The CASE of THE KING STATED, From the very beginning of the Warre to this present day, In relation I. To the two Houses. II. To the Army. III. To the Scots. IV. To the Subjects of England in generall. In justification & commiseration of His Majesty in this his distres­sed condition; and for the satisfaction of the whole Kingdom. By BASILIUS ANONYMUS.

—Nemo me impunè lacessit.
O foolish Galatians, who hath bewitched you? Gal. 3.1.
‘DIEV ET MON DROIT’

C. R.

HONI SOIT QVI MAY Y PENSE

Printed in the Yeere 1647.

To the King's most excellent Majesty.

SIR,

THis poore Pamphlet I intended at first should have kis­sed your Royall hands at Hampton-Court, not that I conceived it a Present worthy the acceptance of a King, but on­ly I presumed, that Loyalty being a precious Jewell in this age, could not be unwelcome, though presented from the mea­nest, and the most unworthy of your Subjects.

Some perswasions of your true Friends first put me upon the Enterprise, and urged to me a necessity, that it should be done out of hand, that all your loyall Subjects might be informed in what a sad condition you lay, and how miserably you have been abused from time to time: so that it being the Producti­on of but a day and a night (a little more time than Nature takes to the making of a Mushrome,) nothing can be expected in it but plaine Truth hudled together without any artifici­all method or dressing. And yet I hope it will find your Ma­jesty out in this your happy retirement; wherein if it speake but any tolerable sence to entertain your Majesty for an houre, and such as may take Impression upon the hearts of your Sub­jects, then (though done in hast) it is well done.

I. The Case of the King in relation to the two Houses.

IF we looke upon the ancient Majesty of the Kings of England for which this our native Countrey hath been held in as vene­rable an esteem, as any Kingdom in Europe whatsoever, and con­sider the present despicable condition of our now dread Sove­raigne, into what an Abysse of misery he is plunged by the Treache­ry of his own Subjects, (yet all under the specious pretence of loyalty,) as there is no generous heart but must lament the Infamie which re­turnes upon us, in the opinion of other Nations, so no Tongue or Pen will ever be able to fatham the depth of their vilany, no ven­geance equall their impiety, who first contributed to that cursed de­signe, which God hath permitted (for causes best knowne to his un­searchable wisdom) to render a pious and glorious Prince, a flourishing and obedient People, thus wretched and miserable, by a most horrid Rebellion.

It is now more than five yeares, since the devouring sword first ran­ged about the Kingdom; full seven yeares since this Parliament be­gan; the whole Body whereof I cannot accuse for the Authors of this unnaturall war, but (to speake mildly and conscionably) they were some few Members of it (whom it is not my busines to name, lea­ving that to History,) who first taught our Hands to war and our Fin­gers to fight. Yet he that will trace the designe of this warr to its O­riginall, shall finde it of an elder date than 7. yeares: For, all the seditious Carriages of the Puritan-Faction (so called) against the go­vernment of the Church, in the dayes of Queen Elizabeth, King Iames, and our Soveraigne that now is, were but as so many prepara­tives to the work in hand, or so many throwes in Travaile, till the Faction was delivered of the Monster, in the yeare 1641. which was then Christned by the name of REFORMATION.

And whereas in the Reignes of the two former Princes, this Faction was with great wisdom and policy, kept under Hatches, and so not arrived to that height of Impudence they afterward attained, their numbers being then not very considerable among the Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy of the Kingdom, and so they wanted men to back them both in the Senate and Pulpit; yet in processe of time being very active and industrious, (as all Innovators must be) they drew Disciples after them in all Counties of the Kingdom, among all de­grees and conditions of men: so that then their Reputation increa­sing [Page 2]with their number, and both being mightily advanced by an artificiall and counterfeit piety, they daily gathered advantage to cry downe the Government of the Church by Bishops, as Anti-Christian, to make way for (as themselves termed it) a glorious Re­formation; This was made the Stalking horse to the whole designes, and through this pretence they the rather prevailed upon the credu­lous people, by reason of the rash and furious carriage of some of the Episcopall Clergy, which rendred their Adversaries a daily occa­sion to add fuell to the fire of zeale among the multitude, and prepa­red them to entertaine any Change, though to their owne prejudice.

Which being quickly apprehended, and Counsells mutually com­municated, by many of the Gentry, and a Lord or two (some of bro­ken Fortunes, but all of ambitious minds) they judged then they had met with a fit occasion to repaire and advance their Fortunes and their Friends, to the great Offices and Honors of the Kingdom, and so became Candidalets of this desperate Faction. And knowing that this could never be effected but by surprizing the King's Maje­sty and the chiefe Officers of State, in a Parliamentary way, they la­bored tooth and naile (their expectations having been frustrated in former Parliaments) to make sure of all in this Parliament: And this they mannaged most stoutly partly by canvasing Elections for Creatures of their owne in the Counties abroad, partly by working upon the Citie of London, with religious pretences; and finally upon their owne Members with high promises; and that which gave the maine stroke of all was, their having the Scots ready at a Call (as the world well knew) upon all occasions to back them.

By which meanes having made their party paramount among the Laity, and knowing there was little hope but that all the learned Clergie of the Kingdom would stick firme to their owne Principles, as they attempted so they prevailed upon few of them; But well weighing the Proverb, That none is so bold as blind Bayard, and that, Ignorance is the mother of blind Obedience, they knew none so fit to worke to their owne ends, as the meanest and most illiterate of the Clergy, who were as ready to swallow the great Benefices, as them­selves the great Offices of the Kingdome; and these they imployed both at Presse and Pulpit, to libell and raile downe the ancient re­ceived government both of Church and State.

And now the Boutefeu's of the Faction being thus prepared, they proceeded to give fire, immediately dis-mounted the chiefe Officers of State, and chased the Bishops out of the House of Lords, and le­velled all exorbitant Courts both spirituall and temporall; to all which [Page 3]His Majesty gave his Royall Assent, as also for Trienniall Parliaments. To which speciall Acts of Grace and Favor, he added also that highest of all, for the continuance of this Parliament at the discretion of our new Masters; and what more could have been desired, or granted? But they not yet satisfied, and the Court being crowded daily with unreasonable demands, extorted by the Factious Party, from the Houses, and as unreasonable and audacious Tumults from the City, to the intolerable affront of the Royall Person, his Majesty plainely saw the designe was next to chase himselfe away, and experience tells us, it was a plot on purpose to lay a Foundation for war, by driving him to extremities, that themselves might invade the Throne (as we see they have done,) and reigne like Princes.

Now having perfected the Plot thus farre, and attained the cheef of their desires, which was His Majesties absence (whereupon they tooke occasion of advantage in the opinion of the people, (as they ever have done upon the most necessitous and innocent of his Actions) to scandalize him for a Deserter of his Parliament) it was consulted next, to keep him away, and drive him to further extremities, and so they prosecuted him still with such imperious Messages and Demands, as became neither a wise nor loyall People to aske, nor an English King to grant, if he meant to be a King any longer, or they had meant really to have him returne back to London, with any hope of being used like a King.

But on they proceeded, and the next worke was, to disrobe him, of all the Ensignes of Royalty; and first, to ravish the Crowne of its choicest Jewell, the Militia both by Sea and Land; the very life and soule of a King quatenus King, and without which Monarchie is but a dead Carkase, a Scar-Crow, a mere Shadow. But because it had been too grosse to make so high and positive a Demand, without some gilded pretence, immediately wild Feares and Jealousies were raised to amaze the people, concerning a Popish and Profane-Party, ready to joyne in Armes with the King, for the destruction of the Protestant Religiion, and inslaving them to an Arbitrary Tyranny, whereupon they founded an invincible necessity lying upon the Hou­ses to borrow the Militia for a certaine time out of the hands of the King, to secure the Religion, and Liberties of the People, thereby re­flecting upon the Honor and Integrity of His Majesty, as if the Power of the Kingdome in his hands, had been like a sword in the hands of a Mad-man, and no security to be expected, unlesse it were put into their own; all which was cunningly represented to the Kingdom by way of Remonstrance and Declaration from London, and all their fri­volous [Page 4] Allegations and pretences in them, as wisely answerd, and the Rights of the Crown substantially defended by his Majesty, in severall Declarations likewise from York.

To be short, this busines of the Militia (which is his Majesties chiefest and undoubted Right) was that which set this unnaturall warr on foot; for, th Houses having seized it into their hands, and so his Majesty being first assaulted, and knowing well whereto these unparalled'd Attempts tended, by the Series of their past proceedings, even to the diminution (if not utter destruction) of the Royall Autho­rity, which not to have defended and vindicated against manifest Ʋ ­surpation, had been to betray his Posterity, and the Majesty of Em­pire; it must needs remaine cleare to all the World, that as his Majesty was necessitated to a defensive posture, for the preservation of his Crowne and Dignity (thus impiously invaded) so the two Houses (or ra­ther a factious party in them) were the first Authors and Actors of this miserable Civill Warr, and of all those mischiefes thence arising to the Publique, in pursuance of their owne private ends.

Thus farr it was judged necessary to premise in justification of his Majesties Honor and Innocencie, touching the ground of the Warr be­twixt Him & the two Houses. Now as touching the Continuation of it, wee must add that likewise to their Accompt who were the first Con­trivers: for Blowes being past on both sides, and so the Warr well on foot, and they having tasted a while of the sweets of Soveraignty, pro­ceded still to prosecute it upon the same Principles that they began it, and kept of his Majesty from all possibility of an Accomodation, by fresh supplies of Demands more Monstrous and unreasonable then the first. And of this straine were the Nineteene Propositions presented by Commissioners of both Houses, to his Majesty at Colebrooke, the Propositions of both Kingdomes presented first at Oxford, a second time at Newcastle, and now lately again at Hampton-court; to all which his Majesty returned convincing Reasons of his Deniall, they being such as he could not Assent unto, without manifest Violation of his Honour, and Conscience, by yeelding up the Regall Dignity, with the Revenues, Rights, and Indowments of the Church (which he is sworne to defend) and a wilfull condemnation of his owne most just Cause, and all those that have adhered closest to him in the midst of Ad­versity.

And as Propositions have been made use of hitherto, onely to vex Him, and delude the Kingdom, with pretended Offers toward an Ac­commodation, the same hath been the Aime likewise in all their Messages and Treaties, but especially that maine one at Ʋxbridge, where it is [Page 5]a shame to consider how farr his Majesty condescended unto them, out of his indeered affection to his wearied and wasted Subjects, to­ward the procuring of a firm and well grounded Peace, valuing the quiet & comfort of his People, before many known and undoubted Preroga­tives of the Crown. But the Houses having then for some years ingros­sed the greatest places of Honor and Profit in their owne hands, had not made then full Markets at the price of the Peoples bloud, and therefore kept still at such a distance, that all his Majesties endeavours for Agreement, were rendred fruitlesse and unprofitable; so that in­stead of the sweet Musick of Peace expected by that Treaty, the King­dom trembled again with fresh Alarms unto the warr, and all turned to confusion.

And in processe of time, Divine Providence permitting his Ma­jesties Affaires to fall into a very low condition, by a continued hurry of Losses from that miraculous and fatall Battell of Naseby to a totall disbanding in the West; and when none had escaped the fury of the Enemie, but a few scattered languishing Garisons in the heart of the Kingdom, his Majesty was forced to make many an Overture for a per­sonall Treaty; for the better expediting whereof, he offered himselfe (upon security given) to come & Treat with them at Westminster: But the deafe Adders stopped their eares, and would not hearken to the voice of the Charmer charmed he never so wisely; though he promised to give and take all the satisfaction that could be required by Reasonable and Conscientious men. And so his Majesty having failed of his last Refuge, a Personall Treaty, he was not long after beseiged in Oxford by Sir Thomas Fairfax, and driven to such extremity, that he was glad to quit the Towne in a Disguise, and betake himselfe for security, to the Scotish Armie about Newarke upon Trent.

The Scots, they entertained (I will not say they sought it) as an happy Occasion, to bring their owne Ends about with the Houses; and knowing that the Person of the King in their hands, was a Jewell that the two Houses would purchase at any Price (they not thinking themselves secure without such a Possession) it was not long ere they strook a Bargain to deliver his Majesty into the hands of Commissio­ners, appointed by the Houses to receive him; which was done accor­dingly ( Proh Deûm atque hominum fidem!) and the Scots recei­ved 200000 li. in part of their Arreares, and had a time set for tho paiment of the Residue.

His Majesty thus yeelded up (to say no worse of it,) was conduct­ed by Commissioners to reside at Holdenby, during the will and plea­sure [Page 6]of the Presbyterian faction; which then ruled the Roste, and mued him up there many Monethes, in hope to tire him out of his No­ble Principles, and make him submit to be yoked by the Propositions; yet all in vaine,

But the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax quarteridg round about, and being most of them of a contrary Faction, and trampled upon by their Opposites, confederated with high Resolution, to make that advan­tage of his Majesties person which others had done before. And be­cause it was an Attempt of an high Nature, which might seem upon a suddain to reflect upon the Authority of the Houses, wherein their Adversaries then bore sway, the superiour Officers agreed to carry it so cleanly, that they would not be seene at first to have any hand in the busines, but it was left to a select number of the private Souldiers, over whom a Coronet (by name Joyce) was set Commander in Chiefe, to seize upon the person of the King, and carry dim from Holdenby: which was done with expedition, and though the Superiour Officers disclaimed the Act at first, yet they began to owne it by Degrees and carried him along with the Army from place to place, giving him and his party great hopes in their severall Declarations, of their candid Intentions to restore him to hs just Rights, with Honor and Safety, and the Kingdom to a speedy Peace; by which meanes they won the hearts of all, and rendred themselves so formidable, that they beate downe the adverse faction, over-awed and subdued the City, and brought the Houses to act wholly for them and their Party.

At length, after his Majesty had been settled some time under the power of the Army at Hampton-Court (where he still continues) they having likewise been used to Rule, became loth to return to the condi­tion of Obeying, & forgetting the establishment of his Majesty (accord­ing to promise) thought of nothing, but which way to establish Them­selves in a Military Posture of 30000. for a perpetuall burthen to the Kingdom, and have left his Majesty to be vexed again with Propositions from the Houses, as unreasonable as the former; yea worse, insomuch that the Independents little finger proves heavier then the Presbyters loynes: which gives us just occasion to suspect, that seeing now at the last cast, they meane to make no end, and give us no hopes of a settled Peace, by tendring such Propositions as his Majesty may with Consci­ence and Honor accept, both they and the Houses have some desperate ends upon his Majesty, as well as their brutish Adjutators, though at present they seeme to drive contrary waies.

For, what may we expect, when we see so little hope of an end? Hath not His Majesty been a Prisoner a long season? Is he not so still? and what hope is there of his deliverance? let all Loyall-Subjects lay this to their heart. For the experience of former Ages and our owne Histories will tell us, that a King long a Prisoner in his own Kingdome, is like Lazarus in the Grave, and can hardly expect a Resurrection, but by miracle: For, his Adversaries knowing the crime of Imprisoning to be unpardonable, will be tempted at last to some further mischiefe for their own security, according to that of Se­neca; Scelera sceleribus propaganda, and that part of the Devils Lecture in Machiavell, that he which once drawes his Sword against his Prince, must throw away the Scabbard.

Thus have I stated the whole progresse of affaires, according to Truth, be­twixt His Majesty and the two Houses, wherein who sees not how grossely he hath been abused, both in the originall and continuance of this uncivill Ci­vill-Warre, to the apparent hazard of Monarchy it selfe, the danger of His Royall Person, and the desolation of His Kingdomes? what then remaines, but that the Houses should enter into a serious consideration.

First, that though it being neither desired nor expected, that they should make an open Recantation of their former proceedings unto the world, it be­ing a rule among Statesmen never to repent in the sight of men, whatsoever they do before God, for feare of losing their Reputation; yet it is wisedome to retreat as speedily, and with as little noise or reluctancie as may be, out of an erroneous Ingagement: Nor is it safe to dally with old out-worne Pretences any longer, now the people begin to be convinced daily, and in all Countries to see how strangely they have been deluded: For, though the multitude are usually as pliant as wax, and apt to be inamored of any Novelty that pro­mises much to them of Ease, Liberty, Reformation, &c. which are the most taking Pretences that can be made use of to inveigle them, and the onely Al­lurements first practised by this Parliament to draw them on; yet when they finde their expectations defeated, and themselves laden with oppressions worse than the former;

—nec Bellua saevior ulla est,
Quam servi rabies in libera colla furentis.

Their Splenes are ready to burst with Revenge; they carry all before them like a furious Inun lation, and usually become the first Executioners of their friendly Pretenders.

Secondly, it is true that Histories tell us, that Subjects have prevailed so farre as to depose, and execute direfull Tragedies upon their Soveraignes, and I could wish that our owne Island and the memories of some of our Ance­sters had never been stained with the guilt of so Prodigious a Crime; But then withall you shall finde, that those executions were attempted only upon [Page 8]such as were vicious in their lives, cruell and savage toward their Subjects, and incorrigible in their Government: But as for our gracious Soveraigne Charles, hath he not been of an unspotted life? catechise your consciences, and tel me what one habituall vice can he be taxed with? hath he not all his daies been a Patterne of admirable Clemency, even to his very Enemies? hath hee not obliged heretofore most of those which have been the Ring-laeders a­gainst him, (those Monsters of Ingratitude) with many speciall benefits and favors? And touching his Government, if any thing were am [...]le (as all the false colours begin now to weare away) never did any of his Predecessors condescend so low, to give satisfaction to the people. By which gracious demeanour being highly mounted in the major part of his Subjects, it is im­possible the malice of his Adversaries should extend to the ruine of his Per­son, or to the prejudice of the Regall Dignity, without some sharp and swift Revenge upon the traiterous Abettors.

Thirdly, the Houses having rendred themselves odious, both by their Ordinances and Agents, even among those which have beene heretofore then fast- [...]runds, who finding nothing but oppression upon oppression, with daily Rapes committed upon their Estates and Persons, as the onely re­compence for all their Service which they have done them, and no likelihood as yet, that their miseries will have an end, by reason of that stubburne di­stance which they keep still, from all probability of an Accommodation with His Majesty; the people begin now to looke upon him as one abused, and much to be pittied; they behold him as the onely Restorer of Liberty, and upon whose Restauration depends their owne (as indeed it doth) together with the Happinesse, Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdome: Is it not the common voice, wee shall never see a good world till the King bee in his Throne? What lesse then can be expected by reasonable men, but that the whole Body of the People (tired out with extremities) will ere long bee in­flamed into an unanimous designe upon the Houses, as the Authours of all these dist actions? And then as they set on Tumults from the City, to drive away His Majesty from Westminster; so it's probable an universall Tumult may bring him back again, to be revenged upon his Enemies.

Fourthly, seeing the Houses have had now His Majesty a long time in durance, (the highest and boldest Attempt which can bee made upon a Prince and the lowest condition hee can be driven to; and which if it bee a Plag e to a private man, must needs bee an Hell to a King,) and yet not­withstanding all their Batteries by Perswasions and Frights, they have not been able to shake him from those Royall Principles whereupon his Interest is firmly founded, and which are indeed his maine Security; To what end do they keep Him and his People any longer in Bondage, without all hope of Settlement? Let them consider, that what they have done hitherto, they have [Page 9]attained by the love of that part of the People, upon whom they have had the luck to prevaile by their artificiall Pretences: But now that the Vizard is taken off, and every man is seen with his owne face; now the Curtain is withdrawne, and every man appears what he is in the close of the Tra­gedy, and how he hath Acted all this while a knavish part under a religious disguise, they must needs at length prove a shame to each other, and a scorne to their Adversaries, when their Considents shall withdraw their Affecti­ons, and expose them to the malice of the oppressed and unruly multitude, or yeeld them up a Sacrifice to the mercy of the Laws & their injured Prince.

Fifthly, If all other wayes of ruine should saile, yet being divided into Factions, there is a necessity they must at length become their owne Exe­cutioners as they have been in part already, in that businesse of Impeaching many of their Brethren in iniquity in both Houses. In the prosecution whereof, though they coole at present (as it is wisedome so to doe) and there be a kinde of friendly correspond betwixt both the Factions; yet the friendship is but like that of two Mastives tired with fighting, which still and pant over each other, till the one can recover breath and ad­vantage to fall againe upon the other. The reason why the Presbyterian doth not bustle, is, because as yet he cannot, and dares not, though his Appetite be keen enough; and the cause why the Independants are so moderate toward the Presbyter, is, because the pride of that Faction being quelled, & themselves become the only men of power, they are contented to let the other live by them like Brethren (though no otherwise but as underlings) to serve their ends upon them; which condition they are glad to accept of, but not without much regreet and disdaine against the Independent Conquerours: so that as by their mutuall Bickerings they have made each other contemptible, so this forced love and seeming unity must (upon every alteration of Affairs) break forth into such flames of dissenti­on, as will in short time prepare them for final ru ne and destruction.

Lastly, Since these things are so, we must necessarily conclude, that as it is contrary to Conscience for the two Houses not to contribute their ut­most indeavours to restore a firm and happy Peace, after such a cruell War, to receive the spirits of their dejected Countrymen; so it is apparent to all the world, that there is no visible way left to procure this Peace, but a spee­dy Accommodation with His Majesty, by sending to him such Propositi­ons, as may agree with Right Reason, Conscience and Honour: And if the Peace of their languishing bleeding Country be not a sufficient Motive, yet let a tender regard be had to their owne security, in this their tottering condition. Retreat, Retreat Gentlemen with speed; you have beene at your highest pitch long since, and now in the opinion of all wise men are declining; take heed of a fall; it will be the most dangerous, one next to [Page 10]that of the bottomelesse Pit: the eies of the Kingdome are upon His Ma­jesty, as the rising sun that must cleare up their clouded spirits, and dispell all those mists that are about him, and upon your selves, as the only hinde­rers of his and their happines. While ye have time make use of it, for, the night is far spent, the day is at hand wherein God will judge with righte­ous judgement. As yet ye may save your credits in part, if you please; as yet it is possible ye may recover your Friends and allay the splenes of your old Adversaries; but remember my words, if ye sin wilfully against all the obligations of Religion, Honour and Policy, a time is comming where­in ye must repent, & with sorrow confesse, that you neglected those things w ch so nearly concerns the happines of your selves, & of these Kingdoms.

The Case of the King in relation to the Army.

Having made it manifest unto the world how His Majesty hath beene a­bused from time to time by the two Houses, we come now to consider of his usage since he hath been under the power and disposition of the Army.

After that this Army under the command of Sir Tho. Fairfax had clea­red the Kingdom, and wholly suppressed the royall party, having no enemy to incounter, and being the only forces considerable in the Kingdome for number and Reputation, and being elevated with the opinion of their own merits; and the Houses committing that great over-sight of not disband­ing the major part of them (which had been sufficient to prevent those Inconveniences which have since ensured,) these sword men having little further use of military Counsels, began to reflect upon Affaires of State, and being for the most part of a Faction contrary to the Presbyterian, which then swayed all in the Houses, wherein likewise themselves had their Partisans, from whom they had intelligence of all Proceedings of the other Party, at length the factions grew jealous of each other. The Pres­byterian they had reason to dislike, that men of opinions and Interests dif­ferent from themselves, should continue any longer in Armes, and accor­dingly drove on for a speedy disbanding: And the Independant on the o­ther side, interpreted this a designe on purpose to ruinate the Army and in­slave the Kingdom. Upon these grounds jealousies and differences grew higher & higher; the Presbyterians having the Votes in the Houses on their side, and sheltring themselves under the Authority and Privilege of Parl. grew very confident and active toward a disbanding, while the Indepen­dent valuing the sword in their hands above the noise of an empty Privi­lege, pitched upon very high resolutions, and concluded of no lesse than an Impeachment against eleven Grandees of their adverse party in the House of Commons, as enemies to the Peace and welfare of the Kingdome, and carried it on with so high an hand, that at length they not only purged the Grandees out of the House, but prevailed in a short time to over-awe all their opposites, both in the Houses and the City.

But such attempts as these being lofty and dangerous, and fatall ever to the undertakers, it not well founded; therfore the superiour Officers of the Army, before they had adventure, continued which way to make sure of the Souldiers, that they might adhere to them couragiously, in so difficult and doubtfull an Enterprize; and they adjudged it a politique course to e­rect such a new military Order of men, which were never heard of in any Army but this, and these they named Agitators, chosen most out of the private Souldiers, and some of the Inferiour Officers, whose businesse was to agitate in the behalfe of each respective Regiment, Troop or Company at the Councell of War, and there ro represent the grievances of their respe­ctive Regiments, Troops or Companies, with such expedients as they con­ceived necessary for the removall of those grievances, by which means the meanest Souldier being interested in the affaires of the Army, and having free accesse to the Councell of War, by their Agitators or Deputies in all cases of discontent whatsoever, they became the more firmly obliged in the midst of all extremities & acted with the greater cheerfulnes & unanimity.

And though this course was at first extreme beneficiall to the promo-thing of the designe then in hand, yet it was not long ere the Commanders in Chiefe had experience of those manifold Inconveniences, which must necessarily follow, where private Persons, and the Rabble of the vulgar are admitted to the cognizance of publick affaires: for by degrees they proceeded from private businesses, to intermeddle (as the superiour Offi­cers taught them the way) not only with the maine Concernments of the Army in generall, but also with the grand Affairs of State, and Procced­ings of the Houses; and at this day they are arrived to such a height, that they are bold to stand in competition with the superiour Officers them­selves: so that as the case now stands, we must consider two divisions of power in the Army, the superiour Officers and the Agitators, and these to be distinct in their Motions, as it is pretended; for the superiour Officers pretend to be for the King, and the Agitators professe down-right to bee neither for this King nor any other, but proclaime themselves enemies to Monarchicall government, and the Question now propounded at every Muster, is, whether we shall have a King or no King? And in pursuance of their wicked Purposes, they are drawing up an impeachment against His Majesty, which yet is publickly disclaimed by some (but not all) of the superiour Officers; but the maine Quere is, whether they are reall in it, or not; which I must conclude in the Negative for these following Reasons.

First, if they are reall against the designe of the Agitators, why then doe they not quicken the Houses to some speedy Agreement with His Majesty, since there is no other probable way of quelling the extremity of [Page 12]such desperate Proceedings? for we perceive plainly, they runne on with the Houses in the old deceitfull way of pretending toward Peace, by new Propositions cast in the same mole with the former; which are indeed the same with, and in some Particulars worse then the old, onely they shall visit His Majesty after a new way: for as they were presented heretofore all in a Bundle, so now they meane to shufflle and out with them one by one; and then if His Majesty refuse to signe them (as their Consciences tell them before hand, he will, must and ought,) then they and their Houses have agreed, to settle the Affairs of the Kingdome without him, as shall seem best to their own Wisedomes. And now since these men are no fooles, unlesse it be in that highest point of folly (as the Psalmist speakes) to imagine there is no God, and so are not ignorant, that there is no way of security which loyall Subjects may expect, nor any way of set­tlement, but one, in this Kingdome, and that is by the royall Assent in all things to be established; what then may we expect, if they settle things after their owne humour, and leave His Majesty unsetled, but that they meane to shake the Crowne from off his Head, as well as the Agitators, the Devill prompting them thereunto upon a wicked principle of selfe-preservation, to establish their own safety against all after-claps of revenge, by a destruction of the Prince, and a depriving of his Posterity, by an al­teration of Government.

Secondly, Though this seeme to be a most prodigious Course, and such a one as honest moderate men scarce dreame of, especially at this time now that the Councell of Warre pretends against the Agitators, yet if wee reflect upon the Principles of their leading men, wee can expect no lesse, as long as they keep at such a distance from his Majestie. For, they have Martin a Demi-god amongst them, who preached this Do­ctrine long since in the House against the King, that it were better one Man and his Posteritie should perish ROOT and BRANCH, than the Kingdome, that is, than Themselves and their Faction should miscarry. And Major White (he that professed openly He knew no Authoritie in the Kingdome, but the power of the Sword,) He is a man that plants and waters the Ar­my with the same Principles as Martin, and proclaimed the very same doctrine in the Head of the Generalls owne Regiment, at their last Muster in Hartfordshire. And if wee consider M. Cromwell's old Tenets, he is ne­ver a jot behind in madnesse, notwithstanding all his Smooth Tricks at present. Nor will Ireton's whining Plea for the King, with all the Noise he made lately against the Agitators, passe for any other but meere Sha­dowy Pretences, unlesse wee receive some visible hopes of a Substantiall Accord betwixt them and his Majestie, by a moderate and speedy Conde­scention; else wee must conclude, that the late Carriages were but so ma­ny [Page 13]subtile Policies to make a faire shew to the Kingdome, till their design should be fully ripened, and then when they had a sit Oportunitie, to have Closed with their Agitators.

Thirdly, It must be very probable, that They and their Agitators are one in designe, because They, the Houses, and the Agitators, appeare one in resolution: For, as the Houses and Themselves have agreed already, that upon his Majesties refusall of their Propositions, they will dispose of Af­faires at then own pleasure; So the Agitators have told us in Print plain­ly, that They are resolved not to depend for the Settlement of their Peace and Freedome, upon the King, who (they say) intended their Bondage, and brought a cruell Warre upon Them; and atheisme, that as it is the highest disparagement to the Supreme Authoritie of this Nation, the Parliament, that when they have Commanded an Army in Service against the King they should not have sufficient power to save them harmelesse for obedience to their Commands; so as the Highest dishonour to the Army, that they should seeke to the conquered Enemy to save them harmelesse for fighting against Them, which is to aske him pardon, and so will remaine as a perpetuall Reproach up­on them. And now what difference (I pray you) betwixt the Sence of the Houses, the superior Officers, and their Agitators? Are they not all one? They were all agreed in private to ruine his Majestie, and the Agita­tors were to act it first in publique: From whence it is as cleare as the Sun that shines at noon day, that as their first Pretences when they got the King into their possession, were all for the good of his Majestie and the Kingdome, which wee have found by experience to be but fained and false; So their last Actions are like to manifest that their chiefest Aime was, and is no other, but to deprive the King and his Posteritie of th ir just Rights, and our Nation of that honourable name and constitution of a Kingdome, whereby it hath flourished many hundreds of yeares, even to the admiration and envy of all the Kingdomes in Europe.

And that this may be fully layd open to all men, let us next of all consi­der how farre the Agitators have driven on the design and in what Parti­culars. And herein I shall faithfully quote them and their Abettors, in all their Representations and Proposalls.

First, They resolve in the Case of the Army stated, &c pag. 6. to take a­way the Negative voice of the King, esteeming it unreasonable, that they having purchased by blood what was their Right, of which the King in­deavoured to deprive them, should yet solely depend on his will, for their reliefe in their grievances and Oppressions; and that satisfaction and secu­ritie is to be given to the people in relation th [...] publ [...]q [...]s for which they expended so much treasure and blood, before the King shall be pro­vided for.

Secondly, They have declared pag. 15. That all power is originally and essentially in the whole body of the People of this Nation, and their free choice or Consent by their Representators, is the only Originall or founda­tion of all just government, and therefore that it be insisted upon positive­ly; That the Supreme power of the Peoples Representors, or Commons Assembled in Parliament, be forthwith clearely declared; as their power to make Lawes, or repeale Lawes, as also to call to an Account all Offi­cers in this Nation whatsoever, for their Neglects or Treacheries in their Trusts for the Peoples good, and to continue, or to displace and remove them from their Offices, Dignities, and Trusts, according to their deme­rits. And farther, that a Power to constitute any kind of Governours, or Officers, that they shall judge to be for the peoples good, be declared: And that upon the aforesaid considerations it be insisted upon, that all Ob­structions to the freedome and equalitie of the peoples choice of those their Representors, eitheir by Patents or Charters, or Usurpations, or pre­tended Customes, be removed by these present Commons in Parliament, and that such a freedome of Choice be provided for, as the People may be equally Represented: Which power or Commons in Parliament, is the thing against which (they say) the King hath consented, and the People have defended with their lives, and therefore ought now to be demanded, as the price of their blood.

Thirdly, pag. 17. That all those large Summes of money that were al­lowed to needlesse pretended Officers of the Court, which did but in­crease wickednesse and prophanenesse, may be reserved for a publique Treasure, to be expended in paying those Forces that must be maintained for the Peoples Safetie, that so through a good and faithfull Improvement of all the Lands pertaining to the Court, there might be much reserved for levying; the publique Charges, and casing the people.

Fourthly, That the power of this, and all future Representatives of the Nation is inferior onely to theirs who chuse them, and doth extend with­out the concurrence or consent of any other Person or Persons, to the en­acting, altering, and repealing of Lawes; to the erecting and abolishing of Offices and Courts; to the appoynting, removing, and calling to an Accompt Magistrates and Officers of all Degrees; to the making Warre and Peace; to the Treating with Foraine States: And generally to what­soever is not expressely, or implyed, reserved by the Represented to them­selves.

Fifthly, That in all Lawes made, or to be made, every Person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or Place, [Page 15]doe conferre any exemption from the ordinary course of legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.

And now let all the world judge from these particulars, whe­ther the design be not point blank against Kingly Government, when the King (whom by their known Principles they reckon for no more but an Officer of State) shal be devested of his Negative voyce, and of all power and priviledge, and stand liable to criminall Accusations, & be utterly deptived of his Nobility, which are the main props of his Prerogative & Crown. This is plainly evident to any common understanding that weighs the foregoing demands.

But in that desperate Pamphlet, entituled A Call to the Army &c. the language is farre more plaine, where they tell us, that they are not to be frighted by the word ANARCHY, unto a love of MONARCHY, which is but the gilded name for Tyranny; proclaiming his Sacred Majesty the veriest Ty­rant living in the word, pag. 1. taxing the Houses, that they did not punish him in the first place, as the chiefe Author of all our miseries, and an abuser of his Office, and a man over-head and eares in bloud, pag. 5. and pressing to dispatch their Impeach­ment against him: And to sum up all their villany, they conclude in these very words, that those of their friends that are about him, should not permit any Agreement to be made with him, but be sure to keep him, as they keep their lives, and not to part with him upon any terms till they can referre him to a free Parliament.

So that now their Designe appeares with a broad face in the world, that they were resolved not to come to any Agreemet, or Accommondation with his Majesty, but to have mued him up till the time should come, wherein they had determined this Parliament should expire, and then to have destroyed him in a New Parliament (forsooth) or rather a Tumultuous Assembly of their own framing.

Nor doe they steep in this cursed businesse, but have Agents of their own in all Quarters of the Army, the Countries abroad, and the City of London, to draw in Persons to subscribe to the afornamed damned particulars. And it hath been my good hap to light upon a Copy of Instructions agreed upon by the Agents of the City of London, and the Army, to the respective Counties, Cities, and Parishes, whereunto severall Papers of those particulars were directed by the chiefe Conspirators, for the more orderly carrying on, and the more speedy effecting [Page 16]and bringing in the subscriptions. The Instructions are these:

First, that the Papers be delivered to such faithfull persons, as will be vigilant, and active in prosecution of them.

Secondly. That they be desired to meet at places which they shall judge most convenient, to take the Subscriptions of the City or place where they reside.

Thirdly, that there be appointed one or more Agents, as they shall judge meet, to bring in the [...]ubscriptions as soone as possibly they can, to the Saracen's Head in Friday-street in London, where there will be Agents to receive them, or the Master of the House (let that fellow be taken notice of) will direct them where they shall be received.

Fourthly, that one or more active faithfull man be appointed for each County, City, or Place, as aforesaid, to act and transact such things as may conduce to the good of the work in hand.

By all which it appeares, that the Case of the King in rela­tion to the Army, was a very sad one, and such as represents him in a most desperate condition, while he resided among them; especially, if we consider that part of his Majestie's Letter directed to the Houses, and left behind him in his Chamber, at his departure from Hampton-Court, which con­firmes all that is before specified, and wherein he lets the Houses know, That he had as much as in him lay, endeavou­red to give them satisfaction, and to re-establish a setled peace; but he saw nothing reasonable would content them; That he had certain Information that the Agitators, or some of that Faction, had an Intent to murther him; and that Ma­ster Peters had lately expressed so much to an intimate friend of his, for which Cause he was resolved to retire to some pri­vate place for a Time, for his own Preservation &c. as it was high time so doe, when the long plotted villany was come so neare an execution.

The Case of the King in relation to the Scots.

FOrasmuch as it is very convenient to bury all the past Inju­ries done to his Majesty, by his own Nation, they having afforded us so great hope in their late Addresse unto the House, that they meane to redeeme the Time and recover their credit, by a solemn profession and vindication of their Loyalty; I shall forbeare to rub old soares, or mention that [Page 17] strange Act, in yeelding up the King to the power of the Houses, his professed Enemies; which themselves at the first positively denyed to do in their Answer to the Papers of the Houses; and condemned it, as a thing unheard of, and not to be in reason expected, it being contrary to the Law of Nature and Nations, that they should yeeld up their own Prince, sled unto them for Resuge to the power of another Nation.

And though by forfeiting this Principle of Truth and honour, they have contracted a grand Odium in the opinion of the Royall Party at home, and other Nations abroad (as they well know,) insomuch that men will hardly be perswaded they intend any good toward his Ma­jesty; yet their own interests and ends being bound up in it (as I shall evidently demonstrate, and beyond which the jealousie of the English Nation can build no considence upon them) I shall evince it to every mans understanding (and to quicken the Scots themselves) that as his Majesty hath no hope as yet of a recovery, but by their meanes; so in all reasons a necessity lies upon them, the State of their own Affaires requiring them to assist, and restore his Majesty: which will appear more clearly by these following Reasons:

First, a principall end in all the Actions of this Army, and their partakers in Parliament, hath been utterly to banish all Scotch Interest our of England; which they have in a manner wholly effected, by crush­ing the Grandees of the Presbyterian Faction; only to still and pacifie the Scots at present, they have permitted the residue to sit still in the House to serve their own ends upon them; and so likewise the Presby­terian Church-Government is on foot too, but only upon courtesie for a time, to seed them with hopes, and keep them from running upon ex­treams, while in the meane time the Independents are plotting to make sure work, and then when they see convenient, to kick off, both them­selves, their Covenant and Discipline, past all hope of a recovery; and when they have prevailed so farce as to shut the Scots out of doores to bolt them fast after them, and not leave the least hope of a Re-entry.

Secondly, It cannot stand with the honour of the Scots to have their whole Nation bassted by an inconsiderable Party in this: And by the ordinary rules of Policy, every Faction is obliged to quell its Opposite, or lose that Interest which is contended for betwixt them. And therefore if the Scots sit still, and break not the Cariere of this Indepen­dent Party, by a timely Interposition but let them settle upon the King­dome, what can they expect, but that when all is subdued to their will here, their next Design will he upon them in their own Kingdome?

Thirdly, the Scots have often declared heretofore, that the happinesse of both Kingdomes were mutually involved so as that nothing of preju­dice could befall the one, but it must reflect upon the other: And in their Papers from Newcastle presented to both Houses when his Majesty was among them, and in their late Letter directed to the House they having publikly declared (how unhappily soever they departed from that Prin­ciple heretofore) that their safety and happinesse was included in that of his Majestie's person, it is impossible they should make so slight of their Faith, as to sacrifice it with eternall Infamy, and hazard themselves and their liberty to serve their enemies, for the love of those Arreares which are yet behind.

Fourthly, they may receive those Arreares as easily and with more honour, from the hands of his Majesty, and with the consent and love of the whole Kingdome, when they have restored his Majesty.

Fifthly, their Party being wholly broken here, and the Houses like­wise themselves, there is no hope of serving their ends any longer in a Parliamentary way; but upon the King they may, and serve him too: So that they have no way left to procute an Interest again to any purpose in this Nation but by closing with the King.

Sixthly, notwithstanding their former Parliamentary engagements, they are not to seek of a cleanly pretence to stand for his Majesty, as long as the Covenant is in being, and the Houses and Army have broken that Covenant, by their palpable endeavours not only to ruine his Maje­stie's Person, but also to root out the very Principles of Monarchy, both which both They and the Houses have Covenanted to defend.

Seventhly, there can be no doubt of carrying the work through, be­cause the miscarriages of the Houses, and the Affronts of the Army, have wholy made ship wrack of the Affections of the City; & as for the rest of the Kingdom, variety of oppressions hath made them absolutely the Kings own, reckoning their own deliverance to depend on his Rostauration.

Lastly, though it may be objected, there is a great distance betwixt the Scots and the Royall Party, in matter of Church-Government, and so little hope of a cordiall uniting betwixt them; yet I am bold to imagine, that since all the world knowes the Design of a Presbytery by them upon this Nations, was only to quell their Adversaries, the Bishops, that were the only men which vexed them, and hindered them from thriving so well as they desired in this Kingdom, and so to make a sure footing here by trampling them under; it will be no hard matter to reconcile them so far, as to let us have Bishops again, upon condition they may establish themselves here with them. And it is pro­bable, they will be contented to save their own souls in their Kirk of Scotland, and let us alone with ours, if their Bodies and Purses be well provided for in the Common-Wealth of England.

The Case of the King in relation to all his Loyall Subjects.

VVHat the Spaniards have often boasted of themselves, as the only Nation under Heaven most zealous of the Honour of their Princes, might with as much truth and more modesty, have bin verified in former times upon the English Nation, it having bin an old received Maxime of State amongst them, That the glory of the Kingdom con­sist, much in the State and Majestick splendour of their King.

And God be blessed this Loyall principle is not yet worne out, un­lesse it be in the hearts and pract ses of some few in these later yeares, who have sold themselves to work wickednesse, and been Ring-leaders in an open and most horrid Rebellion, wherein they had drawn in a great part of their fellow Subjects, to serve their own factions and ambitions ends, as hath been manifested sufficiently in stating the severall passages betwixt his Majesty, the two Houses, and the Army.

Now it remains in the next place to shew how the City of London, and the rest of the Kingdome, hath been abused likewise, as well as the King, and what obligation lies upon them all, for the immediate en­tring upon some Course for the Restauration of the King, and the de­liverance of the Kingdome from the slavery and oppression of a tyran­nicall Parliament, and a more tyrannicall and insulting Souldiery.

No way more ready to finde out how the City and Kingdome have been abused, than by recounting the innumerable Tricks that have bin used to milk the Purses of the people, in pretence of maintayning the Warre, when the least part (God knowes) hath been imployed that that way, but either treasured up in the purses of the Members, or laid out by them in rich and fair purchases at home, or transported to serve their turnes abroad, against a rainy day, while the Souldiers have pined for want of pay in their religious cause, and devoured the poore Coun­trymen by Free quarter: For, whereas one or two wayes well ordered, would have served the turne, they have made use of so various wayes, for raising of vast and incredible Summes of money, as were never heard of before at a time in one kingdome; whereof I will here set down the Catalogue. 1 Royall Subsidy of 300000 l. 2 Pole-money. 3 The Free Loanes and Contributions upon the Publique Faith, amoun­ted to avast incredible summe, in Money, Plate, Horse, and Arms, Bod­kins, Thimbles, and Wedding-Rings of the zealous Sisters. 4 The Irish Adventure for sale of Lands a first and second time. 5 The week­ly Meale. 6 The City-loane after the rate of fifty Subsidies. 7 The [Page 20]Assesments for bringing in the Scots. 8 The fifth and twentieth part. 9 The weekly Assesment for the Earle of Essex his Army. 10 The weekly (or monthly) Assesment for Sir Tho. Fairfax his Army. 11 The weekly Assesment for the Scotish Army. 12 The weekly Assesment for the British Army in Ireland. 13 The weekly Assesment for my Lord of Manchesters Army. 14 Free-Quarter (at least) connived at by the State, because the Souldiers having for a time subsistence that way, were the lesse craving for pay; whereby their Arrears growing stale, must at last either be frustrated by a tedious Committee of Accounts, discount it out of the Commanders Arrears, whereby the State saves it. 15 The Kings Revenue. 16 Sequestrations and Plunder by Com­mittees, which if well answered to the State, would have carried on the work; which may be thus demonstrated: One halfe of all the goods and chatrels, and (at least) one halfe of all the Lands, Rents, and Re­venues of the kingdome have bin Sequestred And who can imagine that one halfe of the profits and goods of the Land, will not maintayn any Forces that can be kept and fed in England, for the defence there­of? 17 Excise upon all things; this alone, if well managed, would have maintayned the warre: The Low-Countreys make it almost their only support. 18 Fortification money All which amounting to a­bout forty Millions, have bin expended heretofore; whereto wee may adde since, the sale of a great part of Bishops Lands, which the unmea­surable summes arising still by Fines for Delinquents Compositions, with the continuance of the Excise; and yet not so much as a penny disbursed for the pay of the souldiers, insomuch that they threaten every moment to come and levy their Arreares within the City of London, which is become now the common mark of all intolerable affronts and injuries that the ingratitude of the Houses, or the insolent threats of the Souldiers can cast upon them. And the Countrey groanes still under those three heavy burthens, Excise, Taxes, and Free-Quarter, without hope when, or how they shall have remedy: But rather on the other side they see nothing but a cloud of perpetuall misery and slavery hanging o­ver their heads, ready to fall upon them by the late Votes of the Houses and the generall Councell of the Army, for the establishment of thirty thousand standing Forces in the Kingdom, with constant pay to be le­vied (for ought we know) if they once settle, to more then the third ge­neration.

Then seeing these things are so (my dear Countrey men) it is very e­vident how the Case stands betwixt his Majesty and you. Is not his [Page 21]Case your own? have ye not been alike abused, gulled, and oppres­sed? Is not he deprived of his Crown, as you are of your Liberties and Estates? Is it not plaine that his Prerogative and your Freedome must fall together? And is not a speedy settlement the only meanes to pre­serve them? And is there my probability of setling, till his Majesty be seated in his Throne? And hath it not been evidenced unto you, that there is no way to effect this, unlesse the Houses condescend to an ac­commodation with his Majesty? And this they will never do, un­lesse all the Loyall hearts of the Kingdom do give them to understand by way of Declaration, or Petition, that they are very sensible of their own and his Majestyes distressed condition, and are resolved with theit utmost possibilities (all as one man) to restore his Majesty to his regal dignity, as the only meanes to procure ease and tranquility, to these wearied and distracted Kingdoms; toward which I commend unto them these few considerations.

First, seeing the Houses and the Army stand wholly ingaged against the King, (as I have proved notwithstanding all fair pretences,) and seeing they are both resolute and active, and have the power of the Sword in their hands, there is a necessity, unlesse we intend to have our miseries intailed upon our posterity, that all delayes be laid aside, and some speedy course taken to ballance their power, before they have strengthen'd their party too much, and quite over-run the Kingdom, and made sure of all both by Sea and Land, at they have well nigh done already.

Secondly, though the Army are a considerable Body for number, and so the very appearance of it might deterre men from stirring, yet if we consider its constitution, either in whole, or in the parts of it, we shall finde it to be an Aggregate of differing Interests, opinions, and perswa­sions; and since they agree in nothing, but to ruine us, so if any ap­pearance should be made against them, or any vigorous ingagement be set on foot in the behalfe of his Majesty, so as that they be reduced to the least plunge of hardship and difficulty, they would all moulder away to nothing: for, a great part (I dare say most) of the private Souldi­ers are such as have done, and would do his Majesty service, if occasion were offered; whereas they have betaken themselves to that Army, and continue there, not out of any devotion or affection to their Cause, but only as Souldiers of Fortune, that have no where else at present to subsist, and so are willing upon any termes to imbrace ease and mainte­nance upon Free-quarter.

Thirdly, the Houses and Army have quite lost the affections of the [Page 22]City of London, the only considerable party in this Kingdom to uphold a Design, and so of course now, seeing they can settle no where else, nor otherwise secure themselves and their estates, they must return unto his Majesty. And besides, they openly professe, they would with all their hearts spend as much more as they have done to restore his Majesty, and be revenged upon their Riders: So that if they be wrought upon by apt Instruments, against a right nick of time, they are ready to enter­taine any course that carries a probability in the face of it, to redeeme their lost liberties and reputation.

Fourthly, as the whole Kingdom is dis-obliged by the Houses and the Army, insomuch that their own friends (especially of the Presbyterian faction) are become as absolute enemies to them as the Cavaliers; So the Scots being reputed the leading men of that party, and having decla­red in their late Letter to the House, their dislike of the Kings being in the power of the Army, and of their intended dealing towards him; And withall, that the Kingdom of Scotland doth reckon their stability and happinesse, to depend upon the safety and preservation of his Ma­jesties royall person, and are resolved that no alteration of affaires, shall ever seperate them from the duty and allegiance they owe unto his Majesty, nor from their constant resolution to live in all Loyalty un­der his Government, then if they proceed really in this way they have begun, it will bring in all the Covenanters of both Kingdoms to the roy­all Party, and make their fingers itch to be in action against the adverse Party, now predominant in the Houses and Army.

Lastly, since God hath been pleased so to provide for the good of these Kingdoms, and the safety of his Majesty, that he hath thus cleanly escaped their hands, and thereby the Army hath lost their maine ad­vantage in the possession of his Person, and that his Majesty hath reti­red himselfe, and hath freedom to shew himselfe in the head of any par­ty when a happy opportunity shall be offered; Then if the Houses and Army shall persist still in their horrible extremities, without all hope of a reasonable accommodation, it is the duty of all men whose consciences are touched but with a spark of honesty, to assist him with their utmost endevours, against the rigorous demands and dealings of unreasonable and cruell men, enemies to him as he is a King, enemies likewise to the Kingdom, and professed enemies to all regular Forms of Government; From whom good Lord deliver him, and set an end to his affliction.

Vive le ROY.

FINIS.

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