cordiall adhering to them, under whom they groan under greater oppressions and burthens, then before the Parliament; and for all their ex­pences and fightings, were never a bit the freer, either at present, or in fu­ture grounded hopes; and therfore for us (that were for the foresaid reason so faithfull to the generality of the people) to act in this petition, they would but contemn it for our sakes, and be provoked to rise up against us.

Unto which, Mr Speaker, my self, &c. answered to this effect; The peo­ple are generally malignant, and more for the King then the Parliament▪ but what's the reason? but because their burthens are greater now then be­fore, and are likely to continue without any redresse, or any visible, valuable consideration holden out unto them, for all the bloud and treasure they had spent for their liberties and freedoms; and the reason why they were so igno­rant, and did so little inquire after their liberties and freedom, was, Mr Spea­ker, because, that though the Parliament had declared in generall, that they engaged to fight for their liberties, yet they never particularly told them what they were, nor never distinctly held forth the glory and splendour of them, to make them in love with them, and to study how to preserve them: and for want of a clear declaring what was the particulars of the Kings Rights, and the nature of his office; and what was the Parliaments particular priviledges, power and duty to the people of the Kingdom, that chused and trusted them; and what particularly was the peoples rights and freedoms; they were here­by left in blindnesse and ignorance, and by reason of their oppressions, be­cause they knew no better, doted implicitly upon the King, as the fountain of peace, justice, and righteousnesse; without whom, nothing that was good could have a being in this Kingdom: So I told them, Mr Speaker, it was no marvail, that the poor people in this particular, were in FOGS, MISTS, WILDERNESSES AND DARKNESSE; considering, that this House, in their Declarations, had so plaid at fast and loose with them: for though, Mr Speaker, this House voted to this effect, That the King, seduced by evil councel, had made War against the Parliament and people, and that they are traitors that assisted 1 part, Book, Decl. pag. 259, 260, 508, 509, 576, 722, 914. him: And fur­ther declared, That he had set up his Standard against the Parliament and people, and hereby put the whole Kingdom out of his protection, contrary to the trust reposed in him, contra­ry to his oath, dissolving Government thereby; and that he, in his own person, marched up in the head of an Army, by force of Arms, to destroy the Parliament, and in them, the whole King­dom, their Laws and 1 part, Book, Decl. pag. 580, 584, 587, 617, 639, 690. Liberties.

And yet, Mr Speaker, with the same breath declared, The King is the fountain of justice, and that he can do no 1 part, pag. 199, 304. wrong; and forc'd the people to take Oaths and Covenants, to pre­serve his person: and yet, at the same time, gave the Earl of Essex, and all those under him, Commission, To fight with, kill and slay all that opposed [Page 26] them; and declared, the King, in his own period, marched in the head of an Army, to oppose and destroy them; and yet gave them a Commission, to fight for King and Parliament: So that, Mr Speaker, here is riddle upon riddle, and mysterie upon mysterie; which doth even confound and amaze the people, and put them into Woods and Wildernesses, that they could not see or know where they are, or what to think of themselves, or of the Par­liament, or of the King: only this they very well know, that their burthens are greater now, then ever they were before; and that they have been made fools, in pretendingly fighting for liberty, which hath brought them into bondage: And that though it was formerly declared, the King had no Nega­tive voyce, or Legislative power, but is bound by his Oath to passe all such Laws, as the peo­ple, folk or Commons, shall 1 part, Book, Decl. pag. 205, [...]06, 208, 268, 269, 270, 705, 706, 707, 708, 710, 713, 714. chuse: Yet now the Parliament send unto him again and again, for his concurrence to their acts; as though the giving of life, soul and power to their actings, were indi [...]putably and inseparably inherent in him; and as though now their consciences told them, they must crave pardon of him for all the actions they have done without him, and against him: O riddles! and un­fathomable mysteries! sufficiently able to make the people desirous to be ignorant of their liberties and freedoms, and never to hear of them more; especially, considering they have paid so dear, pretendedly, for the injoy­ment of them, and yet after five years fighting for them, know not where to find one of them.

But, Mr Speaker, they were told, that in this petition the people had clearly held out unto them, and that upon the undeniable principles of rea­son and justice, the Kings Rights, the Parliaments, and their own; and that the two former were, and of right alwaies ought to be subservient to the good of the latter: and they were told, it was not so much persons, as things, that they doted upon; and therfore undoubtedly those that should really hold out justice and righteousnesse unto the people, was those that they would be in love with; and therfore in mercy to our selves, and in love and compassion to our native Country, it was pressed, that every man that desired to fulfill his end in coming into the World, and to be like unto his Master, in doing good, should vigorously promote and further this just and gallant Pe­tition, as the principall means to procure safety, peace, justice and prosperi­ty to the Land of our Nativity, and knit the hearts and spirits of our divided Country-men in love again each unto other and in love unto us, which they could not chuse but afford, when they should visibly see, we endeavoured their good as well and as much as our own, there being all the principall foundations of freedom and justice, that our hearts could desire, or long after, in this very petition: And if our greatest end were not accomplished, in our prosecuting of this petition, viz. the Parliaments establishing the things therein desired: yet the promoting of it would beget understanding and knowledge in the people, when they should hear it, and read it, and discourse upon it; and if nothing but that were effected, our labour would not be to­tally lost; for nothing did more instate Tyrants in the secure promotion of [Page 27] tyrannie, then ignorance and blindnesse in the people: And therfore for the begetting of knowledge, it was requisite it should be promoted; as also, for healing of the divisions amongst the people, and knitting them together in love, that so their minds might be diverted from studying the destruction each of other, to study the destruction of Tyrants, that would in time destroy them all.

And, Mr Speaker, there was one in the company, that made a motion, to this effect, That he did conceive it was more requisite, at present, speedily to second the Armies Declaration, with a petition to encourage this House vi­gorously to go on, to prosecute their late gallant Votes of Non-Addresses (for so they were called) to which was answered,

That in this petition was contained more then was in all all their Votes, for it struck at the very root of all that Tyrannie that had enslaved, and would enslave us, viz. the Negative voyce in King and Lords, both which the Votes did not; and it was impossible, that there could be an active Member in the House of Commons, but knew that this petition was promoting all over the Kingdom; which did abundantly declare greater encouragement to all those Members of the House, that really intended good unto the Commonwealth, then possible could be in a single complementall petition, signed with 4 or 5000 hands; such a petition being rather fit to puff them up, then upon re­all grounds to strengthen and encourage them fully to mind the peoples good; and there was never a Member of the House, whose design, in the largest extent, was no more then the pulling down of the King, that so he might be a King himself: but of necessitie he must receive more satisfaction and encouragement from the knowledge of the promoting this gallant un­parallel'd petition (which is a clear demonstration to the Parliament, that those that promote it, clearly understand, that the King and the Lords Ty­rannie, and their liberties, are inconsistent) then he could do from a bare complementary petition; which would also be dangerous to our selves, in quashing the vigorous prosecuting of this, that contained the ultimate of our desires, and the sum of all those things, that in this World we desired, to make us happy.

But, Mr Speaker, it was again objected, That seeing this petition struck so much at the House of Lords, as it did, who lately it was said, had concurred with this House in their gallant Votes against the King, it was dangerous to the Kingdoms safety, in this juncture of time to promote it, lest it might occasion a clashing betwixt the two Houses, which would now be very dan­gerous.

Unto which, Mr Speaker, my self, &c. answered to this effect, That if the Lords had so concurred in these Votes, that they had declared it had been their duty, without dispute, to have concurred to all such Votes as the House of Commons had passed, there had been some ground to have pleaded for a respect unto them from us: But seeing they so passed the Votes, as in the passing of them, they declare it to be their right, to give their deniall to any Votes the House of Commons shall hereafter passe, that doth not please them: we are thereby engaged the rather to go on with our petition, to pluck up [Page 28] this their destructive interest by the roots for future, that had brought all our See 1 part Book Decl. pag. 289, 364, 365, 398, 522, 526, 528, 548, 557. miseries and woes upon us.

For, Mr Speaker, if the Lords be considered in their Judicative power, we shall find them as guilty of treason, in subverting our fundamentall Laws and Liberties, as ever the Lord of Strafford was: who in his impeachment of high Treason by this House, was accused in the 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. articles, that he had traiterously subverted the fundamentall Laws of England and Ireland, and introduced an arbitrary tyrannicall Government beyond and above Law, in that he had upon papers, And if these very things should now be judged trea­son, as they are and were in the Earl of Stafford, I wonder what should becom of all our present Junto at Westminster, and their new thing, called, A Councel of State; undoubtedly the most (if not all) of them, must go to Tyburn, or Tower-hill, there by an hal­ter or axe to receive their just deserts, Amen. pe­titions and verball complaints, without any due course, processe or shadow of Law (but meerly by the law of his own will) outed divers of the Free-men thereof out of their liberties, properties and free holds, to the ruin and de­struction of many of their families.

And truly Mr Speaker, I must aver it, and do aver it before this honourable House, that the House of Lords are as guilty of this trai­terous subverting of our fundamentall Laws and Liberties, and introducing and exercising an arbitrary tyrannicall Government, above and beyond all Law and Justice, as he was; and by the law of their own wils, without any due course or processe of Law, have outed divers Free-men of England out of their liberties, properties and free-holds; they themselves being complai­nents, prosecutors, parties, witnesses, Jury and Judges, have passed most bar­barous and tyrannical censures upon them, to the apparent ruin of them and their families: Yea, and upon me have passed so barbarous and transcendent an illegal sentence, that I am confident the like of it in all circumstances is not to be parallel'd in all the Earl of Straffords tyrannie. And Mr Speaker, let me freely tell you, that unlesse this House do execute upon the present tyrannicall House of Lords, or the mischievous law and libertie destroying Ring-leaders amongst them, the Earl of Straffords punishment, for what they have already done, and for future take care to prevent their or any others ex­ercise of the like arbitrary and tyrannicall power again, I shall never justifie you for righteous and impartiall Judges, or think that you have discharged your duty either to God or the Commonwealth, who chose and trusted you to preserve their liberties and freedoms, and punish those that destroy them.

The rest of my speech against the House of Lords Legislative power, being already at large printed in the 14, 15, 16, 17, pages, of my answer of the 27 Feb. 1647. to Mr GUALTER FROSTS malicious and false de­claration against me, which I entituled, A WHIP FOR THE PRE­SENT HOUSE OF LORDS, OR, THE LEVELLERS LEVELLED: to which for brevities sake, I refer the Reader, and go on to the next thing in order (being the main thing I intend) as I upon the foresaid 19 day [Page 29] of January, 1647. confidently and avowedly delivered it at the Bar of the House of Commons, which is an impeachment of Treason against Cromwel &c. profering againe and againe upon my life to prove it every tittle at their Bar, which thus followeth.

And now Mr. Speaker, I must acquaint you, that there was occasion adminstred, My charge against Crom­well, and his Son Ireton. to talke of Lieutenant General Cromwell, and his late gross apostacy, from patronising the peoples Liber­ties an Freedomes, and here Sir, it was declared with admiration and asto­nishment, that Lieut: Gen: Cromwell, who was once the glory of English­men, in visibly appearing for Justice and Freedome, both against the King, the Earl of Manchester, and the whole House of Peers, &c. and who had a principall hand in so many gallant Declarations of the Army, in diverse of which freedome, righteousnesse, and Justice was published to the whole Kingdom most glo­riously, As you may clearly read in the Armies Book of Decla­rations, page 8. 17 23r 25, 26. 32. 33. 35. 37. 39. 40. 41. 45, 46. 52. 58. 61, 62. 76 97. 101. 105. 110. 112. 118, 119. 132. 137. 142. 144. 150. That this very Lieut. Gen. Cromwell (whose name for honesty once rung and ec­cho'd throughout England) should now apo­state from his former declared gallantry and honesty, and turne his back upon his owne so­lemne Declarations, Remonstrances, and Ingage­ments, and persecute with bitternesse ( even to death and bonds) righteousnesse, truth and justice, in all those in the Army he met with it in (and now of late become a grand patron, protector and earnest pleader for the preservation of all the grand corrupt and inslaving interests in England) was a wonder and astonishment, that he that had the gloriest praise and opportunity put into his hands, that ever God put into the hands of an English man, to do good unto his native Country, and to set­tle the Laws, Liberties, and peace thereof, in their lustre and glory, should be courted out of all his principles, protestations and engagements, by a little selfish, glitering, worldly or corrupt honour, and to convert his power and interest to the quite contrary, to make us slaves and vassals, was the admira­tion and wonder, for all knowing, observing, and unbiased English men, and the greatest mischief that ever befel the honest men of the Kingdome; ha­ving divided them amongst themselves, that formerly were one, in their pur­suing the firme establishment of the Common rights and freedomes of their native Country; diverse honest men having his person in admiration, either for advantage sake, or former good services sake, would not see their owne danger and misery, nor willingly would suffer their friends and neighbours to see that fatal ruine and destruction. that by his meanes (and HIS ALONE) was likely speedily to come upon them, and the whole Nation; by means of which we are so divided amongst our selves, that it was impossible, for all the professed enemies we had in England, to have put such a mischievous di­vision amongst us, the bitter fruites of which we had lamentable experi­ence of every day, in that it deprived us of the vigorous pursuing of al effectu­all meanes to preserve and secure our selves from that eminent ruine and de­struction, that is even at our very thresholds; And therefore it behoved us [Page 30] with all our might to presse hard forward, according to the marginall note of our Petition, to get our Lawes so strictly setled, as though it were impossible that ever an honest man should be borne into the world, to be an executor or ad­ministrator of them, we having found it too true a maxime (by experience in Lieut: Gen: CROMWELL alone) that whosoever meanes to settle good Laws, must proceed in them with a sinister or evil opinion of all man-kind; and suppose (ESPECIALLY AFTER HIS GROSSE APOSTACY) that whosoever is not wicked, it is for want of opportunity; and that no State or People can be wisely (or securely) confident of any publick minister what­soever continuing good, longer then the rod is over his head.

And Mr Speaker, it was further declared, that though he might now seeme to face about, and to intend just and righteous things to the Kingdome, by reason of his late forwardnesse in the late Votes against the King, for no more Addresses to Him; Yet what rational man could groundlesly judge, that he thereby intended a reall good to the Kingdome? especially considering that in the very neck of those Votes, he and his faction ( that he hath at command at the head-quarters) published a Declaration to the whole Kingdome, to maintaine the House of Lords in all their tyrannicall usurpations; the continu­ance of whose Law-making interests, is perfect vassalage and bondage to the whole Nation, as I have before undeniably and fully proved; or the rather, may not any rationall knowing man conclude, that Lieut: Gen: Cromwel's, and his Son Ireton's late spight against the King, did procceed only from ani­mositie and revenge against the King, because he had forsaken them, and accepted of a better bargaine from the For so saith Mr John Wildman in his Truths Tri­umph, 7. 8. and he was con­versant then at the Head­quarters, and knew almost all secrets, See also his Putney projects. Scots, who (for their preservation it may be) were not onely willing to give Him His Negative voice, and an hereafter possession of the Mili­tia, but a present right in it, and possession of it, the which if he enjoyed, the Army-Grandees and their accomplices, could not reigne over the people as they intended to do, for un­doubtedly, if the King would have taken, and accepted of their conditions, and stuck close to them, and imbrace no other lovers, they would never have been so angry with Him, but withall their hearts have helped Him to His Crown & Throne againe, which is evident and clear, from Iretons transcendent pleading for Him (and new Addresses to Him) in this House, and the open Councels at Putney, &c. and Mr Speaker, while they accused Mr Hollis and Sir Philip Stapleton, &c. for high Treason, for under hand tamperings with the King; they themselves out-stript them at that very time, in that which they declared a crime in them, for Mr Spea­ker, their under hand tamperings with the King, were but petty ones to those grand ones these apostates had; for, Mr Speaker, as I said among my friends, I do now aver at this Bar (having my relation from so knowing good hands upon the place, that I dare ingage at my utmost peril before this House, at this Bar, to prove by exceeding good testimony to this effect; That when the proposals of the Army had past the great or Generall Councell of the Army (for so themselves called it, and therefore I wil give it the same name) Com­missary [Page 31] General Ireton declared to diverse of the chief Officers, he would send a copy of them to the King, which being opposed by them, he replied, that he was engaged by promise to send a copy to the King, and therefore he would send one, though the General hanged him for so doing. And Mr Speaker, he did send one to the King, and that by the hands of Cromwels own Ma­jor, viz. Which Major Huntington confesseth and a­verreth, in the 6th and 7th pages of his prin­ted reasons for laying downe his Commission, which by way of impeachment against Crom­well and Ireton, he delivered into both Houses of Parliament, August 2. 1648. which because of the pertinency of it, to prove the most of my charge against him, and because it comes from one that then lay at his very heart, and was his choice agent and instrument, in most of his underhand negotiations with the King, then the joy of his heart and the delight of his eyes; I shall incert it verbatim at the last end hereof, and intreat the judicious Reader to peruse it seriously, as as true a piece I believe, as ever was Printed in England, and so I often declared it to be in my thoughts, to diverse of Cromwels owne friends when it was first delive­red to both Houses; though I could not joyne with Huntington at that time in the prosecuti­on of it, for Duke Hamiltons hostile invasions sake, though I was often solicited to it by great ones, and I believe then in my lownesse might have had money enough to have done it; but I abhorred it, as Mr Cornelius Holland with other present Parliament-men, very well knowes, and also my reasons therefore. Major Hunting­ton (who then was the bo­some and indeared darling of both Iereton and his Fa­ther Cromwell, and it ( viz. the Copy of the proposals) was delivered to the Kings owne hands, who read it over, and WITH HIS OWNE HANDS BLOT­TED AND RASED OUT WHAT HE MOST DIS­LIKED, and enterlined it with His own hand in some places, which very Copy thus curtail'd and guelded, the King sent back to Ireton, and IRETON CAƲSD THIS GƲELDED COPY OF THE KINGS, TO BE PRINTED TO THE VIEW OF THE KING­DOME, AS THE AR­MIES The Anatomy of which, by Mr. John Wildman, you may fully read in Putney's Pro­jects. pag. PROPOSALS; when as indeed & in truth, Mr Speaker, they were no other, then the Proposals of the King and himself, and therefore no wonder the King to the Parliament so pressed to Treat upon these Proposals as He did; so that here was once declared affection enough to the King.

But Mr. Speaker, I do further aver, and upon my life profer at your com­mand to produce at this Bar, a Gentleman of good quality, and of very much integrity, and a man of much repute amongst all the honest men in the Ar­my; who comming from London to Westminster with me not long since, vo­luntary and freely told me to this effect, w [...]h avowed confidence to justifie it; That Cromwels Son that commands the Generals Life-guard, taking no­tice of his aversenesse to his fathers design [...]s, in his continuall crossing him and his [Page 32] creatures, laboured to draw him over to a compliance with his father, telling him how great a man his father was likely to be in the Kingdome, and thereby able to promote all those that would comply with him; for (saith he) I speake it with confidence, as a thing already done, that the King himself, hath wholly cast himself upon my father and my brother Ireton, to make His tearmes for Him, and restore Him to His Throne againe: Which Major Huntington in his foresaid charge, avers to be a truth, pag. 7. he himselfe being the King's messenger to Ireton with it, which he delivered to him at Colebrook, who received it with joy, and returned by him to the King this answer; that they should be the veriest knaves that ever lived, if in every thing they should not make good whatever they had promised to the King, because the King in not declaring against them, had given them great advan­tage against their present adversaries, which was the Parliament then sitting at Westminster. And Mr. Speaker, I know the Gentleman that told me this, is a man of so much gallantry, and honesty, that I am confident that he will scorne for all the Cromwels in the world, to deny one sillable he told me; and therefore againe Mr. Spea­ker, I do offer upon my credit and life (if this House please) to produce him at this Bar, and upon his oath and life to justifie before you, the effectuall substance of what in this parti­cular I have declared unto this Honourable House.

But Mr. Speaker, whether it was the Kings forsaking of Cromwel and Ire­ton, and running over to the Scots, as those that had bid most for him, (it may be) being necessitated thereunto for their owne preservation, from the fear of an after ruine, from the King and Cromwell; if the King should come in by the means of Cromwell, that had a powerful Army at his command, who both of them (it may be) they thought) might be glad of a fit opportu­nity to chastise them, for all their iniquities committed against them, and their afforonts put upon them) I say, Mr. Speaker, whether it was the Kings forsaking of Cromwell, that made him face about, and to be now of late so high against Him (for pure love to Justice, and the universall good of his Country it could not be) or that lost condition he might apprehend himself to be in by his apostacy, in the affection of all his old and faithful friends (which it may be he might fear, might produce him a great deal of danger and mischief, (especially his perceiving the Kings staggering in his confi­dence of him) if not prevented by his speedy fancig about, or at least pre­tending to justice and righteousnesse amongst men once againe:) I say, whe­ther of these two it were, that had the strongest impression upon him, to worke so speedy a change in him, I know not.

But this, Mr Speaker, I said unto my friends, and do aver unto you, that I was told by a very honest understanding Godly man (as I judge him) and one that is a very great honourer and doter upon Lieutenant Generall Crom­well, and one that hath had many bickerings with me for contesting with him, The man is Mr. Hunt, by name, now this present Ju­ly, 1649. living in Mr. Hol­lands lodgings at White-hall, and as great a creature of Lieut: Gent: Cromwels now, as ever he was in his life; and now as intimate and familiar with him, a [...] ever. to this [Page 33] effect, That there was an honest, stout, gallant and godly Gentleman of this House (for so he stil [...] him to me) and one that had been right for the Parliament, and his Country, all along; who being lately upon very good grounds (in his apprehension) told and informed by a La­dy of quality in this Kingdom, that a bargain was struck betwixt Lieut: Gen: Cromwel, and the King, AND THAT CROMWEL WAS TO BE MADE EARL OF ESSEX; and since I have heard from other good hands a confirmation of i [...] AND THAT HE WAS TO HAVE BESIDES A GEORGE AND A BLEW RIBBON, AND BE MADE A KNIGHT OF THE GARTER, &c. AND HIS OWN SON BEDCHAMBER-MAN TO THE PRINCE, AND HIS SON IN LAW IRETON WAS EITHER TO BE LORD DEPUTY OF IRELAND, OR AT LEAST FIELD MARSHALL GENERALL OF IRELAND: And this Member of your House (as he told me) entring into the serious consideration of these things, and believing they might be too true, was even confounded and amazed in himself, that England's Liberties, and the protecters and preservers thereof, should at once be betraid (and as it were bought and sold (and that by Lieu­tenant Generall CROMWEL, a quondam bosom friend; that he that sometimes had been the glory of English-men (for professed honesty publiquely upon the house top) should now become the scorn and basest of his Nation, in under-hand and under-board (while he pretended friendship to honest English-men and their liberties) to stab them to the heart, by betraying them to the King; against whom, for the preservation of them, they had been fighting all this while, was that, Mr Speaker, that confounded and amazed the gallant Gentleman, to think with himself, that if this under-hand bargain betwixt the King and Cromwel should be true (for it seems he believed it was) all the honest men in England (that in the integrity of their hearts had adhered to the Parliament, and vigorously acted against the King) where destroyed and undone, and the liberties of England now in a worse condition, then they were before any of this late bloud shed for them; for by this bargain, if the King were restored upon it, he would have the interest and power of the Army at his beck and command (besides his own party) by means of which, he would be enabled to cut off the head of every honest gallant English man in England, that he had a mind to destroy, and for ever to subdue their laws and liberties, and make the survivers perfect vassals and slaves: The serious consideration of which, with a hot burning zealous in­dignation, so fired his soul, and elevated his spirit, that he by an unresistable force concluded, that necessarily one man must perish to save the whole Na­tion; and therfore resolved with himself, that he would be the man that would play the part of a second FELTON, was by an inward compul­sion, [Page 34] resolved to go to Windsor (then the head Quarters) and wherever he met Lieutenant Generall Cromwel (either with his pistol or dagger) to di­spatch him, as a desperate apostatized Traitor to the liberties of his Country, though he were destroyed when he had so done: And truly, Mr Speaker, as I understand, this had been vigorously attempted by him, if he had not re­vealed his intention to a Friend of his, another Member of this House, who stop'd him, by force, in a Chamber atWhite-hall: And this Gentleman that told me the story, speedily hearing of it, wrote a large and pithy Letter to the Lieutenant Generall, of almost a sheet of paper; wherein (to my un­derstanding) he acquitted himself, not only as a Christian, but also as a faith­full English man; for, Mr Speaker, he came to my lodging in Then at the Sarazens head in Friday street, with Mr John Wildman, my then bosom Friend, and zealous and bold asserter of En­glands freedoms: though now he hath not only lost all his seal, but I am afraid, his honesty, and his princi­ples, and is closed with fa­miliarity and design with Cromwel, although no man in England knows his kna­very better then he. London, and told me the effectuall substance of this story, and read unto me the copy of his large Letter, and took the opportunity thereof, to presse me to a patient expectation of the issues of things, and to mo­derate my heat against the Lieutenant Gene­rall, for he was confident there would be in him a speedy visible change, and he hoped it would be for the good of the Kingdom; the fruit of which he doubted not but I in my par­ticular, might come speedily to reap: And truly, Mr Speaker, I have perceived a kind of a change in Lieutenant Generall Cromwels vi­sible actions ever since: but I wish my under­standing could be groundedly satisfied, it were upon reall and just principles, viz. for the good of the Commonwealth: And now, Mr Speaker, if the House do question the truth of this relation, I do believe, within a little time, I shall be able to procure a copy of the Letter; but if I cannot do that now, I will engage my credit and life, to produce my Author at this Bar; who, I am confident, hath so much honesty in him, that he will not deny the truth of what he told me. But truly, Mr Speaker, as for the Gentlemans name of this House, that should have been the Second FEL­TON, I was not told it; though I confesse, so many circumstances were hinted to me, that I believe at the first guesse I could name him, but I cease that now.

And desire further to acquaint this House, that for all the late seeming changes in Lieutenant Generall Cromwel, I press'd them, they should not be too credulous in believing him, till they see him to be an active instrument, really and effectually to do some transcendent thing, that was for the univer­sall good of all the Commons of England, which I could not fully apprehend in these late Votes of Non-Addresses, simply in themselves considered; for as yet I could see nothing further in them, then a kind of revenge, to pull down the King (because he had withdrawn his affections from them, and at present given them to the Scots) by means of which, they were deprived of their large hopes of rule and domination over the people under him, their [Page 35] sole and only true end enclosing with him; and therfore were now ne­cessitated, for the obtaining the declared ultimate of their desires, viz. the setting up themselves, to pull down him: And if in there Votes they had intended reall good unto the generality of the people, they would have with them, instated them in the possession of some just and gallant freedoms and priviledges, worth their engaging again with and for the Parliament, in a new War; and so to have made them in love with the House, for their justice and goodnesse, handed out unto them; that their lives, nor estates, might not have been dear to them, but with willing­nesse they might have freely adventured all they had, in opposing those that opposed them.

Whereas now with these Votes, they had nothing that was of generall good holden out unto them, but the likely hood of a new War, in pro­voking afresh, to the highest, all the Kings party, the Scotch, and the Zealots amongst the Presbyters; yea, and so passing their Votes, that in themselves rightly considered, they signified nothing; for if the Par­liament fac'd back again, and un-voted them the next Week, as it is possible they might, these Votes were but a snare, to hazard the future destruction of those men, that at present should rejoyce at them, and in them: And, Mr Speaker, they were desired to consider, that if we implicitly, and hand over head, without first groundedly knowing what should be the prize of all our hazards and bloud, should again engage against the King, and also against the Scots (who had declared so much enmity, as to root up by the roots, all that would not concur to their every thing and nothing Presbyterie, under the names of Heretiques and Sectaries) who were now likely, upon the Kings interest, to invade the Kingdom: what should we get by it? It's true, we might be the occasion of shedding much bloud, but in the conclusion it was possible our own might be shed: But suppose we were Conquerours, and the Army by our means did overcome the Scots: what better were we then? nay, were we not worse then, then now we are? and more like­ly to be made slaves, then now we are? For seeing the Grandees in the Army and Parliament, have declared so much bitternesse and enmity of spirit against all those principles of righteousnesse and justice, that we have promoted and proposed; without the firm establishment of which, it is impossible for us ever to be any other then vassals; and those that rule over us, perfect Tyrants: and if implicitly we should help them to subdue the Scots, we should but thereby the more easily enable them to make the more perfect slaves of us, when we had: whom we might easily see (by their malicious and bloudy prosecuting of our late Friends in the Army) did not anew begin to court us, out of any love to us, or out of any free disposition to do us or the Kingdoms good, but meerly because they had need of us, and did not well know how to go through their work, at present, Which I have undeniably proved, in my late Book, of the 8 June, 1649. pag. 34, 35, 36, 37, 38. to be their only design in all their cour­ting of us in the day of their distresse, and that there is no more truth in the promises, and engagements they then made, then in the Devils; who I will never hereaf­ter believe, in whatsoever they say, or swear. without us.

[Page 36]For truly, Mr Speaker, as I told my Friends, I was afraid that the interest of the generality of the Officers, in the Ar­my, but especially the Grandees, was not peace, righteousnesse, justice and free­dom, but wars, fightings and Which is fully witnessed for a truth, by Major Hun­tington (Cromwels quondam darling) in the 11 page of his foresaid charge; where he declares Cromwels great rejoycing after his first brea­king of the Parliament, and getting the remaining part to own the Army, and set­tle pay upon them: Now, saith Cromwel, we may, for ought I know, be an Army so long as we live; and that he was as able to govern the Kingdom, as either Staple­ton, or Hollis, &c. which he declares to be the principall thing, in all his contests with the Parliament, he sought after. catchings; and without the continuance of which. I conceived they could not continue their pride and tyrannicall domination over their Souldiers, and the rest of the people of the Kingdom (and absolutely I conceive their interest to be war) But it was our interest, and the generality of the people of the Kingdom, to prevent wars, if it were possible. But if we must engage in war again, it was our interest and wisdom, so to engage, if it were pos­sible, as that meerly as English men, we might be unanimous in our engagements, either against the Scots, or any other in­terests whatsoever, that would rob us of our English liberties and freedoms: And, Mr Speaker, I told them both these things were contained in the Petition: For First, if those things were granted unto us, that were desired in the Petiti­on, it was impossible for us to conceive of any thing else: the want of which, is worth the going to war for: And if the Petition were vigorously promoted, and pursued to the House, without all con­troversy it hath such excellent things in it, so good in themselves; for all sorts and kinds of English men, that if the House and the people should be united in those gallant, just and rationall things, the generall heart-burnings of the Kingdom would be alaied; and confidence in love and respect to each other, would be raised up amongst us; and our union of hearts thereby each to other, as Englishmen, would be as a wall of brasse, for securing the common interest of our Nation: So that neither Scotch­man, nor any forraign power in Europe, durst to invade us: so that in the vigorous prosecuting of this Petition, union and love would be in­creased, and war prevented thereby: whereas nothing in the world will occasion wars so much, as our dis-union and heart-burnings each at other: which is impossible ever to be alaied, but either by the active prosecuting of this Petition, or something like it; that so [Page 37] something that is good for all men, as English-men, might be set­led:

But in the second place, if we could not be so speedy in the prosecu­tion of this Petition, so as to get those universall good and just things, therein contained, setled, before the Scots begun to Invade us; yet if upon their march we should enjoy the possession of them, it would make the generality of English-men stand together as one man; and all of them in the spirit, and with the principles of English-men, oppose them: so that the War (if it must be) would be carried on with that vigor and strength, that it were impossible, for all the power in Scotland, if they did the worst they could to destroy our Nation.

Whereas now in our divided condition, they will be sure if they come in, to make a prey of us; for in their comming in, they declare for the King's Interest; which absolutely unites and knits their owne Kingdom as one man against us; and glues unto them in England, all the Kings party, and of necessity the Presbyters must joyne with their Ma­sters of the Covenant; and risings there will be of necessity, and without all peradventure, all over the Kingdome: and if the Army be united within themselves (as it is a very great question whether they be or no) and were able to deale and grabble with all that opposition it is like to meet with, from those severall parties and interests, that here are like to rise up against it; yet truely Mr Speaker, though I do not like the late apostatized actions of the great men in the Army, I do as little like the Scotch high flown expressions, to instate the King absolutely in­to the Militia as His right, and His absolute Negative Voice: And in­deed Mr Speaker, it sounds not wel nor justly in my eares, for the Scots, who are and will be free men at home, and will neither (as I am told) allow the King the exercise of the Militia in their Kingdome, nor His Negative Voice, no nor yet the benefit of His Revenue; that they should notwithstanding all this, go about to make us all slaves, by fettering us with His mischievous Negative Voice, and His absolute exercise of our Militia, which seemes to me to be nothing lesse, then a desire to pick a quarrell with us, that so, Mr Speaker, they might come in againe for some more of our guids; therefore Mr Speaker, I cry out for union and peace upon just principles: For the very beginnings of War againe amongst us, would presently destroy that little Trade that is left, and then undoubtedly comes in famine, which is already at our very doores; for Mr Speaker, they were told a story to this effect, That some Wilke-shire Cloathiers, comming to the Sarazens head in Friday-street, had for a truth reported to the Master of the house, that Trading was already so decayed in their Country, that that Cloathier that used to set an hundred poor people at worke, could now scarce set twelve; insomuch, that the poor peoples necessities were growne so great in that Country, that they already begin in companies of six, ten, [Page 38] 12. 20, &c. to meet together in the Market Roads, and to take away the Country-mens Corne, as they carried it to sell at the Market, and before their faces to divide it amongst themselves, but give them their Horses and Sacks againe; and withall tell them, that meer hunger forced and necessitated them to do what they did.

And truely Mr Speaker, things are like shortly to be as bad at Lon­don, for want of Trade; for I have heard such grievous complaints from two sorts of people especially, that it would pitty any mans heart (that hath the heart of a man) to hear of the wants and necessities of divers families amongst them, that formerly had lived in good fashion; and they are the Weavers & Cloathworkers; and as for the Weavers, their Trade consisting principally in Ribbons and Laces; but superfluities in such things being laid aside, their Trade was growne exceeding dead, and many hundreds of their families falne into great miseries and wants, by reason that the most part of that little remaining part of their Trade that is left them, is taken from them by French men, Walloons, &c. and that which adds unto their misery, Mr Speaker, is this; That the Lord Major and Court of Aldermen, do put in execution of late A MOST WICKED, ILLEGAL Order, or Ordinance, of their owne making, by reason of which, their Catchpoles, seize upon the goods of the said poor Free-men of London, and beat and wound them, yea, and have committed murder upon some of them, if they come to any Innes, &c. and offer to sell their goods to any but Shop-keepers, who will give them but what they please for them; so that the poor Weavers, though Free-men of London, are not only in mise­rable poverty, but in the miserablest slavery (in the City where they by name are Free-men) that it is possible for men to be in, and to bear it with patience.

And Mr Speaker, the poor Cloathworkers, who by the expresse Statute-Law of the Kingdom, ought to dresse one white cloath in ever tenne, The Statute of 8 Eliz. Chap. 6. that the Merchant, Patentee Monopo­lizers, commonly called the Merchant Adventurers, sends into the Low-Countries, and Denmarke; but now by reason that the chiefest of that Law, Liberty and Trade-de­stroying Monopoly, are Commissioners of the Custome-House, which in justice, equity and reason, no Trading Merchants whatever, never ought to be, they are deprived of their right in that particular, and crush'd in pieces with potency, and great purses; whereas, in the time of so exceeding great decay of Trade, it were more just and ne­cessary to enable them to dresse the other nine, to set their poor fami­lies at work, many of which are ready to starve, then to take one piece of the tenth Cloath from them.

[Page 41]Mr. Speaker, All these things, with many more that then were mind­ed, represented the miseries of this Kingdom very sad and great, and made the present Speaker there conclude, That if War did come amongst us, of necessity Famine would follow, and that would occasion all the poor people all over England to rise confusedly in hurly burly, and to cut the throats of their rich neighbours, to get their riches to buy them bread to keep them alive: and whe­ther or no they might not as soon fall upon us, that they looked upon as Round-heads, Independent, Sectaries, &c. and so destroy us for our cordial and faithful adherence to the Parliament, whom now the most of them looked upon as those that had brought all their evils and miseries upon them. From all which considerations, it was (Mr. Speaker) with earnestnesse pressed vigorously to promote this Petition all over the Kingdom, as the onely means to heal and cure all our diseases and maladies, the things therein contained being so just in themselves, that none but those that desired to be absolute Tyrants, could speak against them: the obtaining of which would settle peace and quietnesse amongst us, and so cause Trade again to flourish. And Mr. Speaker, to presse this nail home to the head, I do confesse that I further added, that if such a generall confusion (as be­fore is spoken of) should arise, it would then (I was confident of it) be greater security from the rage of the rude multitude, to be known to be ‘a vigorous prosecutor of this gallant, just and righteous Petition, (that did as much concern their good as our own) then to wear a blue Ribbon in our hats. And truly, Mr. Speaker, I may now with my pen add this, That blue Ribbons being Sir Thomas Fairfax his Colours, who now with his Army are the grand and strong protection of all those that march under his Colours, under which whosoever shall come, may probably think to have safety; yet I was of opinion, and still am, That publick knowledge of a vigorous and strong acting in so transcendent, gallant and just a Petition as this is, in the day of a fear­ed universall storm in England, will be of greater security and protecti­on, then to be one of Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army, and to wear his Colours of blue Ribbons in his hat:’ for the Kingdom generally look upon the Souldiers now as their oppressors, and destroyers of their Laws, Liberties and Properties: but the promoters and procurers of the just things contained in this Petition, cannot chuse but be looked on by them as the repairers of their breaches, and the restorers of their Laws and Liberties.

Mr. Speaker, When we were coming away, there was one of the company said, That he heard a rumour abroad, as if the Lords had offered me a large sum of money so I would desist from prosecuting this large Petition; he therefore desired me to give him a true account, whether this report were true or no.

Unto which I answered to this effect, That it was not true; but it was possible it might arise from the report of some Messages I lately had received from the Lord WHARTON: And Mr. Speaker, for that par­ticular, I told him to this effect, That not long since, there came a Gentleman of some quality (and a man I look upon as an ingenuous man) to my lodging in London, and told me before two other Gen­tlemen (friends of mine) to this effect, That my Lord Wharton remembred [Page 42] ‘his respect unto me, who (he told me, he was very confident) was my very good friend, and would willingly serve me (and that he did be­leeve, cordially) in any thing that lay within his power; and who, as he told me, did very much consider my long suffering condition, by reason of which he did beleeve money was not very plentifull with me, and therefore he was come from him to let me know, that he hath in readinesse a very considerable token for me, which he would send me, if he thought it would not be scorned, but accepted in love and respect.’

Unto which (after a little pause) I answered to this effect, That I desired him to present my service to his Lordship, and from mee to thank him for his civility and courtesie towards me; But f [...]r me to receive his money, I could not in the least do it: because for me who professed ingenuity, and abhorred ingratitude (as a most dishonourable thing in any man what­soever) to receive his money, it must needs to me become an obliging engagement, and tie me one way or another to studie how to requite it, which truly I told him, to his Lordship, (as he was now a Patentee prerogative Lord, and exercised a Legislative and arbitrary power by vertue thereof, which I looked upon as altogether destructive to the very being of the Liberties and Freedoms of the Commons of England) I could not in the least do it: but was absolutely resolved to professe open War with his arbitrary Prerogative-Lordship as long as I had breath in my body, and never to be reconciled un­to it: And therefore in short, tell his Lordship from me, that if I were in such great straits, that I had not one penny in all the world (nor knew not where to borrow it) to buy me, my Wife, and Children bread to save us alive, and if in this great strait, his Lordship as he now is, should send me ten thousand pounds in gold, I would scorn to accept, or let my fingers so much as touch one peece of it; or that any that belonged to me, with my consent should do it for me.

But I desired him to tell his Lordship from me, that if he pleased to throw away his arbitrary, tyrannical pattentee, Lordly power, (which was, and would be the ruine of this Kingdome) and would put himself upon the affection of his Countrey, to be chosen a Knight of a Shire, as a well-de­serving Englishman, I should then honour him, and be willing and ready to accept of the meanest token that he should send me, though it were but Five shillings, and judg my self obliged to serve him, and should readily doe it, yea, in preserving his reall propriety in his great estate unvio­lably; yea, and the title of his Honour, hereditary to his posterity for ever. And as I told my friend, Mr. Speaker, the Report might arise from this, which relation is true, and hath not been delivered to me once, nor twice, but oftner. But Mr. SPEAKER, I shall acquaint you further, that I in part acquainted my friend, how ingenuously I had dealt not only with my Lord WHARTON, but the whole House of Peeres; in that I obeyed their first Warrant they sent to me to come to their Barr, the 10th. June, 1646. and immediatly as soon as I was served with it, being about six a clock on the next morning at my own house, (and I was to appear before them at Ten the same morning) I went immediately to my Lord Whartons house; and he being not stirring, I desired his servant to tell his Lordship what had happened; and that in regard I was obliged to their [Page 43] House, for the late Justice they had done for me about my reparations against the Star-chamber Judges, BEING OLD SIR HENRY VANE, &c. I was resolved for ingenuity and gratitudes sake, to vaile my Bonnet to them, as farre as with honesty and a good conscience I could; And therefore it was that I had obeyed their Warrant, and promised to appear at their Barre; which, as I sent him word, was more then by Law I was bound unto: but yet when I came there, I was resolved at their Bar, to protest against their jurisdiction over a Commoner; but I could doe no lesse then acquaint his Lordship with it before-hand, that so if he pleased to save and preserve the honour of their House, he might; if not, I would doe it, if I dyed for it: And if his Lordship pleased, I would meet him at the stroke of Nine a clock at COL. FLEETWOODS in black Fryers, to talk with him further about it, where he appointed to meet me; and away went I, to a friend, and drew up my Protestation, leaving him one copy to print in case I were imprisoned, and I took another, with my hand and seal to it; and accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I met my Lord at Col. Fleetwoods house, who as I remember, was gone abroad, whereupon I walked with my Lord to the black-Fryers bridg, where we had a large discourse about the Lords originall jurisdiction over Commoners; and I shewed him my protestation, the marrow of which he read; and I earnestly intreated him that he would be pleased to speak to the EARL OF ESSEX AND WARWICK, AND MY LORD ROBERTS, who was the principall man that had done all my bu­sinesse for me, and tell them from me, I bore so much honourable re­spect unto them, and their House, that if they pleased to command me to wait upon them, I would; and upon all the rest of the Lords in the house, and freely answer them to any questions that they in honour could de­mand of me, and I in conscience return an answer to, alwayes provided they talked not with me as a House, nor a Committee from their House, for having been fighting for my Liberties and Freedoms, I protested unto his Lordship before the God of Heaven and Earth, (and so I wish'd him to tell them) that if they forced me to their Bar, I both must and would pro­test against their incroachment upon the Commoners Rights, and appeal for ju­stice against them to the House of Commons, although I died for it immediatly: And his Lordship told me, he beleeved the House of Commons would not stand by me: and I answered, I was confident they would, for it was their own Interest; but if they would not, I told his Lordship, now I knew my Liberties, I would never betray them while I breathed. And this, my Lord, I tell you further, and do professe it before Almighty God, that if your House will not be ruled by reason, but by their greatnesse think to crush me, and by force engage me in a contest against you, I so well understand the firmnesse of the grounds upon which I go, that I will venture my heart bloud against you, and never make peace with you, till either you have destroyed me, or I have p [...]ucked you or your Ʋsurpations up by the roots. So away he went, and kept it off till about one of the clock. And, Mr. Speaker, when I was called in to their Bar, in going in I put no af­front upon them, but went bare-head, and gave them three or four con­ges (with all respect) before I came to their Bar: where they fell a [Page 44] playing the High Commission Court with me, in examining me upon Interrogatories against my self; which forced me to deliver in my Pro­test against them; so that, Mr. Speaker, I am sure I pick'd no quarrell (nor sought any) with them. But now, Mr. Speaker, being so deeply engaged against them by their own folly as I am, for the preservation of the Laws and Liberties of my native Country, against their trampling them un­der their feet, in the enjoyment or practise of their usurpations, I will never make peace with them while I live, but studie night and day how to pluck them up by the roots; which I am confident, Mr. Speaker, is also the duty of this House, if they will rightly and truly discharge their duty to the Kingdom, according to that trust they have reposed in them.

The Reader may be pleased to take notice that at the Bar when I was speaking of writing of Letters, I took notice of one of the priests positive Charges, which was that I had writ a Letter to Sir Anthony Weldon of Kent: which I told M. Speaker was the absolutest lye in the world, for I never had a hand in the least in writing or indicting a Letter to Sir Ant. Wel­don, neither did I read or heard read any Letter unto him; But M. Speaker said I, there is well nigh forty lyes more as palpable ones as this in his Relation, which I dare with confidence aver it at this bar, if I had in writing verbatim the very relation that he hath now made before this House by word of mouth, (for all his confidence) that I could by multitude of witnesses of upright life & conversation in all their conversings with their neighbours, and of untainted fidelity to the Parliament and the common interest of the Kingdom in the worst of times, punctually prove the greatest port of forty abso­lute lyes and falshoeds, in his present confident relation; and for his averring that I said or it was said at the meeting that we would only make use of the Par­liaments name, and of our Petition to them, for a cloak to colour our raising of the people til we were strong enough to destroy them; M. Speaker, I aver it with confidence upon my life there was no such thing spoken at all in the fore­said meeting, or any thing so much as tending thereunto all the time I was there, but the absolute quite contrary; the truth of which I am confi­dent will if need require, be averred upon Oath by the generality of the whole Company then met together.

And therefore Master Speaker I shall draw towards a conclusion; but being that which followed is printed at large in the 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, &c. pages of the forementioned Book Calleda Whip for the present House of Lords, I for brevities sake shall here passe it over and refer the Reader if he pleases to the perusing of it there, where also he will find I was like to be murthered at the House door by their Guard, because I would not go to prison but by vertue of a Warrant made according to that forme the law requires all Mittimusses to be; but being overpoured with drawn Swords and bent Muskets, I was forced to the Tower as a pretended Traytor; And therefore to record to posterity the desp [...]rate and inveterate malice and hatred of Cromwel and his associats against the Liberties and freedoms of England who to the breadth of an haire are like those wicked men in Christs time unto whom in Mat. 23 13. he thus speaketh: But wo unto Scribes and Pharisees Hypocrites, for ye shut up the Kingdom of Heaven against men, for ye neither goe in you selves, neither suffer ye them that are entring to go [Page 45] in; Even so traiterous, bloody and ambitious Cromwell and his wicked as­sociats wil neither do good themselves in settling the Liberties of England nor suffer those that would to doe it, therefore woe unto them hypocrites and painted Sepulchers, who for all their fair pretences hate the Liberties of England more then they do the Devil, and rather then the people shall enjoy any real good for all the cost and hazards in seaven yeares wars for their Liberties and Freedoms, and so rid themselves of their Lordly and tyrannicall yoaks, they wil shake Kingdoms and Nations, and hazard all yea their own lives by dint of Sword in new and bloody Wars, rather then the people shall enjoy their Liberties, or those without an impri­sonment for Traytors that fairely and justly prosecute them; the last war in this Nation and all the innocent blood shed therein, lying prin­cipally upon Cromwel and Iretons s [...]re, for breaking all their faith, promi­ses and engagements made unto the Kingdom for their glorious s [...]tling of their Liberties which they not only failed in but begun to set up a sel­fish and Tyrannicall Interest of their own, and persecuted unto death and bonds the zealous sticklers for the peoples welfare, liberties and free­doms, which begot heart burnings and divisions, and thereby put the peo­ple into fury and madnesse, which brought in an inundation of bloud­shed. For the demonstrating this in part take here.

A Copy of the Petition (for promoting of which M. Iohn Wildman and I were imprisoned a matter of seven months as Traytors, which thus fol­loweth.

Now judge O Heavens, and give your verdict O ye sons of men, where the Treason is in this Petition, for which M. Wildman and I, as the chief prosecuters thereof deserved seven months imprisonment as Traitors therefore: or rather doth it not declare that Cromwel and the rest of his fellow-hinderers of the promotion and accomplishment of the just things therein contained (the establishing of which would have, in the eye of reason, prevented all the late Wars, and all the desperate ha­zards that were run thereby) are as grand enemies to the Liberties and Freedoms of England, as any of those ever were whom they have destroy­ed, and as grand Traitors to their trust as ever piss'd against a wall, meer­ly, soly and only seeking themselves, and their own tyrannicall domina­tion by all their actions, their pretences being but meer stalking-hor­ses thereto; as most cleerly appears by CROMVVEL'S own Majors Im­peachment of him to the Parliament, the copy of which thus follows.

Courteous Reader,

Before these REASONS of Major Huntington's, just after the end of the foregoing Petition, in pag. 53. should have followed the Copy of another, very pertinent to the illustration of Cromwel's and his creatures malice at the Li­berties of England: But in regard it was forgot, take it here; and it thus followeth.

This Petition thus subscribed was (as I remember) delivered to the House of Commons the very same week Master Wildman and my self was first imprisoned as Traytors in reference to the foresaid Petition; but this Petition was to no purpose nor took no effect; which rightly weighed, is a clear demonstration we were not imprisoned for miscarriage in man­naging the Petition, but meerly and barely out of malice and hatred at us for promoting zealously a Petition that tended effectually to the ease of the People of their grievances, and make us really Free-men; and therfore from hence &c. And let all unbiased people judge whether Cromwel and his Associates, or my selfe and those he hath nicknamed Levellers, be the real Traytors, disturbers of the peace, and the malicious and wicked hin­derers of the Settlers of their Freedoms; but to fill up this sheet and so to conclude, I shall because I often use it, here insert the Charge against the King, which thus followeth,