THE ARMY—ARMED, AND Their just Powers stated: OR ARGUMENTS UNANSVVERABLE; Proving them just and lawfull Powers, and Governours, and so not Usurpers.

Likewise a justification of this present Par­liament, and Councel of State chosen, and constituted by them for Authentique and lawful Powers, and Governours also, against all Opposers whatsoever, conceived usefull for satisfying a­ny one of the said Powers scrupulous amongst themselves, so any other conscientious people whatsoever.

And lastly, to be even with all sorts of cunning and politique pretenders against any of them, as not lawfull Powers and Governors, on purpose to countenance disobedience and rebellion, and so raise Factions, to the disturbance and endangering of our COUNTRY.

It's against the Law of the Romans, of Heathens and Pagans, to con­demn any man before he is heard, read therefore advisedly before thou judgest.

Written immediately upon the dissolution of the late Parliament, and the creation of our new one, but occasionally reserv'd till now.

By S. H. Senior.

London: Printed for William Leaty Paul's-Chain. 1653.

To his Excellency the Lord Cromwell, Captain Generall of all the Forces of England, Scotland, and Jreland, &c.

Right Honorable Lord,

SO sensible am I of the Exceptions and Clamours of divers people, who some of weaknesse, others of wickednesse, cry out against our present Powers in generall, as Usurpers, or however, as unlawful or un­just, wanting (as they say) warrantable grounds, and foundations, viz. the Peoples free choice, which should they passe without answering, would confirm and im­bolden them in their Clamours as just, and render your Honor, with the rest of our worthy Governours, and Souldiery, of all sorts, as unjust Usurpers, and wrong do­ers, and so may in time hearten to Factioning and Re­bellion, even to hostility, to the disturbance and endan­gering of our Nation; all which to remedy, I the mean­est of all, am inforc't through the silence of all, to un­dertake, which I will assure your Honor, I do with re­missenesse and feare, by reason of divers Tenets held and handled therein, contrary to what's held at this time, and that by those accounted both good and wise. But I forbeare to be further offensive to your Honor by enlargement, I therefore only make bold humbly to in­treat your Honors fairest construction of my well-meant endeavours, and so I rest

Your Honors most humble servant, and great Admirer of your high perfe­ctions of faithfulnesse and fortitude, Samuel Hunton.

Courteous Reader.

WEre I Innocency it selfe, yet may I not expect to be quit from censure; but sure, if thou understand­est me rightly, thou will find that I deserve none; I am at peace then in my own heart, say, and think what thou wilt: Again, I am not for the aforesaids, nor any Powers far­ther then is just, and generally conducing to Justice, Peace, and Safety; as for their actions, good, or bad, I at this time meddle not with, nor judge not of, only I make them lawfull Powers, though in error they should act some un­lawfulnesse, as the best will do, yea thy selfe, if once im­powred. The main end of my writing this Tract, appears in the Title, so I spare here to enlarge, I rest then

My Countrys, and thy ser­vant, as thou art its, S. H.

I entreat the Reader to read the Margent also, els may he come short of our intention.

The Army armed, &c.

1. ITs a received Principle on all sides, that Salus Po­puli is (of temporalls) the highest Law, and Su­premest Principle, and I add, of spiritualls also in just competition, for Mercy is before Sacrifice, 'cause God cannot need, and man cannot but need; the Sabbath also Gods own day, is in competition mans day, for the Sabbath is for man, and that in humanities, &c.

2. This Principle standing good against all Arguments and oppositions whatsoever, we did formerly, and doe now thereby support all present Powers in being (though bad, yea though Usurpers) provided not destroyers, much more our late Parliament, which though faulty, yet not to that degree; and so now our present Army, (who hi­therto are faultlesse) rather then allow of the dissolution of them or any Powers without our Of self-security, so the Nati­ons, and bettering us with better men cautions, in likely­hood to the destruction of our Nation, by involving it into Factions and Parties, and so into oppositions and contests, even to bloud, and so in likelyhood to ruine; but with our cautions, as with securing our Nation from the Dangers &c. so also the good and inno­cent of the late Parli­ament. aforesaids, and bettering us with better men in points of abilities and faithfulnesse, I did, do, and will give way to the dissolution of all destructive Powers, rather then to the destruction or sufferings of the People in their Rights, Liberties, and Safeties by them.

3. But since the writing of that Tract, the Act is done, [Page 2] and our said Parliament undone, or dissolv'd, and in like­lyhood, as neer as can be, with our Cautions every way, as without endangering our Nation, or the innocent of them, &c. yea far beyond our conceptions, as without the least crack of thunder, or flash of lightning, and the said Power is now conveyed to and upon the Army, and so our Principles and Cautions hold for the Army now, so any As pub­like con­ducings shall cause to change, and create succeeding Powers, as they did afore for the Parliament, and no otherwise, so I partialize not for any Powers a­mongst themselves, nor yet against my Country, but am for the best conducings to our Country, all things consi­dered.

4. Besides the aforesaid Arguments, these following second the Army also, viz. Religion, Reason, Nature, and Necessity; these I say do now not onely constitute, but fortifie and confirm them also, and so forbids any, yea themselves from dispowring themselves, by laying down their powers, or impowring any above them, either in name or nature, without our cautions of self-security e­very way, so their country also, except prudence advise to some wise colours and Shadow­ings. covertures for just conducings sake, they may then create powers to second them, but not to first them every As not in power. way as Moses his 70. Elders, who yet held the priority of name, place, and power, but to consti­tute a power in power above themselves, quaere, if not trea­chery to themselves, so to the publike, as to the hazzard of our Nation, as afore, both which are now in their powers to provide for, and secure, but if out of their powers, they hazzard all, and themselves also, to be call'd to accompt even for the good they have done, under Notions ren­dred evill, as Rebels, Traytors, Sectarists, Independents, &c. so also, as enemies to Kinghood, Priesthood, Prelacy, and Presbyterye, and so our Nation may in likelyhood be cir­cularly [Page 3] factioned to ruine, yea they may be call'd to ac­compt for bad things they would not do, as if good things left undone, as for not establishing the Is not the Sab­bath for man? is not mercy before Sa­crifice? but oh weak­nesse. See Sect. 21. the Margent. Gospel a­bove the Law, and Rites for Religion, and Regiment for Righteousnesse, so for not sacrificing Justice and Mercy to Religion, as call'd, for many Its the treache­rous, and not the true, I ex­cept a­gainst. Priests are great prevarica­tors, in their great is Diana and Dagon, and oh Darius live for ever!

5. Thus much in justification of them, for assuming, and retaining, or holding the power, which our principles of a just necessity to preserve their owne, and the peoples rights, welfares, and safeties thereby, and so improved, makes good, els not.

6. Next let's reason it out amongst our selves, and that righteously, some Governors we must have, and adventure on, these we know, so know in likelyhood what to trust to, all others (let's do our best) are more uncertaine and hazzardable, also hard, yea dangerous to invest, for how shall we out these if we would? Again, why, or for what should we, if we could, what reason also is there that they should give way thereto, all things considered, as a­fore at Sect. 4. by all arguments then they are our right Governors. Next, also their owne, so publike necessity in­rights them; for admit they would resign the Govern­ment, sure we should destroy our selves about a King, or Gover­nor, or Parlia­ment. Governors: be it they are bad also, yet its a de­gree of happinesse that we are better then we were, if so, or not worse, seeing changes are dangerous; also by holding the Government or Power, they prevent dangers that might happen, by changing and rechanging, as a­fore. Weaklings compresse then, and comply for the un­principled, know not what to have, or hold, trust to, or forego; if you say they may prevaricate, I say so too, and [Page 4] so may all, yea so will all, more or lesse; Angels have not perfection, what wilt thou then have in Man. imperfection?

7. Considered then according to our premises, they are lawfull powers, and so we ought to obey them, and they may justly inforce, conducing obedience, els infer, and so inter Salus thy Soveraign, we are then for the aforesaid reasons, justly in their powers, whether they will selfely rule, or whether a Parliament, or no Parliament, or what kind of Government and Governors, both for numbers, names, and natures, we shall have, in all which they are free to take, or leave, as was Moses, so to order, as they see best, and are not bound to Law, customes, Rites, or Cere­monies, of any kind, but only to There are no other right tyes but these. righteousnesse, and ge­nerall conducings.

8. Object. 1. But it may be objected against them, as U­surpers, not being rightly chosen by the people, so it's a breach of the peoples Liberties.

Object. 2. That we are ruled by the Sword, or Sword­men.

Answ. Just necessitated usurpation (as call'd) though for self-safety only, much more for the publike, as to preserve it in its rights, and deliver it from wrong, so from endangerings to ruine, and so Note, if so impro­proved, els not. improved, our principle allows of as just, commendable, and honorable also, for that in such cases, forms, customes, and liberty of Of new Powers, as a new Par­liament. free choice, are but ceremonies to safety, which kept to, might loose us all, by factioning us, for forms and cere­monies only, as for Kinghood, Priesthood, and Prelacy a­gain, which suppose better, yet its better to be without them, then to destroy our selves for them, how then see­ing they will destroy us; know then, that lose Freedomes licentiate us, and so bind us, and that its only fit bind­ings, renders us freemen.

[Page 5]9. On the premises, the Army are not In op­position to free choice Usurpers, as is not a servant over his Master upon tearms of just necessitated defence, self, or publike, if he disarm his said Master, So they the pub­like. and arm himself therewith, for his own, so his Masters, so a­ny ones just defence, and happy is his Master to be so o­ver-mastered, and so is our giddy-brain'd Nation also, were they Masters of their Sense and Senses.

Object. 2. We are governed by the Sword, or Sword­men.

10. The Sword hath already given thee an answer suf­ficient, yet out of its noblenesse it will further descend in compliance to give thee content, the Sword saith then, as its a just Governor, why exceptest thou? and if it rule justly, what wouldst thou more? and if it have some fail­ings, so will all, even the Excepter himselfe; know friend thou art alwayes ruled by the Sword, for if the Sword at­tend not the Magistrate, the Magistrate must attend it, for he bears not the Sword for nought, nor ought the Sword to be set at nought,—nor Will.

11. The Magistrates sheathed sword, as not scene, is more surprizing, this is visible, and as bare and naked as truth it self, so not so treacherous or surprizing, as is the surreptitious Sword, but alwayes warning, and so arming thee against thy selfe and it. It was the visible, the bright, and brandisht blades, that warn'd, and so aw'd Adam and Balaams Asse, both which by a sheathed, or hidden swords ambushments, might have beene surprized and cut to pieces.

12. Sure though they govern by th Sword, yet also by the words of Reason, Or God and Law. man, legall, or rationall, what matters it then for the name Sword, which is but a word, except a blow follow for thy deserting thy duty, and so will it from the latent Sword, which is but a word, yet a [Page 6] blow also as thy pravities are patent: Remember then I say, that all Magistrates are men, not Angels, and were they, yet its said he found folly in his Angels; in short, certainties are uncertain, and uncertainties are certain, so we run hazzards whoever governes, but if likelyhoods be preferrable, as they are, then this Army, these Sword­men, these Governors, are by all out arguments afore, therefore be satisfied and contented with what is said, for thou art answered, past thy answering.

A digres­sion in re­lation to the Scots King, that he hath not any right to the Crowne. Note all this all sorts.13. I only add for a conclusion the following consider­able caution also, let all all sorts know then, that selfe-rights not forfeited, are yet not pleadable, nor to be sided with against our principle, viz. the peoples welfare, and safeties, for its better that one, yea many innocents pe­rish in their self-rigts, then that the Universal be endan­gered to inright them, if so as afore, for self-rights not forfeited, much more then for forfeited deputatives; where then by this are the Scots King (as called) his for­feited deputative rights to his own King, the people, whose originally they were, and his only for its sake, not his own; for he having forsaken his King, is justly unkinged, and forsaken by him. What also can his pretending se­conders and siders with say to this, are not such second­ers for their own sinister ends sake, seducers and traytors that will side with themselves against their Salus. Lord, and yet pretend its for their King, against both their The peo­ple. Kings, are not these Fellows finely principled, that will side with the servants forfeited deputative rights, against their and his The people. Lords selfe-rights; sure such seducers and siders with, are murtherers and thieves; of all kill'd or taken from, on each side, as inforced thereto.

14. Suppose yet higher, that the King is innocent, and absolutely wronged of his rights, what then? yea fur­ther, [Page 7] suppose they were his self-rights, as they are not, and not forfeited, as they are, what then? where doth a­ny one find it in the Law of Religion and Reason, All this concernes every in­dividuall. Note also the end of this Secti­on. that to inright one, they may hazzard the ruine of millions; if the wronged could right themselves the right way, as on the wrongers only, I dispute not against it; but to wrong infinite innocents to right one nocent, or admit innocent, of which yet they may fail, is unspeakable madnesse, fol­ly, and injustice: by this, why may not Clients clearly injured by their Lawyer, or their Adversary, hostile it, Note, that the inno­cent, if good, will not desire reliefe to the hazard of any ones bloud, much lesse of many ones, and the endan­gering of their country also. and gather an army of men, Esau like, and so inforce his Adversary to do as much for his defence; so these two Murtherers must meet with their multitudes, and the in­nocent fools on both sides must murther each other, under the notion of siding with for rights, and yet may this be much better done for known self-rights, then for known forfeited deputatives, not to the ruine of a multitude on­ly, but of a Nation, to whom they were bound by oath, honor, trust, and tribute, and so owe duty and service an­swerable.

15. How also can forraign religious Princes and States then in honor and honesty answer it, to murther and thieve it, in pretending to help such to their rights; but the truth is, they help them only to be helpt in the like cases; so we are like to have a mad world of it, when re­ligious Princes and States, as call'd, shall help to support one another in tyrannies, thefts, and murthers, under the notion of rights; but woe to those that call good evill, and evill good; I marvell exceedingly that such just, religious, and honorable Princes and States do not send over their Armies now and then to help each innocent individuall wrong'd of his self-rights by his Adversary or his Law­yer: for its a much fairer, goodlier, and juster ground and [Page 8] pretence then the other, though both be naught, as teaching both sides naughtinesse, as to invade each others rights, under pretence of righteousnesse.

I have now done, only I make bold for a conclusion, to add the conclusion of my other Tract, as its suiting in its nature, and end with this, which is as followeth in be­halfe of the Army.

16. Its then considerable also, that all care be taken a­gainst the dissolution of this Army, as of the Parliament, except with our cautions, of securing the good and inno­cent of them, so our Nation from hazzardables of dan­gers and troubles to ruine; also to secure us of better men, els, why change these? which a new Parliament might chance to attempt, to the hazzard of all, as afore; for we have experience of this Army, both of its faith­fulnesse, fortitude, and good fortune also in our defence; and that it hath not any way offended us, or done us any wrong, but contrarily defended us, and done us much good, but of the next Army we know nothing at all, so must run the adventure of all, as of their evill, and their good, which I conceive is not good to doe, for, certaine goods are better then uncertain, and no Evills are better then to adventure for them.

Our aforesaid Arguments in behalfe of all our present powers (as just and lawfull, and so obeyable) contracted.

1. OUr former Parliament, who constituted this Ar­my, were lawfull powers, as being themselves constituted by the people, the originalls of right power, who impowred them for all conducing to our Country, and they by vertue of this power form'd this Army for our Countryes sake, viz. for its rights, peace, and safe­ty, &c.

2. But suppose all or most of our former Parliament were not lawfull powers, but Yet its not so. Usurpers, as not chosen by the people, yet it matters not to this point, for usur­pers and unlawfull powers are (by our principle) obeya­ble in lawfulls and As in constitu­ting this Army for our Nati­ons de­fence. conducings, and right and lawfull powers are not obeyable in unlawfuls and destructives, yet as necessitated, compliance may be for conducings sake, and to prevent greater mischiefs; however, we doe by this, say, that its rather conducing commands we are to obey, then the Commanders, whether right or wrong, good or bad, except necessitated, as afore. Thus the Ar­my, admit by an usurping power, yet being constituted for conducings, are lawfull powers, how then being by a right Parliament, and so every way right.

3. The Scribes and Pharisees, a crew of hypocrites, and For who invested them? usurpers of Moses Seat, yet commanding according to Moses were obeyable; or rather the doctrine then the Doctors, and yet the Doctors also, and not the doctrine, [Page 10] as just necessities invite to wink at some sufferings, to prevent insufferables, or destructives, positives pose us all, but wise respectives remedy all, for we must, and must not, may, and may not, according to respective considerations, for answerably things are good and bad.

4. Suppose the Army also, all or most of them Yet its not so. Usur­pers, as not chosen by Parliament or People, it matters not to this point, for I answer for them as for an unlaw­full or usurping Parliament, as afore at Sect. 2. I answer further as formerly, that if their owne, so our Countryes rights, safeties, and necessities necessitated them thereto, and they have improved their power thereafter, they are then essentially right, though not ceremoniously so, how then when circularly right, as by a right Parliament?

5. Consider yet further, that our whole Nation at times petitioned for, and endeavoured a dissolution of our former Parliament, whether right or wrong I judge not, nor can; this they know not how to bring about, for to attempt it by Armes, without the Army had beene to disarm themselves by Armes and Armies, and so in like­lyhood to ruine, for the Army had no reason to allow of Armies, self-rights, and safety; so the Universalls forbid­ding them, so they are inforc't by universall implicit im­portunities, wishes, desires, and commands to undertake it, for done the people would have it, and otherwise it could not be done; so then they are necessitated to doe it, which they do with cautions far beyond our concepti­ons, as afore; and thus they are authorized by the whole Nation in generall, and so inclusively by each individual; therefore let none except, for its, as afore, inclusively their act, as what most of the Parliament vote, is inclu­sively the vote of the dissenters, who consent, by con­senting [Page 11] that the major part shall carry it, nor can the Ar­my see or mind individualls, but the generall, which is always Lord Generall.

5. Our former Parliament thus dissolv'd by Univer­sall, so Individuall consent, as afore, the Army then by Universall consent also are left alone sole Powers and Governors, and so are a lawfull authority by this also, as thus consequently chosen, none other being in esse provided, nor in posse provideable by the people at this time, for our reasons afore, and after; nor had the Army reason to give way thereto, without selfe, so publique rights and safeties, which how that could be I see not, nor my wisers, if they see Consider all things. well to it, so necessity pub­like and particular establisheth them lawfull Governors, & so our present Parliament and Councel of State constitu­ted by them for our Countryes accommodation, are just, right, and lawfull powers also, and so honorable and obeyable, without exception, as such, and for such ends.

By making sure work with both. 6. Last of all, as they have saved our Nation from the enemy, its good reason they save themselves, both from their enemies and their friends, &c. which they cannot do, if they undo themselves.

7. If I now have reasoned rightly and truly, and that for right ends, as to do each one right, but especially to make the aforesaids lawful powers, for the peace, safety, and welfare of our Country, which by conceiving and holding them unlawfull, might faction and party us a­gainst them, or one against another in clandestines and rebellions to our ruine; who can or will except against me, but such as must say we are enemies to our friends, so to reason, rights, justice, and our Countryes peace and safety, and so in truth Traytors, &c. As for my selfe [Page 12] I am not an enemy to any, no not to my enemies, yet will I oppose both my friends and enemies for my Coun­tryes sake; and so let them do as much by me and spare not; for whil'st particular or partiall ends of any nature fight against, or are prefer'd before the generall, it ren­ders both Individualls and the Generall in a dangerous condition.

Oh all you worthy Powers of all kinds, I have done you all the right I may, more I will not, nor yet lesse, see you retaliate us as rightly, for know its proportion rightly compensates. Remember the wise mans princi­ple, that Justice establisheth Thrones, and I add, so doth it their Inthroners; by the Law of contraries then, inju­stice demolisheth both, and we find it doth so; would you continue powers, you see the way thereto, over-power not then your impowrers, except conducingly: Saith not the same wise man also, and our experience likewise, that oppressions or extremites make wise men mad, what then may be expected from madmen and fools: It lies much in your powers by wisdome to cure the ma­ladies of both these Malignants, either by prevention, privation, or a qualification of their sufferings, or by sa­tisfying reasons why, or why not, for a thorough con­vincement is a Conquest, so their hearts, thoughts, tongues and hands will be out of heart to oppose you, and so themselves for self-divideds, do as good as subdue them­selves, and so save their friends a labour.

Postscript.

17. SInce the writing of the aforesaids, I have met with little Tract, entituled; Englands Fundamental Laws and Liberties claimed, and asserted; I do claim them as well as he, but not clamourously; our friend is not rightly prin­cipled, for admit checkt of his claim, then he conceives he may clamour; and he may, so it may be; and he may not, so it may be also, and so it is; had he thus distin­guished, he had not extinguished his claim, which I now soberly declaime against: he infers that no Parliaments or powers are right, except by free choice of the people; and so infers also, that our other Parliament, so this, so this Army, so many of them as are not chosen originally by the peoples free choice, are not right powers, I both grant and deny, by distinction, which he useth not, so being absolute, he is desolute, and destroys all: I grant the right is in the people, were they right; but being wrong, will you allow them their rights to wrong themselves, so each one to the ruine of all? We have fully answered this afore at Sect. 2.4.6. so need not inlarge; but yet to contract understandings we stand not upon it; give then according to his doctrine to giddy brains, mad-men and drunkards; so to the angry, furious and rageing their swords and pistolls; also light them candles, that so they may go into their gun-powder rooms, cellars and houses, for all these are their rights, and attend the issue, and see if it be not issues of bloud: can you do such as these greater right then to wrong them by withholding their rights? can you do such greater wrong, then to do them right? judge wise men of what I say.

[Page 14]18. Give then to a factious, a furious, and giddy brain'd Nation or people at this time, their Liberties and Rights to choose their Parliaments; and it may be they shall ne­ver choose more, if any at all, as not that which they goe about to choose; for may not such Libertines licenciate it into factions, for Kinghood, Priesthood, & Presbytery, with the rest, &c. and so ruine all; I grant it, and many more things our rights, if we could handle them rightly.

19. Its well, wisely, and prudently done then of some Governours, not to let us know our rights, or withhold them, till we know how to use them without hurting our selves and others; and did they no farther abuse us, nor make use of the power in their hands and our ignorance, then to preserve us, and prevent us from abusing our selves, we were in a happy condition; but to take ad­vantage of our ignorance and impotence, and their powers over us, and so contrary to their ends and be­trusts, wrong us, or contract us in our rights any way further then a just necessity enforceth to, is very hard and inhumane, and oft indangers and disestablisheth Go­vernours, who els might enjoy themselves in their pow­ers and places, with some petty sufferings by the people, provided such as were not too sensible to incense them; for a little nip offends not, but hard pinchings, stayings, or treadings on do, and wormes trod on will turn again, but wise men will not, except with our cautions, but rather turne the other eare; but who is so wise? there­fore Ex­ [...]ms of any kind. oppressions (as saith Solomon) makes wise men mad.

20. Times are not now as they formerly were, for in chusing former Parliaments there was no such danger of factioning, cause each faction or party had and enjoyed their places, so need not faction for them, but now out, [Page 15] they will faction it to get in, Kings, Peers, Prelates, Priests, and Lawyers, all then raigned in their Regions, and now they are arraigned, from whence they would faine returne to take their Turns againe.

21. Faction it not then, oh noble Souldiers, so nor any one for rights or wrongs, no nor for love, pity, nor affe­ction to any individuall party whatsoever, no though he were innocent, nor yet for Religion, Gods honor, wor­ship, and service, as call'd, and conceived to be; nor for the Gospell, faith, or truth so notioned, as to Hostile it one against another, to the endangering of our Soveraign Salus, the Nation peace to the sword againe, and so in likelyhood to ruine, for our Principle is above them all, and safety is before Rites, or Rights, &c. and Univer­salls before Individualls, though never so righte­ous.

22. As for Vowes, Covenants, Oaths, Promises and Protestations, with heaved up eyes, and erected hands, and dejected minds to heaven; so with Invocations, Appeales, and Applications to God, as a witnesse of our integrities and sincerities, not to lay downe Armes, nor forsake one another, till we had gained our Rights, Liberties and Freedomes, and then also to cleave together in the support of them: Know, that the aforesaids bind not to rights so called, which rightly rendred and under­stood are wrongs, nor to right our selves with our ruine; its disputeable then what are our rights, all things consi­dered, for, as afore, if our true rights will wrong us, they are not then our rights; therefore wisely consider the issue of enjoying our rights, which if dangerous or destructive, we are not bound by our Covenants to enjoy, till we can joy in them: Oh you wise and good men, bind us Note these No­tions, names, and occulers endanger whole Na­tions: But if the Sab­bath be for man? and mercy be­fore Sacri­fice, then mans ne­cessities is before them all, &c. well therefore before you free us, Fixingly least in our liber­ties [Page 16] we licentiate, yet take no advantage in binding us, to keep us bound, otherwise then to our good behaviours, as to Justice, to Lawes, to Rights, and Civilities, to which also its good our binders were bound. In short, give us out rights when we are ready for them, find a way to make us ready for them, and then inright us in them so far, and not much farther, least we wrong our selves, and like Aesops Dog, The shadow is not the Dogs due. invade for what's not our rights, and so lose our rights.

We have now done, onely we entreat our Candid Readers to excuse our triviall slips of pointing and Ortho­graphy, for that we could not well attend the Presse.

FINIS.

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