SIR GEORGE BOOTHS LETTER Of the 2d of August, 1659. Shewing the Reasons of his present Engagement.

TOGETHER WITH An Answer to the said Letter, invalidating the said Reasons.

LONDON; Printed in the Yeare 1659.

SIR GEORGE BOOTH'S LETTER Of the 2d of August, 1659. Shewing the Reasons of his present Engagement.

SIR, I think my self, and the Gentlemen, and others you know to be now engaged with me, have no hopes, by new troubles, to better our present condition.

Sir, What your thoughts are in this kinde, whence they came, and whether they are going, are knowne unto God and your owne Conscience, and not unto me, and therefore, are the object of my wonderment, not of my cen­sure. Sure I am, that such thoughts, and purposes, as travell through the blood of your owne brethren in the Flesh, and in the Faith, can hardly produce any authentick warrant from the word of God for their voucher therein; whose condition you seeke to better by these new troubles of your owne making, ex­cept the condition of the Idolatrous Papists, the superstitious Prelates, and the old profane, conquered Cavaliers, and their [Page 4]wicked crew, I cannot well imagine; but if you, and the Gen­tlemen and others with you, Josh. 6.26. 1 King. 16.34. shall like Hiel the Bethelite, endea­vour to build up Jerico, which the curse of God hath turned in­to rubbish: the foundation and gates thereof shall be laid, and raised in the destruction of your family's. No; you will finde it no easie worke, to bless, whom God hath cursed, to plant, what he hath pluck't up, and to build what he hath throwne downe.

With thankfullness we may say it, God hath made our lot larger then our desires in that kinde, and we suppose by that blessing put an obligation upon us, as we are considerable mem­bers of our Countrey, to have more sober and couragious thoughts in time of extremity then other men have.

The plentifull and large lot of your inheritance in the good things of this life larger then your very desires in that kinde doe call for a better and more acceptable thanck offering unto God, then the peace of your Countrey, and the blood of your Country-men, and what ever your former practice hath been, to blesse your neighbourhood with your earthly blessings; yet, you cannot but know, that your present pro­ceeding in raising a Warre in the mid'st of the Nation, and in making your Countrey the seat thereof, have a naturall ten­dency to take away by the Ephah, what you have given by the Omer, and to pull downe with your loines, what you have built up with your little finger. God never blest you, to blesse his enemies, and blast his people, that your abundance should be to their misery, and your plenty to their undoing. Which is the naturall tendency of your present practice, and the very quarrell of the old enemy, whose part you take in the pre­sent action. How many (yet) happy, and plentifull familyes, men, women and children, and such as never saw the Sunne, are like to have cause to curse the day wherein you were borne, and the night wherein you were conceived, the womb [Page 5]that bare you, and the paps that gave you suck; your name, your family, and the very mention thereof as loathsome and burthensome to them. And if you prosper in your present worke, which (you cannot but believe) is against the strong cryes, and deprecations of many thousands of such as are deare and precious in the sight of God: and whom he hath owned, and delivered from time to time, in the day of their feare] the most pious of all your party will most bewaile it in the lat­ter end. The Obligation which God hath put upon you, and the Gentlemen and others now ingaged with you, in blessing and making you considerable members of your Countrey, should have induced you to more sober thoughts of your selfe in time of ex­tremity, then to take upon you to raise up a warre, to head partyes, to summon the people to obey your commands, with the hazard of their lives, and fortunes, without the least pre­tence of any visible authority for your so doing. Is the great­nesse of your estate, and interest, above others, the warrant of your actions? then meer power is a good plea for practice, and potency for tyranny, is the impulse of your spirit, the ground of your ingagement? is not this fanatick Quakeisme? and pure Munsterisme? have personall discontents, and re­venge, upon presumed wrongs by denying your accesse to sit in Parliament, put you in Armes? shall the root of your re­venge be watered with the blood of your Country? is not this irreligion in extremity? if you have any other Commission; why is it concealed as matter of shame, let's understand it, that we may judge of it, the greatnesse of your estate above others, calls for your courage to secure your Countrey in time of warre; and not to raise up a warre in time of peace.

And though the indifferency that lies upon other mens spi­rits might flat ours; yet we cannot thinke, but if it were re­presented to them, how the present power doth oblige us to put out our right eyes when they require us to acknowledge them [Page 6]as a Parliament, and lay upon us such heavy and grievous burthens, and such deceiptfull ones as a yeares Tax in three moneths, besides the many other impositions of Excise, &c. and by raising among us a Militia, they cut off our right hand by subjecti [...]g us under the meanest and fanatick spi­rits of the Nation, under pretence of protection, their spi­rits would be warmed into the same zeale that ours are kind­led with.

It is other mens piety, peaceablenesse, and love to their Country's, and not their indifferency which way things goe; that dispose them to peace; which might have been more ex­pected from you (all things considered) then from many of them: what hath been represented unto you, more then unto others? what can you represent to others more, then others to you? why should you conceive that others have not their eyes in their heads, to discern times, and seasons, and their duty's therein, as well as you? whether the present powers be a Parliament or no Parliament, free or not free, sull or not full, they are the higher powers, and so ordeined of God, whe­ther by his approbation, or meer permission, is unto them and not unto us. How they came by it concernes them, how they act in it concernes us. When? wherein? and how have they obliged us to put out our right eyes, by requiring us to owne their action, and to justifie the meanes of getting into their power? if they be satisfied; what is it to us? they must stand or fall to their owne Master: they are the onely visible Su­preame Authority, by what name, or title soever distinguish­ed, dignified, or vilified, under whom we may lead a peace­able and quiet life in all godlinesse and honesty. And this is sufficiently obliging upon us (without the least touch of of­fence to the right eyes of our understanding) to pray for them, and submit unto them in all lawfull commands, yea to defend, and secure them, and not to levie Forces, and warre against them. The heavie and grievous burthens, and taxes, impositions of Excise, &c. are no more heavie, grievous, and imposing, then have been made by their Predecessors, and when your [Page 7]selfe made one of them in times of necessitie. And whether this course which you now take by raising another civill warre, when the Nation was in peace, be hopefully promising to ren­der our burdens lesse heavie and grievous, let reason judge. Is not this a deceiptfull insinuation of complaint to declaime a­gainst a deceiptfull burthen of a yeares tax in three moneths; not onely without mention of the knowne necessities and pub­lique debts of the Nation, but also to multiply their necessi­ties and greaten their wants by new troubles, charges, and ex­pences, which you bring upon them? what is this but to quench fire with oyle, and to put it out with gun-powder? And why blame you the present Authority for cutting off the right hand of power, that is so apt and dexterous in snatching up and u­sing the sword to cut their throats? had they trusted the Mili­tia in your hands, together with the Gentlemen and others in­gaged with you, well might you have called them fanatick and meane spirited men. Sir, if the glory of God, the love of your Country, the prosperity of the Saints, the progresse and successe of the Gospel be precious in your eyes, you will well examine the originall of the zeale and indignation with which your spirit is warmed, and carried out in your present engage­ments, surely Sir, there is evidence of reason to suspect that this fire cometh not from heaven, but is subtilly insinuated by the great enemy of Gods people, and his Jesuiticall agents, who have a long time endeavoured to sow the seeds of divisi­ons amongst them, engaging each against his brother, to the ruine of them all, and the ushering in of Popery, Idolatry, su­perstition and profanenesse in the end.

Now consider what it is we aske, and consider whether it be not the same thing we have asserted with our lives and for­tunes, A free Parliament.

You aske that which is worthy to be considered and conside­red before it be granted in the sence by you explained, A free [Page 8]Parliament say you; a King say others, a kingly Parliament say all; for you tell us your meaning towards the close of your Letter; A Parliament freely chosen by the Nation, and freely sit­ting without force of Souldiery, or an admission of the old mem­bers of both Houses. Now consider what it is you aske, whether such a free Parliament in the one sence, or the other, would not make a short worke with those now in Power, the Army, and all persons that without defection have and shall perse­vere in the same things they have asserted with their lives and fortunes; would you have the choice of such a Parliament with restrictions, or without? if with restrictions; then is it not a free Parliament; if without restrictions; is that reasonable? who knows not that (by the subtile artifice of the Pulpit, the Presse, by the Jesuiticall influences of Papists, the discontents of the malignant party and suppressed adversary, and the great number of profane people) they will choose persons of their own characters, and principles, whose endeavours in Parlia­ment will be the destroying of those things formerly asserted with our lives and fortunes in the great expence of so much treasure and blood. I beseech you Sir, deale ingeniously, doe not you think in your conscience, that such a free Parliament, as you demand (the present state and temper of the Nation considered) will not be so chosen, and being chosen so act? And if so; why doe not you aske the restauration of King, Bi­shops, High Commission Court, Starre-Chamber, Court of Wards? why doe not you aske the restauration of High Altars, second service, Coapes, Crucifixes, Crosses, with all the rest of those superstitious trumperies? Why doe not you aske the estates, liberties, and lives of the present Parliament, Army, and the totall ruine and destruction of all those with their fa­milies that have any wayes engaged in the late warres against the King? Why doe not you aske the restauration of your idle, and profane superstitious, ignorant and scandalous suppressed Ministers, the restitution of unjust Judges, profane Magistrates, and oppressing Monopolizers? Why doe not you aske the calling together of the most profane, cursing, swearing, drinking, blas­pheming Royall Reformadoes, and their cursed crew of Pa­pists, [Page 9]Atheists, and blooddy men, and form them into Armyes for the defence of Lawes, Religion, and liberties of this Na­tion, and the protection of the Saints and people of God there­in? Why doe not you aske the calling home of the banished Re­bells of Ireland, and traytors of England and Scotland, that have fled from Justice, and that these may be encouraged, counte­nanced, and advanced? Why doe you not aske the eares, the noses, the imprisoning, pillorying, whipping, banishing of all those that shall not conforme their judgements, consciences, and practises unto the wills and pleasures of wicked men in the things appertaining to Gods worship & service? in a word, Why doe not you aske the pulling downe whatsoever hath been built up, and the building up, whatsoever hath been pull'd downe by all the Parliaments successes in the late warres? Now consi­der what it is you aske, and whether you can have any probable, yea possible security, that these (with many others of the like nature) shall not be the unavoydable successes and conse­quences of such a free Parliament, so chosen, so sitting, and whether the admission of the old members of both Houses of this present Parliament be not of the same consideration, and argu­ment? For by the old members of both Houses, you must meane either some, or all of them; if some, then is it not a free Par­liament, and so not the thing you aske; if all of them must be admitted; I demand againe, is that reasonable? shall they that have deserted their trust, that did withdraw from the Par­liament, joyn'd with the King, in setting up his Standard, and wageing warre with his people, sate with him at Oxford, assi­sted him in killing his Subjects, wasting their Countryes, burn­ing their houses, and in bringing upon them all the sad and miserable effects of a long, chargeable, and destructive warre; shall these be againe admitted into the same honour, privi­ledges, powers, capacities, and betrustments with those that have asserted their Countryes rights and liberties, and that with all constancy, during the whole time of the late long dan­gerous, and doubtfull warre. Good Sir, consider, was such a free Parliament the same thing asserted with our lives and for­tunes? with your favour Sir, though that was sometimes a cause [Page 10]of difference, (as when the King demanded the delivering up of some members of Parliament, &c.) yet was it not the ground of the quarrell between him and his people, and the thing asserted with our lives and fortunes, the civill and religi­ous just rights, and liberties of the people, and their common safety, defence, and protection in the enjoyment thereof were the things asserted with our lives and fortunes, in all the con­tests with the late King, and the same things still insisted upon by those, whose judgements, and consciences are not turned aside from their first just honourable, and English principles, and which will be alwayes asserted by them with their lives and fortunes, to the last drop of blood in their veines, and denier in their purses. Sir, you are much mistaken; if you judge us meer creatures to hose in power, ready at other commands (like poore fauneing tenants at the beck of their Land-lords, at whose will and pleasure they enjoy what they have) to en­danger our lives, and fortunes, to shed other mens blood, or hazard our owne. No Sir, publique safety, and undoubted just liber [...]ies were, are, and ever shall be by all just wayes and meanes asserted by us with our lives and fortunes, against all op­posers.

And what a stavory it is to our understanding, that these men that now call themselves a Parliament, should declare it an act of illegality and violence in the late aspiring Generall Cromwell, to dissolve their body in (53) and not to make it the like in the garbling the whole body of the Parliament from 400 to 40 in 1648. what is this but to act what they con­demne in others.

And what a slavery is it to our memories to tell us of gar­bling the whole body of the Parliament from 400 to 40 in 1648? I presume you might well have substracted above 100, from the 400, and added above 100, to the 40 by you mentioned, and have spoken the words of truth and sobernesse, which if you [Page 11]call to mind the Lords and Commons that went away with the King and sate at Oxford, and also the just number of those left after that garbling; you will not deny. I could heartily wish that he, whom you call aspiring Cromwell, had not left be­hind him more aspiring spirits, tempers, and dispositions then his was: well, what ever he was, he was a true lover and Pro­tector of all good men, though of different judgements, and in that respect, not unworthy the imitation of Sir George Booth himselfe. And what a slavery had it been both to the judgement and persons of the Army, the well affected party of the Parlia­ment, and to the whole Nation, had they not made that gar­bling of the Parliament at that time you speake off? Have you not read what David did when he was an hungry? viz. that, in that necessity, which otherwise was not lawfull? would you have the Army to have suffered themselves, their friends in Parliament, the honest and well affected party of the Nation, the just-religious, and civill interest, and liberties of the peo­ple, to be utterly ruined and destroyed by the Ay's and no's of an apostatizing, evill, and disaffected spirited party in the house, after the expence of so much treasure, and blood? and at that time, when their enemies were quite vanquished, and destroyed? should they have suffered all to be lost by a vote, which they had fought for so many yeares, and maintained by a warre? and to be led even by those whom they had conque­red to the Gallyes or Gallowse? You seeme even in this Let­ter to justifie the Souldiers declaration of himselfe, no merci­nary, but an English freeman. And therefore not to suffer himselfe to be led into chains, and to be trust up with hal­ters by a conquered enemy. And may not these men that now call themselves a Parliament, declare it an act of illegality and violence to dissolve their body without cause under no necessity, but through misprissions and mistakes suggested; and which have been since acknowledged by them that did it, and not make it the like in that garbling you mention under the fore­said circumstances, and necessities? And might not they then take upon them to be Judge of that necessity; as well as Sir George Booth now take upon him to be Judge of a necessity, [Page 12]even to raise a warre, and put his Country into blood, and ha­zard the lives and families of many thousands of his honest and innocent Countrymen? Will you blame others for doing that, under importune necessities, to keep downe a conquered ene­my, and thereby to preserve their Countryes peace, after a tedrous, destructive, and chargeable warre; and yet justifie your selfe in raising up a like dangerous, destructive, and chargeable warre under no necessity, when the whole Nation was in peace? What is this but to act what (yea worse then what) you condemne in others?

Why doe they associate themselves to the present Army, or indeed to the present Commanders in Chiefe, and keep out their numerous and fellow-members; if committing violence upon a Parliament be so notorious a crime?

Because their numerous, and fellow-members deserted that good old cause when time was (viz. the bringing Delinquents to condigne punishment, the asserting, and maintaining the ci­vill and religious liberties of the people) in the prosecution whereof, the formerly united together,) as fellow-members in the same societies, and service, as also because, they are still apt, and ready, upon all occasions, opportunities, and advan­tages, to destroy that cause, to restore Delinquents, to power, and dignities, and to take away those liberties which have been so asserted and maintained: the safety and preservation where­of being the great and soveraigne end, even of the Parliament it selfe.

And how doe they teach the Souldiers boldly to doe that, which themselves practice, and make them instruments of? what is this but under another shape to act the condemned acts of Ʋsurpation and Tyranny in their old Generall? what is [Page 13]this but to necessitate men to complaine? And upon complaint to be invaded by their power, so to raise (if the English spirits be not dissolved into basenesse and aptitude for slavery) a ci­vill warre; and to endeavour to water their owne roote with the blood of many thousands of their Countrymen, or to gape af­ter those confiscations, which by a victory upon presumption of the unity of their Army they hope to gaine over all those that dare with danger assert their liberties, (which presumption yet may faile them; for the Souldier hath and may declare him­selfe no Mercenary, but an English freeman; which indeed though it be now contrary to his actions, may returne to his thoughts againe.

And do not all these angry queries, and doubled interroga­tions, the same things over and over againe, argue the violent ebullitions and fomentations of a present distemper, & the pre­cipitate stearage of keene and raised passions and discontents, and that your spirits are warmed into that zeale and indignation, even unto the eating up of your wonted moderation, and de­portment? Are not your why's, how's, and what's, retortable unto your selfe? and your party? WHY did the Presbyte­rians drive away the Speaker, and the well affected party of the Parliament, forceing them to fly to the Army for refuge and protection, and their party remaining in the House choose another Speaker (Mr Pellam) If committing violence up­on a Parliament be so notorious a crime? HOW comes it to passe, that we never heare either your selfe or any other of your party reprove them for it? By WHAT authority doe you take up Armes, raise partyes, levy a warre, kill and slay those that oppose you, and would impose tearmes and condi­tions upon those in present power and authority? WHAT is this but under another shape to act the eondemned acts of Ʋsurpa­tion and Tyranny of other men? Why doe you invade men by force of Armes, when the people were in peace; and joyne with the old Cavalier (if the English spirits be not dissolved into basenesse and aptitude for slavery) to raise a civill warre, and to reduce us unto the old bondage and tyranny of those very fa­milyes, [Page 14]and persons that (through fire and sword) have attemp­ted our slavery's? WHAT is this, but to endeavour to wa­ter your owne root, yea and the root of Tyranny, Popery, Prela­cy, &c. with the blood of your Countrymen? and to gape after those confiscations, greatnes, and preferments, which by a victo­ry (upon presumption of the unity of the Cavalier, Popish, Epis­copall, Presbyteriall, malignant, prophane party (all rising up as one man in the severall County's and parts of the Nation) you hope to gaine over all those that dare with danger still conti­nue to assert their liberties? which presumption yet may faile you? for the Souldier and the old well affected party, (that have adhered unto the just, civill, and religious liberties of their Countrymen) have and will declare themselves, no Mercenary but English freemen, and which indeed (however you may judge, or hope the contrary) are still in their thoughts, purposes, and resolutions, unto the very last breath in their bodyes. And WHAT a slavery is this to our understanding that you should pretend so much tendernesse of your Countryes good, to so much care against another civill warre, and yet be the first and principall promoter and asserter thereof? To speake of peace even then, when you prepare for warre: to thrust the sword up to the hilts in the bowels of your Country with a pax vobis in your mouth? to treat of liberty, and yet assist the Scotch King, and his party by force of armes to reduce us to slavery's.

And what will be the issue of all this? A mean and schis­maticall party must depresse the Nobility, and understanding Commons, the land must wast it selfe, and forraigners or others must take the advantage of all?

And what will be the issue of all this? a Tyrannicall, Popish, Prelaticall, profane and wicked party must depresse the most pious and ingenious of the Nobility, religious Gentry, and un­derstanding Commons? the land must groane and wast it selfe un­der its intollerable burthens, upon their persons, estates, and [Page 15]consciences, the flud-gates of Tyranny, Popery, Idolatry, and all manner of wickednesse and blasphemy must be opened, the truely religious, and conscientious people of the land (of what­soever forme or judgement in matters of worship) must hide their heads in holes, and corners, fly to the remotest parts of the world, or take Sanctuary at the Gallowse. Such is like to be the issue of your present engagement (if you prevaile, which God forbid) what ever you may flatter your selfe to the con­trary) as will make the hearts of all the godly party of the Na­tion to faint, their faces to gather blacknesse, their hands to hang downe, their knees to wax feeble, and their spirits to sink within them. Surely Sir, you cannot but doubt [at least] that this may be the issue of your present undertakings; and if so; how you can latisfie your conscience therein, is beyond my imagination. What private perswasions you may have that it shall not be thus, I know not, let not my soule enter into those secrets, yea let me rather dye with the people of God by the sword of persecution for the keeping of faith and a good con­science, then live with those that shall be the unhappy instru­ments to bring it to pass. Your present actions have indeed a proper and most swift tendency to cause the land to wast it selfe by a bloudy warre, and to make way that forrainers and others may take the advantage of all at last.

I dare say, I professe for my selfe, and the greatest part with me, have no aspect, but this singly, that we be not possest as wast ground is, only by the title of occupancie, or that the next that gets into the saddle, ride us.

I dare say, for my selfe, and the greatest part that differ from you, have no aspect but singly this, that we be not enslaved in our civill, and religious liberries, and priviledges, that we be neither charmed, nor oudgel'd by the frauds, or force of any, out of hose publick bleffings, and benefits, which have been the price of so much treasure and blood. We would not be possest as [Page 16]vassalls by their captors, or asses by their owners, nor suffer such to get into the saddle, as (we know) will ride us with whip and spur, like post horses, having (now) not so much title to us as some have unto wast ground, even that of occupencie. Sir, we are not either for Kings, Protectors, or Parliaments, for this go­vernment, or for that, but as it respects the end of all Gover­nours, and governments, publicke safety, and just libertie. We are not fond of men, neither have we their persons in admira­tion for advantage, we wish, that all persons in authority, were such (every way) as God requires, and if any be otherwayes, that is our affliction, not our sin. But shall we engage the Na­tion in blood, because every thing doth not answer our desires? Would you have a good Parliament, good Magistrates, good Ministers, a good settlement of all things in Church and State? so would we, would you have errors, heresies, and blasphemies duely suppressed, the blessed Gospel of Jesus Christ run, and be glorified among'st us? so would we. Are you troubled and afflicted in your minds, that all things are not as God would have them to be amongst us? so are we. We differ not in our desires, but in the means to attain them. We cannot imagine that a free Parliament as you speak of, is the way hereunto; that this new, and unhappie war, which you have now begun, can be our Countryes peace, that killing one another can be their safe­ty. That Papists would settle the Protestant Religion, and that the profane party of the Nation (that are not with you in your present undertakings) would promote piety, that Charls Ste­wart will be so great a friend, favourer, and Protector of those that assisted in the late wars against his father, either of them that brought him to the block, or that cut off his head. You may as soon perswade us out of our wits, reason, and understandings, as to believe these things.

Let the Nation freely choose their Representatives, and they as freely sit, without awe, or force of Souldiary, and what ever, in such an Assembly, is determined; shall be by us freely and cheerfully submitted unto.

Such a free Parliament, so freely chosen, so freely sitting, will doubtlesse be free enough of our English freedomes. You pro­pound to choose a free Parliament without restrictions (for you name none) Mr Baxter (with a greater care of Religion and righteousnesse) propounds another way and manner of choice; some other perhaps propounds a third, what authoritie have you to force and cram your Proposalls at the swords poynt down the throats of those in authoritie, more then others to force others? I confesse such arguments are forceable; but I presume through Gods assistance, you will not finde them in­vincible. Well might the plausible and taking terme of A free Parliament affect the mindes of the giddy multitude, that like Gudgeons, swarme in shoals with much greedines, and hast, to snatch at the bait, and discern not the hooke that destroy's them at last: or like children, that will be couzened out of any thing, of true worth, and value, upon the bare promise, of a fine, new pair of nothings to hang about their necks. I have heard of a poore simple Indian, that sold his wife and children for a fiddle, and having shipt them, being aboard the vessell, and received the fiddle, his chapman carried him also away into bondage with the rest, however the merry noise of the fiddle paid for all, and gave him great content: at last his fiddle was taken from him, the poore fellow then would have cast himselfe over­board, and had time enough after with his miserable selfe, wife, and children, to repent of his bargain. Of the truth of which story, my Author assured me he was an eye-witnesse being in the same vessell at that time. Sir, I hope you will not finde all English men such Indians, that will sell themselves & posterity into bondage and slavery for the pleasant sound-sake of the sid­dle of a free Parliament. But will you indeed freely and chcer­fully submit unto what ever in such an assemblie, shall be deter­mined? What? thoug it be the establishment of Popery? the extirpation of true Religion? the introduction of tyranny? the propagation of Idolatry? error, heresie, and blasphemy? the burning, butchering, and destroying of men and women truely fearing God, for keeping faith and a good conscience? Will you say, I suppose things not to be supposed, have not such [Page 18]things been the tragicall effects of such free Parliaments, for­merly so freely chosen, and so freely sitting? and have we not reason to suppose, that the Popish party, with all their interest, forrain, and in our own Nation, doe contribute their concur­rence, and assistance unto you in your present action, with hopes, to live to see such a Parliament, so acting? Although, you might have comfort in your active, or passive submission, unto what e­ver be determined in such an assembly, vested with the supreme Authority of the Nation; yet will you have little comfort in setting up such persons in authority, that shall so act. I would submit, actively or passively to the Turke, or Pope, were I un­der eyther of their Jurisdictions; but I would not help eyther of them to that authority, and power over me.

If this satisfie you, I am glad of it; for you are my noble friend. I use it not as an artifice eyther to engage you, or make other Counties follow our example, which if they doe not, let their posterity judge of their action and ours; for we are borne for our Country, and our Country, our Religion, and our lives are in danger; and we will not be unconcerned.

How this hath satisfied your dissatisfied friends, you may per­ceive by their non-complyance with you herein. Who doe not a little admire, that a person of your wisdome, and character, should ever be so ensnared by the subtile artifice of doubtless your enemies, as well as theirs, to take part with them in their bloody attempts upon the religion, liberties, and peace of the Nation. Surely this argues that the best of men are but men at best, and that the wisest are sometimes weak. Although I shall not conclude concerning your selfe, from your many confede­rates of Papists, Atheists, and the profane people of the land, noscitur ex comite, yet may I so conclude concerning your cause, being theirs throughout, and am not a little troubled, that your selfe, and such as you are, and (as I hear) severall of your Mi­nisters with you, that have done worthily in Ephrata, and been [Page 19]famous in Bethlem, should so readily comply with the desires of Balacke, and his Courtiers, to curse Jacob, and defie Israel; and so frequently, and freely contribute their estates, families, lives, and fortunes, for a sacrifice to that purpose. This is the fourth or fifth time, of Essay's, and attempts of this kinde, wherein, the zealous, and most religious of your partie, (Ba­laam-wise) have endeavoured in a way of sacrifice, and zeale for the worship, honour, and service of God, to curse Israel, have built Altars, and multiplyed offerings at Kiriath-Huzoth, at Mount Pisgah, at Mount Peor, at London, Kent, Essex, Wales, Scotland, Worcester, and now at Chester, striving, if possible, in one place or other to curse them from thence. But God is not as man that he should lye, nor as the son of man that he should repent; he hath given commandement to blesse, and he hath blessed and will not reverse it. I shall not say, you have made use of your Letter as an artifiece to make other Counties to fol­low your example, though the printing and publishing thereof, (throwing them up and downe the streets, and into mens hou­ses and shops, as fishers doe their baits when they are about to angle, (though perhaps not by your order) could have no other designe. The truth is, there is too little of art, and lesse of ar­gument therein to make it effective that way; viz. to follow your example, which if they should, their posterity with abhor­rence, and amazement, would bewail and censure the same, viz. that when God and their Country by a long and bloody wa [...]re, at last had made them the freest people under the hea­vens, and had possest them with the blessed Gospel of Jesus Christ, in the greatest libertie, and power thereof that ever was in any part of the world since the coming of it into the world, even their Ancesters, their unhappy Ancesters, of their own accord, in time of peace, and settlement, did rise up and le­vie a warre, striking hands together with Papists, and all sorts of wicked men, and by meanes thereof subjected both their miserable selves and posterity under the insupportable yoak of slavery and Popery. But you will (I hope) finde that the stone wherewith you have begun to burthen your selfe, will be too heavie for you, for hitherto all that have burthen'd [Page 20]themselves with it have been broken in peices by it, for there is a considerable party in England full of that truth you speak of, viz: We are born for our Country, and our Country, our religi­on, and our lawes are in dangtr of Tyranny Popery and slavery, and we will not be unconcerned.

But we are faithfull and peacefull in the land, and if they in authority will decline hostility, and agree of a means to admit the old members of both Houses, or to call a new free Parlia­ment, let him be, and he onely is truly a Traitor that resolves not his judgement, and obedience into their determinations. I am

Sir
Your humble servant,
George Booth.

UNto whom you are faithful and peacefull in the land, is now well known, faithfull and peacefull unto the old Roy­alist, and their crew of Papists Atheists; &c. on whose behalfe you have now engaged, having (it seems) quitted your old faithfulnesse unto the contrary party, and disturbed, yea de­stroyed the publick pe [...]ce of the land, what authority you have to impose termes upon those whom you confesse and subscribe to be in authority, and who gave you that authority I would gladly know; the persons you resist you acknowledge to be in authority, and cannot deny, but that under them, you may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all Godlinesse and honesty, and if so, those Ministers and others that have provoked you unto this hostility, have manifested but little divinity, and soundnesse in the faith. It was little expected, that the Ambaptists of Munster should thus appeare in the Presbyters of Cheshire, taking up arms against their superiours in authority, and at the same time with their swords in their hands write themselves the falthfull and peacefull in the land, but your termes are con­siderable, If they in authority will decline hostility (and suffer you [Page 21]to continue yours) and agree of a means to admit the old mem­bers of both Houses, (to undo all, that they in authority have done, build up what they have thrown down, throw down what they have built up, and at last cut off the heads of them, that shall so admit them) or call a new free Parliament (for the ends aforesaid) let him be (and he only is truly) a Traitor thet resolves not his judgement and obedience unto their determination, yea ra­ther let him be (for he is truly) a Traitor that shall attempt by force of armes, to bring this to passe, and that resolves his judge­ment and endeavors according to such determinations.

Sir, You have had (and I beleeve very desetvedly) the re­putation of a Gentleman of honour, prudence and piety, and therefore can savour things, as well religious, as reasonable, for my part, I know you not so much as by face, but by fame, and had not supposed my selfe at all concerned in your Letter, had I not very lately met with it in Print, endeavouring to proselite all that read it (but they are but flyes that are catcht by cob­webs) the report I heare of you, doth much encourage me to be free with you. Sir, Be pleased to consider your present standing, before you make any further progresse. And whether you have not levied, and raised a war, for those ends (for I pre­sume them good) which may be more hopefully attained by a victory against you, then on your side. I beseech you Sir, what are your aimes? Is it PUBLICK PEACE? the Nation had it; why did you disturb it by a publick war? Is it PUBLICK SAFETY? Is that to be had in fields of blood? Is it PUBLICK PLENTY? Peace brings plenty, but wars wants, Is it PUB­LICK LIBERTY? Is there any tyranny to that of war? Is it to ease the people of PUBLICK BURTHENS? what bur­thens to those of war? Is it PUBLICK SETTLEMENT of religion and laws? war is the confusion and ruine of both, if these be not your aims; what are your Ailments? ARE YOU DISSATISFIED WITH THOSE IN AUTHORITY HOW THEY CAME TO IT? Will you purchase this satisfaction with the price of blood? by what command from Gods word is it incumbent upon you, to seek satisfaction in that particular upon those terms? ARE YOU TROUBLED [Page 22]AT OUR STATE UNSETTLEMENT? why doe you in­terrupt the settlement thereof? though our Governours have been unsettled and our governments unsetled, yet have we not had setled lawes and executions thereof, under them all? and is not unsettlement of Governments, and Governours, where the Laws notwithstanding are duly executed, better then a co­ercive settlement, under tyranny, where the wills and lusts of men must goe for laws? ARE YOU TROUBLED AT OUR CHURCH UNSETTLEMENT? so am I, as well, as you, and could heartily wish, we were all setled in the unity of faith, truth, and love; but is war the way to this settlement, is not unsettlement about the truth better then settlement in error, Popery, Idolatry, and suspersticious formality? may not a pious mind be of an unsetled judgement, about some particulars in faith and worship? Is war the way to set le mens judgements in the things of God? what? by beating their brains together like addle eggs? what would you have those in authority to do about this setlement, which they have not done? Have they not setled Presbyttery (your own religion and form of Govern­ment) by a Law, as the onely National Church governmentst Hath not that form only the civill sanction of Parliamentary authority, and publick maintenance for the encouragement thereof? Is there any thing wanting but compulsive power to enforce all men unto that form? and is that such a grievance? Is other mens peace their perfecution, other mens liberty, their bonds? Are there not pious persons of the Episcopal, Congre­gational, Anabaptistical, as well as of the Presbyterial way? ARE YOU AFFRAID THAT THOSE IN AUTHORI­TY WILL PUT DOWN THE MINISTERS (for that's the clamor among some) have not those in authority [...] o­ther to fear, that the Ministers will destroy them? What have the Parliament done against them? have they not established their government by a Law? put out many of the Episcopall party from their livings, and placed them in their rooms? have they not confirm'd their tythes, notwithstanding the Petitions of many well affected to the Parliament, to the contrary? have they not setled many thousands (if I am not much mistaken, [Page 23]above one hundred thousand pounds per annum) augmentation, where their livings have been small? have they done for other Ministers, or people, of any other way, or form of Govern­ment, as for them? and have the Ministers, or people of any o­ther form (since their establishment) engaged against those in authority, as these have done? have not many of them (I speak not of all, no, some are of more holy, meek, merciful, moderate, quiet, and of good tempers, spirits, and deportments, whom I love, and honour in my heart, and the Lord increase their num­ber) but (I say) have not many of the Presbyterian way, yea and some, that have received greatest favours from the Parliament, fomented, levied, and raised actual wars against them? and have been the principall contrivers, complotters, and promo­ters thereof? Have they not joyned with Cavaliers, Papists, Atheists, any whosoever would lend them their hand unto that work, and hath not this been their practice not once or twice but 4 or 5 times, as oft as any possible opportunity, or advan­tage occurs them hereunto? Have not these things a tendency in them to beget such a thought as this in the hearts of those that are in authority; that either these Ministers will down with us, or we must down with them, for they are not obligeible, but doe alwayes return evil for good, I verily believe, nothing doth more weaken the authority, and shake the very standing of those men in the thoughts of several thousands in the Land, then these ways of theirs, for who can abide a bloody Ministry, that stirs up the people (instead of being Gods to one another, in mercifulness, kindness, and goodness) to become even De­vils, and Furies to one another, cutting the throats, and knock­ing out the brains one of another, but blessed be God it is not thus with them all, for tho several intelligences do impute our present commotions unto many of their Ministers in their seve­ral Counties; yet is there a considerable party of the Presbyte­rian way that are not guilty of these things.

Lastly, ARE YOU OFFENDED AT THE GREAT GROVVTH, OF ERRORS, HERESIES AND BLAS­PHEMIES IN THE LAND? so am I as well as you. But is that warre, which is assisted by Papists, Atheists, and open [Page 24]blasphemers, that against their principles of their own professed faith, doe blaspheme, and curse God, any way hopefull unto the destroying of these errors, heresies, and blasphemies? It is true, errors were never (in our dayes at least) more progres­sive then now. It is as true, that the truths of the Gospel were never more freely preached then now; neither were there ever in former dayes here in our own Nation, or in all the world so many good Ministers, with such freedome of truth as at this time in these Countryes; nor ever such advantages put into the hands of those duely and in Gods way to suppresse errors, heresies, and blrsphemies, (I say) if they whose worke it is so to doe, would make it their worke to doe it. Sir, upon an impartiall perusall of all, that you affirm, for the justification of your present engagement, in raising a warre; I cannot perceive the least iota of Gods holy word, or good reason, for your vou­cher therein. To begin a war in times of peace (especially the blood of thousands of the Saints of God of both parties being in danger thereby) requires a call from the mouth of heaven, as audible, as the very thunder. And blessed be God, that we are nor the beginners of this war, but on the defensive side. Sir, we are for your liberties, though you against ours; we pray for you, though you war against us: your liberties, for your sakes, are as dear unto us, as our own, for our own sakes, That the cause of God, and his truth, whether it be on your side, or on ours, may take place and prosper, and that you, and we, and all the people of God with you and us, (if it will stand with the good pleasure of God) may be preserved from violence, and blood, and blood-guiltinesse, is my most sollicitous, and ha­bittuall desire, and for which I shall

CRI IN HOPE.
Sir,
I am your humble servant,
unknowne to you, and there­fore unnam'd.
[...] S.
20th August. 1659.
FINIS.

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