CHAP. I.

IT behoveth every man, who de­sires rightly, and in order, to institute his actions; first, to consider the end, or aime of such his enterprises.

2. They who are drawn to Court, prefix not to them­selves the like end; for some are led thither by hope of gain, others by ambition, and hope of honour.

3. Some are drawn thither by a desire of commanding others; some also (as Seneca saith) by a desire of destroying, hurting, and procuring [Page 2]businesse to others. Few propose and intend the advantage and safety of the Prince.

4. The way of obtaining this (whatever their ends be) is common to all Courriers (to wit) the favour of the Prince. In the prosecution here­of, every one sets his wits on worke, and is very industrions.

5. To get the Princes favour, its needfull that you be both known to him, and also approve your Manners and Actions, and by some laudable way please him.

6. There are some the Splendor of whose Fa­mily and Authority by reason of their office (whe­ther more ample or mean; whether purchased by Money or discended by Inheritance) hath forti­fied their admittance to the Prince. These are exempted from labouring addresses; and are, as it were, in the mid-way to further promo­tion.

7. They to whom these things are wanting in the beginning are put to more labour. But when once they come to be known to the Prince so that he judge them fit for his service, are often moun­ted above others, because they being raised from a lower place (at least from a matter fortune) become more subject, and more attained to the will of the Prince; whom they more submissively reverence and esteem, as the sole Author of their Dignity and Promotion.

8. The meanes and way of Nobles (so born) is very different and hath much disparity. The Dignity of their Office or Family puts a kind of necessity on them to maintain their own honour, and sometimes to preferr their own opinion be­fore [Page 3]the Prince's; who is also oft-times more difficult to promote them, out of a kind of Emu­lation or feare, lest their Authority should in­sult against the Author thereof, which to represse would be hazardous to himself and his dominion. On the contrary, the suppression of one raised from basenesse is more proclive; so that if the Prince turn his back on him, or suffer him to be at the will of great Ones (who for the most part have an evill eye on such) he soon failes. I speak of Princes discreet and prudent, and who know how to limit and circumscribe the power of those whom they love and advance, not conferring on One the whole stresse of Command, but even holding under the very Peers; yet this course hath not been expedient to some Princes.

CHAP. II.

THere are two wayes especially and most com­mon and frequent whereby Courtiers pro­cure to themselves Authority and Favour with the Prince.

1. One is the course of such who go about to procure to themselves and hunt after publique Charges, Offices, and Dignities; and, in the interi­valls of such Dignities and Imployments more neer, content themselves with such as are lower & at greater distance from Supremacy.

2. The other, is of such as follow the Court [Page 4]continually seeking to be imployed in the Prin­ce's most secret businesses and extraordinary soli­citations for others.

3. The last of these is the most compendious, and beares the impresse and footsteps of such as have been in the most flagrant and flourishing favour and acceptance with their Prince. Such was Mecoenas with Augustus, and Salustius with him also and Tiberius his Successor. Of whom Tacitus in his Annal 3. sayes thus: Although Sa­lustius emulating Mecoenas by a prompt and rea­dy entrance to honour, yet without the dignity of a Senator, out-stript many in power, who had triumphed and were of Consular dignity; being divers from the institutes of the Auncients by his trimnes and sprucenesse, and by wealth and a­boundance more prone to luxury; had never­thelesse such vigor of mind as was fit for great negotiations, and so much the sharper by how much he did ostentate and brag of sleep and sloath­fulnesse.

The like to whom was Mella, of whom the same Tacitus in the twelfth of his Annals, saith: Mella being descendred from the same Linage with Gallio and Seneca abstained from the desire of honour through a prepesterous ambition, that being a Roman Knight he might equalize the power of a Consul, and also believed that it was a shorter way to get riches by procurations and soliciting for others, then by negotiating for the Prince.

CHAP. III.

TO be made known and be approved to the Prince the wayes are divers also, according to the diversity both of the Suitors at Court, and of the Times. There are some which render themselves known by some action (notably ei­ther usefull or glorious) or else by their (more then vulgar) vertue and honesty. To some, ano­ther mans recommendation hath opened the way to the Prince, and this way is more usuall then the rest.

2. Princes act in place so eminent above o­thers, and they are hedged about with such a nu­merous troop of Noble and deserving Courtiers that a Novice or new commer can scarce presse through such a thicket of obstacles unlesse there be some which may lead him by the hand and even force his entrance through them, or else that he himself can (by some unusual action) draw the eyes of all men and consequently of the Prince towards him.

3. Memorable is the fact of a certain Architect whom some call D [...]mocrates, others Stacicrates who desiring to be known to Alexander the great, when all the great Ones refused to bring him to the King, consults and resolves with himself to offer himself to the Kings view, naked, and not annoin­ted [Page 6]with oyl, his head invironed with a Crown of Popler; a Lyons skin cast over his right should­er, and holding in his right hand a wharle-Bat or clubb. And forthwith in this Attire he approaches the presence of Alexander sitting on the Tribunal: the novelty hereof drew the eyes of all, and of Alexander also, so that he commanded him to be brought unto him. And although the King he approved not the Project, yet he ordered he should be inrolled, and took him as one of his Family at Court.

4. We have brought this Example not to per­swade any man that by such a Nugament or tri­fle he may insinuace into the Princes favour, but to shew that such (who are at a distance) unlesse they be assisted by some flourishing in Authority, are not fit to break through such a troop of men who compasse the Prince about, unlesse by some notable exploit or unusual accident they seem to merit; and, as the Poet saith, To be pointed at with the finger; and that it be said of him, (That's the man!)

CHAP. IV.

1. AN unadvanced Courtier, and he who de­sires both to be known to, and beloved of his Prince, ought to consider both the manners and conditions of the Prince, and those his fa­miliars in whom he most confideth; of great Ones also, and of all those, who either are able to assist him, or, on the contrary, (being snatcht from the Prince, either by the emulation, fear, envy, hatred, or endeavour, of himself or those about him) are able to prejudice him. First, it is necessary, that he have a clear insight into the inclinations and customs of the Prince, which do commonly follow the temperature of his body; for although this may be concealed by cautelous and wary Princes, yet it can hardly be but that at last it will break forth, and shew it self; since all their actions are so exposed to the eyes of all men, that it cannot be, but some will take notice which way they tend. They are also some­times so sharply stimulated and enraged, by the weightinesse of negotiations, that forgetting to dissemble, they betray their ingenies and naturall dispositions: Even Tiberius, although the most crafty Artificer of dissimulation, could not so well bear up the scene of his contracted brow, [Page 8]but that time, by little and little, brought all his Arts to light.

2. But since the propensions and inclinations of all men, but chiefly of Princes, are divers, and almost infinite, yet may they be brought to two heads; one whereof containeth such, as re­spect their Greatnesse; the other, their Plea­sures.

3. Greatnesse consisteth either in fame or wealth, or in the obsequiousnesse of their Sub­jects, or, lastly, in the strength, puissance, and faithfulnesse of Armies. In these, as the Prince fareth well, and need requireth, a man ought to accommodate his endeavours; which whosoe­ver doth wittily, (provided he be neither suspe­cted nor hated upon any other account) shall doubtlesse be mostly accepted with his Prince.

4. The same is to be conceived and judged, concerning the vitious pleasures and affections of Princes: If he be of a diffident and timorous Genius, you may conceive, that a bold Accuser & Delator, and one who careth not much for the envy of great ones, and is prompt and ready to execute his Prince's commands, shall find ac­ceptance with him; such a one Tacitus describeth Sejanus to be, He had a body, (saith he in the fourth of his Annalls) able for labour, a bold mind, shie and wary of himself, to others a dis coverer of crimes, closely flattering and proud, openly composed and modest, inwardly gripe­ing and covetous.

5. If the Prince delight in drinking, he will delight in those thereunto addicted; for which cause, Tiberius loved Pomponius, and Lucius Piso; [Page 9]whereof Suetonius writing of Tiberius, in his chap. 24. saith thus, Afterwards the Prince, (to the corrupting of publick manners) spent two whole nights and daies, in continuall eating and drinking, with Pomponius, Flaccus, and Piso; on the one of which, he conferred the Province of Syria; on the other, the Presidentship of the Ci­ty of Rome; and in books professed them, omnium horarum amicos, his jolly friends and company at all hours.

6. The same Tiberius, (as Suetonius reports) preferred a most ignorant and simple fellow, that fought onely for a Questorship, and Tax-gathe­rer, before his Nobles, for drinking at a Banquet, himself taking off his whole glasses.

7. Society in lust endeared Tigellinus to Ne­ro, as Tacitus, Annal 14. hath it: Tigellinus, saith he, became more strong in the Princes mind, be­ing associated with him in his most intimate and close pleasures, So Petronius the Arbitrator, and Judge of Elegancy, (they are the same Histori­ans words, Annal. 16.) being taken in among those few familiars to Nero, he thought nothing pleasant and delicate, in his affluence and plenty, but what Petronius had given his approbation of. After the same example, Commodus and Heliogaba­lus, preferred to all the dignities of the Empire, men most like themselves in licentiousnesse.

8. Mutianus was not so well beloved of Vespa­sian, for his faithfull duty and actions, as for that he was most fit (before others) to satisfie his avaritious desires.

9. Such covetousnesse endeared a certain youth to Isaacius Angelus, (who held the Em­pire [Page 10]after the death of Theodorus) whom he made President of his Exchequer, (although he could hardly write) upon hopes to participate of the large Bribes, which he there might have opportunity to take, from such as had occasion to make use of him in that employment.

10. Manuel Comnenus, an Emperour also, see­king for a sharp Exactor, and crafty Artificer, in gathering of Tribute and Customes, and one that might largely supply his prodigality with mony, chose John Rucius, a fellow rude, and morose, and testy, hard to be accosted and spoken to, of intolerable asperity and sharpnesse; and, in a word, Procuratorem vultu qui praeferat ipso, who carried a Procurer or Solicitor in his very face. And not content herewith, or as if that were not enough, put him in such high Authority, that he not onely trampled upon all others in dignity, but would abrogate and disannul the Decrees and Edicts of the Prince, and Ordinances of the Se­nate, upon pretext of his houshold affairs, sha­ving and poleing the most necessary advantages, (such as was the custody of the Gallies) the chief strength and benefit of the Empire.

CHAP. V.

1. NOw that they who desire to find accep­rance with a Prince, ought to serve him in his affections, is a thing not onely very well known, but also experienced, by the daily use of Courtiers.

2. An honest man will admire this, and sup­pose, that by this rule, he is intercluded and shut out, from any entrance into Court, whereby he is bidden to follow the inclinations of the Prince, since they are oft-times devious and ex­orbitant, from the path of reason and ho­nesty.

3. I confesse, for him that would live a life al­together innocent, and remote from the custom of those, who are addicted to evill Arts, and their own Genius, I esteem it better, that he abstain from Court, because sometimes men are there corrupted, though formerly most innocent and faultlesse.

4. Of such corruptions, let us see an example or two. Festinus, the familiar of Maximinus, in the time of Valentinian the Emperour, had go­vern'd Asia with much renown, and fame of le­nity and modesty, being a sharp reprehender of [Page 12]the violences and cruell facts of Maximinus, and of the calumnies; by which he (for his own ad­vantage) had circumvented many.

5. But observing, that by such doings, his Companion was made President of the Pretorian Bands, (which Dignity was second to the Empe­rorship onely) he changed his course of life, and imitating Maximinus, did many things cruelly and unjustly.

6. John Pucius, (mentioned a little before) ad­ministred in the affairs and treasure of Manuel the Emperour, with great integrity, whereby it came to passe, that the haughtinesse and inhu­man actings of the Emperour, became more to­lerable to mens minds: At length, applying his mind (as Nicetas testifieth) to the getting of wealth, fell short of none of the like Office, in covetousnesse; and became also a president to his friends to do the like, many of whom being cor­rupted by his example, followed his steps: Others, although better, and such as could not be corrupted themselves, yet suffered others to be tainted, for fear of imminent banishment, to such as should dare to oppose themselves.

7. Aristides, just in name and deed, President to the Athenians, of their publick Exchequer, at first, of his own ingenuity, and also to discharge the office of an honest man, was carefull to hin­der those, who were employed under him, from purloyning and robbing the Treasury. At length they accuse him of pilfering, and exclaim on him, as one of the most rapacious and ravenous thieves, that ever had been; and hardly could he escape condemnation. At length being quit, and [Page 13]his Office being prorogued and suspended, he was advised to imitate others, who were his pre­decessors; and to wink at the thefts and leger­demains of his Colleagues. So by and by he got the name and report or a good man, by the opi­nion and judgment of all.

8. Such courses are still taken in the Courts of most Princes, either from the malice of such, as are in chief authority, (and look up­on honest men with disdain) or else by the im­prudence and stupidity, of the Princes them­selves.

9. Therefore to retain honesty in Court, is very difficult. Yet, if any one, by the exigency and necessity of his own fortune, or by the splendour and greatnesse of his birth and lineage, or dignity of Office, or by an impulsive desire to serve his Country and friends, or being called thither by the Prince, shall undergo this kind of life, he may persist therein, in my judg­ment, although a good man; at least, may live there a while; and as opportunity serves, and occasion offers it self, not onely be serviceable to himself, but others also.

10. I speak of the Courts of most harsh and cruell Princes; for to live in the Court of a wise Prince, and one who loves honest men, is far less difficult.

11. Honest men heretofore, undertook pub­lick functions and employments, not altoge­ther out of desire to advance the publick, but sometimes also, that they might anticipate and prevent the entrance of evill men into such em­ployments. For the same causes may they [Page 14]also, and ought to seek accesse to Tyrants, and Princes given to volupty; that so, if not with open face, yet obliquely, and as much as in them lies, they may either impede and hinder pernici­ous counsells, by delaying things evilly consul­ted, objecting some difficulties to them; or ca­sting in some more mild and plausible.

12. Burrhus and Seneca (considering those times) were accounted not onely good men, but good Courtiers, who being governours of Nero in his youthfull time, observed the ingenie and disposition of the Prince to be leight and slip­pery, and proclive to lust; lest he should break forth, to the debanching of any of the most il­lustrious women, granted him to love and court a free woman, whereby in time he restrained his fury, having taken for a cloak of such doings, Se­neca Anuaus Serenus; who pretending love to her, openly bestowed those largesses, (the words are Tacitus his own, in the 13th. book of his Annalls) which the Prince secretly conferred on her. Thus a good man, not knowing how to hin­der luxury, licentiousnesse, and perverse coun­sells, may at least divert them, and bend them to such a course, as from whence lesse hazard may ensue, both to the publick, and the Princes same and renown.

CHAP. VI.

PEthaps some will say, It seldome chanceth that a Tyrant or dissolute Prince takes to him an honest man. Nor can I deny that it is very rare, but this also I affirme, that there are few Princes houses in which some good man (at least) may not be found drawn thither if not by a call from the Prince, yet by a desire of accommodating the good, and infringing the power of evill ones, and may keep his Station there by the aide and benevolence of the better sort, or the friendship of some great or noble One: observing first and keeping that wholesome temperament of Lepidus whom Tacitus in the fourth of his Annals propounds as an ex­ample of a good and wise Courtier, who neither by abrupt contumacy hath irritated and provoked the Prince, nor by a deformed obsequiousnesse consented to all his lust.

2. The same Tacitus commendeth Labeo and Capito; of whom speaking. That age, saith he, bare two Ornaments of peace at once: but Labeo being more famous for his incorrupt freedome and liberty; Ca­pito for his readiness to serve those in Authority, were much approved, Annals 3.

3. It cannot be denied, but that a Courtiers life [Page 16]to an honest man is more beset with difficulties then to another man. But this labour wilbe made good by the greatnesse of the glory and pleasure of mind which he shall have. Moreover, if he act wisely, and accommodate himself to such things as hee sees cannot be changed, I dare be bold to say that he shalbe at length endeared even to the worst of Princes, more deere certainly then others in after times who seldome with due faithfulnesse transact the business of their Prince, at least not so exactly, but that every man may lawfully pro­mise himselfe better service from a good man.

4. To this purpose was the Counsell of Salu­stius and Mecoenas whereby the one to Julius Cae­sar, the other to Augustus, commended the love and friendship of good men because their owne regard of estimation, and religious Conscience, is more prevalent with them to deterr them from dishonest things, then fear of punishment can do others; or their owne imbecillity, or want of strength, can restraine.

5. But, as is said, the growth and sproutings up of evill men is more plentifull in Courts, who chiefly do approve themselves to the Prince by two causes; first by Adulation and doing any ex­ploit the Prince commandeth, and so much the more servile is he by how much the hope of profit allureth: moreover there is this, wherein Princes much please themselves, that they may have some in comparison of whom they (although evill them­selves) may seeme to be good. Others also sup­pose their life more secure amongst such as are like themselves.

6. Dionysius the Tyrant being required to expell [Page 17]from Court a certaine fellow, who by his obsceni­ties had incurred the odium of all men, answered that he must retaine him in the Court, lest him­selfe should seem to be the worst there.

7. They who know themselves obnoxious to some vices have this way with them, that they cloake themselves with a shew of honesty, by com­paring themselves with those who are worse. And it is the old Artifice of such as Rule, to choose an unlike and unequall successor, that so their own doings may appear better & more illustrious. Nor was Augustus other wise minded while he called Tiberius to his assistance seeing his Arrogancy and Cruelty, nor Tiberius when he delivered the Em­pire to Caligula: of which, Tacitus is the Author.

8. But first it is very necessary that an honest man be sober and sparing in speech: for Princes do seldome give freedome to such, nor was it suc­cessefull to Plato the liberty which he usurped to­wards Dionysius Syracusa: for therefore was he de­livered to a certaine Marriner, and sold into the Isle of Creta, from whence being redeemed by certaine Philosophers, he was admonished either to abstaine from the Courts of Princes, or to speak pleasing things unto them.

9. With like counsell Aristotle instructed Ca­listhenes his kinsman, whom he was fitting and preparing to accompany Alexander that he should speake but seldome and pleasant things to him, up­on whose word his life depended.

CHAP. VII.

1. IT cannot otherwise be but Flattery must be used with such dispositioned Princes as have been spoken of, that so a man may oblige them. But this is not to be done after any manner of way; for, a too sordid and servile Adulation and flattery displeased even Tiberius; who was heard when he went out of the Court to speake in Greek to this effect (O men fitted for servitude). They are the words of Tacitus in the 3 of his Annals.

2. Flattery usurped and too often used becomes as hurtfull as when omitted and neglected. For it many times happens that he whom we manifestly flatter, suspects us of deceit and craftiness towards himselfe. It is the judgment of Aeschines and Plutarch, that flattery ought to have something of truth, and of the species and shaddow of liberty and freedome; that so we may perswade not onely the Prince, but others, that we speake cordially, and thereby conserve our Credit and Esteeme with them.

3. Croesus in the time of his reigne had through­ly learned the Ingenies, and inclinations of kings, and what would please, or displease them: for when on a time Cambyses king of the Persians had enquired of those that stood about him, what [Page 19]they judged of him in Comparison of his father Cyrus, and all had consented that he was greater then Cyrus, because he had added Egypt, with the Command of the Sea to his paternall kingdome: but when Croesus his turne came to speake, he adjudged him inferiour farre to Cyrus, because as then he had begotten none like to himselfe. This answer seemed to savour somewhat of freedome, and was therefore the more satisfactory to Cam­byses his vanity then the rest.

4. Notable was the flattery of Valerius Messala reported by Tacitus in the first of his Annals, Messala Valerius, saith he, added this that the Sacra­mentall Oath was yeerly to be renewed in Tiberius his name. And being asked of Tiberius whether or no he had uttered this Sentence of his own head answered that he spoke it spontaneously and that in those things which concerned the publique, he could use no other Counsell then his owne with­out hazzard of offence, and so there remained nought but the species or shew of flattery.

5. Like to this is that which the same Tacitus reports of Ateius Capito in the third of his Annals. That Lucius Ennius a Roman Knight being accu­sed of Treason in that he had coyned into money a Promiscuous Effigies of the Prince, Caesar quashes and countermands the accusation, Ateius Capito openly slights the business out of a kind of freedome (for neither ought the power of judging and determining be taken away from States-men and Counsellors neither ought such an evill Acti­on to passe unpunished) was not much troubled thereat, lest he should thereby permit an in jury to be done to the Common-wealth.

[Page 20]6. It were easie to bring other examples of this kind; but those that have been produced, may suf­fice to instruct such, on whom a necessity of Adulation and Flattery is imposed. And lest such mens flattery should be conjoyned with pub­lique or private discommodity, it's sufficient that it be sometimes satisfie the vanity of the Prince.

CHAP. VIII.

LEt a Courtier likewise beware that he inter­meddle not with the Counsels of his Prince although called thereto, and so cannot honestly, avoid it. For such Princes do for the most part aske Counsell with the same mind that Xerres did, when he went about the Warre of Greece. He convocated the Princes of Asia as if he would deliberate with them about the businesse of the Warre. I have call'd you (saith he) my Nobles to Counsell, lest I should seem to act after my own list without your advice; But yet remem­ber that your obedience to us in these things is rather required from you, than a carefull and doubtfull deliberation. Cambyses, the Predecessor of Xerxes, desiring to marry his Sister, inquired of his Counsellors whether any Law of the Per­sians did forbid such a Marriage. They observing that the King inquired, not so much about this [Page 21]out of a desire to have the question absolved and his doubt cleered, but that he might have a plain­er discovery of their minds, answered that no Law indeed allowed what the King required, but that there was a kind of law which avouched that Kings might do what them liked. So that a man may judge, whether credit or obedience be to be given to him when he asketh our advice, even from the inclination and disposition of the Prince, and the nature of the businesse.

2. You have already had Examples of Kings I will give you another of a man who although he bore not the name and title of a King, yet sup­plyed the office of one formerly in Spain. Ferdi­nando being dead, the Pope of Rome and the Em­perour Maximilian exhort Charles De Austria, (then Agent in Flanders) to take upon him the ti­tle of King of Spain, although his Mother Joan the Daughter of Ferdinando was alive, and by reason of sicknesse unfit for government. The Nobles are convened in Parliament, before whom Cardinal Ximenes eloquently setteth forth rea­ons to excuse the Novelty of the businesse. The Nobles being more observant of an ancient Cus­tome and of the Queen, then was meet obstinately vote against the King who soon after was to suc­ceed. Ximenes leaping from his seat, and being moved, shews that the businesse in agitation, was not to be doubted on, nor needed their counsels or advice, and that Kings in their entrance to a Kingdom are not to expect the Consent of Subjects. That they which were convened were not callèd thither by necessity, but that they might have occasion by the promptitude, and rea­dinesse [Page 22]of their suffrages, to ingratiate themselves with the Prince; and that they might seem to act out of duty, what was to be done out of fa­vour. Not expecting therefore their approba­tion, he affirmed that Charls would proclaime himself King at Madrid, whose example other Citties afterwards followed.

3. Such reason of their Actions do Princes use, not only in like, but in most Cases. Scarce a­ny thing is advised for other end then this only, that their designes may receive approbation by the many suffrages, and votes they have for them; or else to take an inspection of the mind and bent of such as they advise with. Such was the fetch of Tiberius, as Tacitus witnesseth.

4. A Courtier therefore must carefully search out the mind of the Prince, lest he accidentally perswade to any thing that may prove offen­sive.

5. The Princes will, being dubious, let him seigne somewhat to shake off the businesse pro­pounded, and (having brought arguments on both sides) let him leave the free election and choice to the Prince; if he conceive not throughly the businesse, hearing the reasons on the contrary, if he be wise, let him alter his opinion.

6. Nor shall that shame and blushing (for truly it is a shamefull although familiar evill with great ones, that they blush to be inferior to such whose advice they follow) disorder the Prince, when you remit the liberty of conclu­ding to his own prudence. And you shall also avoid the Perill which is imminent to Counsellors [Page 23]when the things they advise the Prince to, contra­ry to their expectation.

7. If following his first designes the Prince shall not obtain successe, he will at least acknowledge the Courtiers prudence, who foresaw a future evill while it was yet evitable and to be eschew­ed.

8. If you be urged to give your opinion con­cerning a thing altogether unlawfull, you ought to find out some pretext of delay, or to intreat that a third man be called, for the more diligent examining thereof; whereby the thing being more maturely waighed, it may appeare whether any thing in it concerne the Princes dignity or safety.

9. By the former way Burrhus inhibited Ne­roes first attempt to kill his mother, himself pro­mising toexecute her if she were found guilty of the offence, and that that should make her defence no not her parents. In the interim while the ob­jections are preparing to be published, Neroes rage is abated, fears are asswages, and the cogi­tation and thought of the fact, although not al­together abandoned and cast out of his mind, yet was deferred till another time.

But this way doth not often nor in all busi­nesse take place, but chiefly in ambiguous and doubtfull matters; yet before one under take such a businesse, a man ought to look into the ingeny and disposition of the Prince and whether he can bear such protractions and delayings or not; for there are some so impatient of loyterings and de­layes, that whoever useth them, shall certainly incurre their displeasure.

CHAP. IX.

HE that hath to do with such kind of Princes, ought to be skilful and expeditious in exe­cuting subitanious and haste-requiring Com­mands.

2. Sith that (as it oftentimes happens) we may be put to it, not to advise, but to find out a way to execute designes, if these seem to oppose both Reason and honesty, wayes are to be propo­sed as remote and at as much distance as is possi­ble, & such as may be wound about with the shew of Facility, or Equity, or Security: moreover it must be offered to consideration, that suddain undertakings are discriminous, and full of diffi­culties.

3. Unlesse the Prince be hasty and impatient, I doubt not but he will follow that which he shall judge to be most facile and safe. But if (through impatience) he will not hear such coun­sels as tend to protraction, or stay; neverthelesse, such a kind of anxiety of prudence, or affection towards the Prince may excuse him that per­swades; who had rather things were done slowly with security then prematurely and sud­denly with destruction to their Master.

4. But if in such precipitate Course as the [Page 25]Prince shall choose, some difficulties shall oc­cur, much more then will he perceive the pru­dence and discretion of him, that perswaded the contrary course. If he shall give ear to those, who propound slower waies; such interstice or pau­sing time, will administer many things, which may restrain the will and cupidity of the Prince; and himself may observe, that what he had de­sign'd, could not have been done, or, at least, not without absurdity.

5. But oftentimes, that which the Prince propounds to himself, is brought to that passe, that even in its first rise, it may be acknowledg­ed very difficult; but in its progresse, plainly unatchievable, and not to be accomplished. You may not at all animate the Prince, to undertake such things; rather with venerable silence ad­mit, that he observe his own mind, lest while you disswade, and difficulties arise, he seek an easier way to fulfill his desire, which otherwise (spen­ding his force amongst those obstacles) would of its own accord vanish, and be asswaged.

6. Sometimes it so falls out, that the Prince demands the execution of some wicked things, from a good man; in which case, I suppose, no man can be so well fortified with restraining reason, but that he may be sometimes tainted with such defilements, especially if opportunity, and the reason of the thing, take away all place for excuse, or substituting another to the office and administration. This course therefore was made use of by Burrhus, when Nero consulted the killing of his mother, where no other effect followed his dissembled silence, and the strait [Page 26]wherein he was, then; that a woman (though otherwise alwaies weak and impotent) should, after an injury, be more sharpened and imbit­tered.

7. For Burrhus and Seneca being sent for, stuck for some time both doubtfull and fearfull: Tacitus, in the 14th. of his Annals, saith, They were both a long time silent, lest being provoked, and put to it, they should disswade him. After­wards Seneca (till this time more prompt and ready) looks upon Burrhus, as if the question should be put, whether or no the murther should be committed, and put in execution by the Souldiery. Burrhus answers, That the Preto­rians were obliged to the House of the Caesars, and (being mindfull of Germanicus) durst not act any bloody thing against his progeny. Let Anicetus fulfill his engagement. Thus Burrhus freed both himself and his Souldiers, from exe­cuting a very great villany.

8. I confesse, thou canst not merit at the hands of such a one, whom thou employest and en­tanglest in such commissions. But as the case stands, I think it more conducible, and of greater avail, that such as are like Anicetus, should ra­ther execute such things, then thou.

9. Most safe it is, to foresee in ones mind and thought, the desires of a Prince; and before they break out, or take too deep root, to grub them up, or prune them.

10. There are very many, who have experi­enced the great force and strength, of kind and flattering entreaties, and (as Parysatio called them) those silken words, which some use about [Page 27]such businesses as these. But such as desire to use this kind of remedy, need be in great autho­rity with the Prince, and to have audience from him, as one speaking (which is very rare) not more from affection, then from reason. To con­clude, in some one or other, this course may succeed, but not in all things nor cases.

11. Their way seems best to me, who by their genius, being facetious, and apt for witty con­ceits, and upon that account, in favour with the Prince; may represent to him the danger and turpitude, of such counsells, as the Prince is feared to encline to, by some opposite and pithy Narrative or Comedy, and such as may seem to aime at something else.

12. To this, as we have shewed, a great dex­terity and readinesse of wit, and pleasantnesse of speech, is very requisite: And also he must take heed, lest the Prince smell out and per­ceive, that himself is the argument of such mi­micall discourses, or comicall representations and shews: As Tiberius, of his fratricide, and killing of his brother, in a Tragedy, composed by Scaurus, which he named Atreus; and Domi­tian of his divorce, in that of Helvidius, concer­ning Paris and Ceno, believed themselves to be upbraided. To this it is also necessary, that this narration be fitly and trimly interwoven with other things, lesse squaring and agreeing with the Prince; and that which principally furthers the businesse, is, that it ought not to be incul­cated, and repeated seriously; and yet, lest it should slip by his ear, it may be iterated by a [Page 28]casuall repetition. The pleasant conceitednesse of the Narrative, makes a deeper impression of those things which are spoken, and because they appear spoken, as not studied-for, but ex tempore, and according to a present occasion and subject, they will not offend the disdainfull ears of the Prince.

13. Other waies there are of this Moderation, whereby you neither foment and bring aid to the Prince's lusts, nor in vain wrestle with them, are fetcht from Occasion, and the very nick and junctures of times; and from Accidents, such as even the approach and suddain comming in of one of the Prince's Pages or Lacquies, may pro­duce to you.

14. If the case wholly require, that you must oppugne some one of the Prince's affections, then ought you to assail and set upon another affecti­on, equally valid and prevalent in him, and so cause a kind of reluctancy and wrastling in the Prince's mind. And first demonstrate, and care­fully shew, that whatever we speak, proceeds from that veneration and duty, which we owe unto him. By this means, Mutianus held Domi­tian to his businesse, and kept him from acting that to Cerialio, which (prompted by what hope, I know not) he endeavoured to have effected.

CHAP. X.

THat these things may more prosperously be prosecuted and effected, it greatly condu­ceth to know the Princes temperature, which they for the most part have in common with others, this onely excepted, That whereas in other matters they are more powerfull, so are they more impotent and weak, in moderating their affections and inclinations; and these, for the most part, are more violent in them, then in others.

2. He in whom yellow Melancholy, (which in Greek is called Choller) is prevalent, will be prompt and ready for action, proud, subject to anger, a lover of humble and obsequious duties and services, heavily offended with such as are refractory, impatient in executing, precipitate and hasty in Counsells, a contemner of other mens judgments, if they discord with his own; cruell to such as injure him, but placable to such as are hurt, if they remember not again the injuries; hating such as are mindfull of an of­fence; a speedy and preventing revenger of such, whom he fears or doubts.

3. He who shall be a manuall servant to such [Page 30]a one, had need to have his eyes and Eares open, that he may readily understand and execute at the beck of his Command not objecting, nor pro­tracting, least by his contradictions he move the opinion and Imagination of the Prince to Arro­gancy, and seeme to him to think him selfe more wise then hee. Let him not be shie to submit to the meanest office, even to that which may seem below his owne fortune, let him bear injuries and not long remember them, and after an affront or rubb, be the more officious. Let him not shew or tell to any what admonitions and advisements he gives him, least he seem to upbraid him; hide­ing and covering over one office with another as one sayes, lest the raine beat thorough. When the Prince is angry, let him not come neere him, for then all things will offend him, and even such as are most deere to him, neither by word nor deed, can then curry favour with him: Familiarity with such a Genius is easily turned into Contempt, (which therefore is to be avoyded) although the Prince himselfe incline towards it. Let all things therefore be composed rather to Reverence and Modesty: for such are Lyons, sometimes kind, but in the end cruell and fierce to such, who are most known to them, even to their keepers.

4. Such as are of a sanguine complexion are mostly of a merry Genius, lovers of pleasures and witty conceits, avoyding the sad intricacyes, and contests in business, desirous of peace and quiet­ness, committing the administration of affairs to others, and bearing nothing more temperately then complaints, Courteous and full of humanity, pleasant and amiable abstaining from in juries espe­cially [Page 31]great ones, not more mindfull of things received then of things done, very desireous to please and accommodate others, and for the most part frank and bountifull.

5. They who are employed under such, may not in any wise neglect the duty of veneration, and must handle serious matters very sparingly. They who transact the weighty and difficult business of the Common-weale, ought not to approach his presence before they be called in, or be assured that he be not at his vacant disports and plea­sures; otherwise they interrupt his chiefe delights, and cause him to blush by their sudden approach, and being taken at unawares feare a secret and racite check or taunt from them. While Philip of Macedon was sporting, and in his pasta Tiempo one comes and tells him that Antipater was at the dore, whereupon he being disturbed, and not knowing how to obscure himselfe hid the dice in the bed, blushing to be seene by Antipater, when he was at his pastimes. Wherefore, as they who have the principall care of the Empire by the prin­ces command, are supereminent to others in seri­ous businesses; even so are they themselves out­stript by others in their free and familiar accesse to the Prince, who avoydes and shunnes the more serious and grave, as discording with his owne Genius and naturall disposition.

6. They who have Jove for their propitious starr, and are capable both of serious matters, and of gameing and pastimes, are for the most part very acceptable to such Princes; so that they be cautious, that while they are absent from the Prince, their too much facility and courtlinesse [Page 32]diminish not their Authority with others. With­out this observation (as the vulgar Proverb hath it) Familiaritas contemptum pariet Familiarity will breed contempt, Contempt will give Audacity and boldnesse to make complaints, as if you did them a kind of wrong and injury, which the Prince going about to take away as being an Enemy to mournfull and sad things, will endeavour to re­move him whom he shall find most manifestly culpable.

7. The Prince who is of Melancholy complexion and disposition is slow in Counsells, pensive museing, diffident, suspicious, witty, and for the most part malizing, disposed to silence, uttering ambiguityes, and rather serving and traceing o­ther mens senses and opinions, then discovering his owne; a dissembler, an enemy to merry con­ceits and familiarity, loving solitude, difficult of accesse, a friend to few and but a cold one, easily hateing, by reason of diffidence and distrust (which never leaves him) avaricious, and absurdly timo­rous, equally hating offences and offenders; im­placably desirous of Revenge, and whom (though reconciled) you had need to feare.

8. With these kinds of dispositions a man must deale circumspectly and warily, & first he ought to be moderate in his speech, and as it were to advise upon every word, left he speak any thing imper­tinent or offensive, and speak not unless compell­ed. In veneration and reverence let him be more then ordinary, abstaining from contradictions, de­murring in counsells unless urged to speak, lest his black Melancholly being incensed turne into Choller, and that into hatred; chiefly, where you [Page 33]think the repulse will be facile and easie. In re­questing be not unreasonable, for to be sent away empty from a Prince is oftimes dangerous, and a Melancholick and sad person is alwayes excessive and superfluous, and will deny that he thought he had offended him whom he so dismissed and ac­count him an enemy; this feare will hardly be bought out by any Artifice whatsoever. Such will remember injuries a long time, and do mea­sure other men by their owne Genius and dispo­sition,

9. In briefe, This constitution is the sharpest of all, difficult, and most uneven and disordred by reason of the variety of things which the imagi­nation representeth and offereth to it. By which their life is made the more laborious who have re­lation to such mens service.

10. The Phlegmatick participateth of the weight and flownesse of the Melancholick; but, as it is unlike in nature and inclination, so is it in malignity and diffidence. He hath his heart as it were environed with Cold, and from hence it is that he distrusts rather himselfe, then others, fear­ing to undertake great matters because he des­paires of the successe, or is ignorant of the way and meanes how to carry them on. He is doubt­full in consults, fearefull in executing, of a stupid Genius, not sharp and harsh in hating, not vehe­ment and eager in loving.

11. For such, an active Minister, and one prompt, and ready in mind and hand, is very con­venient for the Prince when he shall find one fit to execute and accomplish what he accounted desperate, perceiving the imbecillity of his owne [Page 34]Genius: and he will love and admire such a one, and imbrace him as a necessary Creature, and such favour which is bound with an opinion of ne­cessity, is for the most part durable, which such a man observing may so act, that he may effect those things which the Prince looks upon as hard and impossible, and bring them to a prosperous issue, and this shall he do (if possibly) himself; at least, let him not have an associate more prompt then himself, and also beware he be not long ab­sent from Court, lest the chief of businesses be o­mitted by the Prince. For if any be found fitter for such imployment; you shall be lesse valued, or at least, lesse needfull; and so being once or twice passed over, and not imployed in such com­missions, be at last neglected and not accounted of.

12. It is the old art of Courtiers not to choose associates, but such as they themselves doe very much excell in vertue and prudence, that the darknesse of others may be a foil to their splendor, and the Prince may not easily find one whom he may oppose and set against them, or prefer be­fore them. Adde that these lesser ones, as oft as there is need, will easily be open to and ready to serve those to whom they either did, or may owe their fortune, although by base and corrupt wayes and arts. This cannot justly be expected from an equall, or from him who strives in his own strength.

13. These are the kinds of humane Inclinations to which Princes are no lesse obnoxious then Peasants; being propense and readily bent, some­times to to this, sometimes to that course, accor­ding [Page 35]to the prepollency and force and prevalency of this, or the other Temper and constitution.

CHAP. XI.

BUt although these things are often thus, yet are they not for perpetuity and alwayes so to be accounted. Age, Businesse, and Custome do vary and change the temper of the body, why not then the Inclinations and Actions of Prin­ces?

2. In time of Warre, Princes will imbrace mi­litary and fighting men, whose favour (after­wards. by degrees when things are pacified) will easily wear out and wax old. If the Prince incline to pleasutes or any other affection, he will also in­cline to love such as are ministers and furtherers to him therein.

3. See what Tacitus testifies of Tiberius. The times wherein he was had divers changes of customes and manners; he was notable in his life and reputation when a private man, or in command under Augustus; close and crafty, in counter­feiting vertue, whilest Germanious and Dousus were alive; mixt of good and bad, while his mo­ther [Page 36]was healthfull; of intestable and incredible cruelty, but covertly lustfull whilst he loved or feared Sejanus. At last he broke forth into lewd­nesse and dishonorable actions, after that he (having set aside shame and fear) followed his own Inclination. Acute and tart was the Judg­ment which Passienus passed upon Caligula: That there was never a better Servant, nor ever a worse Master.

4. 'Tis incredible to be spoken with what va­rious manners, Marius and Sylla acted: And Plutarch makes a doubt whether Fortune chang­ed their Inclinations, or only unvailed and disco­vered those mischievous dispositions which had long laid hid in them.

5. To speak rightly, The disposition and in­geny of such is not altered, but that which lay hid through feare (that being removed) breaks forth: as Leontius said of Zeno he was like a Ser­pent which being frozen with cold cannot hurt, but being thawed and refreshed by the heat of the fire draws forth his sting.

Tripho, as Josephus witnesseth, while a private person and only a Collector of the Popular bene­volencies and Subsidies, personated a good man; but being made a King, presently slipt off his Vi­zard and disguise, and openly shewed, that what­ever of goodness had appeared in him, 'twas on­ly colourable and counterfeited.

7. Nor was Agamemnon much unlike him, if that be true which Euripides objects to him that he was modest, and easie to be spoken with, before he was made Captain of the Grecians; but present­ly after became an Enemy to his friends, inac­cessible [Page 37]to all, and cloystered himself up in his own house. The Poet addeth a usefull pre­cept.

A worthy sentence, but practised by very few or none; yet Pollio seems somewhat to follow it (if we will credit Seneca) who saies thus: After he was promoted to the most ample degrees of honour, being corrupted by no occasion, would he decline from his accustomed and imbred love of abstinency, never was puft up with prosperity, nor ever through variety of negotiations, did he diminish his deserved commendations and glory.

8. For the most and chief defects of Princes take their rise and originall from Arrogancy, the most individuall and unseparable hand-man and attendant of great Ones. This ushers in con­tempt of other mens Counsells, with such who are perswaded, That by how much they ex­cell others in power, by so much they exceed them in prudence: and some are so transported that they disdain and think it below them, to be under the bonds of either law or reason, and that [Page 38]they cannot be Princes unlesse they may do what they list according to that saying.

Sanctity Piety and faith, are good to private and common persons. Let Kings go which way they please.

9. I should lesse wonder if vulgar Ingenies were only corrupted with such opinions, but I see that the best of mortalls have their minds blinded with these delusions and cheats of power and Puissance.

10. No man heretofore surpassed the seaven wise men of Greece in the precepts of moderation: and none that ever came to the Empire were more cruell Tyrants then those who came from among them.

11. Appianus being about to speak of Aristo the Philosopher rehearseth some; who pro­fessing that name formerly, had exercised Tyranny at Athens: he addeth moreover that some of the Pythagorians (whom he names) who had gotten imployment in Italy had very unjustly abused their command, which makes us doubt whether those Philosophers who so proudly contemned honour and dignities, did it bonâ fide and in good earnest; or rather took) it up as a pretext, and a cloake for their beggerlinesse and floath.

12. Certes, if we may credit Aristophanes, those Pythagorians lived frugally and sparingly, [Page 39]not for vertue, but through poverty, not re­fusing to sup daintily, if any invited them.

CHAP. XII.

1. BUt oftentimes vain fellowes do insinuate and creep into Princes, by occult and se­eret suggests and flatteries, who do very much alter the Prince's genius and disposition.

2. To such kind of men, Tacitus imputeth the haughtinesse and crudelity of Vitellius.

3. Vespasian being naturally of a modest inge­nie, learnt of such Masters to oppresse his Sub­jects, with the iniquity of Tribute, as the same Tacitus testifieth. But in brief, it is most cer­tain, that most of them who have made use of such mens services, have degenerated. Such im­postors curry favour with the Prince, while they ostentate and boast before him his greatnesse, power, and utility; who doth so much the more willingly embrace them, by how much the lesse he knowes and understands the parts of his own office and charge, not perceiving, that they ap­plaud him, that so they may betray him, and ex­pose him to odium and contempt.

4. And truly, the most secure way of betray­ing a Prince, is the being obsequious and service­able to him in his avarice, cruelty, and lust; be­cause [Page 40]that he cannot condemn the Traitor, but he makes himself guilty.

5. The Francs, a people in Germany, with the help of Egidius, then commanding by the Ro­man power, had driven Clodio Comatus out of his Kingdom; one of his friends desiring to have him restored, associates himself with Egidius; and having had sufficient knowledge before, how to do it, inflames and stirs up his avarice and cruelty. At leng [...]h disdaining the Roman illega­lities and injuries, the Francs return to love their King again, and recall him to the Scepter and Kingdome. So this Franck, to betray his Masters enemy, makes use of his own cupidities and lusts, very prosperously.

6. Sejaenus, when the Roman Empire was ap­proaching, and ready to fall to him, see how ma­ny arts he useth: He ha [...] made his observation, how that the City began to disdain Tiberius, af­ter that Agrippina with her children, were at his motion imprisoned. And seeing him inclinable to a cessation from businesse, neglects not to perswade him thereunto; hoping, that during his absence, the stresse of the Empire, and rule of businesse, would be left to him; which so fell out. And in truth, Tiberius for some little time, was Lord of a little Island, and Sejanus Empe­rour.

7. Pereninus guiding the Empire, first cir­cumvented and took away those, who delayed his hopes, by a pretence of conspiracy, which [...] had wrought against Commodus; after­ [...] [...]wes and enticeth Commodus to volup­ [...] and pleasure, whereby he in the interim might [Page 41]undertake the chief affairs, and at length obtain the Empire.

8. The same way entered Bardas, uncle to Mi­chael, Emperour of Constantinople; for he took away The [...]ctistus, the Prince's Tutor, and his own colleague; and caused Theodora, the mother of Michael, to be banished, perswading his young Pupill to take upon him the government; whom, though much unlike himself, he by and by turned to volupty and delights, who giving him­self at length to the driving of Coaches and Waggons, knew no better Art then that. Bardas mean while makes ready the desires of the people for himself, calls to him the learned men, re­stores learning at Constantinople, and had plained out a notable way for his entrance to the busi­nesse, had not another prevented him.

9. I bring not these things to teach any, how Princes may be circumvented, but that good men may admonish Princes themselves, that they ac­count not such men, who sooth them up in their lusts, and depraved actions, more faithfull, then they, who are bold sometimes to denote and ob­serve their evill deeds, with the black pencill of condemnation and disallowance.

CHAP. XIII.

HAving considered what a waiting Courtier is to do, in respect of the Prince, let us come now to what he is to do, in respect of, and a­mongst those, who are his domestick servants, whose Office is continually, to be employed about the Prince's person, and therefore very usefull for such, as se [...]k addresses to him, either by procuring them an extraordinary accesse, or by mentioning them to him, or informing them of occasions and opportunities, to dispatch their businesse. Princes for the most part, carry one kind of countenance in private, and another in publick; and do more freely disclose their minds to those their domesticks, whom they believe to be faithfull and trusty, supposing that their hu­mility and low condition, is not capable of any endeavour, either traiterous or mischievous.

2. Who knowes not, that Claudius was sub­ject to the commands of such, who had been bondmen? One whereof ( Pallas by name) he had so enriched, that himself on a time, complai­ning to one of his wants, had this reply, That if he made sure to be adopted by Pallas, he should forthwith be rich. The same was the Au­thor, that Claudius married Agrippina, after that, by the help of Narcissus (formerly also a bondman) [Page 43]he had slain his wife Messalina.

3. Who knowes not also, that while the Em­pire of Constantinople stood, the power thereof, was sometimes upheld by Eunuchs; and but for them, Arbetius the chief Commissioner of the Empire, had lost his life, when Verissimus accused him.

4. Borilus and Germanus, two kitchen-slaves, by the authority whereby they held Botoniates, one of the Emperours, altogether subject and obnoxious, rendred him strange and absurd to Isaacius, and Alexius Comnenus.

5. Put case, the Prince doth not communi­cate his counsells to them, yet are they more easily sifted out and accused by such. Nor can it be, that a Prince can alwaies keep on his vizard in private: Affections kept close and suppressed, break forth amongst the multitude, and become conspicuous to men, when privacy before hath given them liberty.

6. It is a thing altogether necessary in Court, for a Prince to esteem men of all kinds, even the vilest, usefull to him; and to believe cer­tainly, that prudence and ingenuity encrease to­gether with authority and fortune; which Ar­rianus, writing to Epictetus, shewes, by the ex­ample of Epaphroditus, and his two slaves, where­of, although one was Groom of the Stool to the Emperour, the other a wiper of shoes; yet after­wards Epaphroditus, who had lately sold them as unusefull creatures, not onely insinuated into their favours, but also commended their pru­dence and discretion.

7. Fortune scarce ever advanced any man to [Page 44]that height in Court, but that she procured him as many foes, as friends; and never brought any man so low, but that she could afterwards either hurt him further, or again in some kind or other do him good. Whereupon not in vain, is the observation of Tacitus, in the 6 th. of his Annalls, That while Tiberius was Emperour, it was accounted a magnifick and stately thing, but onely to be acquainted with, and known to, the Porters of Sejanus.

8. It will be then the part of a wise and pru­dent man, to procure the friendship of the Prince's Familiars, whatsoever they be, by any such officious serviceablenesse, as reason and re­putation will permit.

CHAP. XIV.

FRom the Prince's familiars, let us come to such as are great at Court, who are of divers kinds: Some are eminent, by the splendour and excellency of their birth and parentage, yet are not in intimate favour with the Prince; others very gratious with him, and yet not mounted to honours; others prevalent with him, both by honour and favour; others both flourish in his favour, and are employed in negotiations.

[Page 45]2. The benevolence and good will of the first sort of these, will little conduce to thy grouth in preferment, who neverthelesse are to be cour­ted and reverenced, both for their own merits, and also because, that though they may not hurt you themselves, yet may they by their retainers and friends.

3. For men of illustrious and noble Fami­lies, are highly esteemed, and prevail much with such, and with others, by being obliged by an old kindnesse or good turn with others, by the reverence and esteem of their greatnesse and for­tunes, (which easily changes the Princes mind) do therefore favour them, and Retainers to their service.

4. Archilaus, King of Cappadocia, had omitted to salute and court Tiberius, when he was Agent at Rhodes, to his great prejudice and mischief; for Tiberius (having got the Empire) out of a de­sire of revenge, pretending something more spe­cious, commands him to be called to Rome, where the wretched man dyed an untimely death: Yet the Historian testifieth, that he omitted not that duty through pride, but being admonished by some intimate friends of Augustus, because that while Cajus Caefar flourished, being em­ployed in the Orientall affairs, friendships and correspondencies with Tiberius seemed un­safe.

5. We are here to consider, that great ones of this sort of fortune, as they are oft-times im­potent and weak in meriting, yet have strength enough to hurt you: These therefore, although they seem burdenous, and suspected to the [Page 46]Prince, are to be reverenced neverthelesse; and we must make some pretext to restrain their en­vy, lest they become our enemies.

6. If it happen, that the Prince will put thee into the hands of such, (which is usuall with Ru­lers) as you may not refuse this kind of contest or combat, so ought it to be managed with great Art, and choice of Occasion and opportunity, that all men may see that thou actest not only by reason, but also givest satisfaction to the Prince. Such an enterprise is full of hazzard, but (if un­dertaken, as having the Prince for its author) is the way to augmentation and encrease of fa­vour.

7. One here acts all things, in his own name, although he have many helpers, especially such as are under the degree of Nobility; for fear, lest if they should not do so, they might offend the Prince.

8. Another adheres more closely to the Prince, by the encrease of his fame and renown, if he be prudent, choosing specious occasions, of doing laudable service to his Prince, and to the emolument and advantage of the Publick.

9. But a man must be very cautious, lest he at­tempt any thing, that thou canst not bring to pass; for, besides that the vulgar judge all things by the event, and believes, that Right and Justice stands in the same station with Fortune, you will wonderfully weaken your fame and favour, wherewith the Prince embraced you, by sinister successe; For he, to abolish the ignominy, and because he fears, lest he should be debased in the eyes of his Subjects, and animate his adversa­ries, [Page 47]whom he in vain opposed, will be constrai­ned to disguise and hide this authority, and the esteem he had of you.

10. Yet take heed that you believ not, that while I speak of contesting with Nobles & great ones, I would have you act any thing, or deal with them by force, since that cannot be done without tu­mult and noise; nor that you set upon him with contumelies, and calumniations, for that's the part of men of mean fortunes, and base corrupt judgments, and their end is seldom honourable or auspicious. See how it fared with Piso, whom Tibe­rius had sent into Syria, to restrain the hopes of Germanicus, who carried himself so insolently, that the Prince, having advanced Germanicus, was necessitated to leave Piso to publick odium and hatred.

11. When we perswade you to counterplot the designes and endeavours of great ones, and Nobles, we understand such who are unjust, and undertake something, either against the state of the Common-wealth, Religion, Justice, the go­vernment of Armies, or publick Treasure; whom you must so meet with, and prevent, that it may appear to all good men, whom it concerns, that you are not acted therein by any private provo­cation, but by an honest care of the Common-wealth onely.

12. If you would have an example for your imitation, I shall name Cardinall Ximenes, who was chosen by Isabella Queen of Castile, to op­pose the Nobility, who then were not so subject to Kingly command, as at this day. From being a Franciscan Monk, he was made the Queen's Con­fessor; [Page 48]and afterwards, by the counsell of Cardi­nall Mendoza, Arch-Bishop of Toledo; and lastly Inquisior of the faith; and acted with great Autho­rity amongst the Spaniards, and (being the chief Commissioner in the raigne of Isabella, after that in the Raigne of Ferdinand, and at last when the Empire descended to Charles the fifth) contested so with the Nobles, that he held both Prince and people ever devoted and addicted to him.

13. It was reported that he died by Poyson, and himselfe was suspected; but the thing could never be proved, and therefore his death may be more rightly imputed to aged nature (for he was very old when he deceased). And nothing hindereth but that he may be believed to have maintained, and kept his owne fortune (which mostly he ought to himselfe and his owne endeavours) in­tire and flourishing even to the last moment.

14. The same fortune attended not upon Cicho Simoneta, who when Franciscus Sfortia and after him Galeacius his sonne, possessed the City of Millane in Lumbardy under the widow-mo­ther of Galeacius (who was young and under age) was set to oppose the brothers and heires, in re­gard of his trust and prudence; and being beloved for his mannagement of affaires.

15. He, that he might preserve the Empire and Command for his pupill, thrust out the bro­thers of Galeacius, and Robert de. Santo Severino from the citty of Millane. But imagine what en­vy he underwent, and also how lewdly he was soon after destituted and forsaken: for the widow-Mother returning into favour with her adversary made Simoneta the price and reward of her amity [Page 49]and friendship with them; by whom being a long time detained in prison, he perished miserably tortured and quartered by them. Learne hence, how cautelously one ought to trust princes whom you did not sufficiently know to be constant. Such will prostitute their Ministers for a leight matter, to the lust and will of their very enemies.

CHAP. XV.

1. THere are some Nobles (as we said before) gracious indeed with the Prince, yet live without the dignity of office and charge. These if they contribute not to confirme and settle us, yet may procure us so much favour with the Prince, whereby it may be done.

2. They are also usefull by commemorating our merits, or, if need be, to excuse our failings; and by protecting us against the Calumnies, and pri­vate accusations, and detractions of others; who (if they be benevolent) may much advantage us; if irritated and offended, may much hurt and an­noy us. Wherefore the favour of such is to be purchased by any means, at least such as are not unbefitting, or below our condition. You may imagine that these are not so daily tied up to ob­serve the Princes domestick customes and uses; but that sometimes they look abroad to others. [Page 50]And although they have not imployment or office and charge, neverthelesse those whom they recom­mend, (if not otherwise unworthy, or ungratefull to the Prince, or unfit to undergo imployments) are seldome despised, sometimes preferred before others, who (though not unequall in deserving) are yet destitute of such friends and assistants.

3. The third sort we have spoken of, are such who being adorned with great Authority in af­faires, are yet but meanly favoured by the Prince. These are found especially with such Princes who live peaceably, and mind their pleasures being carelesse of publique affaires, and therefore (committing the government to one or other who are faithfull), become averse to hard and difficult businesse, out of a feare of their importance and weight.

4. In such a juncture of affaires, you ought to be more studious in seeking the favour of the Mi­nisters of State, then of the chief Ruler; for he will permit them whom he intrusteth with the admini­stration of government, to choose and delegate others to offices: for it would seeme weaknesse in him to choose any for officers, whom himselfe knowes not to be fit for imployment.

5. There are other Princes, who being more te­nacious and stedfast to their government and Ma­jesty, themselves constitute Officers of State, yet admit them not to their familiar Converse and Acquaintance, nor to their presence, unlesse some weighty business be in agitation, nor intrust them with the dipensing, and bestowing of Offices, out of mistrust and jealousie lest their power by the multitude of Clients and Attendants, should am­plifie [Page 51]and rise to such a heighth, as that from thence, (if they should offend) they cannot be taken downe and dejected. The old custome of such Princes hath been to hold such Ministers under some kind of awe, and to give them ground to believe, that the pile and Bulwarke, which they by their labour in so long time have been building, may with one winck of his eyes be de­molished.

6. 'Tis very hard to perceive how you should carry your selfe towards such great Ones, whose power is so circumscribed and limitted: their good will may not much benefit you; perhaps (if the Prince perceive it), it may prejudice you: And being without it, you will more hardly come to the mannaging of your business; and you will sometimes be even inforced and necessitated, not without hazzard, to concurre with them.

7. Here will need very much circumspect courtesie and mildness; you must treat them with all the offices and duties of veneration, and civill deportment: and upon occasion testifie (though warily) your secret promptitude and readinesse of mind. Meane while, neglect not to seek out another Trumpeter or spokesman who may sup­port and underprop thee, and so thou mayest be more closely joyned with, and notified to, the Prince.

8. Such Nobles remaine to be spoken of, who are prevalent both in respect of favour, with the Prince, and also in regard of office: these (in brief) are to be honored almost equally with the Prince.

9. The inclinations and will of such, are to be inspected and looked into, and ought to be known [Page 52]and executed, next after the Princes.

10. After this manner therefore, the power and authority of the great ones being (as by de­grees) subducted, you will not be ignorant what may be hoped for, and expected from them, for you must carefully beware, that you aske no­thing from any of them, which you or they see, cannot be effected: for there is nothing that more molesteth humane ingenuity, then not to be of ability to satisfie the request of one, whom a man loveth and affecteth.

11. Therefore benevolence, being preoccupated by uncivill supplication, or remedilesse difficulty, is offended. And know, that he from whom you have suffered a Repulse, will shun to see you, for feare, lest by the impudency of such a like request, you put him to the blush, as if through defect of Authority and power, he could not do what you desire.

12. But (this by the way may be added) ac­cesse to the knowledge of great ones is not pre­sently open, it must be wrought by degrees. They who can do very much with them, whether Strangers, or Domesticks, and their dependants and adherents, are to be allured, considering what abilities each of them hath, wherewith to advance and help others.

CHAP. XVI.

1. THere are others in Court, who (being set below the ranck of Nobles) are either our superiors equalls or inferiours. And these are of two sorts; some more apt and ready to benefit us, others to prejudice us. The Authority and power of both is diligently to be waighed and considered, as that, which may either promote, or impede, and hinder what we affect and sue for. Their friend­ships and affinities also are to be pondered, ne­cessity of times requiring that weact with them, by their owne servants and followers rather then by our selves, using their Counters to reckon our Game by; at least, by them, deprecate and turne a­way envy from us.

2. But first we must take heed, that we do not then onely seek their friendship, when we just need it; we ought to have it already prepared, and knit fast by the pledges of ancient benevolence and good will.

3. There are three sorts of those who may hurt and hinder us; for they are either such as are ene­mies, or envious persons, or else Competitors and Emulators.

4. They who are enemies, hare us either for [Page 54]our own sakes, or for some of our friends sakes who have offended them; but this last odium and hatred is for the most part lesse sharp then the o­ther, and may be allayed, and mitigated, by some good office, whereby we may witness that we love our friends; but cannot forthwith hate all their Enemies.

5. But for the most part the friendships of Courtiers are factious, and cruell; and they will wish and advise you to abjure all familiarities which themselves envy.

6. For this cause, some openly preferring the friendship of one party, have neverthelesse not failed to imbrace the other party secretly: not that so they might to betray their friend, but in in case he should faile, provide a refuge for him.

7. Such prudence is not only happily and successfully used in Court-contests, but also in Empires. Syenneses being Vice-roy of Tarcis when the warre began between Cyrus and Artaxerxes, fearing to oppugne and fight against Cyrus, imbra­ced his party, but sent his Son to Artaxerxes to be a refuge to his father, in case Cyrus were con­quered.

8. Bardas Durus, having escaped from the im­prisonment of the Saracens, seeing that Bardas Phocas was created Emperour against Basilius sought the amity of Phocas being as yet his enemy but sent his Son (feigning that he fled away a­gainst his will) to follow Basilius, and to inter­cede for his father in case Phocas were conquered: which also came to pass.

9. Solon when the Common-wealth discorded, [Page 55]ordained that none should be permitted Adiaphory or neutrality; nor do I think that 'twas his mind that friends imbracing contrary parties should not send and return a message to a private friend; but rather that he hoped, that friends following and pursuing divers ends, would then la­bour more greedily and happily for publique peace.

10. After the same manner in Courts, although you be of a contrary faction, yet may you keep friendship with one that is of another faction, both to the end you may have a receptacle in a changed fortune, and also that you may be the fitter to reconcile minds inclining to milder things. There is no safer nor honester means and way to ingratiate your self with either con­tending party, amongst those discords, and contentions that arise amongst great Ones.

CHAP. XVII.

THey who hate us for our selves, do it either because they are offended with us; or else, (as is very familiar with great Ones towards their Inferiors and as the Italian Proverb hath it, Qui offendit, non condonet, He that gives the of­fence, let him not forgive) because they have [Page 56]offended us. Minds swelling with great fortune have this fault chiefly. Whom they hurt, they hate.

2. The best remedy for such Injuries, as these do to us, is, If they be not understood and known; but if its weightinesse shall give it a marke of an offence to us understood, let us soon de­monstrate a mitigation of grief for it, and that the remembrance thereof is defaced and blotted out of our minds. Else, if they perceive us to bear it impatiently, we strike into them a fear of our revengefulnesse, and so, a desire of preventing us.

3. But chiefly let us forbear threats, especi­ally if we be not presently prepared to exe­cute.

4. For threatnings rouze up the vigilancy of ad­versaries, and do provoke them to hatred and to double the Injury, and often brings us to shame, if we breath out revenge, and have not power an­swerable to our will.

5. I know this moderation is not approved by all men, chiefly, by such as are revengefull; who are of opinion that no Injury is to be passed by without sensibility, not onely in regard of the sweetnesse which is in revenge, but also, because that if you bear with an old Injury, you invite a new; and therefore think fit to prosecute with immortall hatred, those who offend them. But such, while they desire to render themselves for­midable, and dreadfull, produce this effect to themselves, That no body will have Commerce with them. Sithence therefore, all are mortalls are prone to lapse and digresse and so either affec­tedly [Page 57]or through incogitancy and want of heed are carried away, let every one for fear of giving offence, shun those who are so tenacious and ready to hate, even as wild and savage beasts, lea­ving them to their own solitude. Lastly, if he shall also oftend, he will yet expect all amicableness from the other party, and while he feares revenge, will desire to inforce and strike the first blow. Wherefore to avoid so many evills, I think it best to insist rather and pursue the contrary way, and do prefer lenity and mildnesse, which is not difficult, no not in the greatest Injuries; respect being first had to the difference, both of the cause by which; and to the condition and quality of the persons, by whom the Injuries is com­mitted.

6. For in lighter injuries, and such as have their rise rather from Perturbation and trouble of mind, then Malice, we ought to be so unoffen­ded as that we seem not to be at all sensible. If the injury be heinous, let us shew our selves carefull and tender of our reputation and esteem; yet not be so implacable to the offending party, as not to leave him hope of reconciliation, and place for pardon in case of satisfaction. To which end, I judge it not unfit to complaine of the wrong to the friends of him who hath injuried us, and to commit the cause to their Arbitrati­on.

7. I am of opinion that those wrongs which are insultingly done, through malepertness and pe­tulancy, and out of a humour to reproach, are forthwith to be vindicated, yet not so much with a desire of revenge, as to chastise the offender, [Page 58]that so he may learn to demeane, and carry him­self more modestly, not towards us only, but to­wards others also.

8. Yet such are not to be revenged on with implacable hatred; rather ought we to testifie our grief for the necessity of vindication which is laid upon us. And (after Amends and Restaura­tion made) that we are ready according as the na­ture of the trespass will admit to redintegrate and renew our friendship and amity with them.

CHAP. XVIII.

BUt because, such abuses are commonly put upon us by such as overpower us; The first remedy to avoid these, is, not to deal with them but with much reverence, and respect, taking heed lest they disdain your familiarity with them, or (if they be more rough and austere) altogether decline to converse with them. Notable is that that of Martial.

2. The second is not to prefer the sensibility of an injury before ones own safety: for, it is neither safe, nor is it a wise mans part, to strive too much with one more powerfull then himself. Let the disparity of abilities be a just pretext to excuse thy disguised Dissimulation.

3. I know that some perswade themselves that an adverssary smitten with fear, will come and crouch and begge pardon and reconciliation; nor can it be denied but that some low and poore spirited ones, will sometimes so farre debase themselves, and stoop so low: but such a recon­cilement and peace-making is but feigned, and will never prove sincere. Nor do such omit, (when occasion is given to renew injury) to in­dulge and dispense with their own minds; and by how much the more timorous and fearfull they find a man, by so much the more cruelly and outragiously will they aspire and breath forth vengeance. Therefore since an occult and close­lying enemy, is more difficult to be avoided, then an open and declared one, it is better (after some sort) to have such open enemies, then friends re­conciled when enforced thereto by fear. I speak of those, who being not greater then ourselves, [Page 60]of Amity be broke, they can doe us little harme.

4. For if we have to do with one greater then our selves whose Emnity may eclipse our Lustre, It were better to hold his affection redinte­grated, and renewed, though fictitious and feig­nedly so, then to have him appear an open Ene­my.

5. If we have been the first offenders, let us be first in appeasing the party offended, ei­ther to themselves, or by mediation of friends.

6. Now that we may discern who are of most ample ability to suppresse and hinder us, it is need­full, not only to consider their power, but their af­fection, by which (besides their hatred) they are carried to do us hurt.

7. For some are acted by a desire of hatred, (the Piedee and Laquey of revenge) others by fear, lest having gotten and obtained what we prosecuted, we should thereby bee better armed to prejudice and offend them.

8. That first and worst affection is violent, but that of fear is more violent, for Court oppressi­ons; but that enemy, who, besides this, is stimu­lated also by that other, is the most inevitable.

9. The former may be mitigated, by humble and satisfactory services; but the timorous will scarce ever be perswaded, to change his fear into a considence, and assurance of your benevolence towards him; yet this must be assayed by all means, which occasion and opportunity will ra­ther give him to understand, then any instruction or discipline.

[Page 61]10. Agesilaus, that he might make them his friends again, whom he had offended, would pro­more them to the most honourable places and offices; in the administration whereof, when they had incurred envy, (as is commonly seen) the accused are constrained to fly to the Prince, who delivering them from hazard and infamy, obliges them by this good turn, to become his sincere friends.

11. It is a very familiar artifice, and subtle trick used in Courts, to supplant and remove a man secretly, that so thou being advanced by this kindnesse and good office of his, maist be the more strictly engaged and obliged to him.

12. Not lesse frequent in Court is that dange­rous, and to be avoided craft and wilinesse, of Eutrapelus Horatianus, who was wont to lend mony to men, to supply their luxury, and would puff up the minds of those, whom he intended to accommodate, with a good round sum.

13. In like manner, they who applaud and allow us in our pleasures, affections, and expen­ces, and advise us to undertake such things, as ex­ceed our strength and abilities, (which also they extoll beyond desert) or such things as are against reason, do most-what go about to hurry us to ru­ine and destruction.

14. But let us return to the means of renew­ing friendship with Enemies, amongst which, this is in no wise the last, or least, viz. to assist the wishes and endeavours of an Enemy, both by counsell and endeavour, when you see that you cannot impede and hinder their success that so he may seem to be engaged to love by your good turnes.

[Page 62]15. By this means Ascanius Sforcia the Cardi­nall, observing, that he in vain interceded and went about, to hinder the machinations and plots of Julian the Cardinall, who laboured to advance John, the Nephew of Alexander the sixth, to the Cardinall-dignity, did afterwards so affectedly act on Johns side, that he obtained it for him; and after that, became a greater favourit to him, than Julian himself.

16. If the stubbornnesse of the enemy frustrate all endeavours of reconciliation, we must at last observe, whether our adversary hath not some other, whom he envies, and fears more then our selves; if so, and he seem to prosecute the same designe, which we do, you may so deal with the adversary by a friend, that though his hate be equally prevalent towards both; yet may he ei­ther favour or lesse hurt and obstruct our party.

A device, not unlike to this, was that used by Gerlachus, the Bishop and Elector of Mentz; when he intended to create Adolfus Nassovius his kinsman, Emperour. He knew, that there was variance between the Princes, who were very likely to get, or else designed for, the Empire then vacant: He deals with the Electors, (whom he was about to make use of for his purpose) pri­vately and apart: He admonisheth Vinceslaus, then King of the Bohemians, that most of the suffrages and votes of the Electors, went against Albertus Duke of Austria, Vinceslaus his enemy; neverthelesse he himself was ready to hinder and stop it, if he perceived, that Vinceslaus consented. Having perswaded Vinceslaus, he sets upon the Duke of Saxony, and reports to him, that the [Page 63] Duke of Brunswick (his adversary) was the next in hope to atchieve the business. But to the Palatine he boasteth lest he should be hindered, that Vin­ceslaus (who then was offended with the Palatinate) unlesse he were hindered, was neerer to it then the rest. Thus (every one promising to subvert his enemy) he circumvents them all, and at last no­minates his kinsman, who (if he had mentioned him before), would doubtless have been rejected by consent of all parties.

CHAP. XIX.

1. OUr speech must now be framed, and apply­ed to Envy, which is so great an evill that it needs much happiness and fortitude, to conquer and overcome it, as that which will not be satis­fied but with the participation and enjoyment of that thing, which it denieth to another; but every one being tenacious of, and holding fast his owne good, is w [...]ing to labour and take paines for himselfe, and not for others.

2. This is superable, and may be overcome; though very hardly, nor to this is the communi­cation of that good thing, we hunt after, simply needfull. It sufficeth sometimes to shew the en­vious, that the good thing which they desire, if it remaine in our power, may be done to their pro­fit and reputation.

[Page 64]3. To this end, it behooveth us to get into their friendship and familiarity; and to demon­strate to them, That although they be manifestly envious, yet we do well affect them; affirming that we will all things as they will them, nor go we about any thing whatever but that thereby we may be the fitter to serve our friends, and them­selves amongst them. In brief; we must so act, that they may conceive hopes of increasing their owne fortunes, by the augments and amplifyings of our wealth and substance.

4. All haughtiness of mind, too great exceedings in costliness, unreasonable feasts & banquettings; and lastly, all boasting and bragging, are chiefly to be shunned by such, who will be cautious of being Envyed.

5. Especially by such as are raised from a mean place and office, unlesse the will of the Prince or the dignity of Office require the contrary: for then some Magnificence and sumptuous provision will not be unbeseeming, so that he manifest that he is not at such cost for his owne pleasure, but in obedience to the Princes Command.

6. By such prudence and moderation, began Cardinall Ximenes in a principall City: he was borne in an obscure and unknowne place, and t'was uncertaine whether nob [...] or not; although his fortune afterwards found those, who would affirme him noble. When he was but meane, he became a Monk; afterwards for his Endowment of mind, made confessor to Isabella Queen of Casti­lia, upon the recommendation of Cardinall Men­doza, and lastly Arch-Bishop of Toledo, which Arch-Bishoprick (when Mendoza was dead) [Page 65] Isabella having obtained from the Pope) he see­ing himselfe unfit for envy, would not accept.

7. In refusing whereof he was so pertinacious, and head-strong, that though Isabelia had submit­ted and subjected all the Court-Nobles he would scarce suffer himselfe to be intreated to accept of, and undertake the charge and office. And after he had consented and accepted, there was need againe of other intreaties, by which he might be induced to more ample charges and offices, and such splendor as befitted his dignity. And so re­tentive was he of his former way of life, that he was no otherwise wrought upon, to any altera­tion, then by the Authority even of the Pope himselfe. This modesty wrought well for him, and he appeased the Envy which otherwise was certainly to be expected to one, who possessed dignity, environed with so many noble Spaniards, and wealth second onely to that of kings.

8. Lastly this way of acting, as it is a notable and excellent Amulet and preservative-Poman­der against Envy, under the beginnings of digni­ties: so it little advantageth those, who have once already carried themselves proudly; for such Moderation will seeme but feigned. An example whereof the history of Constantinople will afford. A certaine Metropolitane, by name Constantine, being expelled the Court of Isaciaus Angelus, and afterwards of Alexius, the Emperours, returned with Euphrosyne the Empresse, boasted of his dis­daine of business, and a Court life, took upon him the function of a Deacon; by which to credit his dissimulation, and that he might the more instant­ly be courted and intreated thereto. But, in briefe, [Page 66]he so craftily played his Cards, that the Empe­rour himselfe sent for him to Court, contrary to the ordinances of the Church, he being excluded from the Sacrament of Priest-hood, and prefer­red him to great offices; and (not content with his owne dignity) he brought two brothers to be at the Emperours elbow, to supply his absence, if at any time by businesse of great moment he should be called aside. But because his former fortune had too much disclosed his insolency; therefore now, although seemingly modest, could he not long be credited, but afterwards being removed from Court, and never restored, he dyed.

CHAP. XX.

1. THe same remedies which do change Envy into the better, do also prevaile against Emulation which indeed hath lesse malignity in it then Envy hath, but more ambition; and is not lesse treacherous against the gro [...]th and thrivings of others.

2. But we may avest and turne aside those who are inflamed with ambition, by a specious shew of veneration, and allure and delight them with vain honours; lest they become Competitiours with us, scruing up their hopes to higher things and assisting them as far as is lawfull. On the contrary, [Page 67]undervaluing the things we affect and aime at, as below their Merits, yet sufficient for us to en­terprize, as not having equall Hopes with them of greater.

3. If there be any feare that they should get before us, they may be stopt by injecting a doubt, which may be done, if (arguments being proposed on both sides,) the greater species and shew be added to those things, which are most apt to stop, and retard their ambitious courses.

4. But of all courses, that were best, if we could conceal our designes till the Emulous, or offen­ded parties have clapsed their time, wherein they could have stopped and hindred us.

5. The suite of such as solicite too openly, is often odious to those, who acting more modestly take time to turne themselves in, and to consider they also have a conflict with greater difficulties, and are exposed to more Envy if they overcome; but if otherwise, to more reproach.

6. Farr safer is it (as is said in number 4.) to suppresse and conceale advisements, and like water­men rowing in a boat to turne the back upon the place they strive to land at.

7. They who have canvassed for the greatest Empires, have steered this Course, nothing being more usuall with them, than that (in Euripides his Tragedy) example of Agamemnon, to boast that his desires tended rather to peace, then hon­ours. And many have been sensible, that this hath been the most wholesome remedy, and Antidote, in turning aside the plots of adversaries, and avoid­ing the Infamy, which abides these frustrated, and earnest Suitors. And at last they have attained [Page 68]that glory, that their honour seemeth rather to be conferred on them by their own merits, then by flattering suffrages and votes of others.

8. Lastly, in atchieving honours; this chiefly must we take heed to, that we strive not with any one who is greater then our selves, and more po­tent then they, under whom we shelter our selves. Manilius Lepidus a man in the judgment of Tacitus most wise, will then be worthy our imi­tation, who being brought into the Senate by Tiberius with Junius Blesus, Uncle to Sejanus, that one of them might be chosen Proconsul of Africa, excuseth himself with his owne unheal­thiness, the age of his Children, & that his daugh­ter was marriageable, fearing doubtless that Seja­nus would become his Enemy, if the Pro­vince had been taken before hand from Blesus. Annal 3.

9. Neither may we strive too obstinately with one, whom the Prince more propitiously favou­ring goeth about to advance, although the law favoureth us against him. For the Law doubtless is overcome by favour, as the Historian tells us, was formerly done, when Germanicus and Drusus created Haterus Agrippa, the kinsman of Germa­nicus, Praetor, non obst [...]nate Lege, the law notwith­standing. Annal 2.

CHAP. XXI.

1. Hitherto we have dispatched the chief pre­cepts, which a politique man is to observe. If any remain, every ones prudence and dex­terity may supply them. And although they serve not only to acquire and get, but also, to keep and maintain Courtly power; yet will it not be use­lesse, to have in readinesse the examples of such who have fallen by their power and greatnesse; that we may be wise by others perils, and if we cannot shun ruine, at least we may learn to pre­pare our selves for it. For this last is not lesse necessary then the other. Sithence he who in­deavoureth a flight, of times assayeth in vain; he who prepares for a fall (inevitable to most whom fortune mounteth on high) renders it the more gentle and supportable.

2. Such chances often happen, either by our own default, or by the Arts, and devices of envi­ous Enemies or Competitors, or by the pervers­ness of the Princes inclination, or finally, by his death.

3. Since all mens lives are prone to lapse and repleat with errors, chiefly theirs, who live lof­tily, and by reason of their Authority (by which they who are neer to them, are constrained to ap­prove [Page 70]all their Actions, whether good or bad) are set without, and beyond the chance of the Dice, and danger of reprehension.

4. But above all others, that's the basest treason when men rise up against their Prince, the Author of their dignity and honour, a note and charac­ter of an ungratefull mind and unfaithfulnesse, a filthy crime, and the most just matter and subject of a Prince's Odium and indignati­on.

5. Let such men as are advanced to great dig­nity, fly the very shadow and appearance of this wickednesse: and for that end, let them not move the Prince to the least suspition, and let them de­cline those honours which may seem opportune, and seasonable, by evill endeavours.

6. Paterculus adjudged Sejanus the most pru­dent of Courtiers; and indeed he ought to have been so, who could flourish in favour un­der that same crafty, and distrustfull Tiberi­us.

7. In acting (saith he) he was like one asleep revengefull of nothing done to himself, and so obtaining all things, scruing himselfe into the esteem of others; calme and undisturbed in coun­tenance and life, but restless in mind. And yet on this crafty and subtill peece had Ambition so got hold, that he aspired to the Empire. For that end first he desired intermarriage with Livia the wid­dow of Drusus, whereby being allyed to the house of the Casars, he might the more faciliate his de­sire. And although his request was suspected by Tiberius, as he might guesse by his tergiversation and refusall; he never yet changed his minde: but [Page 71]because this succeeded not, he attempted another way.

8. He well knew that the City disdained Tibe­rius, and therefore, while he was wavering, he eg­geth him forward, and perswades him to betake himself to Capreas his magnificent Tower neer Naples. Of this matter, Tacitus in the fourth of his Annals, saith thus. Least by driving away the troops which dayly came to his house, he should infringe his power, or by receiving them, give way to criminations, be bent this way, to force Tibe­rius to live in pleasant and delightfull places, far remote from Rome. He provided many things, he held addresses and accesses in his own hands; he intercepted Letters often which were con­veyed to and fro by the Souldiers; when as Cae­sar growing into years, and lying quiet, and at ease in a secret place, would, he thought, ere long, trans­mit the charge of the Empire to him with more facility. Nor did his hope altogether deceive him, for in short space, under the shew of helping Tiberius in his old age, he got almost all the strength of the Empire into his owne hands.

9. Nevertheless, that this way which Sejanus tooke had more of hazard in it then expedition, the Sequel will declare: which more exactly to commemorate will be a worke well worthy our labour, to the end that both our Courtiers may be better cautionated, in ruling and governing their own fortunes; and Princes in promoting of others.

10. Sejanus was either more indeered unto, or more endured by Tiberius, when he found his help [Page 72]usefull in repressing Agrippina, and her sons Ne­ro and Drusus. In which villany, Sejanus shewed himself very prompt and ready, knowing that thereby he should not only hoise up sayle, and have a speedy voyage to the Prince's favour, but also establish his hopes for future power and greatness, there being none remaining of Caesar's house but those two youths; whose tender Age, if they had accepted the chief Regiment and Government, had left to him the Authority and mannagement of affairs, till opportunity would serve him, to usurpe and possess the Supream style and Title.

11. But observe how precipitate and heady Am­bition makes men! He sees not by that how much the neerer he was to the height, by so much the more was he suspected by the diffidency of the Prince; and that the course he takes would ra­ther diminish him, then further his progresse. He hunts counter; for when nothing, save the name of Emperour (which yet many were ready to af­ford him) and the power of a Triune, (which title being the top and Pinacle of Honour and dignity, the Emperours did challenge as due soly to themselves) was wanting to him; not content therewith, he strives to exaggerate and heape up his power, to a greater bulke and breadth; And by this (as he renders himself venerable to all, so) he brought himself under suspect with Tiberius.

12. He therefore, when he perceived that not only the Praetorian bands, but many of the Sena­tors and Principall Families, (partly by benefits and hope, and partly by fear) were addicted and [Page 73]devoted to Sejanus; and that his own secrets were carried, and disclosed by his own domesticks to Sejanus, and the like not done to him of the matters of Sejanus; by and by, plotted and con­trived his ruine and destruction, as of an Emula­tor, and one contending to outvie him. But be­fore he would set upon any action, thought fit to try how some stood affected towards him, that so he might distinguish from the rest, who would approve his designe and advise him in it.

13. And lest Sejanus should smell out Cae­sars intention, he makes him a Consul, and in his presence, and also by Letters to the Statesmen and people, styles him his friend in Labours; at length feigneth himself sick, that so he might sound the affection of Sejanns, and others towards him.

14. Sometimes he writes to the Senate more cheerfully of his health, and that he would come shortly into the City. Sometimes commends and applaudes Sejanus; another while depresseth him; receiving some upon his recommendation; spurning at others, that so he might keep him ambiguous, and doubtfull betwixt hope and fear.

15. Who, (whether yet imboldned by favour, or out of fear) determines to act nothing forci­bly, lest he should hazard all his hopes, hoping that his petty trespasses against the Prince (if any were) would in time be raced and blotted out of memory. Some, mean while hitherto follow­ing rather Sejanus his fortune then himself, seeing the mutability of Tiberius, begin to act more cau­tiously [Page 74]the affection of others towards him by lit­tle and little, withers and growes stale.

16. Tiberius, having a good while since taken a clear prospect of the proud and lofty mind of Sejanus; and also mistrusting, lest his designe, be­ing stirred up by contempt, should be frustrated, by running the hazard of fortune and chance, commanded, it should be noised abroad, that he intended to deliver over the Tribunician power and authority to Sejanus. A little while after, by Letters to the Senate, which were car­ried by Macro, (who was Provost of the Pretorian Bands) he commands him to be committed to prison. Macro having entred the City, before day, acquainted first Memmius Regulus, then a Consul, (for the other Conful was more incli­ned to Sejanus) with the Prince's mandat, which afterwards he shewes to Grecinus Laco, then Captain of the Watch. From thence going to­wards the Senate-house, he accidentally acco­steth Sejanus, who being troubled in his thoughts, enquires whether he had any Letters for him from Tiberius: He whispereth him in the ear, that by and by he must be saluted a Tribune; who be­ing tickled with secret joy, enters the Court. Macro dismisses the Pretorian Attendants, shews by Letters, that it is the Emperours pleasure it should be so, and that thereby they are promised a donative. Macro having ordained Laco's Band to the Pretorian Attendants, who were now dis­missed, entring the Senate-house, offers the Let­ters; and anon, (not expecting the reading of them) charges Laco diligently to watch, lest Se­janus breaking out of the Court, should raise a [Page 75]tumult, himself going to the Pretorian Atten­dants, and prohibites them from attempting any thing.

17. The Letters which were then read being somewhat large, afforded Macro time enough, to provide necessaries, and were wonderfully inter­laced and contrived. In the beginning, not a word of Sejanus, but of other matters; by and by hee's nipt, but very lightly; after this, (some o­ther things being interwoven) followes a high accusation; and yet but perfunctorily and sleight­ly touched. At length, (after many digressions about the publick affairs) two of Sejanus his fa­miliars are nominated, whom the Senate are commanded to animadvert and consider, with this addition, that he himself should be appre­hended; no mention was made of any course to be taken for his death, that so, hopes might be left to the accused, to purge him of the crimes, which were therefore objected but as leight matters.

18. The Letters being read, many of those who had brought him into the Senate-house, (when they perceived the businesse to be far otherwise, then that Sejanus should receive the power of a Tribune) began to rise up, and encompassed Se­janus, lest he should slink away, which was thought he would have done, if the beginning of the Letters had thundred more sharply against him. But contemning those petty and sleight nips and twinges, he stirrs not from his place; and being called upon twice or thrice by Mem­mius the Consul, he scarcely submitted; so inso­lent and haughty was he grown.

[Page 76]19. When he was risen up, Laco first followes him; afterwards Regulus, accompanied with other of the Senators, brought him out of the Court into the Prison, where afterwards he was condemned by the Senate, ad scalas Gemonias, which was a place appointed, from whence con­demned men were thrown down.

20. Behold here the end and destruction of a Courtier, who had scarce his peer within the me­mory of man, for craftinesse and power; whose structure and building, although as to the whole, and continuance of it, seems to be due to Tiberi­us, yet may rather be ascribed to the destiny of such power, as commonly, by reason of its own heap and bignesse, falls so much the lower, by how much the higher and loftier it thrusts up it self; according to that saying, Tolluntur in altum & lapsu graviore ruant.

21. This may be learnt from the example of Peren­nius, whom (striving to get up to this height by Seianus his Arts and devices) Commodus, al­though farre inferiour to Tiberius in ingenuity and witt, subverted and overthrew.

22. Perhaps these relations may not move ma­ny men, because they seeme to themselves to bee wiser then others, and to know some things which was unknown to those whose chances are here related; And truly, there have been some in these latter Ages, to whom this businesse hath succeeded not altogether so unhappily, such as Boyla was, (of whom we may reade in the History of Constantinople) who being found to have con­spired against Constantine, Monomachus the Empe­rour, suffered not such exquisite, and heavy pu­nishment [Page 77]as others in like cases had done, because he fell into the hands of a mild and placable Prince.

23. But we are willing here briefly to recite that story, from which may be understood, That Coun­sells even the most secret, and such as to humane eyes are not passable, oftimes by divine Provi­dence, and even by unhoped for meanes are de­rected and discovered, and cannot avoid their pu­nishment, although handled with never so much craftinesse and subtilty.

24. No mortall could have beleeved, that this Boyla had had, either aptitude and fitnes, or sub­sequent cause for such a villany. The greatnesse of the benefits wherewith hee had adorned and beautified him, had wrought an opinion in the Prince of his fidelity, for otherwise he seemed simple to any great matters; for he was not only borne in a low and meane place, but also was of such a buffling, fumbling, and cumbred speech, that he could scarce be understood, and when he perceived that it delighted the Emperor, he afterwards industriously affected it.

25. By this assentation and soothing, he so far insinuated into the Prince's familiarity, that he had admittance even to the privy, and bed-cham­ber of Constantine. At length, being enriched by the Prince, and elected into the number of the Senators, he began to shute out his hopes to a higher flight, and went so far, that he thought, by the ruine and destruction of the Prince, he might find a way to the Scepter it self. He first opens himself to those, whom he knew were offended with the Prince, and promiseth largely to those, [Page 78]who approve and associate their aids, commen­ding the refusers for their good-will to their Prince, and made shew, as if he were but an ex­plorator, and private spy, to try their faithfulness and loyalty.

26. While these things were in agitation, he shunned the conscience of all men, save those whom he feared not; and had done the bloody act, had he not been discovered by one of his own comerades and counsellors, and by his art depre­hended, having the very weapon in his hand, which he had sharpned to kill the Prince withall. The Emperour bore the injury so mildly, that he accounted it enough, that some of the conspira­tors were put to death; but the Ring-leader and Captain he onely banished.

27. It would be too tedious, to bring in here all those, who in Courts have been shipwrackt; such, I say, as by such offences have merited pu­nishment; and which have hapned, not onely to the manifest authors of such wickednesse, but even to such, as have been suspected of the thoughts thereof. But we'l content our selves, with producing these, and onely add this, That all Pride, whether it offend the Prince by ambition, or boasting, upbraiding, malediction, or revile­ing; by splendour, or too great a retinue, is the high road to destruction and ruine.

CHAP. XXII.

BOasting and upbraiding of Offices, in the Court of Alexander the Great, lost Philotas and Clytus; Craterus also, was almost blown up with the same winds. Certes, he had longer stood affected with the Prince, had he contained him­self within the bounds of noble and generous modesty.

2. Thus Caius Sylius with Tiberius: Antonius the first, with Vespasian; Syllas with King Agrip­pa, publishing aforehand their offices and em­ployments, deprived themselves of all the fruit and benefit of them; concerning the first of whom, Tacitus, in the 4 th. of his Annalls; and Josephus in his 4 th. History, touching the last, are to be inspected and looked into.

3. Princes believe, that their fortune is de­stroyed, by such kind of boastings; which for­tune they will have seem to be due to them­selves, not to the merits or vertue of their sub­jects.

4. A lust and desire of reprehending the actions of Princes, and a freedom of inveighing [Page 80]against others before the Prince, is to be avoided, as the neighbour to arrogancy. Eumenes, petu­lantly and saucily, complaining before Alexan­der of Hephestion, that he assigned to Stage-play­ers, and such kind of fellowes, the Souldiers quarters, incurred the displeasure of the King.

5. To be too familiarly busie about the Prince, or to boast ones self, the sole Arbittator and Commissioner of principall charges, savoureth, if not of pride, yet certainly vanity; and cove­tousnesse sometimes crouds it self in with it. Many examples of such are extant every where, in Histories. How immodestly did Zotirus demean and carry himself, under Heliogbalus? how did Turinus under Alexander, the son of Mammea? One whereof was by the Emperour's command suffocated with smoak, using a more uncouth and harsh fortune then the former, it seeming just, ut, qui fumum vendiderat, fumo puniretur, That he who had vended and sold smoak, should perish by smoak. The other was wont to boast, that the Prince was ruled by his advice, and also made advantage, by selling favours, when the courtesie was no way advantagious to the pur­chaser.

6. Worthy in the first place to be remembered, is the arrogancy of Plancianus, which also was accompanied with vanity, and at length broke out into treachery: He was of that arrogancy, that he durst oppose himself against Bassianus, the Emperours son, the author of his dignity and fortune: Moreover also, so vain, that passing through the City, he would not onely preclude others from addresses to him, but almost from [Page 81]having a view of him; and had some to go before him, to turn those whom they met, out of his way. At length proved traitor to his Prince; and being found guilty of manifest conspiracy, lost his head for his pains.

7. Philip the fair reigning in France, Enguer­randus Marigny, presuming to confront Carolus Valesius, how miserably he perished, together with others, is observed out of the French Hi­stories.

8. Before all things also in Courts, we ought to beware, that we lend not our help to the sow­ing of discord amongst Princes; for they being re­conciled to each other, do mostly sacrifice such persons to their friendship. Which thing is made good, both by many examples, in the Histories of all Nations, and also by that memorable ex­ample of Otho Crondorferus, which the History of Bavaria supplies us withal. He was in flourishing favour with Radulphus the Palatine, and was the author of the enmities between him and his mo­ther: At length, the mother ingratiates her self with her son; but Crondorferus was rewarded, with the losse and deprivation, both of his tongue and eyes.

CHAP. XXIII.

1. WE ought not therefore to crosse or resist Princes themselves onely, but even not such as are in favour with them, and are more pre­valent then ourselves.

2. This Counsell Germanicus when he dyed gave to Agrippina; whereof Tacitus speakes in the 2. of his Annals, thus: Then turning to his wife (sayeth he) he intreateth her by the memory of himselfe, and the Children they had between them, that she should put off cruelty and fierce­ness, and submit her mind to rigorous fortune; least returning back to the City, she should stirre up, and provoke, such as were more powerfull then herselfe, through emulation. This precept being sleighted by Agrippina, ruined both her, and her children. We spake a little before, of that which was the diminution and shortning of Eumenes his favour with Alexander, that behaving himselfe too irreverently and unseemly in the Prince's pre­sence, when he came to complain of Hephaestion, he even wove himselfe, (through the Complaint) into the web of Envy.

3. Therefore, when we see any one flourish by the grace and favour of the Prince; we ought carefully to waigh our Authority, if we have [Page 83]any, in the ballance with theirs, and try whose is most ponderous. And in the Examen and tryall thereof, not to attend so much to the externall species and shadow; but to the importance and waight of interiour and inward causes.

4. Craterus and Hephaestion seemed once to be both in great and equall favour with Alexander, till Alexander himselfe made the difference; when he calls the one, Amicum Regis, the friend of the King; the other Amicum Alexandri the friend of Alexander; for upon this speech, Craterus could make this observation and judgment, That Prin­ces being commonly more addicted to their plea­sure, then their owne dignity and honour, do hold, and account them most deere unto them, who do love and embrace Alexanders, that is themselves; then those who do court, and ad­mire the fortune of Kings. And although there arose a dissention afterwards between him and Hephaestion, whereby the whole Court was divi­ded into parties; Alexander shewed himselfe ad­dicted and tied to neither party, but chid both; and threatned to punish them, if hereafter they put him to the like trouble. In this kind of deci­sion which Alexander here useth, he manifested, not so much his equall and indifferent affection towards them both; as a singular and most especial kind of prudence in Princes, very much to be imitated. This discord and difference, he sees, may produce many troubles; neither was he igno­rant that Craterus his wonderfull Authority, with the Macedonians; and his owne favour to­wards Hephaestion was envyed, and bred displea­sure against himselfe: he therefore blames He­phaestion [Page 84]for his envy, in publique; and chides Craterus privately, lest the Macedonians should be offended.

5. Amongst those, who in the examination of Princely benevolence and favour, have either been more neglective, or being devoid of reason have been more unexperienced and unskilfull, An­tonius Primus deserves to be listed, who (presume­ing to contend with Mutianus) learnt at length, That it was more destructive to him that he had disdained Mutianus, then if he had despised Vespa­sian.

6. Now, that Princes do more sharply revenge an injury done to their Ministers, then to them­selves, is a thing attested by Examples almost in all Courts, the cause whereof Dio sifted out; after he had declared the same to have happened in the case of Sejanus.

7. Even as they, (saith he) whom virtue and their known merits, have dignified and exalted, do not very much stand upon, and esteem or heed the vanities of their honours, and the outward marks and expressions of worship and reverence: So on the contrary, they, who by Ambition en­deavour to raise themselves from the ground and dust, and to cover their domestick and covetous briberies, do take it very hainously, and interpret it presently a contempt, if you neglect the least matter or punctillio of homage, or good turne towards them. So much the more difficult is it therefore, to conserve and hold fast the benevo­lence of such, then of the Prince himselfe. For he counts it his glory to pardon an injury, but they, (that they may not seeme to remit, what [Page 85]they cannot vindicate) not onely straine their power in persecuting their enemies, but ostentate and boast of such their doings.

CHAP. XXIIII.

1. ANd not onely hath an insolent, and haughty carriage and deportment, been destructive and mischievous to Nobles and great ones: but even to men of the most inferiour and base degree. John king of Arragon so fondly and fervently loved Alvarus de Luna (the son of a former king of Arragon, but borne out of wed­locke) that he would commit to him the chief affaires, and even the kingly dignity; his Nobles in vaine resisting. But when he being lifted up with pride in this prosperous fortune, had pre­cipitated and thrust down head-long a Noble man, who in the kings name had admonished him of his duty, himselfe by the kings Command, lost his head for his paines.

2. This hath been in Court, the frequent cause of such Ship-wrack; when any hath rendred either himselfe, or the Prince odious to the people, or to the chief of the nation. For either the Prince [Page 86]himselfe to free him from envy, will cast such a one off; or else others will rout him, and de­stroy him.

3. While Commodus was Emperour, Cleander had armed the Pretorian Companies against the people of Rome. This bred Rome so many troubles and tumults, that (had not the Empe­rour himselfe sacrificed Cleander to the peoples fury), he could not have been secure.

4. The same Commodus had incurred the odium and hatred of all men, for the love of one Anterus; from whom that they might deliver their Master, some of those Ministers, who well affected Com­modus, met Anterus upon a time as he returned from Court; and slew him.

5. Eutropius being (amongst a few others) a long time beloved of Arcadius the Emperour, when he was but believed to be the Author of the sedition moved by Tribigildus; was delivered up by the Prince to his Enemies, as a price of peace and quietnesse.

6. Amongst those evills, which subvert and overthrow Courtiers; that unfaithfulness is not to be passed by, which bewrayeth the secrets of the Prince, and imparts them to his enemy. That of Sylla, as it was horrible, so was it notorious by the destruction of many others, and hammered and forged with many Monstrous and prodigious acti­ons, (to wit) with lightnesse and unconstancy, imprudence and lacke of heed, vanity and infide­lity; I may add, with a desire of getting money, unjust honour, Revenge, Curiosity, and other restlesse troubles.

7. As to the secret of Princes, I esteeme it best [Page 87]that they make choice of such, as are not cleft, and full of chincks and crannyes, so as to vent and let out those secrets they impart to them; seeing they fly onely to them to be admitted into their Consciences and private thoughts. For if thou alone be knowing; and yet fame and report, which is ingenious and cunning at conjecture and guessing, shall by chance spread abroad some­thing like that committed to thy secrecy; thou wilt not avoid suspition, but he will judge his Secret to issue out from thee; And although the Prince (it may be) hath by chance opened the same thing to another, yet possibly he may forget it; or more confide in the others silence and se­crecy, and the blame be neverthelesse laid on thee.

8. Not without cause was Philippides the Co­mick poet (amongst the chief) deere unto king Lysimachus, who being asked what he would wish to be made partaker of, by the Prince; answered, That he would refuse nothing that came from him, so long as he might be free from the know­ledge of his secrets. Let us follow, as much as may be, his example, and count it safer, to be unknowing of his Secret, as a thing hard to be kept, then to be acquainted therewith.

9. Hiero Prince of Syracusa said, that they who revealed the secrets of Princes were injurious; in that they exposed others, aswell as themselves, to the odium and loathing of the Prince.

CHAP. XXV.

1. BEsides this, most doubtfull of all, is the for­tune of those, who being driven thereto, either by avarice, or ambition, or by desire to prop up their own security, conspire with a Prince's Enemies, either extraneous and forraigne, or do­mestique.

2. Cardinal Balaeus, the Son of a Botcher, being made Treasurer by Lewis the 11. was also from that preferred to a Bishoprick, from thence by the intercession of the King, and the accord of the Pope (who indeavoured to confer a Benefite on him whom he had hitherto experienced to be his adversary) attained to Cardinal Dignity. But afterwards being found to have conspired with the Kings foes, was imprisoned by the space of 12 years, from whence at length the prayers and intercession of Pope Sixtus the 4th only, freed him.

3. For the like crime, Cardinall Pratenfis in the Reign of Francis the first, underwent the like punishment, who perhaps had never been released from Prison, but that afterwards drinking his own Urine, he deceived the Physitians by dissem­bling the Strangury. For the King fearing the Popes anger, if the Cardinall by that Malady should have been consumed, set him at Li­berty.

[Page 89]4. Peter de Vineis being a privy Counsellor to the Emperour Frederick the second; and being suspect of conspiracy with Pope Alexander the third being the Emperours Enemy, lost his eyes by it.

5. Not only the Counsels of Stilico (the Father in Law of Honorius the Emperour) to enjoy the Orientall Empire, but his occult and secret com­merce with Alaricus King of the Goths, are be­leived to have procured and caused his death; which thing that Ignominious peace and League which he entred into with Alaricus, although the Senare withstood and did oppugne it, doth confirme. Lampadius, who also himself cryed out against it, calls it not a Peace, but a Pacti­on of Servitude, by which the Emperour was constrained to become tributary to the Barba­rians.

CHAP. XXVI.

1. FIrst also, our Polititian whom we instruct, must beware, that he be not the Author of ambiguous Counsels; the unhappy issue of these, will be imputed to the Adviser, but the prospe­rous [Page 90]successe, to the fortune and good hap of the Prince, not only by the vulgar who judge of all things by their event; but by the Prince him­self; who will be glad that he hath one, on whom he may derive the Envy of unhappy Coun­sell.

2. While Stilico was living, and after his death, there was but one Argument and subject matter of wailing and complaining amongst the people, to wit, the peace which he had made with the Goths. Olympius who had procured the Ruine of Stilico, striving to be famous by contrary wayes, broke off the League of peace, Alaricus in vain objecting Right and Equity; War being begun, for sometime contrary to Augury and divination; he being accounted in the judgment of the vul­gar the Author of all their Evills, was at length accused by the Eunuches, who were very grati­ous with the Emperour, and leaving the Court fled into Dalmatia.

3. When the businesse was of undertaking a Warre or breaking the League, the Ministers and furtherers in this businesse are made parties; they only bring arguments on both sides, and leave the choice of either to the arbitrement of the Prince: not with standing, if they were constrained to de­liver their opinions they would conclude it safer to incline to peace, unless very Necessity or ma­nifest and apparent Utility, perswaded the con­trary.

4. Jovius, the Successor of Olympius, of whom we have spoken, wisely prosecutes the businesse: for he being more prone to War, that so he might be more necessary to the Prince, did neverthelesse [Page 91]as the Politick custome of some is, prefer the love of Peace. Meeting at Rhemes to parly with Alari­cus he sends those conditions which Alaricus had proposed to Honorius, perswading him a­part by other Letters, to offer the command of the Armies to Alaricus, by which he might be made more equall and indifferent for other things. The Emperour denying that it was besides his bu­sinesse to commit the stresse thereof to a forrain­er, and one who was yet an Enemy, answered that he had rather consent to became tributary.

5. These Letters when Jovius had read before Alaricus, he being wroth, that himself, and his, were contemned by Honorius, broke off this uncertain web and worke of the Paction and A­greement: Jovius returnes to Honorius, who himself being offended with the insolency of his Enemy, sweares not to have peace with Alari­cus, and with the same Oath binds all his party. Thus Jovius by the same subtilty and craftinesse, both removes the envy of the Truce-breakings from himself, and obliges Alaricus by the testifi­cation of his good will; whereby he would have had him been made the Tribune of Caesars Ar­mies; but infolded Honorius in War: which thing wonderfully established the Authority and Pow­er of Jovius.

6. There is such great variety in Histories, of those Errors and faults, for which Courtiers fall into disfavour with Princes, that no man by any diligence can so collect them all, but that when he hath quoted many, he will yet seem to have omitted more. Wherefore the most principall only being tasted, we will leave the rest to every ones industry and prudence.

CHAP. XXVII.

WE have seen how by his own default, a Courtier may fall into the displeasure of a Prince. We will now shew the means, by which his foes, such as are envious, or emulous, may depresse and abase him: For, they may endeavour to remove him from Court, upon some pretext not dishonourable; or may render him suspected or hated to the Prince; or lastly, in a publick and open manner, constrain the Prince to remove him.

2. The way of Amolition, or removing, which we said was the first way, hath divers means, and various ends; for some, out of a shew of honour, or occasion to live with some friends, and neer allies, are induced, not unwillingly, to with­draw themselves from Court. This way Stippiota craftily used, (when Manuel Comnenus was Em­perour) to remove Hagiotheodorita, who stood in his light; for there being a difference between Michael the Pedagogue, and Josephus Balsamon, Stippiota perswaded the Emperour, that if Hagio­theodorita, Balsamons kinsman, were made Gover­nour of Peloponnesus, the difference would be­composed. [Page 93] Hagiotheodorita being glad of an op­portunity to help his kinsman, accepteth the courtesie; little minding, that Stippiota alone, would in the interim (his Competitor being re­moved) have the ordering and managing of the chief affairs of the Empire, which also came to passe.

3. Some men, being wearied with the contentions & brablings of adversaries in Court, betake them­selves unto any Province whatsoever, upon pretext of necessary departing thence. Thus did Agrippa, who (as Vellcius testifieth) went into Asia, pre­tending some principall businesse; but, as report went, for some private grudge between him and Marcellus, withdrew himself from the present time.

4. Tiberius (while Caius Caesar was yet alive, who envyed him) departed to Rhodes, pretending to turn Student there, and (as Suetonius saith) by his mothers means, obtained, that to cover his reproach, he might make shew, as if he had gone Ambassadour thither.

5. If he whom you desire to remove, have no pretence to get leave to withdraw, and will not take it as a courtesie, that he may depart wil­lingly, and without compulsion, you may per­swade the Prince to prefer him, to some charge and office, upon this account, that none is more worthy or fit for such an employment.

6. After the same manner do emulous and en­vious persons, desire to have such abstracted and drawn from a Province, or subdued Country, whose authority they endeavour to weaken, whom they labour to bring into Court, as ne­cessary [Page 94]and usefull to the Prince, and to thrust him into the croud of Courtiers, by whose lof­tinesse, he may be the more obscured and clou­ded.

7. This was the artifice and trick, which Apel­les used with Polybius, when he went about to deprive Taurio of the government of Peloponne­sus.

8. So Darius (by the advice of Megabyzus) called back Hyesteus from the government of Jo­nia, a Region of Greece; not because there was need of his presence, but that he might infringe and lessen his power and greatnesse.

9. If these Courtiers were content to enlarge their own place and bounds, by the removing of another, and would stop there, the comparing of others far worse, would render this Art tolerable; but for the most part, they stick not here.

10. When Constantius was Emperour, Sylva­nus being Commander of the Infantry, (as Am­mianus Marcellus reports) by the procurement of Arbetius, is sent into France, to correct and amend those mischiefs, wherewith the Barbarous people had infested the French; as one emulous, and that could not endure to see any one quiet, and out of trouble; declines so great and hazar­dous a work, and turns it upon another. Sylva­nus undertaking the journey, and having ingra­tiated with the French, became thereby power­full. Afterwards Arbetius compileing envy against him, with the Emperour, was at length himself brought to ruine.

11. The same fortune almost had Ursicinus, Commander of the Cavalry, under the same [Page 95]Emperour: One Eusebius an Eunuch, with many other Courtiers, had conspired his death; by the machinations and devices of these conspirators, he is sent into the borders of Persia, that so he might be at distance from Court, where having continued by the space of ten years, he receives for his successor Sabinianus, a man, who neither for wit nor experience, was comparable to him, for such a charge. By and by, (a rumour being raised, that the Persians made ready for war) he is commanded to stay there, having delivered up his power to the other; Eusebius purposely so disposing the matter, that so Sabinianus should challenge to himself, the prosperous event of the war against the Persians, and that the adverse and ill fortune thereof might be imputed to Ursicinus, which the event afterwards confirmed: For Ur­sicinus being dejected for anothers fault, spent the remainder of his life in private. You may see if you please, chap. 30. numb. 5.

12. The times of the same Constantius will supply us with another example; for Ruffinus, the uncle of Gallus, by the fathers side, being President of the Pretorian bands, was sent to ap­pease the sedition of the Souldiery, with no other intention, then that he might perish amongst the hatefull hands of those mad and pee­vish people. For the same end, Clytus complains, that he was sent by Alexander against the Sogni­ans.

CHAP. XXVIII.

THus much concerning Amolition and re­moving, as the primary means and way, which is used by enemies, and envious and emu­lous persons, to bring others into disfavour with their Prince and Soveraigne. The second is, that whereby they render men suspected and odious to the Prince, by the help of detractions and ca­lumnies, or else by commendations.

2. In Calumnies we must attend unto two things; First, Whether they be fit and sufficient to change the Prince's will. Secondly, Whether they have a likenesse to truth. Of the first, judg­ment is to be made, both by the present state of affairs, and also, by the genius and inclination of the Prince, and the very nature and condition of negotiations.

3. No calumnies do abound with more ruines of great men, then such as do accuse and impeach them, of machinations and plots, against the Prince, and his rule and government, or of con­tempt and disdaining to obey him, or such as are of detracting speech, and mocking or scorning the Prince's words or actions.

4. Calumnies, and false accusations, are then [Page 97]rendred probable and likely, if the accusation, which makes the party accused guilty, be branded with a note of arrogancy, either in the words or actions of themselves, or else of their servants, friends, parents, or those who are tied and obli­ged to them, by necessity or alliance. If they be supposed to have counterfeited Letters, the judgment and sentence will be such, as that which the Prince hath already conceived in his mind, even the faithfulnesse of the calumniator, and the guiltinesse of the party accused.

5. Those things which by calumny are wrested into a crime, are such, as the party traduced is said to have spoken, or done; either spontane­ously, and of his own accord, or else being in­duced by the deceits and circumventings of ene­mies, or envious persons. Such wits, by allure­ments and enticeing words, can fetch and pump up things that are not; and in every matter, find occasion and opportunity, wherewith to help themselves.

6. There are some, who having counselled and perswaded a man to do something; when they have found him yield, they make this the very weapon of their accusation, and feigne, that he hath attempted some horrible designe against the Prince.

7. A certain Magician a Monk, one Santaba­rinus by name, was (before others) beloved by Basilius, Emperour of Constantinople, but envyed beyond measure by Leo his son: And therefore, having endeavoured by all obsequious readinesse of feigned devotion, to allure his good-will, at length wrought the young man to credulity: [Page 98]For afterwards, (having gotten some credit with him) he advises Leo, to wear a dagger for his de­fence, privately, under his Mandilion or Jacket, if at any time he went out to hunting with his father. Following his instruction, the Magician goes to his father, and feignes to him, that his son had privately conceived parricide, and shewes the Dagger, as a detection and token thereof, which he, watching his opportunity, had carried about him. To be brief, the matter was so han­dled, that the son was imprisoned; and although protected with the most intensive and vehement prayers and entreaties of the Nobility, he scarcely escaped punishment.

8. In the time of Valentinian the Emperour, Aetius accuseth Boniface his companion, (who was very deer to the Emperour, and made Go­vernour of Africa) of treachery against Placidia, the Prince's mother, and that he intended to sub­ject Africa to himself; advising also, that he might be speedily recalled thence. At the same time, he admonisheth Boniface by Letters, that he was accused at Court, and upon that account recalled; but bade him yet take heed of comming back, lest he should be an enemy to his own safe­ty. Boniface giving credit to these things, so far disobeyed the Emperesses recalling him, that she agreed with Gontarus, King of the Validuli, and Gensericus his son, then manageing the affairs in Spain, to reduce him, if he opposed by force; who by this occasion, possessed themselves of Mauritania. At length, the cheat being discove­red, Placidia permitted, that after the custom of that age, a Duell should be appointed, where­in [Page 99] Aetius being conquered, he was commanded to avoid the Court.

9. Not unlike to this was the subtilty and wi­linesse of Samonas, who being deerly beloved to Leo the son of Basilius the Emperour; for detect­ing the Conspiracy of one Basilius a kinsman of Zoa the Empresse, who would have destroyed Andronicus being chosen Chieftaine, together with Amerinus Logotheta against the Saracens; he wills his friends to admonish him by Letters, that he should beware of Hymerius; who came with an intention to accuse him (exoculation, and depriving of the sight, was a sort of punishment in that age, wherewith principall men, and those whose power they thought fit to abate and wea­ken, were afflicted and chastised) An ronicus be­lieveing these things to be of truth, which were but feigned by Samonas; having made his escape from Hymerius, possesseth himselfe of a certaine Castell. This hindered not Samonas to exaggerate and heape up businesse against him to the Empe­rour, and by his perswasions, an army is sent, which drives Andronicus together with the Sara­cens from the confines of the Empire.

10. We have a little before (Chap. 27. Numb 10) made mention of Arbetius. It seemes worth observation how he superaddeth Treachery upon treachery. When he sees that Constantius was offen­ded with Silvanus, and doubted least he coming to Rome, should obliterate and wipe off the Cri­minations objected against him, he takes care that the Emperours Letters (by which he calls Silvanus unto him) might be committed to the charge of one Apodemius. He coming into France, and [Page 100]suppressing the Letters, tells him that he was in very imminent danger. Here upon Silvanus moving sedition as a remedy and cure of his owne safety, imprudently and unawares verified the Calumin­ation.

11. But truly we have too long been silent concerning Sejanus; who, as he was wonderfully crafty in all things, so was he not unaccustomed to this Art whereof we now treate. That he might render Agrippina the more suspected to Tiberius, he suborneth his friends, that they might puff up and increase her hopes beyond what was lawfull. Her neighbours also are provoked and inticed, to stimulate and prick forward the haughty and smelling spirits of Agrippina, by depraved and stubborne words and speeches. Himselfe being the Engineere and contriver of the plot, Claudia Pul­chra Neice to Agrippina is accused and slandered; to the end that Agrippina complaining hereof, and being a woman, hot and fell, ill able to beare a discontentment, might the more vehemently and sharply touch and gaule the suspicious mind of the Emperour.

12. Sejanus, not herewith satisfied, strikes higher and harder at the discontented and improvident Lady: and having suborned some, who in shew of friendship should admonish her, that there was an intent to poyson her; and that therefore, she should shun to eate of the Banquet which Tiberius, her father in law had invited her to; She (unhap­pily credulous and rash of beliefe), when Tiberius offered her an Apple, withdrew her hand, and thereby very much offended him.

13. He also, (when there was appointed unto [Page 101] Agrippina and her sons a Scout-souldier to lye perdue, and to watch and observe their actions), instructed and suborned some to admonish her; that she should fly to the Armyes of Germany; or else lay hold on the effigies and pourtraiture of Augustus, in the most frequented place of judica­ture; and also should invoke the aide and assist­ance of the Senate and people of Rome.

14. Moreover, by what kind of wickednesse he also circumvented his Client Titius Sabinus, that he might render him altogether suspected of Am­bition to Tiberius; is to be read in the very His­tory. Which being no lesse abominable, then worthy your remembrance; t'will not be irksome to thee Reader, that we have here run it over, in the very words of the worthy Historian, which are extant in the fourth Book of his Annals.

CHAP. XXIX.

I Cannot but add one Example more out of the same Cornelius Tacitus. Firmius Catus a Senator, and of most intimate friendship with Libo a young Citizen of Rome, and one improvident and very soone to be drawne to vanities; drew the youth to the impious vowes of the Chaldean Magici­ans, and himselfe became an Interpreter and ex­pounder of dreams to him; while he ostentates and boasts to him that Pompey was his great [Page 102]Grandsire, that Scribonia (who was once the wife of Augustus) was his fathers Sister; that the Ca­sars were his Cousin-germanes, and showes him a house full of Pictures; encourageth him to Luxury and borrowing of money, being his Com­panion in his Lusts and necessities; that by many such shewes and representatures he might the bet­ter intangle him. He desires accesse to the Prince, having declared the Crime and Accusation; and the party accused by Flaccus Vescularius, a Roman Knight, who had neerer familiarity and acquain­tance with Tiberius. Annall fourth, Book the se­cond.

2. Stippiota, whose wile in removing Hagio­ [...]headerita before (Chap. 27 Numb 2.) we have related, could not shun but that, after the same manner with Sabinus Romanus (of which in the preceding Chapter. Numb 4.) he was almost circumvented. The builder of the snare was Came­terus Logotheta, who being an Enemy to Stippiota accuseth him before the Emperour as an Impo­stor; and one who had conceived in his intentions to betray Sicilia. And that the Calumny might resemble truth, he hides the Emperour in a cor­ner in his Bed-Chamber; and in his hearing, be­gins to discourse with Stippiota (whom he had purposely invited thither,) of the affairs of Sicily; where some few things fell from him which were either contrary, or unpleasant to Caesar. Cameterus not content with this, causeth feigned Letters to be put into Stippiota's Boots, which by the Em­perours Command being searched, Stippiota was condemned, and his Eyes put out.

3. This discourse brings us occasionally to the [Page 103]other way and means, by which we told you, that Calumnies and false accusations come to have the resemblance of truth: and this consists in the supposition, and pretence of forged and coun­terfeit Letters; And yet, this mode, and way could not so preserve and maintain it self, but that at length it vanished and came to nought, although it hath ever had the greatest force, to cause suspition to take the deeper impression in the mind of a Prince, and to alienate and estrange his will; which thing being considered, the par­ties accused fearing worse matters, have either spontaneously quitted their imployments; or else after the Calumny has been accepted and taken for granted, having attempted and set upon those very villaines, have added to and encreased such derraction: which is verified a little before by the Example of Silvanus, Chap. 28. Num. 10.

4. The perfidiousnesse and treachery of false witnesses, is a main and Principall ground, and prop for Calumnies and slanders, and such as they chiefly have need of, who accuse any one of high Treason, in betraying their Prince and Soveraign, whose domesticks are in this case most preva­lent.

5. In the reign of Arcadius, Eutropius conspi­ring against Timasius an old Sword-man and of approved Authority, corrupted Barous his Client, (or rather his most intimate familiar) with flattery and gifts, to accuse Timasius of affecting the Empire. Bargus puts his faith and credit out to use to the accuser Eutropius upon this ac­count, because there having been such a conjuncti­on between him and Timasius, he could not be [Page 104]thought or believed to accuse of any such crime one so well deserving at his hands, unlesse he were most certaine of the truth there­of.

6. They adde moreover to the probation of the crime, feigned and forged Letters. By this meanes the most innocent man, together with his Son, is cast out into the Isle Oasis from whence neither of them returned.

7. Caius Petronius seemed better and more to be desired to Nero, then Tigellinus, for skill and knowledge in volupty and pleasures. Scevinus, the friend of Petronius was the Author of Conspiracy against Nero. Whereupon Tigellinus being des­tempered with Envy, having corrupted and mis­led a servant of his to detect Petronius of Emula­tion, by and by objecteth and layes to his charge his friendship with Scevinus, and his knowledge of, and being conscious to his enterprise. Annal. Book the 16th.

CHAP. XXX.

VVE have said before, that the affection of the Prince towards the Calumniator, makes very much to confirme and strengthen the Calumny. This was throughly noted in Seja­nus, [Page 105]who endeavouring to bring Agrippina the widow of Germanicus under suspition with Livia Augusta, chose Julius Posthumus for his turne: for he, by the Adultery and forgery of Mutilia Prisca, was one of Livias intimate ones, and very fit for Sejanus his Counsels, but Prisca was very great in the opinion of Augusta. They are the words of Tacitus, in his fourth book.

2. But the snares and guiles of Calumnies have a more compendious, and short procedure and determination, if the party slandered have for­merly been any whit suspected by the Prince. For then the Calumniator, may not onely thereby suppresse the other, but advance himselfe al­so.

3. The familiars and friends of Aulus Vitellius, would not set upon Junius Blesus, before such time as they perceived Vitellius his benevolence and friendship towards him, begin to waxe stale; and do the sooner obtain their desire, because Vitellius his brother Lucius accommodates them with his aid in the accusation. Hist. Book the third.

4. Gracchus, one of the Children of Casar, and, as Tacitus saith in the 13th of his Annals, by ex­perience and Age having been taught in the Princes family, even from the time of Tiberius, thought, that the best way, and remedy for him to conserve and keep the favour of the Prince, was, to accuse Cornelius Sylla, whom Nero had a good while before suspected. The like Art Tigel­linus useth against the same Sylla and Plautus. Whereof Tacitus in the 14th of his Annals saith thus. Tigellinus groweth dayly more strong, sup­poseth [Page 106]his evill arts in which only he excelled, will become the more acceptable, if he can but linck the Prince in association of his lewd en­terprises, his fear then would have a starting hole. And having found that Plautus and Sylla were much dreaded, Plautus having been lately remo­ved into Asia. Sylla into Gallia Narbonensis, makes mention of, and commemorates their no­bility, and neer Allies, the one of the Easterne the other of the Germane Army. After a few other passages he turnes quite about, and bespeaks Sylla a needy indigent fellow, and by that means nota­bly adventurous and saucy, and a Counterfeiter of sloath and negligence, while he may find a place for temerity and rashnesse. Plautus by reason of his great wealth was unfeignedly desirous of ease and idlenesse.

5. We have spoken of Ursicinus his being accu­cused by Eusebius the Eunuch, before the Empe­rour Constantius, to whom he was formerly under an ill opinion by reason of his alliance & neerness of kindred to Gallus before (in the 27 Chap. Numb. 11.) not observing the event of that cause which was this: The Eunuch fearing that he should want Arguments to prove the crime, devises ano­ther craft and treachery, desires the matter of accusation may be protracted, and the judgment for a time suspended. The businesse then remain­ing undecided, he obligeth to himself Ursicinus, whom he seems to free from the danger of the judgment, yet withall removes him from Court, which was his chief aime, making great shew of friendship therein, but occultly and privately in­veighing against him to the Prince,

CHAP. XXXI.

THey who accuse another to have spoken e­vill of the Prince, by how much they draw and heap up more evill words from those which are true, by so much the easie wil their accusations find credit and belief.

2. This evidently appeares in the example of Granius Marcellus whom (as Tacitus saith in the 1 book of his Annals) Caepio Crispinus accused to have uttered some sinister and unhappy words touching Tiberius, a crime inevitable, sith that the accuser chooseth something of the Prince's vicious actions, and objecteth them to the ac­cused's charge to have spoken of. For because they were true, therefore were they believed to have been spoken by him.

3. Many Calumniators having followed this Example have upbraided and twitted the Empe­rours with their faults, by a shew of relating other mens speches, without reproof. This alone, in a manner moved them, to be very sparing in giving ear to false accusers.

4. And truly Tiberius, as he was a hater of re­proaches, [Page 108]so was he a lover of calumnies and accusations; and lest he should hear the one, when he was present in the Senate, and that the other might not be omitted, de­parted to Caprea, believing (as the Historian saith) it was fit for him to shun the assembly of his Councills, and their votes, which common­ly, while he was present with them, were grave and weighty. Annal. Book 4.

5. This way of upbraiding Princes, with their vicious actions, did they use, who translating by checks and taunts the Matricide of Nero, accuse others of the same crime, before Caesar, who was the auth or thereof, with a desire rather of rebuke­ing and discommending the wickednesse, then of destroying the party accused.

6. These are the most usuall wayes and modes which calumniators use; for who can enumerate them all? Calumny is a Monster, which hath a thousand figures and shapes, a thousand crafts and cunning deceits.

CHAP. XXXII.

FRom Calumnies, let us come to Commen­dations; there is use made likewise of these in Courts, (as we have said) to suppresse and pul down others; the most here do palliate and cloak their odium, envy, and emulation, that so they may the more easily deceive and frustrate.

2. Thus did Fabius Valens scandalize Mantius Valens, by secret criminations, without his knowledge or mistrust; and that he might be the lesse aware of his deceits, would openly commend him. Tacitus Hist. 1.

3. So did Eusebius the Eunuch, impugne and overcome Ursicinus, by the inticeing allurements of immense and huge bounty and largesse, and did often openly call him, a stout and valiant man; being very crafty and cunning, to intangle and insnare the simple man, in his poysonous and deathfull intrapments; and in that season too powerful, as Ammianus Marcellinus reports.

4. Alfonsus King of Arragon, when a certain person had before him commended another, [Page 110](besides his accustomed wont and manner) tur­ning about to his friend, Iste exitium haud dubiè ei, quem laudat, meditatur, That man doubtlesse means ruine to him, whom he thus commendeth. Nor was the King mistaken in this opinion; for about fix months after, he that so highly had commended, impleads and sues the other at Law, and had overthrown him, had not the King in­terceded.

5. Mucianus, when he could not oppresse An­tonius the first, openly loadeth him with much commendations in the Senate, and secret promi­ses; shewing and boasting, that the nigher Spain was vacant, by the departure of Cluvius Rufus; and bestowes upon his friends Tribuneships and Offi­ces: And after he had pust up his mind with hope and desire, remitteth and weakeneth his force and strength, by dismissing the seventh Legion in their winter-quarters, whose love to Antonius was most ardent. Tacitus in the 4th. Book of his Histories.

6. Neither do Courtiers onely, but even Prin­ces, when they desire to diminish and pull down some, take this way and road. Tiberius (having Libo under secret suspect and envy) advanceth him to the Pretorship, and feasteth him often, not being estranged in countenance, not moved in language, and so conceals his anger, as Tacitus saith, in the second Book of his Annalls. By the same Art, he also overthrew Sejanus. Domitian was never more to be feared, then when in his countenance he made shew of courtesie. Nicetas was wont to call the commendations of Andro­nicus, the beginnings of an injury; his liberality, [Page 111]a token of confiscation of goods; his lenity, the forerunner of death.

7. Some, in commending others, have this reach, that thereby they may kindle the Prince's hate against them. By this means, was Julius A­gricola suppressed by Domitian; whereupon, Ta­citus writing of Agricola, saith thus; The cause of his danger, was not any crime or complaint of hurting any body, but the Prince's being displeased at his vertues, and the glory of the man, and withall (that worst sort of friends) such as commend and applaud.

8. Ju [...]ian the Emperour had a saying, Nullos esse capitaliores hostes quàm larvatos Aulicos: There are none more capital and deadly enemies, then masked and vizarded Courtiers, such as Po­lybius, and, after him, Mamertinus describes; who, in a Panegyrick, and flattering speech, speaks thus: Callido artificio accusatoriam dicacitatem lau­dum titulis peragebant in omnibus conventiculis, quasi per benevolentiam: They rehearsed accusato­ry scoffings and reproaches, by a cunning Art, under the titles of commendations, in all their conventicles, and private meetings, as done out of good will.

9. But we may then discover those commen­dations to be usurped by some, when in com­mending one, they endeavour to bewray and de­note another, as unlike to him. This kind of ma­lignity, Plutarch objects to Herodotus, when he saies, that the Athenians were commended by him, as valiantly retunding and repressing the Persians Armies; not with a desire to extoll the Athenians, but to disgrace and defame the others.

[Page 112]10. It is usuall with Kings, as Seneca testifieth, to commend their ministers and servants, who are deceased, that so they may shame such as are living. Thus did Augustus advance and set forth, the faithfull duty and services of Mecoenas and Agrippa, when having openly manifested the sen­sualities of their daughters, he would reprehend his familiars and friends, as carelesse and negle­ctive of their Prince's businesse and fame.

11. Augustus beats Tiberius black and blew, by commending and excusing him; whereof Ta­citus writing in the first Book of his Annals, saith thus, Augustus a few years before, had required of the State and Councill, that Tiberius should have the power of a Tribune, although in an ho­nourable Oration, he had yet cast out something, touching his habit and attire, and his institutions and purposes; all which, as seeming to excuse, he upbraids and casts in his teeth.

12. These things therefore should admonish us, that we endeavour to look into the inward intents, and dispositions of such, as either praise or reproach us.

13. We told you, that the last way and means, by which Courtiers are oppressed by their ene­mies, is, Force and Strength, which then prin­cipally takes place, when either People or Soul­diery, being offended at our dignity or manners, stir up sedition.

14. 'Tis not unknown, what tumults were amongst the Parisians, how they were heated therewith, when John King of England was taken prisoner. Nor is the condition and fortune of those unknown, who, when his son was Vice-Roy, [Page 113]held the principall offices and dignities in the Kingdome.

15. Not many years since, the seditions of the Janizaries, swept away Ministers of chief autho­rity, from the Turkish Emperours. The times of Arcaaius the Emperour, will afford us some ex­amples hereof, from the most antient Histories. Ruffinus was very neer and deer (amongst the chiefest) to that Prince, who being offended with Stilico, and meditating his ruine and destructi­on, sends Gaina with the Armies, as an Auxilia­ry to the Emperour; but, in very deed, to take away the life of Ruffinus, which also was accom­plished: For Ruffinus being gone forth with the Armie, the Souldiers of Gaina having risen up, by giving a signall, compassed him about, and tore him in pieces. Eutropius being substituted in place of Ruffinus, had likewise offended some prime Courtiers; and (the same Gaina being the plotter and contriver) Tribigildus moves sediti­on; who flying over, and dispoyling Asia, denies peace upon any other tearms or advantage, then, that Eutropius should be taken away: To which Law, at length ( Gaina driving the Chariot) the Emperour consenteth. Nor was this enough; the same Gaina afterwards, openly joyning with Tribigildus, that it might be manifested, that he was reconciled to Arcadius, requires, that Au­relianus Salurinus, and Jobn Chrysostomus, (then chief men in transacting affairs) should be deli­vered up to their arbitrement and pleasure; whom (being delivered up) he commands to ba­nishment; and was content, that he had given [Page 114]them occasion, to bewail the edge of their own swords.

CHAP. XXXIII.

VEry often, Courtiers, who think themselves guarded on all hands, happen upon a Prince, whose Genius is vain, distrustfull, envious, co­vetous, cruell, or timidous, which proves to their inevitable ruine. These diseases, as planted in Nature, do mostly what delude the circumspecti­on of the most prudent. Seneca, owing much to his liberty with Nero, but little to his service, al­though prudent, and not uncrafty in Courtly Arts; yet being overcome, as it were, by the ma­lice of the Prince's genius and disposition, yiel­ded at last. He first incurs his envy by his elo­quence and wealth; and afterwards falling under calumny and false accusations, was bereft of the Prince's favour, and his own life together.

2. The diffidence and envy of Princes, to­wards some, hath been so formidable, that they had rather suffer a diminution and abatement of their own emoluments, and profits, then be highly active, with their Prince's envy and dis­pleasure.

[Page 115]3. Publius Venidius, fearing the Envy of Marc Antony, (by whose Authority he waged warr;) was content to have repelled the Parthians in three severall battells even to Media, yet would not prosecute the victory.

4. The same thing did Bellisarius, when Justinian was Emperour, as Agathias sayes; when in like manner he feared, least the greatnesse of the victory, and applause of the people, should stirre up the hatred of the Nobles and afterwards of the Prince.

5. Such as these, neither provide rightly for the utility and advantage of the Prince; nor their owne honours. But the fault neverthelesse is not in them so much, as in him that rules; and for this cause Mertoenas perswades Augustus, that he should neither impute sinister Events to his Mini­sters, nor successefull to Himselfe. For (saies he) many of those who handle publique affaires, fear­ing to be envyed by the Prince, have more neg­ligently acted in their Imployment; chusing ra­ther to run the hazard of Glory, then safety.

6. Their course notwithstanding, seems best in my approbation; who, to avoid Envy, whatsoever notable Enterprize they publish and set forth, at­tribute the glory thereof to the Prince, though absent at the time of the action.

7. Agrippa the son in law of Augustus, per­swadeth those who take in hand great matters, to attribute the thing accomplished to the Prince; and himselfe did often so. Thus Joab when he had besiged Rabbath and could have subdued it, would not before David himselfe was come; Cra­erus when the warr was to be composed, with [Page 116] Artacona; waited for the presence of Alexander. Julius Agricola, as Tacitus reports, never trium­phed for any Actions to his owne fame and re­nowne, but referred the fortune to the Author, and Generall, looking on himselfe, but as a Minister and instrument.

8. This same Envy and Emulation, (for the o­thers though divers are heere the like in effect;) let it be that they are diseases, yet have they been common and familiar to the most generous Prin­ces; such as were Philip, and Alexander; and do more strongly blast some, then others.

9. Theodosius the second of that name, had dele­gated and appointed the care of those Seas, which flowed up to Constantinople, to Syrus to be im­mured and walled in; which worke when he had effected in sixty dayes, this Celerity and speedy dispatch was so gratefull to the people; that they cryed out on all sides, that the City was built by Constantine, but renewed by Cyrus. This being heard of the Emperour, stirr'd up such Envy in him, that Cyrus to expiate it, was necessitated to put on the hood.

10. He that hath to do with such dispositions, may think that he walkes upon the hot imbers; and therefore ought with all diligence so to act, as that he may diligently search out their incli­nations; that so he may guard himselfe against them, or if that may not be done; he may at least be conscious to himselfe, of having not omitted his duty and office.

CHAP. XXXIIII.

1. HE may worthily be reckoned amongst the happy ones, and as it were the Chickens of fortune; whose Authority with the Prince from whom he had his beginning, remaines in the same height and loftinesse with his Successor. This is rare in Courts, because he who presumeth to be next; by retaining his office, is for the most part suspected to those that rule; and being so emi­nent in this place, they are very often necessita­ted to crosse and thwart such persons which yeelds most frequent seed to deadly feuds and hatred.

2. And besides this, the successor of a Prince hath mostly his owne Ministers and Servants, well known to him by their long and faithfull service and imployments, to whom that they may make way to dignities and honours, he will pull down the Clients and retainers of the deceased, either freely or by perswasion to give place to others, that are petitioners.

3. There are yet some, whom either the matter of their imployments for which they are apter then others, their office whatever it be insinuateth them onto the succeeding Prince's acceptance, that be­sides [Page 118]the deceased Prince he would not part with any such a one.

4. Macro to ingratiate himselfe with Caligula subornes and incenseth his wise, Ennia, to entise the young man by love, and to contract matri­mony with him, that so she might overcome him and prevaile with him. The same Macro causeth Tiberius when he lay dying, to be oppress­ed and overcharged, with the weight of heavy Clothes cast upon him, as sayeth Tacitus in his sixth Book. Julian the Emperour retaines Arbetio by him, although he hated him for his pride, and for his contentious and turbulent spirit, con­ceiving him to be necessary to him. Afterwards Valentinian calls the same Arbetio to Court of pur­pose, that he might oppose and set himselfe a­gainst Procopius.

5. We have shewne hitherto, what a Courtier is to shun and avoid, who would enjoy the grace and favour of his Prince. The head and chief of all Counsells, which can in this place be given a Courtier, is, Modesty towards the Prince; mea­suring himselfe not in himselfe, nor comparing himselfe with himselfe; not framing himself I say, by the Modul of fortune, but of his own duty, acting nothing boastingly and in a bravadoe, noth­ing irreverently, avoyding Envy (as much as is possible). A thing so formidable to many worthies and ancient Grandees; that many (pretending un­fitnesse, or other inability to mannage them); others (betaking themselves to their books,) have with drawne and estranged themselves from the publique Negotiations, as one, whereof His­torians make mention, of Domitian; as the other, of Galba.

[Page 119]6. First we will carefully transmit, and passe over those Commendations of Malevolent per­sons, and the Calumnies; of which we have alrea­dy spoken.

7. They who slander us, or say, that there is wanting in us some of those things which are requisite to the well serving of a Prince; and affirme that we have spoken something amisse, and with intention to offend; or else have by Act, hurt and injured some body.

8. The fault which is objected against us, is either to be excused, or amended; or else expia­ted and purged by the operation of other vertues. As also all our words and deeds are so to be mo­derated, that they become not obnoxious to Si­nister interpretations and constructions. There­fore the mind of another, is first to be scrued and searched into; before we disclose our owne. But if through carelesnesse, somewhat may fall from us, that may be offensive, we must shew, and evidence to them; (either by some good office to be performed for them, or by casting in some smooth and handsome interpretation, by other words and speeches), that we had no mind to of­fend them in our discourse.

9. If we have cognizance that we are calum­ninated, it will be advisedly and wisely done of us; to be as little absent, and at distance from the party, to whom we are accused, as possible may be. For besides this, that affection towards such as are absent freezeth in time; the reproach and slander, unlesse maturely and timously repelled, and foiled by the aide of verity and truth, will more easily find place; which (the course being [Page 120]turned, and a doubt speedily injected), will flagg and wither: but by delay, and none contradict­ing the accuser's affirmations, will be corrobo­rated and strengthned, and take roote in the Prince's mind, and carry him so sarre; as that he may hate the party accused, before he inquire in­to the Crime.

10. He therefore that will be rightly advised herein, shall procure himselfe one, or more friends; who in his absence may defend him from the assaults of Slander: but be sure they be per­sons of honour; and such, as to whose defence the Prince may no lesse give eare, then to the others Calumnies. But of such friends, I con­fesse there is great sterility and barrennesse at Court: where it is mostly usuall amongst all, either to oppresse their fellowes; or suffer them to be oppressed. Yet it happens sometimes that there may be one, who by benefits received from us; or by desire to oblige us to them; or lastly out of hate to the Accuser; may be moved and perswaded to such a good turne.

CHAP. XXXV.

A Courtier should not only such Ostentation and boasting of his Prince's favour, that so he may avoid the Envy of Compeers and equalls (of which we have spoken Chap. 19.) but that of the Prince also.

2. When on a time the Spanish Nobility in the Raign of Philip the second, went about to root out and overthrow Cardinall Spinosa, see how they go about to undermine him: they all lay down their Mases and Offices at his foot, they all feigne and profess that he is the Hinge upon which their fortunes depend. The Prince's domestick Ministers and servants offer themselves ready at his beck. When the King gets intelligence hereof he is removed from Court; and within two years decayes, what ever the loftie structure of power were, that he had built to himself.

3. Let a Courtier therefore learn to be con­tented with a small retinue and train, to keep his station, and subsist with that dignity wherewith the Prince hath adorned him, and rather below his degree; but let him never transgresse his bounds. Its unseasonable to diminish and curtaile ones [Page 122]train onely in a declining Fortune. 'Twas no boot to Seneca after he had left Neroe's favour to betake himself to a private Cottage, and to have composed and built up to himself a Pyra­mid of studies, and under pretende of unhealthi­nesse to deny entrance to visitors; nor did it any thing ease the mind of Agricola, by night, and with slender attendance, to walke about the City.

4. It behoveth very much that a man do ti­mously compose and module himself to tempe­rance and moderation.

5. Yet although we would not have you be surround with the noise and rout of many suitors & attenders; nevertheless would we not have you neglect to make many your Clients and retainers: not such as should serve for your pomp and so­lemnity; but such, as, if any dysaster should be­fall thee, may either restore and renew, or at least refresh and comfort thee.

6. For though sinister and unhappy Fortune hath found but few such friends, yet hath it most found some, who if they cannot eye friendship yet may they for their own benefit and commo­dity, have respect to somthing [...]ending to the conserving and preservation of thy For­tune.

CHAP. XXXVI.

BUt yet, as it is a great Comfort and consolati­on in adverse fortune, to have communicated with others in our prosperity, and to have used the favour of the Prince to lift up and advance others: so is a Courtier also to be admonished that he dispense and bestow those benefits wari­ly. For it is most certain, that whatever the Prince hath conferred on another at our request is in a great measure to be imputed to us. There­fore his grace and favour, unlesse it be very great towards us, is not to be too much divided a­mongst others; and very seldome are others who are not after some sort knowne to the prince, to be recomended unto him. That of Horace is to be observed.

Englished thus,

2. If we desire to beg a Boon of the Prince let our request be just, and accommodated and fitted to time; conjoyned likewise with the dignity and Emolument and advantage of the Prince, and such as the like hath been obtained by many others. If the Prince signifieth his consent, let us manifestly evidence that we accept it as a very great benefit and bounty; if he refuse, we must be very carefull, that we give him not cause to think that we are discontented.

3. Here also must we observe that which be­fore Chap. 35. Num. 1. we admonished, that we do not ambitiously ostentate and boast of the Prin­ces favour, as if we had him obnoxious to our Commands, which some having done have ill succeeded as we shewed. What ever Princes act, they desire to seem to act it, by their own free Arbitrement and will, without the addita­ment and props, or Authority of others, especially of their subjects.

4. If the Prince give us in Command any thing hard and perilous, lets endeavour to have it com­prehended [Page 125]in writing, and if possible to be most accurately and exquisitely gathered and com­posed; if any difficulties occur in executing them, let us ripen them, and before we betake us to the Province and place appoynted to execute them in, let us not omit or neglect to unfold and de­clare them, if the matters be not fit to be written and be to be committed to us in secret, we are of­ten to iterate and repeat them over in his pre­sence, that we may more throughly understand the mind of the Commander, and he may see, that his Authority in the things which we act, is not denyed.

5. That which remains, is, We ought to shew our promptitude and readinesse to do, even the meanest offices the Prince Commands us to. A small matter ofttimes opens a way to a great for­tune; and Princes will have their Commands to be estimated, not by the weight and ponderosity of the things commanded, but by the magnitude and greatnesse of their own fortune: and therefore are not lesse offended at our abandoning and disdaining of their lesse and easie Commands, than of the hardships and hazards they expose us to, by their imployment.

6. When we are neer the Prince, we ought assi­duously to watch that we be not overrun with suddain and unexpected commands, or taken tardy in doing something besides our businesse and imployment. To this purpose, let us (as much as may be) observe and preoccupate in our mind, the things which are incumbent on us, and prepare our thoughts to every thing which falls into agitation, and that we speak not many things [Page 126]to the Prince, nor any thing that we do not well know and understand. When the Prince speaks, let us be intent, and not minding other matters, nei­ther let us appear sad, and full of thoughts, lest we seem, either not to hear, or by a carelesse hea­ting, to transmit and passe over slightly his spee­ches.

7. If any one that is grieved by the Prince shall come to us and complain of his fortune; let us shew, that we pitty his case, and perswade him to silence and patience: let us also raise him up to hope well, extenuating the Injury done to him, and excusing the Prince. But we must act very circumspectly with such; for there are some who feigne themselves injured, that so they may pump and draw up something from us, which may sig­nifie a sinister and evill will in us, towards the Prince, and may thereby find occasion to oppress us. Others are (re vera) and in truth grieved and hurt, yet oftentimes being imprudent and silly, and carried away by affection and selfish­nesse, do not conceale those things which are communicated to them in secret trust.

8. If it be our fortune to have the charge of a family, we ought to keep our servants also from speaking more freely against the Prince, or such as are by affection and love chiefly endeered to him; for the fault of a houshold servant is of times tranferred upon the Master.

9. This is amongst the choisest parts and Offi­ces of Courtly wisdom, viz. to be able sagaciously and prudently to resent the Princes affection, when either changed, or but luke-warm towards us. If any such thing should happen, it is gent­ly [Page 127]and sweetly to be dissolved and untyed as the knot of love; but in no wise to be broken and torne open, till that the Cause of this change of affection be abolished; for so a returne to the for­mer favour is sometimes given, especially if we seeme not to have remembred the injury; or else cleerly to have never so much as heeded or regar­ded it.

CHAP. XXXVII.

THat a Courtier may rightly judge of the con­stancy and permanency of the Prince's good will, towards him, it is not enough that he be knowing of the Princes Genius and disposition, and the Authority and power both of his friends and foes; he ought first throughly to weigh and consider the cause, which exkindled this love of the Prince towards him. For if that which was the cause should cease in us, or be found more valid and strong in another; doubtlesse the Prin­ces affection towards us, will altogether cool; or at least be lessened.

2. It's sometimes difficult to divine, what the cause is for which thou art beloved; and as Auso­nius sayes, This is a felicity, the reason whereof we cannot render. But ordinarily, this love of Prin­ces ariseth, either from a similitude and likeness [Page 128]of disposition; or from the grace and comelinesse of our deportment and behaviour, or from some duty and offices performed; or some other ver­tue and aptitude to obey their will.

3. That love, which that externall and out­ward grace and likenesse of manners produceth; although it seeme most firme and stable, doth soonest of all wax old and decay; both because as we have said, the Genius and inclinations of men is changed according to age, and the variety and change of intervening and accidentall affaires; and also for that it is a rare thing for two such like dispositions to be found, which may not in some thing differ and disagree. Oftimes also, that con­trary thing which they have, is more prevalent to discord and division, then the things wherein they resemble each other, are to Concord and agree­ment.

4. Notwithstanding, I know not what starre or constellation, by an unusuall manner and way, doth so attemperate and season some men to the Prince; that he can not easily in any thing depart from, nor leave such a ones fashions and tem­perature. And these are they, (I deny not) who reape a plentifull crop of good things before all others; especially if they know how, wittily and trimly to serve the time; and before a Tempest to furl up their sailes.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

WIth this kind of love, Princes are some­times affected to Women; and that by so much the more, as they are prone to venerious volupties and pleasures.

2. From the same neverthelesse do these fall away and decline; if not by their owne fault, yet at least by the satiety of the party loving, or by the sight of a better Love or Mistresse: whereby it cometh to passe, that they become more crafty and guilefull; who endeavour to divert the Prince from all familiarity and converse with o­thers, especially with such, who seem fit and able to bend the Prince's mind another way. Some by feigned and counterfit disdaine, have kept them loving and kind to them. Others being more audacious, have ungirt and unbuckled those whom they perceive to be more obliged and con­strained to them by Luxury and carnall pleasures and delights.

3. This art used Poppaea to Nero; of which yee [Page 130]may see, in the words of the prince of Histo­rians, in the 14. th of his Annals.

4. The female friends of Princes have oftimes more easily obliged some to them, after this mode and way then by flatteries or pleasures. But, there is no constancy (as we have said) in this kind of Love.

5. It were more convenient and agreeable in­deed, that the love which thou hast, (as it were) hatched to thee and bred by services; should be more stable and firme, as that which is sprung from a more honest Cause; and fitter to allure and intice others, to the like offices and duties.

6. Yet very often, doth experience teach us the contrary; many times the chief benefits in Court are envyed, and those whose turne and office they cannot requite; they oft revenge with hatred.

7. Such are not willing to be indebted to any man, much lesse to a subject. They shun, and in­dure not, that deserving men should see them, as those who should upbraid their ingratitude, which is the cause that their condition, in Court, is most miserable; for, when by some office and service they have merited from the Prince, they are forthwith constrained by shamefacednesse, not to require their reward; and seeme by feare, not to have given, but sold their advantage and benefit. Princes, in the interim being careless of benefits and good turnes, and very sloathfull as to compensations and recompences, procrastinate and put off from day to day; untill the remem­brance of the benefits wither and fade away from the minds of those, who are conscious and privy [Page 131]to them, who before feared some secret taunts and reproaches.

8. Some understanding thus much, have thought it good to strike (as they say) while the Iron's hot; (that is to say) when they have known them­selves destinated and appoynted to some cer­tain businesse; before they would undertake it, have had an eye to the reward, knowing that the hope of receiving an Office, is more strong and vali'd with Princes, then the Hopes of a reward; that it is better to be obliged to Rulers, then to oblige them; because whom they oblige, they think should be benevolous and bear them good­will; he who hath obliged them, (because he may be thought not to love the Prince, who shall de­ny him his recompence and reward) shall be pu­nished with odium and hatred, insteed of com­pensation. This was the judgement and opinion of Lewis the 11th, as Comineus reports.

9. Love towards those who Minister aid and assistance to the Prince's volupty, and are obedient thereto, seems fit to be more stable, and is so in­deed so long as the Prince is constant to his own inclinations: But (they being changed) such as administer to them, are also changed; sometimes also the Prince, becomming conscientious of what is honest, abominates and casts away the Ministers together with the vice.

10. Moreover as the inclinations of the Prince are some more durable and lasting then others; so also the favour which we have spoken of to such as administer to them, will be alterable and unconstant.

CHAP. XXXIX.

I Shall not here meddle with all the volupties to which a Prince's natures are prone, because they are not all such, as upon which the heighth of Court-fortune can be superstructed and built. There is a three fold kind of them, too common and familiar with Princes which I will rehearse viz. Veneriall Love, Cruelty, and Covetuous­nesse.

2. Veneriall Love, as it is mostly vehementer then the rest, so is it the more unconstanter; which although it may last in him, yet will he not long love and like one and the same party; and though he may not change the subject, yet (to use the Scholastick terme) he will change and vary the object. Neverthelesse, very many have used this as the basis and foundation wherein they have reared and built up their fortunes, not stick­ing to prostitute and debauch their own wives [Page 133]that they might attain the Prince's favour. As we read in Tacitus's 13th book of Annal. that one Ortho did, yet this succeeded not so, as to ingrati­ate him: for Nero removed him from Court, lest he should have a Rival neer him.

3. Others, that they might oblige the Prince, have associated themselves with him, and been contented to be witnesses and ministers of his misdeeds and lust. An example whereof was Tigel­linus. Annal. 14th. These consider not, that Prin­ces scrupple not to sacrifice such men at length to publique envy, to free themselves there from. Such servants of Lust may expect the same which Remirus d'Orco (that Minister of Cruelties to Caesar Borgia) experienced, whom Borgia at length commanded to be put to death, as the person guilty of all those things, which himself had cru­elly acted and done.

4. And by this example of Remirus we may learn their sate and destiny, who lend their aid to the cruelty of a Prince. Seldome is the Princes affection towards such, long lived; both because he afterwards reads his own vices in them, and also, because he is afraid himself of them, whom he perceives and find so apt for villany.

5. Nero although of a cruell disposition, and an old and crafty Polititian, after his mother was slaine hated Anicetus, whom he perceived to have upbraided him with his Matricide.

6. But least of all, is that affection of covetu­ousnesse mutable. The diversity of object changes not that, as it doth Love; it is not lessened and impaired with age, but increased; and although it be equally and alike hatefull to the people as [Page 134]Cruelty is, yet is longer indured; because exacti­ons have commonly a pretext of publique ne­cessity, and honest parsimony, and likewise a spe­cies and shew of common utility. Hence there­fore they who are Ministers herein, may seem lon­ger to be sheltred by the Prince's amity, whiles that they (which is rare in such kind of men) be ne­ther froward, nor testy and difficult, not too gree­dy of wealth and gain.

7. Morosity, which for the most part is also con­rumelious and reproachfull, procures odium and envy both to the party, and to the Governour and Ruler of a people. The Author whereof the Prince at length will reject and cast off, that so he may remove the envy from himself. Riches are ob­noxious to envy, not only of the multitude, but sometimes of the Prince himselfe; who, if truly covetous, will seldome be contented to have wrung out and squeezed the full sponge, which (as we read) Vespatian was wont to do, but will imitate the Peasants and Rustick people, who at last devoure and eat up those swine, which they have formerly cramm'd and fatted.

8. Certes, the Kingdome of France hath seen many such, who being rough and sharp beyond measure, or too hasty to enrich themselves, when they have acted too insolently, after a great and lofty fortune, have been brought to perdition and ruine.

9. In the Reign of Philip the faire, one Peter Berchy being Chauncellor of the Exchequer, and of the Prince's bed Chamber, was strangled at Paris. Lewis the son of Philip having after­wards attain'd to the Kingdom, Enguerrandus Ma­rigny [Page 135]fell into the like misfortune, under Charls the seventh. Guise in dignity equall to Berchy, being questioned by the law, was after­wards sown up in a Sack, and drowned. His suc­cessor Camus Beauly, was slain at Poitiers. The like Fate had befaln Peter Essart, in the time of Philip the first, had he not redeemed himself with a hun­dred thousand Florens.

10. I could name others, but I spare their memory, meane while the examples produced do sufficiently instruct, that the facility of such kind of Ministers brings too much detriment and hurt to the Princes utility; but their own in­solency, attracteth hatred and destruction even to themselves. Too much Riches are to be avoided, which may stirre up against us; as also it is lawfull, not to refuse a just occasion of being weal­thy.

CHAP. XL.

THe last of the causes, for which Courtiers are beloved of the Prince, now remaines; which in the 37. th Chap. Numb. 2. we told you, was aptnesse and expeditiousnesse in doing the Prince's businesse; which when we have observed to be ac­ceptable to the Prince, we must also mark, whe­ther or no it be therefore pleasant and taken in good part, because necessary; or because the Prin­ce's desire provoked him, to such an aptitude. If acceptable because necessary, the love will endure so long as the necessity lasteth; neverthelesse it will be rather a forced, then a voluntary and free love.

2. If the Prince aspire the glory of this kind of aptitude, we may not doubt, but that they who in this shall exceed him; will in time be grievous to him. Sith that, there is an imbred desire, not in Princes onely, but in all men, to excell all others in the art they professe; Certes, no man scarcely can with an equall and moderate mind beare it, if he be surpassed by his houshold servant.

[Page 137]3. Asinius Pollio being exhorted by some to an­swer and require something that Augustus had written against him, with some verses; answered Nolle se ejus, qui possit proscribere, scribendo incurrere invidiam: That he would not incurre the Envy of him by writing, in whose power it lay to pro­scribe and banish him.

4. There being a controversie sometimes be­twixt Favorinus a Philosopher, and Adrian the Emperour, concerning some word, when the Emperour had posed him, and his friends ad­mired it, he answered thus: Non erubesco, vinci scientia ab illo, qui triginta Legionibus imperat: I am not ashamed to be conquered in knowledge by him, who hath thirty Legions at his com­mand.

5. It is a known precept of wisdome Coram Rege noli videri Sapiens: Seem not to be wise in the presence of the King. It cannot otherwise be, for to purchase the Prince's favour here, we ought to desert and lose our own glory: and not only when we have to do with words, but in every thing we ought to submit and yield him the Palme of victory. And to that end, it will not be impertinent and besides the purpose, that a man sometimes admit against himselfe somewhat (though a little hurtfull) even by his own con­sent and procurement.

6. From the things hitherto discoursed on, it appeares, of what slender stability and durableness all kind of Court-powers are. These therefore are the most soveraign advicements and counsels which can be given to such as act highly and eminently, ad descensunt in arenam prapararesese: [Page 138]to make them ready for Combat, though it be judged more generous and couragious, to fight him who enters the List, than to flye. Notwith­standing if we must fight with more perill then Guerdon and recompence, a man may not be ashamed maturely to retreat, and to imitate the Parthians, who fight as they flye.

7. It is also more gloriosu and commendable to descend slowly, and by gradatious and steps, then precipitately and rashly to commit himself into others hands, and retreat through a certain and sure posterne, then to be thrown out at the win­dow. So having found a pretence, it is lesse dis­honourable, freely and spontaneously to bid adieu to honour, then to tarry till you be repel­led, and removed. To this may be added the saying of an antient Roman, Quid fatigatae felicitate molestis es? Quid expectas donec Castris eijciaris? why art thou troubulous to tired felicity? why tarriest thou, till thou be removed out of the Camp?

8. 'Tis happinesse (saith Seneca) to dye in se­licity. On the contrary, I deem him a happy Courtier, who in the middle of felicity betakes himself to a retirement. Peradventure he that doth so, shall not find the like judgment from all men in this particular, and shall seem unworthy of his fortune, the messenger whereof he so sud­denly turns back: but who so is prudent will not stick at these sayings, but will rather provide for his safety; and will call to mind, that at all Games and pastimes which depend on fortune, 'tis better to break off a Gainer, then a Looser; and that it is not a wise mans part to change certainties for hazards and doubtfull chances.

[Page 139]9. And mostly men ascend gradually to such a heighth of dignities; but who will not admire to see one descend from on high, when he sees no Staires or Ladders under him? And if so be that by the fulgor, and brightnesse of too great a fortune, a man be inveigled and dazelled, and one pace or step faile him (as may easily happen to such as live in a lofty and high condition) they may not be said then to descend, but to fall head­long.

10. You have now (friendly Reader) the summe of such things which I conceive may as to these subjects herein treated of, satifie your desire, which I have principally aimed at in collecting them them. Whether they may be profitable and be­hoovefull to thee, tu videris, see to that thy selfe: they have indeed long since been of no use to me; take therefore as a Compendium and Epi­phonema of my Life and wishes, these Verses of Seneca.