LIB. I. Of the Beginnings of it, and the Pro­gress made in it, by King Henry the Eighth.

THe Wars of the two Houses of York and Lancaster, The Ʋni­on of the two Houses of York & Lancast. in K H. VIII. had produced such dismal Revolutions, and cast England into such frequent and terrible Convulsions, that the Nation, with [Page 2]great joy received Henry the Seventh; Book I.who being himself descended from the House of Lancaster, by his marriage with the Heir of the House of York, did deliver them from the fear of any more Wars by new Pretenders. But the covetousness of his Temper, the severity of his Ministers, his ill conduct in the Matter of Britaign, and his jealousy of the House of York, not only gave occasion to Impostors to disturb his Reign, but to several Insurrections that were raised in his time: By all which he was become so generally odious to his Peo­ple, that as his Son might have raised a dangerous competition for the Crown du­ring his Life, as devolved on him by his Mother's death, who was indeed the Righ­teous Heir; so his death was little lamen­ted. April 22 1509. He disgra­ces Emp­son and Dudley. And Henry the Eighth succeeded, with all the Advantages he could have desi­red; and his disgracing Empson and Dud­ley, that had been the cruel Ministers of his Fathers Designs for filling his Coffers, his appointing Restitution to be made of the Sums that had been unjustly exacted of the People, and his ordering Justice to be done on those rapacious Ministers, gave all People hopes of happy Times, under a Reign that was begun with such an Act of Justice, that had indeed more Mercy in it, than those Acts of Oblivion and Pardon, with which others did usually begin. And when Ministers, by the King's Orders, were condemned and executed for invading the Liberties of the People under the Covert [Page 3]of the King's Prerogative; it made the Na­tion conclude, that they should hereafter live secure, under the Protection of such a Prince, and that the violent Remedies of Parliamentary Judgments should be no more necessary, except as in this case, to confirm what had been done before in the ordinary Courts of Justice.

The King also either from the Magnifi­cence of his own Temper, He is very liberal. or the Observa­tion he had made of the ill Effects of his Father's Parsimony, did distribute his Re­wards and Largesses with an unmeasured Bounty; so that he quickly emptied his Treasure, 1800000 l which his Father had left the fullest in Christendom: But till the ill Effects of this appeared, it raised in his Court and Subjects the greatest Hopes possi­ble of a Prince, whose first Actions shewed an equal mixture of Justice and Genero­sity.

At his first coming to the Crown, the Successes of Lewis the Twelth, in Italy, made him engage as a Party in the Wars with the Crown of Spain; His Suc­cess in the Wars. He went in Person beyond Sea, and took both Terwin and Tournay; in which, 1513 as he acquired the Reputation of a good and fortunate Captain; so Maximil­lion the Emperor, put an unusual Comple­ment on him, for he took his pay, and rid in his Troops. 1514 But a Peace quickly fol­lowed; upon which, the French King mar­ried his Younger Sister Mary, but he dy­ing soon after, Francis the first succeeded: and he renewing his Pretensions upon Italy, [Page 4]Henry could not be prevailed on to ingage early in the War, till the Successes of either Party should discover which of the sides was the weaker, and needed his Assistance most.

But tho hitherto, Spain was an unequal Match to France, yet all Spain being now united (except Portugal) and strengthned by the Accession of the Dominions of Bur­gundy, and inriched by the discovery of the Indies; and all this falling into the hands of so great a Prince as Charles, after­wards the fifth Emperor of that Name; the ballance between these Kingdoms grew as equal, as the Qualities of the Princes them­selves were, which ingaged them in a Ri­valry that made their Minds as divided, as their Interests were opposite. Charles being preferred to Francis in the Competition for the Empire, that kindled the Animosity higher, and seemed to encrease Charles's Party, tho the extent and distance of his Dominion was such, that one Soul (tho his was one of the largest and most active in the World) could not animate so vast a Body. He is courted both by France and Spain. Both these Princes saw how con­siderable an Ally or Enemy England might prove, under a King so much esteemed and beloved; so they spared no Arts that might engage him into their Interests; they gained his Ministers by their Presents, and himself by their Complements, for it was soon found out, that Vanity was his weak side. May 1520, The Emperour came in Person to England, without the distrustful Precaution [Page 5]of a Passport, and did so prevail with him, and his great Favourite Cardinal Wolsey, by the promise of the Popedom, that tho an Interview followed between Francis and him, June. yet he found the Scale of France was then the heavier, so that upon the War, which followed between those Princes, he joyned with the Emperour.

Charles, to assure himself of Cardinal Wolsey, gave him hopes of the Popedom; which perhaps he did the more easily, be­cause Pope Leo being so young a Man, there was no great appearance of a Vacancy: but the Pope dying sooner than perhaps was expected, Adrian, Decemb 1521, that had been the Em­perour's Tutor, was then chosen, and Car­dinal Wolsey had the promise of succeeding him: But a second Vacancy following within two Years, the Emperour broke his word the second time; upon which, the Cardnial was so offended, that he resolved to take his Revenge, so soon as a favoura­ble Conjuncture should offer it self; and tho he had laid the best Train he could at Rome for the Chair; yet upon Clement the seventh's Advancement, he dissembled the matter so with him, as to protest, that he was the very person whom he had wished to see raised to that Dignity.

The Battel of Pavia, Francis the first, is taken Pri­soner. in which Francis was taken Prisoner, and his Army defeat­ed, turned the Scale mightily; the Pope was nearest the danger, and felt it soonest; for he projected the Clementine League, by which both He and the Republick of Venice, [Page 6]and the Princes of Italy, engaged in the Inte­rests of France; and the King of England was declared the Protector of it. Both publick and private Interests wrought on the King; and his own Resentments, as well as the Cardinals animated him to it: for the Em­perour was so lifted up with his Success, that he began to form the Project of an Universal Empire, and tho he had come to England in Person a second time, 1522 and had contracted a Marriage with the King's Daughter, yet he preferred a Match with the Infanta of Portugal to it, judging it to be of more Importance to him to keep all quiet in Spain. 1526 Francis was now at liberty, but had given his Sons as Hostages, so he was slow in his Proceedings, tho he was the Person most concerned in the League: The Emperour was highly displeased with the Pope, whom he look'd on as his own Creature, but it was always observed, that of what Faction soever a Cardinal might be, yet upon the Advancement, he became the Head of his own.

The Colonesi entred Rome with three thousand Men, Septemb. and sack'd it, the Pope re­tiring to the Castle of Saint Angelo, 1527 and submitting to the Conditions that were offered; but their Troops being drawn out of Rome, the Pope gathered his together, and fell on their Lands, and by a Creation of fourteen Cardinals for Money (which perhaps may be excused from Simony, be­cause they took no care of Souls) he was enabled to prosecute the War; but the [Page 7]Duke of Bourbon, that upon a Discontent given him in France, had gone over to the Emperour's Service, came to Rome, and took it by storm, himself being killed in the Assault, the Pope and seventeen Cardinals, May, And after­wards the Pope. shut themselves in the Castle St. Angelo, but he was forced to render, and was kept Prisoner some Months.

This gave great Scandal to all Europe; the Emperour himself seem'd ashamed of it, for he would suffer no rejoycing to be in Spain for his Sons Birth, but appointed publick Processions for the Pope's Liberty. Wolsey had now the best opportunity he could wish, to declare his Zeal for the Pope's Service, and his Aversion to the Emperour; so he went to France, and made a new League, for setting the Pope at liberty. The Emperour prevented the Conjunction he saw like to follow, and having brought the Pope to his own Terms, he restored him again to his Freedom. And thus both the Pope and the King of France, that by very unususal Accidents had been taken Prisoners, acknowledged that their Liberty was chiefly due to the Indeavours that King Henry had used for procuring it.

When he was thus firmly united to the Interests of France, Scotland in disorder he had less to fear from Scotland, which being a perpetual Ally to France, gave him no Disturbance, but as it was drawn into the War by that Court: That Kingdom was also for many Years under a King not of Age, and so was much distracted by Faction, and those Broils [Page 8]at home, being the surest way to keep them from making Inroads into England, were kept up by the Mony which the King sent the Malecontents; therefore both the Courts of France and England, by the Pensions they gave, kept the several Parties there in pay, which Advantage that Kingdom lost when it was joyned to England. As for Domestick Affairs in the Government of England, the King left Matters much in the hands of his Council, in which there were two different Parties, Factions in the Council. headed by the Bishop of Winchester, and the Lord Treasurer that was Duke of Norfolk: The former much complained of the Consumption of the Treasure; the o­ther justified himself, that he only obeyed the King's Orders. But the Treasurer's Party, under a bountiful King, must always be strongest, both in the Court and Coun­cil. In the first Parliament, the Justice done upon Empson and Dudly, gave so great Satisfaction, that all things went as the Court desired. In the second Parliament, a Brief that Pope Julius writ, complaining of Lewis the twelfth, was first read in the House of Lords, and then carried down by the L. Chancellor, and some other Lords to the House of Commons, and read there, upon which, Mony was granted for a War with France. At this time, Fox, to support his Party against the Lord Treasurer, endea­voured to bring Thomas Wolsey into fa­vour; Car. Wol­fey's Rise. he was of mean Extraction, but had great Parts, and a wonderful Dexterity in insinuating himself into Men's Favours; so [Page 9]he being brought into Business, did so ma­nage the King, that he became very quickly the Master of his Spirit, and of all his Affairs; and for fifteen Years continued to be the most absolute Favourite that had ever been seen in England. He saw the King was much set on his Pleasures, and had a great Aversion to business; and the other Coun­sellours being unwilling to bear the load of Affairs, were uneasy to him, by pressing him to govern by his own Counsels; but he knew the methods of Favourites better, and so was not only easy, but assistant to the King in his Pleasures, and undertook to free him from the Trouble of Government, and to give him leisure to follow his Appe­tites.

He was Master of all the Offices at home, And Greatness. and Treaties abroad; so that all Affairs went as he directed them. He it seems became soon obnoxious to Parliaments, and there­fore he tried but one during his Ministry, where the Supply was granted so scantily, that afterwards he chused rather to raise Mony by Loans and Benevolences, than by the free gift of the People in Parliament. He became so scandalous for his ill Life, that he grew to be a Disgrace to his Pro­fession; for he not only served the King, but also shared with him in his Pleasures, which were unhappy to him, for he was spoiled with Venerial Distempers. He was first made Bishop of Tournay in Flanders, then of Lincoln, after that he was promoted to the See of York, and had both the Abby [Page 10]of St. Albans, and the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells in Commendam; the last he after­wards exchanged for Duresm, and upon Foxes death, he quitted Duresm, that he might take Winchester; and besides all this, the King by a special Grant, gave him power to dispose of all the Ecclesiastical Pre­ferments in England, so that in effect he was the Pope of this other World, as was said an­tiently of an Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and no doubt but he copied skilfully enough after those Patterns that were set him at Rome. Being made a Cardinal, and setting up a Le­gatine Court, he found it fit for his Ambition to have the Great Seal likewise, that there might be no clashing between those two Ju­risdictions. He had in one word all the Qua­lities necessary for a Great Minister, and all the Vices ordinary in a Great Favourite.

During this whole Raign, the Duke's of Norfolk Father and Son, were Treasurers, but that long and strange course of Favour in so ticklish a Time, turn'd fatally upon the Son, near the end of the King's Life. But he that was the longest and greatest sharer in the King's Favour, Charles Brandon's Advancé­ment. was Charles Brandon, who from the degree of a pri­vate Gentleman was advanced to the high­est Honors. The strength of his Body, and the gracefulness of his Person, con­tributed more to his Rise, than his Dexte­rity in Affairs, or the Endowments of his Mind, for the greatest Evidence he gave of his Understanding, was, that knowing he was not made for Business, he did not pre­tend [Page 11]to it; a Temper seldom observed by the Creatures of Favour. The frame and strength of his Body made him a great Ma­ster in the Diversions of that Age, Justs and Tiltings, and a fit Match for the King, or ra­ther a Second to him, who delighted mighti­ly in them. His Person was so acceptable to the Ladies, that the King's Sister, the Queen Dowager of France liked him, and by a strange sort of making Love, prefixed him a time for gaining her Consent to marry him; and assured him, if that he did not prevail within that time, he might for ever despair. She married him in France, and the King af­ter a shew of some Displeasure, was pacified and continued his Favours to him, not only during his Sister's Life, but to the last, and in all the Revolutions of the Court that fol­lowed, in which every Minister fell by turns, he still enjoyed his share in the King's Boun­ty and Affection: so much happier it pro­ved to be loved, than trusted by him.

The King denied himself none of those Pleasures, that are as much legitimated in Courts, as they are condemned elsewhere; but yet he declared no Mistriss, but Elizabeth Blunt, and owned no Issue, but a Son he had by her, whom he afterwards made Duke of Richmond. The King's usage of his Parlia­ments. He took great care never to im­broil himself with his Parliaments, and he met with no Opposition in any, except in that one, which was during Cardinal Wool­sey's Ministry; in which 800000 l. being de­manded for a War with France, to be paid in four Years, the debate about it rose very [Page 12]high, and not above the half of it was offe­red; so the Cardinal came into the House of Commons, and desired to hear the Rea­sons of those who were against the Supply, but he was told that it was against their Or­ders to speak to a Debate before any that was not of the House: he was much disatis­fied at this, and cast the blame of it upon Sir Thomas Moor that was Speaker, and after that he found out other means of supplying the King without Parliaments.

The King had been educated with more than ordinary Care: The King's Education. and Learning be­ing then in its dawning, after a night of long and gross Ignorance, his Father had given Orders that both his elder Bro­ther and he should be well instructed in matters of Knowledg; not with any design to make him Arch-bishop of Canterbury, for he had made small progress, when his Bro­ther Prince Arthur died, being then but eleven Years old: perhaps Henry the seventh felt the Prejudices of his own Education so much, that he was more careful to have his Son better taught; or may be he did it to amuze him, and keep him from looking too early into matters of State. The Learning then most in credit among the Clergy, was the Scholastical Divinity, which by a shew of Subtilty, did recommend it self to curi­ous Persons; and being very sutable to a vain and contentious Temper, was that which agreed best with his Disposition; and it being likely to draw the most Flattery from Divines, became the chief Subject of [Page 13]his Studies, in which he grew not only to be Eminent for a Prince, whose Knowledg tho ever so moderate, will be admired by Flatterers as a Prodigy, but he might real­ly have past for a Learned Man had his Quality been ever so mean. He delighted in the purity of the Latin Tongue, and understood Philosophy, and was so great a Master in Musick, that he composed well. He was a bountiful Patron to all Learned Men, more particularly to Erasmus and Polidore Virgil, and delighted much in those Returns which hungry Scholars use to make to liberal Princes; for he loved Flattery out of measure, His Lear­ning and Vanity. and particularly to be extolled for his Learning and great Understanding: and he had enough of it to have surfeited a Man of any Modesty; for all the World, both at home and abroad, contended who should exceed most indecently in setting out his Praises. The Clergy carried it; for as he had merited most at their hands, both by his espousing the Interests of the Papacy, and by his entering the Lists with Luther: so those that hoped to be advanced by those Arts, were as little ashamed in magnifying him out of measure, as he was in receiving their gross Commendations.

The manner of promotion to Bishopricks and Abbies was then the same, The man­ner of the promotion of Bishops. that had taken place ever since the Investitures by the Ring and Staff were taken out of the hands of Princes. Upon a Vacancy the King seized on all the Temporalities, and granted a Li­cence for an Election, with a special Re­commendation [Page 14]of the Person; which being returned, the Royal Assent was given, and it was sent to Rome that Bulls might be ex­peded, and then the Bishop Elect was con­secrated: after that he came to the King and renounced every Clause in his Bulls that was contrary to the King's Prerogative, or to the Law, and swore Fealty; and then were the Temporalities restored. Nor could Bulls be sued out at Rome without a Licence un­der the Great Seal; so that the Kings of Engl. had reserved the power to themselves, of promoting to Ecclesiastical Benefices not­withstanding all the Invasions the Popes had made on the Temporal power of Princes. A Con­test con­cerning the Eccle­siastical Immunity.

The Immunity of Church-men for crimes committed by them, till they were first de­graded by the Spirituality, occasioned the only Contest that was in the beginning of this Reign between the Secular and Eccle­siastical Courts. King Henry the Seventh past a Law, that Clerks convict should be burnt in the hand. A temporary Law was also made in the beginning of this Reign, That Murderers and Robbers, not being Bishops, Priests, nor Deacons, should be de­nied the benefit of Clergy: but this was to last only till the next Parliament, and so being not continued by it, 1515 the Act deter­mined. The Abbot of Winchelcomb preached severely against it, as being contrary to the Laws of God, and the Liberties of the Holy Church, and said, that all who assented to it had faln under the Censures of the Church. And afterwards he published a Book, to [Page 15]prove that all Clerks, even of the lower Or­ders, were Sacred, and could not be judged by the Temporal Courts. This being done in Parliament-time, the Temporal Lords, with the Commons, addressed to the King, desiring him to repress the Insolence of the Clergy. So a publick Hearing was appoint­ed before the King, and all the Judges: Dr. Standish, a Franciscan, argued against the Immunity, and proved that the judging Clerks had been in all times practised in England; and that it was necessary for the peace and safety of Mankind, that all Cri­minals should be punished. The Abbot ar­gued on the other side, and said, it was con­trary to a Decree of the Church, and was a Sin in it self. Standish answered, That all Decrees were not observed: for notwith­standing the Decrees for Residence, Bishops did not reside at their Cathedrals. And since no Decree did bind till it was receiv­ed, this concerning Immunity, which was never received in England, did not bind. Af­ter they had fully argued the matter, the Lai­ty were all of opinion that the Fryar was too hard for the Abbot, and so moved the King that the Bishops might be ordered to make him preach a Recantation Sermon. But they refused to do it, and said they were bound by their Oaths to maintain his Opinion. Standish was upon this, much hated by the Clergy, but the matter was let fall, yet the Clergy carried the point, for the Law was not continued.

Not long after this, an Accident fell out [Page 16]that drew great Consequences after it. One Richard Hun, a Merchant in London, was sued by his Parish-Priest for a Mortua­ry in the Legates Court, so he was advised to sue the Priest in the temporal Court for a Premunire for bringing the King's Sub­jects before a forraign and illegal Court. This incensed the Clergy so much that they contrived his Destruction: So hearing that he had Wickclif's Bible, he was upon that put in the Bishop's Prison for Heresy, Hunn im­prisoned for Here­sy. but be­ing examined upon sundry Articles, he con­fessed some things, and submitted himself to Mercy, upon which they ought according to Law, to have injoyned him Penance, and discharged him, this being his first Crime; but he could not be prevailed on by the terror of this to let his Suit fall in the Temporal Court; Murdered. so one Night his Neck was broken with an Iron Chain, and he was wounded in other Parts of his Body, and then knit up in his own Girdle, and it was given out that he had hanged himself; but the Coroners Inquest by examining the Bo­dy, and by several other Evidences, and particularly by the confession of the Sum­ner, gave their Verdict, that he was mur­dered by the Bishop's Chancellor Dr. Hor­sey, and the Sumner, and the Bel-ringer. The Spiritual Court proceeded against the dead Body, and charged Hun with all the Heresy in Wickliff's Preface to the Bi­ble, And con­demned, his Body burnt. because that was found in his Possessi­on; so he was condemned as an Heretick, and upon that his Body was burnt. The [Page 17]Bishops of Duresm and Lincoln, and many Doctors sitting with the Bishop of London when he gave Judgment; so that it was looked upon as an Act of the whole Clergy: but this produced very ill Effects; for the Clergy lost the Affections of the City to such a degree, that they could never re­cover them; nor did any one thing dispose them more than this did, to the entertaining the new Preachers, and to every thing that tended to the reproach of the Church-men, whom they esteemed no more their Pastors, but accounted them barbarous Murderers. The Rage went so high, that the Bishop of London complained, that he was not safe in his own House, and there were many hea­rings before the Council; for the Cardinal did all he could to stop the progress of the Matter, but in vain: for the Bishop's Chan­cellor and the Sumner were indicted as Prin­cipals in the Murder. In Parliament an Act passed restoring Hun's Children; but the Commons sent up a Bill concerning his Murder; yet that was laid aside by the Lords, where the Clergy were the Majority. The Clergy look'd on the Opposition that Stan­dish had made in the point of their. Further Disputes about Im­munity. Immuni­ties, as that which gave the rise to Hun's first Suit; so the Convocation cited him to answer for his Carriage in that Matter; but he claimed the King's Protection, since he had done nothing, but only pleaded in the King's Name. The Clergy pretended they did not prosecute him for his pleading, but for some of his Divinity Lectures, con­trary [Page 18]to the Liberty of the Church, which the King was bound to maintain by his Co­ronation-Oath: but the Temporal Lords, the Judges, and the Commons prayed the King also to maintain the Laws according to his Coronation-Oath, and to give Standish his Protection. The King upon this being in great perplexity, required Veysy, afterwards Bishop of Exeter, to declare upon his Con­science and Allegiance the truth in that mat­ter. His Opinion was against the Immuni­ty; so another publick Hearing being ap­pointed, Standish was accused for teaching, That the Inferiour Orders were not sacred; That their Exemption was not founded on a Divine Right, but that the Laity might punish them; That the Canons of the Church did not bind till they were received; and that the study of the Canon Law was useless. Of these he denied some, and justified other particulars. Veysy being required to give his Opinion, alledged, That the Laws of the Church did only oblige where they were received: As the Law of the Celibate of the Clergy, received in the West, did not bind the Greek Churches, that never received it: So the exemption of the Clerks not being received, did not bind in England. The Judges gave their Opinion next, which was, That those who prosecuted Standish were all in a Premunire. So the Court broke up. But in another Hearing, in the presence of the greatest part of both Houses of Parliament, the Car­dinal said in the name of the Clergy, That tho they intended to do nothing against the [Page 19]King's Prerogative; yet the trying of Clerks seemed to be contrary to the Liberty of the Church, which they were bound by their Oaths to maintain. So they prayed that the matter might be referred to the Pope.

The King answered that he thought Standish had answered them fully: The Bi­shop of Winchester said, he would not stand to his Opinion at his Peril. Standish upon that said, What can one poor Friar do against all the Clergy of England? The Arch-bishop of Canterbury said, Some of the Fathers of the Church had suffered Martyr­dom upon that account; but the Chief-Justice replied, That many holy Kings had maintained that Law, and many holy Bi­shops had obeyed it. In conclusion the King declared, that he would maintain his Rights, and would not submit them to the Decrees of the Church, otherwise than as his Ancestors had done. Warham Arch-bishop of Canterbury desired so long time might be given, that they might have an Answer returned from Rome; but that was not granted: yet a Tem­per was found. Horsey was appointed to be brought to his Trial for Hun's Murder, and upon his pleading not guilty, no Evi­dence was to be brought, and so he was to be discharged. But upon this it was said, The Judges were more concerned to maintain their Jurisdiction, than to do Justice upon so horrid a Murder; so the discontent given by it was raised so much higher, and the Crime of a few Murderers, was now transferred up­on the whole Clergy, who had concerned [Page 20]themselves so much in their Preservation; and this did very much dispose the Laity to all that was done afterwards, for pul­ling down the Ecclesiastical Tyranny.

This was the only uneasy stop in this King's Raign, The King is much addicted to the Pa­pacy. till the suit for his Divorce was commenced. In all other points he was constantly in the Pope's Interests, who sent him the common Complements of Roses, and such other Triffles, by which that See had treated Princes so long as Children. The King made the Defence of the Popedom an Article in his Leagues with other Princes, and Pope Julius having called a General Council to the Lateran, in opposition to that which by Lewis the Twelfth's means was held at Pisa; The King sent the Bishops of Worcester and Rochester, the Prior of St. John's and the Abbot of Winchelcomb to represent the Church of England, thereby to give the greater Authority to a pack'd meeting of Italian Bishops and Abbots, who assumed to themselves the Title of a Holy and Oecume­nical Council. But no Complement wrought so much on the King's Vanity, as the Title of Defender of Faith, sent him by Pope Leo upon the Book, which he writ against Lu­ther concerning the Sacraments.

The Cardinal drew upon himself the hatred of the Clergy, Crrdinal Wolsey intends to reform the Clergy. by a Bull which im­powered him to visit all the Monasteries of England; and to dispence with all the Laws of the Church for a Year. He also gave out, that he intended to reform the Cler­gy, though he forgot that which ought [Page 21]to be the first step of all who pretend to re­form others; for none could be worse than himself was. He lived in great Luxury, and in an insolent Affectation of the high­est Statepossible; many of his Domesticks being men of the first Rank. He intended to suppress many Monasteries, and thought the best way for doing it with the least Scandal, was first, to visit them, and so to expose their Corruptions: But he was af­terwards diverted from this; yet the de­sign which he laid, being communicated to Cromwel, that was then his Secretary, it was put in Practice toward the end of this Reign, when the Monasteries were all sup­pressed.

The Convocations were of two sorts; The sum­moning of Convoca­tions. some were summoned by the King, when Parliaments were called, as is in use to this Day; only the King did not then prefix a Day, but left that to the Arch-bishops. Others were called by the Archbishops, and were Provincial Synods, of which there were but few. The Cardinal pretended that the summoning all Convocations be­longed to him, as Legate; so that when Warham had called one, he dissolved it after it was met, and summoned it of new. In that Convocation, 1522 a great Supply was grant­ed to the King, of half a Years Rent of all Benefices payable in five Years, for assisting him in his Wars with France and Scotland. This was much opposed by the Cardinal's Enemies, but it was agreed to at last, a Pro­viso being made, that such a heavy tax should [Page 22]never be made a Precedent for the future; tho the Grant they made was more likely to become a Precedent, than this Proviso to be a Security for the time to come.

This encreased the Aversion the Clergy had for the Cardinal: the Monks were more particularly incensed; for they saw he was resolved to suppress their Foundations, and convert them to other uses.

In the days of King Edgar, most of the Cathedrals of England were possessed by Secular Priests, The State of the Mo­nasteries. who were generally marri­ed; but Dunstan and some other Monks took advantage from the Vices of that Prince, to perswade him to make Compensation for them; and as he made Laws, in which he de­clared what Compensations were to be made for Sins, both by the Rich and Poor; so, it seems, he thought the founding of Monaste­ries was the fittest Compensation for a King; and he turned out all the married Priests, and put Monks in their stead. From that time the Credit and Wealth of Monastick Orders continued to encrease for several Ages, till the Begging Orders succeeded in the esteem of the World, to the place which the Monks formerly had; for they decreased as much in true worth, as the false appearances of it had now raised their Revenues. They were not only ignorant themselves, but very jealous of the progress Learning was making: for Erasmus, and the other Restorers of it, treating them with much scorn, they look'd on the encrease of it, as that which would much lessen them, and so not only did not [Page 23]contribute to it, but rather detracted from it, as that which would make way for He­resy.

The Cardinal designed two noble Foun­dations, the one at Oxford, Cardinal Wolsy sup­presses many. and the other at Ipswich, the place of his Birth, both for the encouragement of the Learned, and the in­struction of Youth; and for that end he procured a Bull for suppressing divers Mo­nasteries, which being executed, their Lands by Law fell to the King; and thereupon the Cardinal took out Grants of them, and endowed his Colledges with them.

But we shall next consider the state of Religion in England. From the dayes of Wickliff there were many that differed from the Doctrines commonly received. The growth of Wickliff's Doctrine. He writ many Books that gave great Offence to the Clergy, yet being powerfully supported by the Duke of Lancaster, they could not have their revenge during his Life; but he was after his Death condemned, and his Body was raised and burnt. The Bible which he translated into English, with the Preface which he set before it, produced the greatest Effects. In it he reflected on the ill Lives of the Clergy, and condemned the Worship of Saints and Images, and the corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament; but the most criminal part was, the exhorting all People to read the Scriptures; where the Testimonies against those Corruptions were such, that there was no way to deal with them but to silence them. His Follow­ers were not Men of Letters, but being [Page 24]wrought on by the easy Conviction of plain Sense, were by them determined in their Per­suasions. They did not form themselves into Body, but were contented to hold their Opinions secretly, and did not spread them, but to their particular Confidents. The Clergy sought them out every where, and did deliver them after Conviction to the Secular Arm, that is, to the Fire.

In the Primitive Church, The Cru­elty of the Clergy. all cruel Pro­ceedings upon the account of Heresy, were condemned; so that the Bishops who accu­sed some Hereticks, upon which they were put to death, were excommunicated for it. Banishment and Fines, with some Incapa­cities, were the highest Severities even up­on the greatest Provocations. But as the Church grew corrupted in other things, so a cruel Spirit being generally the mark of all ill Priests, of whatsoever Religion they are, they fell under the Influences of it; and from the days of the rise of the Albi­genses, the severities of the Inquisition, and Burnings, with many other Cruelties, were by the means of the Dominicans set up, first in France, and then in the other parts of Eu­rope. A Decree was also made in the Council of the Lateran, requiring all Magi­strates under the pains of forfeiture and deposition, to extirpate Hereticks. Burning agreed best with their Cruelty, as be­ing the most terrible sort of Death, and bearing some resemblance to everlasting Burnings in Hell; so they damned the Souls of the Hereticks, and burnt their Bodies; [Page 25]but the Execution of the former part of the Sentence was not in their power, as the lat­ter part was. The Canons of that Council being received in England, the Proceedings against Hereticks grew to be a part of the Common Law, and a Writ for burning them was issued out upon their Conviction. But special Statutes were afterwards made: The first under Richard the second, Laws made in England against Hereticks. was only agreed to by the Lords; and without its being consented to by the Commons, the King assented to it; yet all the Severity in it was no more, than that Writs should go out to the Sheriffs to hold Hereticks in Pri­son, till they should be judged by the Laws of the Church. The Preamble of the Law says, ‘They were very numerous, that they had a peculiar Habit, that they preached in many Churches, & other Places against the Faith, and refused to submit to the Censures of the Church.’ This was sent with the other Acts according to the custom of that Time, to all the Sheriffs of England to be proclaim­ed by them; but the Year following in the next Parliament, the Commons com­plained that that Act was published, to which they had never consented; so an Act passed declaring the former null; yet this was suppressed, and the former was still esteemed a good Law.

When Henry the fourth came to the Crown, he owing it in great measure to the help of the Clergy, passed an Act against all that preached without the Bishop's Licence, or against the Faith; and it was enacted, [Page 26]That all Transgressors of that sort, should be imprisoned, and within three Months be brought to a Trial: If upon Conviction they offered to abjure, and were not Relapses, they were to be imprisoned and fined at pleasure; and if they refused to abjure, or were Relapses, they were to be delivered to the secular Arm, and the Magistrates were to burn them in some publick Place. But tho by this Statute no mention is made of sending out a Writ for Execution; yet that continued still, to be practised: And that same Year Sautre a Priest being condem­ned as a Relapse, and degraded by Arun­dell, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, a Writ was issued out for it, in which, Burning is called the Common Punishment, which related to the customs of other Nations: For this was the first Instance of that kind in Eng­land. In the beginning of Henry the fifth's Reign, there was a Conspiracy against the King discovered, (tho others that lived not long after, say it was only pretended and contrived by the Clergy) of Old-Castle and some others of Wickliff's Followers then called Lollards; upon which many were condemned both for Treason and Heresy, who were first hanged and then burnt; and a Law followed that the Lollards should forfeit all that they held in Fee-simple, as well as their Goods and Chattels to the King, and all Sheriffs and Magistrates were required to take an Oath, to destroy all Heresies and Lollardies, and to assist the Ordinaries in [Page 27]their proceedings against them. Yet the Clergy making ill use of these Laws, and vexing all People that gave them any Of­fence, with long Imprisonments; the Judges interposed and examined the Grounds of their Commitments, and as they saw cause, Bailed, or Discharged the Prisoners; and took upon them to declare, what Opinions were Heresies by Law, and what were not. Thus the People sought for Shelter, under their Protection, and found more Mercy at the hands of Common Lawyers, than from them who ought to have been the Pa­stors of their Souls, and the Publishers of the most merciful Religion that ever was.

In the beginnings of this Reign, The Prose­cution of Lollards be­fore War­ham. there were several Persons brought into the Bi­shops Courts for Heresy, before Warham. Forty eight were accused: But of these, forty three abjured, twenty seven Men, and sixteen Women, most of them being of Tenterden; and five of them, four Men, and one Woman, were condemned; some as obstinate Hereticks, and others as Re­lapses: and against the common Ties of Na­ture, the Woman's Husband, and her two Sons, were brought Witnesses against her. Upon their Conviction, a Certificate was made by the Archbishop to the Chan­cery; upon which, since there is no Par­don upon Record, the Writs for burning them must have gone out in Course, and the Execution of them is little to be doubt­ed; for the Clergy were seldom guilty of [Page 28]much Mercy in such Cases, having devest­ed themselves of all Bowels, as the Dregs of unmortified Nature. The Articles ob­jected to them were, That they believed that in the Eucharist, there was nothing but material Bread; That the Sacraments of Baptism, Confirmation, Confession, Ma­trimony, and Extream Unction, were nei­ther necessary, nor profitable; That Priests had no more Power than Laymen; That Pilgrimages were not meritorious, and that the Mony and Labour spent in them, were spent in vain; That Images ought not to be worshipped, and that they were only Stocks and Stones; That Prayers ought not to be made to Saints, but only to God; That there was no vertue in Holy-water, or Ho­ly-bread. Those who abjured, did swear to discover all that held those Errours, or were suspected of them; and they were enjoyned to carry a Faggot in Procession, and to wear on their Cloaths the Repre­sentation of one in Flames, as a publick Confession that they had deserved to be burnt. There were also four in London that abjured almost the same Opinions; and Fox says, that six were burnt in Smith­field, who might be perhaps those whom Warham had condemned; for there is no mention of any that were condemned in the Registers of London. By all this it will ap­pear, that many in this Nation, were pre­pared to receive those Doctrines, which were afterwards preached by the Reform­ers, even before Luther began first to oppose Indulgences.

The Rise and Progress of his Doctrine are well known; The Pro­gress of Luthet's Doctrine. the Scandalous extolling of Indulgences gave the first occasion to all that Contradiction, that followed between him and his followers, and the Church of Rome; in which, if the Corruptions and Cruelties of the Clergy had not been so vi­sible and scandalous, so small a matter could not have produced such a Revoluti­on; but any Crisis will put ill humours in Fermentation.

The Bishops were grosly ignorant; they seldom resided in their Diocesses, except it had been to riot it at high Festivals; and all the Effect their Residence could have, was to corrupt others, by their ill Example. They followed the Courts of Princes, and aspired to the greatest Offices. The Ab­bots and Monks were wholly given up to Luxury and Idleness; and the unmarried State, both of the Seculars, & Regulars, gave infinite Scandal to the World; for it appear­ed, that the restraining them from having Wives of their own, made them conclude that they had a right to all other Mens. The Inferiour Clergy were no better; and not having places of retreat to conceal their vices in, as the Monks had, they became more publick. In sum, all Ranks of Church­men were so universally despised, and ha­ted, that the World was very apt to be possessed with prejudice against their Do­ctrines, for the sake of the Men, whose Interest it was to support them: and the Worship of God was so defiled with much [Page 30]gross Superstition, that without great en­quiries, all Men were easily convinced, that the Church stood in great need of a Reformation. This was much encreased when the Books of the Fathers began to be read, in which the difference between the former and latter Ages of the Church, did very evidently appear. They found that a blind Superstition came first in the room of true Piety; and when by its means the Wealth and Interest of the Clergy was highly advanced; the Popes had upon that, established their Tyranny; under which, not only the meaner People, but even the crowned Heads, had long groan­ed. All these things concurred to make way for the Advancement of the Reforma­tion: And so the Books of the Germans being brought into England, and Translated, many were prevailed on by them. Upon this, a hot Persecution, which is alwayes the Foundation on which a vitious Clergy set up their Rest, was vigorously set on foot, to such a Degree, that six Men and Wo­men were burnt in Coventry in Passion-week, only for teaching their Children, the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the ten Command­ments in English. Great Numbers were every where brought into the Bishop's Courts; of whom some were burnt, but the greater part abjured.

The King laid hold on this Occasion, to become the Church's Champion, and wrote against Luther, as was formerly told. His Book besides the Title of Defender of the [Page 31]Faith, drew upon him all that Flattery could invent to extol it; yet Luther not daunted with such an Antagonist, but rather proud of it, answered it, and treated him as much below the Respect that was due to a King, as his Flatterers had raised him above it. Tindal's Translation of the New Testament with some Notes added to it, drew a severe Condemnation from the Clergy, there being nothing in which they were more concerned, then to keep the People unacquainted with that Book. Sir Thomas More seconded the King, and im­ployed his Pen in the Service of the Clergy, but mixed too much Gall with his Ink. The Cardinal's Behaviour in this matter was unaccountable; for he not only acted no­thing against the new Preachers, but when some Bishops moved for a Visitation of the Universities, upon a report of the spreading of Heresy in them, he stop'd it; yet after­wards he called a Meeting of several Bi­shops, Abbots and Divines, before whom, two Preachers, Bilney and Arthur, were brought, and Articles of Heresy being ob­jected to them, and proved by Witnesses, they for a while seemed resolved to seal their Doctrines with their Blood; but what through Fear, what through Perswasion, they were prevailed on (first Arthur, and Bilney five days after) to abjure; but tho Bilney was a Relapse, yet the Cardinal was gentle to him, and Tonstall Bishop of London injoyned him Penance, and discharged him. So much may suffice to shew the condition [Page 32]of Affairs in England both in Church and State, when the Process of the King's Di­vorce was first set on foot.

Henry the seventh entered into a firm Alliance with Ferdinand of Spain, The King's Marriage. and agre­ed a Match between his Son Prince Arthur, and Katherine the Infanta of Spain. She came into England & was married in Novem­ber; 1502 but on the second of April after, the Prince died. They were not only bedded in Ceremony the night of the Marriage, but continued still to lodg together, and the Prince by some indecent Rallery gave Occa­sion to believe, that the Marriage was con­summated, which was so little doubted, that some imputed his too early end to his ex­cess in it. After his Death his younger Brother was not created Prince of Wales, till ten Months had past, it being then appa­rent that the Princess was not with Child by the late Prince; Women were also set about her to wait on her with the Precau­tion that is necessary in such a Case; so that it was generally believed that she was no Virgin when the Prince died.

Henry the seventh being unwilling to re­store so great a Portion as two hundred thousand Ducats, proposed a second Match for her with his Younger Son Henry. War­ham did then object against the Lawfulness of it; yet Fox Bishop of Winchester, was for it, and the Opinion of the Pope's Authori­ty was then so well established, that it was thought a Dispensation from Rome was sufficient to remove all Objections; Decemb. 1503. so [Page 33]one was obtained, grounded upon a desire of the two young Persons to marry toge­ther for preserving Peace between the Crowns of England and Spain, by which the Pope dispensed with it notwithstanding the Princess's Marriage to Prince Arthur, which was (as is said in the Bull) perhaps consummated.

The Pope was then in War with Lewis the twelfth of France, and so would refuse no­thing to the King of England, being per­haps not unwilling that Princes should con­tract such Marriages, by which the Legiti­mation of their Issued epending on the Pope's Dispensation, they would be thereby obli­ged in Interest to support that Authority: 1505 upon this a Marriage followed, the Prince being yet under Age; but the same day in which he came to be of Age, he did by his Father's Orders, make a Protestation that he retracted and annulled his Marriage.

Henry the seventh at his Death, charged him to break it off entirely, being perhaps apprehensive of such a return of Confusion upon a controverted Succession to the Crown, as had been during the Wars of the Houses of York and Lancaster, but upon his Death, Henry the Eighth being then eighteen Years of Age, married her: She bore him two Sons, who died soon after they were born; and a Daughter Mary, 1516 that lived to reign after him; Matches proposed for his Daughter. but after that the Queen contracted some Diseases that made her unacceptable to the King; so all hope of any other Issue failing, seve­ral [Page 34]Matches were proposed for his Daugh­ter; the first was with the Dauphin; then she was contracted with the Emperor; and after that, a Proposition was made for the King of Scotland; and last of all a Treaty was made with Francis the first, either for him­self, he being then a Widower, or for his second Son the Duke of Orleans to be de­termin'd at his Option; upon which the Bishop of Tarbe was sent over Ambassador to conclude it; he made an Exception that the Marriage was doubtful and the Lady not legitimate, which had been likewise made by the Cortes of Spain, by whose Ad­vice the Emperor broke the Contract upon that very account, so that other Princes moving Scruples against a Marriage with his Daughter, the Heir of so great a Crown, the King began to make some himself, or rather to publish them, for he said after­wards he had them some Years before.

Yet the Cardinal's hatred to the Empe­ror, was look'd on as one of the secret Springs of the King's Aversion to his Aunt, which the King vindicating him in publick, afterwards did not remove: that being considered only as a Court Contrivance.

The King seemed to lay the greatest Weight on the prohibition in the Levitical Law of marrying the Brother's Wife, The King has some scruples concerning his Marri­age. and he being conversant in Thomas Aquinas's Writings, found that he and the other Schoolmen look'd on those Laws as Moral, and for ever binding, and that by Conse­quence the Pope's Dispensation was of no [Page 35]force since his Authority went not so far as to dispence with the Laws of God. All the Bishops of England, Fisher of Rochester only excepted, declared under their Hands and Seals, that they judged the Marriage unlawful. The ill Consequences of Wars that might follow upon a doubtful Title to the Crown, were also much considered, or at least pretended. It is not probable that the engagement of the King's Affections to any other gave the rise to all this; for so pry­ing a Courtier as Wolsey was, would have discovered it, and not have projected a Marriage with Francis's Sister, if he had seen the King prepossessed: It is more probable that the King conceiving himself upon the point of being discharged of his former Marriage, gave a free scope to his Affecti­ons, which upon that came to settle on Anne Bolleyn. The King had reason enough to expect a quick and favourable dispatch of his business at Rome, where Dispensati­ons or Divorces in Favour of Princes used to pass, rather with regard to the Merits of the Prince that desired them, than of the Cause it self. His Alliance seemed then necessary to the Pope, who was at that time in Captivity. Nor could the Empe­rour with any good colour oppose his Suit, since he had broken his Contract with his Daughter upon the account of the doubt­fulness of the Marriage.

The Cardinal had also given him full As­surances of a good Answer from Rome; whether upon the knowledg he had of that [Page 36]Court, and of the Pope's temper, or upon any promise made him, is not certain. The Reasons gathered by the Canonists for an­nulling the Bull of Dispensation, upon which the Divorce was to follow in course, were grounded upon some false suggestions in the Bull, and upon the Protestation which the King had made when he came to be of Age. In a word, they were such, that a favourable Pope left to himself, would have yielded to them without any scruple.

Anne Bolleyn was born in the year 1507, and went to France at seven years of Age, and returned twelve years after to England. She was much admired in both Courts, and continued to live without any Blemish till her unfortunate Fall gave occasion to some malicious Writers to defame her in all the Parts of her Life; She was more beautiful than graceful, and more chearful than di­screet. She wanted none of the Charms of Wit or Person, and must have had extraor­dinary Attractives; since she could so long manage such a King's Affection, in which her being with Child soon after the Marriage, shews that in the whole course of seven years she kept him at a due distance. Upon her coming to England, the Lord Piercy be­ing then a Domestick of the Cardinals, made love to her, and went so far as to engage himself some way to marry her, and that being entertained by her, shews she had then no aspirings to the Crown. But the Cardinal having understood somewhat of the King's secret Intentions, did so threaten [Page 37]him, that he made him, tho not without great difficulty, break off his addresses to her.

Knight, then Secretary of State, 1527 was sent to Rome to prepare the Pope in the matter; And ap­plies to the Pope. and the Family of the Cassali having much of the Pope's Favour, they were likewise im­ployed to promote it. To Gregory Cassali did the Cardinal send a large Dispatch, set­ting forth all the Reasons both in Consci­ence and Policy, for obtaining a Commissi­on to himself to judge the Affair. Great Promises were made in the King's Name, both for publick and private Services, and nothing was forgot that was likely to work either on the Pope, or those Cardinals that had the greatest Credit about him. Knight made application to the Pope in the secretest manner he could, and had a very favourable Answer; for the Pope promised frankly to dissolve the Marriage: but another Promise being exacted of him in the Emperour's Name, not to proceed in that Affair, he was reduced to great straits, not so much out of regard to his Promises, (for he had so en­gaged himself, that it was unavoidable for him to break one) as to his Interests; he was then at the Emperour's mercy, so he was in fear of offending him, yet he both hated him, and was distrustful of him; and had no mind to lose the King of England, therefore he studied to gain time, and pro­mised that if the King would have a little patience, he should not only have that which he asked, but every thing that was in his power to grant.

The Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor made some Scruples concerning the Bull that was demanded, 1528 till he had raised his price, and got a great Present, and then the Pope signed both a Commission for Wolsey to try the Cause, Who was very fa­vourable. and judge in it, and also a Dispen­sation, and put them in Knights hands; but with tears prayed him that there might be no proceedings upon them, till the Emperour were put out of a capacity of executing his Revenge upon him, and when ever that was done he would own this act of Justice which he did in the King's favour. For tho the Pope on publick occasions used to talk in the language of one that pretended to be S. Pe­ter's Successor; yet in private Treaties he minded nothing but his own Security, and the Interests of his Family. And being a very crafty Man, he proposed an Expedi­ent, which if the King had followed, it had put a quicker and easier end to the Process. He found his sending Bulls, or a Legat to England, would become publick, and draw the Emperour upon him, and must admit of delays and be full of danger; therefore he proposed, if the King was satisfied in his own Conscience, in which he believed no Doctor could resolve him better than him­self, then he might without more noise make Judgment be given in England; and upon that marry another Wife, and send over to Rome for a Confirmation; which would be the more easily granted, if the thing were once done. This the Pope desired might be represented to the King as the Ad­vice [Page 39]of the Cardinals, and not as his own. But the King's Counsellers thought this more dangerous than the way of a Process; for if upon the King's second Marriage, a Confirmation should be denyed, then the Right Succession by it, would be still very doubtful, so they would not venture on it.

The Pope was at this time distasted with Cardinal Wolsey; for he understood, that during his Captivity, he had been in an Intrigue, to get himself chosen Vicar of the Papacy, and was to have sate at Avig­nion, which might have produced a new Schism. Staphileus, Dean of the Rota, be­ing then in England, was wrought on by the promise of a Bishoprick, and a Re­commendation to a Cardinals Hat, to pro­mote the King's Affair; and by him the Cardinal wrote to the Pope, in a most earnest strain, for a dispatch of this busi­ness; and he desired, that an indifferent and tractable Cardinal might be sent over, with a full Commission to joyn with him, and to judge the matter; proposing to the King's Embassadours, Campegio as the fit­test Man; when a Legate should be named, he ordered Presents to be made him, and that they would hasten his dispatch, and take care that the Commission should be full. But upon the Arrival of the Couriers, that were sent from Rome, Gardiner, the Car­dinals Secretary, and Fox, the Kings Al­moner, the one a Canonist, and the other a Divine, were sent thither with Letters, both from the King and Cardinal, to the [Page 40]Pope, & they carried orders (that were like to be more effectual than any Arguments they could offer) to make great Presents to the Cardinals. They carried with them the draught of a Bull, containing all the Clauses could be invented, to make the matter sure; one Clause was to declare the Issue of the Marriage good, as being begotten bona fide, which was perhaps put in to make the Queen more easy, since by that it appear­ed, that her Daughter should not suffer, which way soever the matter went.

The Cardinal in his Letters to Cassali, offered to take the blame on his own Soul, if the Pope would grant this Bull; and with an Earnestness, as hearty and warm, as can be expressed in Words, he pressed the thing, and added, That he perceived, that if the Pope continued Inexorable, the King would proceed another way.

These Intreaties had such Effects, Campegio sent over Legate. That Campegio was declared Legate, and ordered to go for England, and joyn in Commission with Wolsey, for judging this matter. Cam­pegio was Bishop of Saliebury; and having a Son whom he intended to advance, was no doubt a tractable Man; but to raise his price the higher, he moved many Scruples, and seemed to enter upon this Employ­ment, with great fear, and aversion. Wol­sey who knew his Temper, prest him ve­hemently, to make all the hast he could, and gave him the Assurance of great Re­wards from the King: For whatever was to be made use of publickly for formes [Page 41]sake, these were the effectual Argu­ments that were most likely to convince a Man of his Temper: In which Wolsey was so sincere, that in a Letter he wrote to him, that of a good Conscience, being put among other Motives to perswade him, in the first Draught, the Cardinal struck it out, as knowing how little it would sig­nify. Campegio set out from Rome, and carried with him a Decretal Bull, for an­nulling the Marriage which was trusted to him, and he was Authorized to shew it to the King and Wolsey; but was required not to give it out of his Hands to either of them. At this time, Wolsey was taken with the sweating Sickness, which then raged in England; and by a Complement which both the King and Ann Boleyn writ him, on the same piece of Paper, it appears, he was then privy to the Kings Design of marrying her, and intended to advance himself yet higher, by his merits, in pro­curing her the Crown.

This Year he settled his two great Col­ledges; and finding both the King and Peo­ple much pleased with his converting some Monasteries to such uses, he intended to sup­press more, and to convert them to Bi­shopricks, and Cathedral Churches, which the Pope was not willing to grant, the Religious Orders making great Opposition to it; but Gardiner told him, it was neces­sary, and must be done; so a power for doing it, was added to the Legates Com­mission.

At this time, the Queen engaged the Emperor to espouse her Interests, which he did, the more willingly, because the King was then in the Interests of France; and to help her Business, a Breve was either found, or forged, (the last is more probable) of the same date with the Bull, that dispensed with her Marriage: But with stronger Clauses in it, 1528 to answer those Objections that were made against some de­fects in the Bull, though it did not seem pro­bable, that in the same Day, a Bull and a Breve would have been granted for the same thing, in such different strains. The most considerable Variation was, That whereas the Bull did only suppose, that the Queens Marriage with Prince Arthur, was perhaps Consummated; the Breve did suppose it ab­solutly, without a perhaps. This was thought to prejudice the Queen's Cause as much, as the Suspicion of the Forgery did blemish her Agents.

In October, Campegio comes into England. Campegio came into England; and after the first Complements were over, he first advised the King to give over the Prosecution of his Suit; and then coun­selled the Queen in the Pope's Name, to en­ter into a Religious Life, and make Vows; but both were in vain; and he by affect­ing an Impartiality, almost lost both sides. But he in great measure pacified the King, when he shewed him the Bull he had brought over for annulling the Marriage; yet he would not part with it out of his hands, neither to the King, nor the Car­dinal; [Page 43]upon which, great Instances were made at Rome, that Campegio might be or­dered to shew it to some of the King's Counsellors, and to go on and end the business, otherwise Wolsey would be ruin­ed, and England lost: Yet all this did not prevail on the crafty Pope, who knew it was intended once to have the Bull out of Campegio's hands, and then the King would leave him to the Emperour's Indignati­on: But tho he positively refused to grant that, yet he said, he left the Legates in England, free to judge as they saw Cause, and promised that he would confirm their Sentence.

The Imperialists at Rome pressed him hard, to inhibit the Legates, and to recall the Cause that it might be heard before the Consistory. The Pope declined this mo­tion; and to mollify the King, he sent Campana, one of his Bed-chamber, Campana sent to de­ceive the King. over to England, with Complements too high to gain much Credit: He assured the King, that the Pope would do for him all he could, not only in Justice, and Equity, but in the fulness of his Power: And that tho he had reason to be very apprehensive, of the Emperour's Resentments, yet that did not divert him from his Zeal for the King's Service; for if his resigning the Popedome would advance it, it should not stick at that. He also was ordered to re­quire the Legates, to put a speedy end to the business; but his secret Instructions to Campegio were of another strain; he [Page 44]charged him to burn the Bull, and to draw out the matter by all the delayes he could invent. Sir Francis Brian, and Peter Van­nes, were dispatched to Rome, with new Propositions, to try, whether, if both the King and Queen took Religious Vowes, so that their Marriage were upon that an­nulled, the Pope would engage to dis­pence with the King's Vow, or grant him a License for having two Wives. Wolsey also offered in the King's Name, to settle a Pay for 2000 Men, that should be a Guard to the Pope, and to procure a Re­stitution of some of his Towns, on which the Venetians had seized. But the Pope did not care to have his Guards payed by other Princes; which he looked on as a putting himself in their hands. He was in fear of every thing that might bring a new Cala­mity upon him; and was now resolved to unite himself firmly with the Emperour, by whose means only, he hoped to reesta­blish his Family at Florence; The Pope resolved to unite with the Empe­rour. and ever after this, all the use he made of the King's Earnestness in his Divorce, was only, to draw in the Emperour to his Interests, on the better Terms. The Emperour was also then pressing him hard, for a Gene­ral Council; of which, besides the aver­sion that the Court of Rome had to it, he had particular reason to be afraid; for be­ing a Bastard, he was threatned with De­position as uncapable, by the Canons of the Church, to hold such a Dignity. The Pope proposed a Journey incognito, to Spain, [Page 45]and desired Wolsey to go with him, for ob­taining a General Peace. But in secret, he was making up with the Emperour, and gave his Agents Assurances, that tho the Legates gave Sentence, he would not con­firm it. So the King's Correspondents at Rome, wrote to him, to set on the War more vigorously against the Emperour, for he could expect nothing at Rome, unless the Emperour's Affairs declined.

The Pope went on cajoling those the King sent over, and gave new Assurances, 1529 that tho he would not grant a Bull, by which the Divorce should be immediately his own Act; yet he would confirm the Legates Sentence so he resolved: to cast the Load wholly upon them: if he said he did it himself, a Council would be called by the Emperour's means, in which, his Bull would be annulled, and himself deposed, which would bring on a new Confusion; and that, considering the footing Heresy had got, would ruine the Church. The Pope inclined more to the dissolving the Marriage, by the Queen's taking Vowes, as that which could be best defended; but the Cardinal gave him notice, that the Queen would never be brought to that, unless her Nephews advised it.

At this time, The Pope's Sickness. the Pope was taken sud­denly ill, and fell in a great Sickness; upon which, the Imperialists began to prepare for a Conclave: But Farnese, and the Car­dinal of Mantua opposed them, and seemed to have Inclination for Wolsey. Whom, as [Page 46]his Correspondents wrot to him, they re­verenced as a Deity. Upon this he sent a Courier to Gardiner, Wolsey's aspiring. then on his way to Rome, 1528 whith large Directions, how to man­age the Election; It was reckoned, that the King of France, joyning heartily with the King, of which he seemed confident; there were only six Cardinals wanting, to make the Election sure, and besides Summes of Mony, and other Rewards, that were to be distributed among them; he was to give them assurance, that the Cardinals Preferments should be divided among them. These were the secret Methods of attain­ing that Chair: And indeed it would pusle a Man of an ordinary degree of Creduli­ty, to think, That one chosen by such means, could be Christ's Vicar, and the infallible Judge of Controversies. But the Pope's Recovery, put an end to those In­trigues, which yet were soon after revived, by a long and dangerous Relapse. Then great pains was taken, to gain many Car­dinals to favour the King's Cause; and many Precedents were found of Divorces, granted in Favour of Princes, upon much slighter grounds. But the Imperialists were so strong at Rome, that they could not hope to prevail, if the Emperour was not first gained; so there was a secret Ne­gotiation set on foot with him, but it had no other Effect, save that it gave great Jealousy, both to the Pope, and the King of France. Another dispatch was sent to Rome, to procure a Commission, with fuller [Page 47]powers in it to the Legates, and a Promise under the Pope's hand to confirm their Sentence; the latter was granted, The Pope promised to confirm any Sen­tence the Legates should give. but the former was refused, for the Pope was re­solved to go no further in that Matter, tho Wolsey wrote to Rome, that if any Justice were denied the King, not only England, but France likewise would withdraw their Obe­dience from the Apostolick See; because by that it would be inferred, that the Emperour had such Influence at Rome, as to oblige the Pope to be partial or favourable as he pleased. At this time the Cardinal was cheapning his Bulls for Winchester, which were rated at 15000 Ducats, but since it was a Translation from Duresm, so that a new Composition would come in for that Vacancy, he refused to pay above a third of what was demanded.

The Emperour's Ambassadour made a Protestation at Rome in the Queen's Name against the Legates as partial in the King's Favour, which the Pope received. Gardi­ner, that was a Man of great Craft, and could penetrate well into Secrets, wrote to the King, assuring him, that he might ex­pect nothing more from the Pope, 1529 who was resolved to offend neither the Empe­rour nor him; and therefore he advised him to get the Legates to give Sentence with­all possible hast; and then when it should come to the Emperour's turn to solicite the Pope for Bulls against the King, the Pope would be as backward as he was now. He was so fearful, and under such irresolution [Page 48]that he could be brought to do nothing with Vigor: This Gardiner desired might not be shewn to the Cardinal; for he was now setting up for himself, and had a pri­vate Correspondence with Anne Boleyn, who in one of her Letters to him as a token of special Favour, sent him some Cramp Rings that the King had Blessed, of which the Office is extant; and Gardiner in one of his Letters says, They were much esteemed for the Vir­tue that was believed to be in them. In the Promise which the Pope signed to confirm the Sentence that should be given by the Legates, some Clauses were put, by which he could easily break loose from it; so he endeavoured to get another in fuller termes, by this Artifice: He told the Pope, that the Courier had met with an Accident in passing a River, by which the Promise was so spoiled with Water, that it could not be made use of. But the Pope instead of being catched with this, to give a new one, seemed glad that it was spoiled, and posi­tively refused to renew it. And a long and earnest Letter which the Legates wrote to the Pope, pressing him to end the mat­ter roundly by a Decretal Bull, assuring him it was only scruple of Conscience that wrought on the King, and no desire of a new Wife, and that the whole Nation was much offended with the delays of this Mat­ter, in which they were all so much concer­ned, wrought nothing on him; for he con­sidered that as done by them only in com­pliance with the King, who thought he had [Page 49]intirely gained Campegio, and the scandals of his Life were so publick, that the mo­tives of Interest were likely to prevail on him more than any other: but by all the Arts that were used, they were not able to over-reach the Pope, who whatever he might be in his Decisions, seemed infallible in his Sagacity and Jealousy. The Queen's Agents pressed hard for an Avocation, but the Pope was unwilling to grant that, till he had finished his Treaty in all other points with the Emperour, and he began to com­plain much of the cold Proceedings of the Confederates, and that they exposed him so much not only to the Emperour's Mercy, but to the scorn of the Florentines: by this it was visible, he was seeking a Colour for casting himself into the Emperour's Arms: great Objections were made to the Motion for an Avocation, it was contrary to the King's Prerogative to be cited to Rome, and it was said he would seek Justice of the Clergy of Engl. if the Pope denied it. It was also contrary to the Promise under the Popes hand, and his Faith often given by word of mouth, chief­ly of late by Campana, to recal the Legat's Commission: but verbal Promises did not bind the Pope much, they vanished into Air; and Campana swore that he had not made any, and for the written Promise, there was a Clause put in it, by which he could escape, so that he was at liberty from all Ingage­ments but those he had privately given in discourse, and to these he was no Slave.

The Legates began the Process in Eng­land, after the necessary Preliminaries: the Queen appeared, and protested against them as imcompetent Judges: The Pro­cess begun in Eng­land. endeavours were used to terrify her into some compli­ance; it was given out that some had in­tended to kill the King or the Cardinal, and that she had some hand in it, that she carried very disobligingly to the King, and used many indecent Arts to be popular; that the King was in danger of his Life by her means, and so could no more keep her company neither in Bed nor at Board; but she was a Woman of so resolute a mind, that no Threatnings could daunt her. When both the King and She were together in the Court, the Queen instead of an­swering to the Legates, kneeled down be­fore the King, and spake in a manner that raised Compassion in all that were present; she said, She had been his Wife these twen­ty Years, had born him several Children, and had always studied to please him, there­fore she desired to know wherein she had at any time offended him. As for their Mar­riage it was made by both their Parents, who were esteemed wise Princes, and had no doubt good Counsellours when their Match was agreed on; but at present she neither had indifferent Judges, nor could she expect that her Lawyers being his Sub­jects durst speak freely for her, and therefore she could not expect Justice there; so she went out of the Court, and would never return to it any more. Upon this the King [Page 51]gave her a great Character for her extra­ordinary Qualities, and protested, he was acted by no other Principle, then that of Conscience. He added, that Wolsey did not set him on to this Suit, but had opposed it long: that he first moved the matter in Con­fession to the Bishop of Lincoln, and had de­sired the Archbishop of Canterbury to pro­cure him the Resolution of the Bishops of England, in his Case; and that they had all under their hands declared, that his Marriage was unlawful. The Bishop of Ro­chester denied he had signed it; but Warham pretended, he gave him leave to make a­nother write his Name to it. Fisher denied this, and it was no way probable.

The Legates went on according to the forms of Law, The Queen appeals to the Pope. tho the Queen appealed from them to the Pope, and excepted both to the Place, to the Judges, and her Law­yers: Yet they pronounced her Contumax, and went on to Examine Witnesses; chiefly, to that particular of the Consum­mation of her Marriage with Prince Ar­thur. But now since the Process was thus going on, the Emperours Agents prest the Pope vehemently for an Avocation; and all possible endeavours were used by the King's Agents to hinder it; they spared nothing that would work on the Pope, either in the way of perswasion, or threat­ning: It was told him, that there was a Treaty set on foot, between the King, and the Lutheran Princes of Germany; and that upon the Pope's declaring himself so [Page 52]partial, as to grant the Avocation, he would certainly imbark in the same Inter­rests with them. But the Pope thought the King was so far ingaged in Honour in the Points of Religion, that he would not be prevailed with to unite with Luther's Followers: So he did not imagine, that the Effects of his granting the Avocation, would be so dismal, as the Cardinal's crea­tures represented them: He thought it would probably ruine him, which might make his Agents use such Threatnings, and he did not much consider that, for he ha­ted him in his heart. So in Conclusion, after the Emperour had engaged to him, to restore his Family to the Government of Florence, he resolved to publish his Trea­ty with him: But that the granting the A­vocation, might not look like (what indeed it was) a secret Article, he resolved to begin with that; and with great signs of sorrow, he told the English Embassadours, that he was forced to it; both because all the Lawyers told him, it could not be de­nied, and that he could not resist the Em­perours Forces, which surrounded him on all hands. Their endeavours to gain a little time by delayes, were as fruitless as their other Arts had been, for on the 15th of July, The Pope grants an Avocati­on. the Pope signed it, and on the 19th, he sent it by an express Messenger to England.

The Legates, Campegio in particular, drew out the matter, by all the delayes they could contrive, and gained much [Page 53]time. At last, it being brought to that, that Sentence was to be pronounced, Cam­pegio, instead of doing it, adjourned the Court till October, and said, that they be­ing a part of the Consistory, must observe their times of Vacation. This gave the King and all his Court great offence, when they saw what was like to be the Issue of a Process; on which the King was so much bent; and in which he was so far en­gaged, both in Honour and Interest. Campegio had nothing to lose in England, but the Bishoprick of Sailisbury, for which, the Pope or Emperour could easily recom­pence him; but Wolsey was under all the Terrours, that an Insolent Favorite is li­able to, upon a change in his Fortune; None being more abject in misfortune, than those that are lifted up with Success. When the Avocation was brought to Eng­land, the King was willing, that the Le­gates should declare their Commission void, but would not suffer the Letters Citatory to be served, for he looked upon it as be­low his Dignity to be cited to appear at Rome. The King governed himself upon this occasion, with more temper than was expected: He dismissed Campegio civily, only his Officers searched his Coffers, when he went beyond Sea, with design, as was thought, to see if the Decretal Bull could be found. Wolsey was now upon the point of being disgraced, tho the King seemed to treat him with the same Confidence he had formerly put in him; it being ordina­ry [Page 54]for many Princes to hide their designs of disgracing their Favourites, with high­er Expressions of kindnesses than ordinary, till their Ruine breaks out the more violent­ly, because it is not foreseen.

At this time, Cranmer's Rise. Dr. Cranmer, a Fellow of Jesus-Colledge in Cambridge, meeting acci­dentally with Gardiner, and Fox, at Wal­tham, and being put on the Discourse of the King's Marriage, proposed a new Me­thod, which was, That the King should en­gage the chief Universities, and Divines of Europe, to examine the lawfulness of his Marriage; and if they gave their Resoluti­ons against it, then it being certain, that the Pope's Dispensation could not derogate from the Law of God, the Marriage must be declared null: This was new, and seemed reasonable; so they proposed it to the King, who was much taken with it, and said, he had the Sow by the right Ear: He saw this way was both better in it self, and would mortify the Pope extreamly; so Cranmer was sent for, and did so behave himself, that the King conceived an high opinion, both of his Learning and Pru­dence, and of his Probity and Sincerity, which took such root in the King's mind, that no Artifices, nor Calumnies, were ever able to remove it.

But as he was thus in his Rise, Wolsey it disgraced. so Wol­sey did now decline. The Great Seal was taken from him, and given to Sir Thomas Moor: And he was sued in a Premunire, for having held the Legatine Courts by a [Page 55]Forraign Authority, contrary the Laws of England: He confessed the Indictment, and pleaded Ignorance, and submitted himself to the King's Mercy; so Judgment passed on him: Then was his rich Palace (now Whitehall) and Royal Furniture, seized on to the King's use: Yet the King received him again into his Protection, and resto­red to him the Temporalities of the Sees of York and Winchester, and above 6000 l. in Plate, and other Goods: And there ap­peared still great and clear Prints in the King's mind, of that entire Confidence, to which he had received him: of which, as his Enemies were very apprehensive, so he himself was so much transported with the Messages he had concerning it, that once he fell down on his knees in a Kennel before them that brought them. Articles were put in against him, in the House of Lords; it seems, for a Bill of Attainder, where he had but few Friends; which all insolent Favourites may expect in their Disgrace. In the House of Commons, Crom­wel, that had been his Secretary, did so manage the matter, that it came to nothing. This failing, his Enemies procured an or­der to be sent to him, to go into Yorkshire: Thither he went in great State, with 160 Horses in his Train, and 72 Carts follow­ing him, and there he lived some time: But the King was informed, that he was pra­ctising with the Pope, and the Emperour: So the Earl of Northumberland was sent to arrest him of high Treason, and bring him [Page 56]up to London. On the way he sickned, 1519 which different collours of Wit may im­pute, either to a greatness, or meanness of Mind, His Death. tho the last be the truer. In Conclusion, he died at Leicester, making great Protestations, of his constant Fide­lity to the King, particularly in the mat­ter of his Divorce: And he wished he had served God, as faithfully as he had done the King; for then he would not have cast him off in his gray Hairs, as the King had done. Words that declining Favourites are apt to reflect on, but they seldom remember them in the hight of their For­tune.

The King thought it necessary, to secure himself of the Affections, and Confidences of his People, before he would venture on any thing that should displease two such mighty Potentates, as the Pope, and the Emperour. A Parlia­ment is called. So a Parliament was called; in it the Commons prepared several Bills, a­gainst some of the Corruptions of the Clergy; particularly, against Plurality of Benefices, and Non-residence: Abuses, that even Popery it self, could not but condemn. The Clergy abhorred the Precedent of the Commons, medling in Ecclesiastical mat­ters; so Fisher spoke vehemently against them, and said, all this flowed from lack of Faith.

Upon this, the Commons complained of him to the King, for reproaching them; the House of Peers either thought it no breach of Priviledge, or were willing to [Page 57]wink at it, for they did not interpose. Fisher was hated by the Court, for adher­ing so firmly to the Queen's Interests; 1530 so he was made to explain himself, and it was passed over.

The Bills were much opposed by the Clergy, but in the end they were passed, The Kings Debts are discharged and had the Royal Assent. In this long Interval of Parliament, the King had bor­rowed great Sums of Mony; so the Parlia­ment, both to discourage that way of sup­plying Kings for the Future; and for ru­ining the Cardinal's Creatures, who had been most forward to lend, as having the greatest Advantages from the Govern­ment, did by an Act discharge the King of all those Debts. The King granted a ge­neral Pardon, with an exception of such as had incurred the pains of Premunire, by acknowledging a Forraign Jurisdicti­on, with design to terrify the Pope, and keep the Clergy under the lash. The King found it necessary, to make all sure at home, for now were the Pope and Em­perour, linkt in the firmest Friendship pos­sible; The Pope's Nephew was made Duke of Florence, and married the Em­perour's Natural Daughter. A Peace was also made between Francis and the Empe­rour; and the King found it not so easy, to make him break with the Pope, upon his account, as he had expected. The Emperour went into Italy, and was crown­ed by the Pope; who when the Emperour was kneeling down to kiss his Foot, hum­bled [Page 58]himself so far as to draw it in, and kiss his Cheek.

But now the King intending to proceed in the Method proposed by Cranmer, The Ʋni­versities declare a­gainst the King's Marriage. sent to Oxford, and Cambridg, to procure their Conclusions. At Oxford, it was referred by the major part of the Convocation, to thirty three Doctors and Batchelors of Divinity, whom that Faculty was to name; they were impowered to determine the Question, and put the Seal of the Uni­versity to their Conclusion: And they gave their Opinions, that the Marriage of the Brother's Wife, was contrary both to the Laws of God, and Nature. At Cambridg, the Convocation was unwilling to refer it to a select number; yet it was after some days Practice, obtained, but with great difficulty, that it should be referred to twenty nine; of which number, two thirds agreeing, they were empowered to put the Seal of the University to their Determi­nation: These agreed in Opinion, with those of Oxford. The jealousy that went of Dr. Cranmer's favouring Lutheranism, made, that the fierce Popish Party, oppo­sed every thing in which he was so far en­gaged. They were also afraid of Ann Bolleyn's Advancement, who was believed tinctured with those Opinions. Crook, a learned Man in the Greek Tongue, was imployed in Italy, to procure the Resolu­tion of Divines there; in which, he was so successful, that besides the great discoveries he made in searching the Manuscripts of [Page 59]the Greek Fathers, concerning their Opi­nions in this point, he engaged several Persons to write for the King's Cause; and also got the Jews to give their Opinions of the Laws in Leviticus, that they were Moral and Obligatory: Yet when a Bro­ther died without Issue, his Brother might marry his Widow within Judea, for pre­serving their Families, and Succession; but they thought that might not be done out of Judea. The State of Venice would not de­clare themselves, but said they would be Neutrals; and it was not easy to perswade the Divines of the Republick, to give their Opinions, till a Brief was obtained of the Pope, permitting all Divines, and Canonists, to deliver their Opinions, ac­cording to their Consciences; which was not granted but with great difficulty. Crook was not in a condition to corrupt any, for he complained in all his Letters, of the great want he was in: And he was in such ill terms with John Cassali, the King's Embassadour at Venice, that he complain­ed much of him to the King, and was in fear of being poysoned by him. The Pope abhorred this way of proceeding, though he could not decently oppose it; but he said in great scorn, that no Friar should set Limits to his Power. Crook was order­ed to give no Mony, nor make Promises to any, till they had freely delivered their Opinion; which as he writ, he had so carefully observed, that he offered to for­feit his Head, if the contrary were found [Page 60]true. Fifteen, or Twenty Crowns, was all the reward he gave, even to those that wrot for the King's Cause; and a few Crowns he gave to some of those that sub­scribed: But the Emperour rewarded those that wrot against the Divorce, with good Benesices; so little reason there was to a­scribe the Subscriptions he procured to Cor­ruption; the contrary of which, appears by his Original Accounts, yet extant. Be­sides, many Divines, and Canonists; not only whole Houses of Religious Orders, but even the University of Bononia, tho the Pope's Town, declared, that the Laws in Leviticus, about the degrees of Mar­riage, were parts of the Law of Nature; and that the Pope could not dispense with them. The University of Padua, determined; the same as also that of Ferrara. In all, Crook sent over to England, an hundred several Books, and Papers, with many Subscrip­tions; all condemning the King's Marriage, as unlawful in it self. The Sor­bon de­clares a­gainst the Marriage. At Paris, the Sor­bon made their Determination, with great Solemnity; after a Mass of the Holy Ghost, all the Doctors took an Oath, to study the Question, and to give their Judgment according to their Consciences; and after three Weeks study, the greater part a­greed in this, That the King's Marriage was unlawful, and that the Pope could not dispense with it. At Orleans, Angiers, and Tholouse, they determined to the same purpose. E­rasmus had a mind to live in quiet, and so he would not give his Opinion, nor offend [Page 61]either party. Grineus was implored to try what Bucer, Zuinglius, and Oecolampa­dius thought of the Marriage. Bucer's O­pinion was, The Opini­on of the Reformed Divines, about it. that the Laws in Leviticus did not bind, and were not moral: Because God, not only dispensed, but command­ed them to marry their Brother's Wife, when he died without Issue. Zuinglius, and Oecolampadius, were of another mind, and thought these Laws were moral: But were of Opinion, that the Issue by a Mar­riage, de facto, grounded upon a received Mistake, ought not to be Illegitimat­ed.

Calvin thought the Marriage was null, and they all agreed, that the Pope's Dis­pensation was of no force. Osiander was imploied to engage the Lutheran Divines, but they were affraid of giving the Em­perour new grounds of displeasure. Me­lanctthon thought the Law in Leviticus was dispensable, and that the Marriage might be lawful; and that in those matters, States and Princes might make what Laws they pleased; And though the Divines of Leip­sick, after much disputing about it, did agree, that these Laws were moral, yet they could never be brought to justify the Divorce, with the subsequent Marriage that followed upon it, even after it was done: and that the King appeared very inclinable to receive their Doctrine; So steadily did they follow their Consciences, even against their Interests: But the Pope was more compliant, for he offered to Cas­sali, [Page 62]to grant the King a Dispensation for having another Wife, with which the Imperialists seemed not disatisfied.

The King's Cause being thus fortified, Many of the Nobili­ty write to the Pope. by so many Resolutions in his Favours, he made many members of Parliament in a Prorogation time, sign a Letter to the Pope, complaining, that notwithstanding the great merits of the King, the Justice of his Cause, and the Importance of it to the safety of the Kingdom; yet the Pope made still new Delayes; they therefore pressed him to dispatch it speedily, other­wise they would be forced to see for other Remedies, tho they were not willing to drive things to Extremities, till it was unavoidable: The Letter was signed by the Cardinal, the Archbishop of Canterbu­ry, four other Bishops, 22 Abbots, 42 Peers, and 11 Commoners. To this the Pope wrote an answer: The Pope's Answer. He took notice of the Vehemence of their Stile: He freed himself from the Imputations of Ingratitude, and Injustice: He acknowledged the King's great Merits; and said, he had done all he could in his Favour: He had granted a Commission, but could not refuse to re­ceive the Queen's Appeal; all the Cardi­nals with one consent judged, that an A­vocation was necessary. Since that time, the delays lay not at his door, but at the Kings; that he was ready to proceed, and would bring it to as speedy an Issue, as the Importance of it would admit of; and for their Threatnings, they were nei­ther [Page 63]agreeable to their Wisdom, nor their Religion.

Things being now in such a Posture, November the King set out a Proclamation; against any that should purchase, bring over, or pu­blish any Bull from Rome, contrary to his Authority: and after that he made an Abstract of all the Reasons and Authori­ties of Fathers, or modern Writers, against his Marriage to be published, both in La­tin and English.

The main stress was laid on the Laws in Leviticus, The Argu­ments for the Di­vorce. of the forbidden Degrees of Marriage; among which, this was one, not to marry the Brother's Wife. These Mar­riages are called Abominations, that defile the Land; and for which, the Canaanites were cast out of it. The Exposition of Scripture, was to be taken from the Tra­dition of the Church; and by the Univer­sal Consent of all Doctors, those Laws had been still looked on as Moral, and ever binding to Christians, as well as Jews: Therefore, Gregory the Great, advised Au­stin the Monk, upon the Conversion of the English; among whom, the Marriages of the Brother's Wife were usual, to dissolve them, looking on them as grievous Sins: Many other Popes, as Calixtus, Zacharias, and Innocent the Third, had given their Judgments, for the perpetual Obligation of those Laws: They had been also con­demned by the Councils of Neocesarea, Agde, and the second of Toledo. Among Wick­liff's condemned Opinions, this was one, [Page 64]that the Prohibitions of marrying in such degrees, were not founded on the Law of God: For which he was condemned in some English Councils, and these were con­firmed by the General Council at Constance. Among the Greek Fathers, both Origen, Basil, Chrysostom, and Hesychius; and a­mong the Latins, Tertullian, Ambrose, Jerome, and St. Austine, do formerly deli­ver this, as the belief of the Church in their time, that those Laws were Moral, and still in force: Anselm, Hugo de sancto Vi­ctore, Hildebert, and Ivo, argue very fully to the same purpose, the last particularly, writing concerning the King of France, who had married his Brothers Wife, says, it was inconsistent with the Law of God, with which none can dispence; and that he could not be admitted to the Com­munion of the Church, till he put her away. Aquinas, and all the School-men, follow these Authorities, and in their way of rea­soning, they argue fully for this Opinion; and all that writ against Wickliff, did also assert the Authority of those Prohibitions; in particular, Waldensis, whose Books were approved by Pope Martin the Fifth. All the Canonists did also agree with them, as Johannes Andreas, Panormitan, and Ostien­sis; so that Tradition being the only sure Expounder of the Scripture, the Case seem­ed clear. They also proved, that a Con­sent without Consummation, made the Marriage compleat, which being a Sacra­ment, that which followed after in the [Page 65]Right of Marriage, was not necessary to make it compleat, as a Priest saying Mass consummates his Orders, which yet were compleat without it. Many Testimonies were brought to confirm this; from which it was inferred that the Queen's being marri­ed to Prince Arthur, tho nothing had fol­lowed upon it, made her incapable of a lawful Marriage with the King. And yet they shewed what violent Presumptions there were of Consummation, which was all that in such Cases was sought for, and this was expressed both in the Bull and Breve, tho but dubiously in the one, yet very positively in the other. After that they examined the Validity of the Pope's Dispensation. It was a received Maxime, that tho the Pope had Authority to dispense with the Laws of the Church, yet he could not dispense with the Laws of God, which were not subject to him: And it had been judged in the Rota at Rome, when a Dispensation was asked for a King to marry his Wives Sister, that it could not be granted; and when Precedents were alledged for it, it was an­swered, that the Church was to be gover­ned by Laws, and not by Examples, and if any Pope had granted such Dispensation, it was either out of Ignorance or Corrupti­on. This was not only the Opinion of the School-men, but of the Canonists, tho they are much set on raising the Pope's Power, as high as is possible: And therefore Alex­ander the third, refused to grant a Dispen­sation in a like case, tho the Parent had [Page 66]sworn to make his Son marry his Brother's Widow; others went further, and said, The Pope could not dispense with the Laws of the Church, which several ancient Popes had declared against, and it was said, that the fulness of Power, with which the Pope was vested, did only extend to the pa­storal Care, and was not for Destruction, but for Edification; and that as St. Paul opposed St. Peter to his Face, so had mnay Bishops withstood Popes, when they pro­ceeded against the Canons of the Church. So both Laurence and Dunstan in England, had proceeded to Censures; notwithstand­ing the Pope's Authority interposed to the contrary; and no Authority being able to make what was a Sin in it self become law­ful; every Man that found himself engaged in a sinful course of Life, ought to forsake it; and therefore the King ought to with­draw from the Queen, and the Bishops of England in case of refusal ought to proceed to Censures. Upon the whole matter, Tra­dition was that upon which all the Writers of Controversy, particularly now in the Contests with the Lutherans, founded the Doctrine of the Church, as being the only infallible Exposition of the doubtful parts of Scripture; and that being so clear in this matter, there seemed to be no room for any further Debate.

On the other hand, Argu­ments a­gainst it. Cajetan was the first Writer, that against the stream of former Ages thought that the Laws of Leviticus, were only Judiciary Precepts, binding the [Page 67] Jews, and were not moral: his Reasons were, that Adam's Children must have mar­ried in the Degrees there forbidden. Jacob married two Sisters; and Judah, according to custom, gave his two Sons, and promised a third to the same Woman. Moses also ap­pointed the Brother to marry the Brother's Wife when he died without Issue. But a Moral Law is for ever, and in all Cases binding; and it was also said, that the Pope's power reached even to the Laws of God, for he dispensed with Oaths and Vows; and as he had the Power of deter­mining Controversies, so he only could de­clare what Laws were moral and indispen­sable, and what were not; nor could any Bishops pretend to judg concerning the ex­tent of his Power, or the validity of his Bulls.

To all this, those that writ for the King, answered, That it was strange to see Men who pretended such Zeal against Hereticks, follow their Method, which was to set up private reasonings from some Texts of Scripture, in opposition to the received Tradition of the Church, which was the bottom in which all good Catholicks thought themselves safe; and if Cajetan wrote in this manner against the received Doctrin of the Church in one Particular, why might not Luther take the same liber­ty in other Points? They also made di­stinction in moral Laws, between those that were so from the nature of the thing which was indispensable, and could in no [Page 68]Case be lawful; and to this sort, no De­grees, but those of Parents and Children, could be reduced; other Moral Laws were only grounded upon publick Inconvenien­cies, and Dishonesty, such as the other Degrees were; for the Familiarities that Persons so nearly related live in, are such, that unless a Terrour were struck in them, by a perpetual Law against such mixtures, Families would be much defiled: But in such Laws, tho God may grant a Dispen­sation in some particular Cases, yet an Inferiour Authority cannot pretend to it: and some Dispensations granted in the lat­ter Ages, ought not to be set up to bal­lance the Decisions of so many Popes, and Councils against them, and the Doctrine taught by so many Fathers and Doctors in former times.

Both sides having thus brought forth the strength of their Cause; it did evidently appear, That according to the Authority given to Tradition in the Church of Rome, the King had clearly the Right on his side, and that the Pope's Party did write with little sincerity in this matter, being guilty of that manner of arguing from Texts of Scriptures, for which they had so loudly charged the Lutherans.

The Queen continued firm to her Re­solution, of leaving the matter in the Pope's Hands, and therefore would heark­en to no Propositions that were made to her, for referring the matter to the Arbitration of some chosen on both sides.

A Session of Parliament followed in Ja­nuary, 1531 in which the King made the De­cisions of the Universities, and the Books that were written for the Divorce, A Session of Parlia­ment. be first read in the House of Lords, and then they were carried down by Sir Thomas More, and 12 Lords, both of the Spirituality, and Temporality, to the Commons. There were twelve Seals of Universities shewed, and their Decisions were read, first in Latin, and then Translated into English. There were also an hundred Books shewed, written on the same Argument: Upon the shewing these, the Chancellor desired them to report in their Countries, that they now clearly saw, that the King had not attempted this matter of his meer will and pleasure, but for the discharge of his Conscience, and the security of the Suc­cession of the Crown. This was also brought into the Convocation, who declar­ed themselves satisfied, concerning the un­lawfulness of the Marriage: but the Cir­cumstances they were then in, made that their Declaration was not much consider­ed; for they were then under the lash. All the Clergy of England were sued, as in the case of a Premunire, for having ac­knowledged a Forreign Jurisdiction, and taken out Bulls, and had Suits in the Lega­tine Court.

The Kings of England did claim such a Power in Ecclesiastical matters, The Laws of England against Bulls from Rome. as the Roman Emperours had exercised before the fall of that Empire: Anciently they [Page 70]had by their Authority divided Bishopricks, granted the Investitures, and made Laws, both relating to Ecclesiastical Causes & Per­sons. When the Popes began to extend their Power, beyond the Limits assigned them by the Canons, they met with great opposition in England, both in the matter of Investitures, Appeals, Legates, and the other Branches of their Usurpations; but they managed all the Advantages they found, either from the Weakness, or ill Circumstances of Princes, so steadily, that in Conclusion, they subdued the World: And if they had not by their cruel Exacti­ons, so oppressed the Clergy, that they were driven to seek Shelter under the Covert of the Temporal Authority, the World was then so over-mastered by Superstiti­on and Credulity, that not only the whole Spiritual Power, but even the Temporal Power of Princes, was likely to have fal­len into the Pope's hands: But the discon­tented Clergy supported the Secular Power, as much as they had before advanced the Papal Tyranny. Boniface the 8th, had raised his Pretentions to that impudent pitch, that he declared, all Power, both Ecclesiastical, and Civil, was derived from him, and established that, as an Article of Faith, necessary to Salvation; and he, and his Successors, took upon them, to dispose of all Ecclesiastical Benefices, by their Bulls and Provisions. Upon which, Laws were made in England, restraining those Invasions on the Crown; since those En­dowments [Page 71]were made for informing the People of the Law of God, and for Hospi­tality, and Acts of Charity, which were defeated, 25. Ed. 1 as well as the Crown was disin­herited by the Provisions which the Popes granted. Therefore they condemned them for the future, but no Punishment being declared for the Transgressors of that Fact, the Courtiers at Rome were not frighted at so general a Law; so these Abuses were still continued: But in Edward the Third's time, 25. Ed. 3 a more severe Law was made, by which, all that transgressed were to be imprisoned, to be fined at pleasure, and to forfeit all their Benefices. By an other Act, they were put out of the King's Protection. Several other Con­firmations of this were made, both in that Reign, and under Richard the Second; and the former Punishments were extend­ed, not only to the Provisors themselves, but to all that were imployed by them, or took Farms of them: and because Licen­ces might be granted by the King for Aliens, to hold Benefices in England, he did bind himself to grant none: Others took both Presentations in England, and obtained Provisions from Rome, which was likewise condemned. The Right of Pre­fentations was tried, only in the King's Courts; but the Popes had a mind to take the Cognizance of that to their own Courts; upon which, the Parliament considering the great Prejudice the Nation was like to suffer, and the Subjection that the [Page 72]Crown would fall under, resolved to pro­vide effectual Remedies; so all the Com­mons declared, they would live and die with the King, 16. Ric. 2. and desired him to exa­mine all the Lords, whether they would uphold the Regality of the Crown. The Temporal Lords declared, they would do it: But the Spiritual Lords made some dif­ficulty; yet in Conclusion, they also promi­sed, they would adhere to the Crown: So a Law passed, that if any purchased, Tran­slations, Excommunications, or Bulls, from Rome, that were contrary to the King, or his Crown, they, and all that brought them over, or that received, or executed them, were declared to be out of the King's Protection, and that their Goods and Chattels should be forfeited to the King, and their Persons imprisoned. And because the Proceedings upon this, were by a Writ, called, from the most ma­terial Words of it, Premunire facias; this Statute carried the name of the Statute of Premunire. There was also a Law passed in Henry the Fourth's Reign, against some Bulls, which the Cistertians had procured, and against the high Rates set on Bulls in the Apostolick Chamber; and whereas the King had been prevailed with, to give Licences for some Bulls, by which the Pro­visors put the Incumbents out of their Benefices, these were all declared to be of no force, when done in prejudice of the Subjects Rights. The Invasions that both the Popes and Kings made upon Elections, [Page 73]were by another Law condemned, and the Liberty of Elections was again set up. But those Kings being more concerned to preserve their own Prerogative, than the Rights of their People, were often pre­vailed with, to grant Pardons, and Licen­ces, to those who obtained Provisions at Rome; so these were all again condemned in Henry the Fifth's time.

In all this time, 4. Hen. 5. the weakness of the Pa­pacy, gave Princes some Advantages, which they had not in former Ages; for a great while the Popes sate at Avignion, where they were much eclipsed of their former Greatness: After that a Schism followed between the Popes that sate at Rome, and those that still sate at Avignion; and the Princes of Christendom, being then at liberty, to choose which of those they would acknowledg; the Popes durst not thunder against those Laws, as they had done in former times, upon much less Pro­vocation. And indeed all the use that the Kings made of them, was, to oblige the Pro­visors to come and depend on them for their Licence to execute their Bulls; and the King's Authority being joyned with the Popes, it was hard for those who were oppressed to resist that double force: Nor was there any vigorous Execution made of those Laws, otherwayes than to draw Mony from the Provisors: For it fell out in this case, what is ordinary on all such occasions, that Fa­vourites make use of good Laws; by which, Power is trusted to the Prince, for the [Page 74]Protection and Security of the Subjects, only for their own ends. It was a strange weakness in the Princes of Christendom, to take such pains as was done at Constance, for healing the Breach in the Papacy, for while that continued, they reigned in peace; and the Clergy was less oppressed than formerly: But that being once made up, the Popes were beginning again to raise their old Pretentions: And Pope Martin the 5th, not being willing to en­gage with so high spirited a King, as Henry the 5th was, he took Advantage in the Mi­nority of Henry the Sixth's Reign, 6. Hen. 6. to pro­pose a Repeal of those Laws, and first wrote very severely to Chichely, then Arch­bishop of Canterbury, for not opposing the Statute of Provisors, that had passed in the former Reign; nor standing up for the Rights of St. Peter: He therefore ex­horted him to imitate his Predecessor, Tho­mas Becket; and required him to declare at the next Parliament, the unlawfulness of it; and that all who obeyed it, were under Excommunication: He also requi­red him to order the Clergy, to preach every where against it. Yet Chichely did not proceed so zealously as the Pope ex­pected, and therefore he suspended his Legatine Power. The Archbishop appeal­ed upon this from the Pope, to the next Ge­neral Council, or if none met, to the Tri­bunal of God: But the Pope wrote also to the Clergy, requiring them to do what in them lay, for the repeal of the Statute: [Page 75]And in another Letter to the two Arch­bishops; in which, in spite to Chicheley, York is first named; he annulled the Sta­tutes made by Edward the Third, and Richard the Second; and declared all to be excommunicated that executed them, reserving the absolution of them to him­self, unless they were at the point of death: And he required them to publish, and affix this his Monitory Brief. The Archbi­shop humbled himself to the Pope; and got the other Bishops, and the University of Oxford, to write in his Favour to him; which they did, according to the flatter­ing, and vain stile of that Age: In his own Letter he says, he had not opened the Pope's Brief, and so did not know what it contained, being required by the King to bring it to him with the Seals intire. The Pope wrote also both to the King and Parliament, requiring them, under the pains of Excommunication, and Dam­nation, to repeal those Statutes. 1427 Upon the meeting of the next Parliament, the Archbishop, accompanied by several Bi­shops, and Abbots, went to the House of Commons, and made them a long Speech, in the form of a Sermon, upon that Text, Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and to God the things that are Gods; And exhorted them to repeal those Laws a­gainst the Pope's power, in granting Pro­visors; and with Tears laid out the mis­chiefs that would follow, if the Pope should proceed to Censures. But the Commons [Page 76]would not repeal those Laws; yet they were left as dead Letters among the Re­cords, for no care was taken to execute them. The Pope was so far satisfied with Chichely's behaviour, that he received him again to favour, and restored to him the Legatine Power. This being hitherto mentioned by none of our Writers, it seem­ed no impertinent Digression to give this account of it.

Now were those long forgotten Statutes revived, The Clergy sued in a Premunire to bring the Clergy into a Snare: It was designed by the terrour of this, to force them into an intire Submission; and to oblige them to redeem themselves by the grant of a considerable Subsidy. They pretended they had erred ignorantly; for the King by his favour to the Cardinal, seemed to consent, if not to encourage that Authority which he then exercised: It was a publick Errour, and so they ought not to be punished for it. To all this it was answered, that the Laws which they had transgressed, were still in force, and so no Ignorance could excuse the Violation of them. The Convocation of Canterbury made their Submission, and in their Ad­dress to the King, he was called the Pro­tector, and Supream Head of the Church of England; but some excepting to that, it was added, in so far as it is agreeable to the Law of Christ. This was signed by Nine Bishops, Fifty Abbots and Priors, and the greatest part of the Lower House; and with it they offered the King a Subsidy, [Page 77]to procure his Favour, of an 100000 l. and they promised for the future, not to make nor execute, any Constitutions, without his Licence. The Convocation of York did not pass this so easily; they excepted to the word Head, as agreeing to none but Christ: Yet the King wrote them a long expostulating Letter, and told them, with what Limitations those of Canterbury had passed that Title; upon which they also submitted, and offered him 18840 l. which was also well received; and so all the Cler­gy were again received into the King's Protection, and pardoned. But when the King's Pardon was brought into the Par­liament, the Laity complained, that they were not included within it; for many of them were also obnoxious on the same account, in some measure, having had Suits in the Legatine Court; and they did apprehend, that they might be brought in trouble: And therefore they addressed to the King, and desired to be compre­hended within it: But the King told them, his mercy was neither to be restrained, nor forced. This put the House of Com­mons in great trouble; but they past the Act: And soon after, the King sent a Pardon to all his Temporal Subjects, which was received with great Joy; and they acknowledged, that the King had temper­ed his Greatness with his Clemency, in his way of proceeding in this matter.

In this Session, one Rouse, that had poi­soned a great Pot of Porridge, in the Bi­shop [Page 78]of Rochester's Kitchin, of which two had died, and many had been brought near Death, A Poiso­ner con­demned of Treason. was attainted of Treason, and con­demned to be boiled to death; and that was made the Punishment of Poisoning in time to come. By this Act the Parliament made a Crime to be Treason that was not so before, and punished the Person accordingly: which was founded on the Power reserved in the 25th of Edward the 3d to Parliaments, to declare in time coming what Crimes were Treason. This severe Sentence was exe­cuted in Smithfield; Rouse accusing none as his Complices, tho malicious Persons did afterwards impute that Action of his to a design of Anne Bolleyn upon Fisher's Life; but his silence under so terrible a Condem­nation, shewed he could not charge others with it.

After the Sessions of Parliament, The King departs from the Queen. new Applications were made to the Queen to perswade her to depart from her Appeal; but she remained fixed in her Resolution, and said, she was the King's lawful Wife, and would abide by it till the Court at Rome should declare the contrary. Upon that the King desired her to chuse any of his Houses in the Country to live in, and re­solved never to see her more.

The Clergy were now raising the Subsi­dy, A Tumult among the Clergy. and the Bishops intended to make the inferiour Clergy pay their share: But up­on the Bishop of London's calling some few of them together, on whom he hoped to prevail, and make them set a good Exam­ple [Page 79]to the rest, all the Clergy hearing of it, came to the Chapter-house and forced their way in, tho the Bishop's Officers did what they could by Violence to keep them out. The Bishop made a Speech, setting forth the King's Clemency, in accepting such a Subsidy instead of all their Benefices, which they had forfeited to him, and there­fore desired them to bear their share in it patiently. They answered that they had not meddled with the Cardinal's Faculties, nor needed they the King's Pardon, not having transgressed his Laws; and therefore since the Bishops and Abbots only were in fault, it was reasonable that they only should raise the Subsidy. Upon this the Bishop's Officers, and They came to very high Words, and it ended in Blows: But the Bishop quieted them all he could with good Words, and dismissed them with a Promise that none should be brought unto question for what had been then done; yet he com­plained to More of it, and he put many of them in Prison: But the thing was let fall.

This Year produced a new Breach be­tween the Pope and the Emperour; The Pope turns to the Inte­rest of France. the Pope pretended to Modeno and Regio as Fiefs of the Papacy; but the Emperour judged against him for the Duke of Ferrara Upon this the Pope resolved to unite him­self to the Crown of France; and Francis, to gain him more entirely, proposed a Match between his second Son Henry, and the Pope's Neece, the famous Catherine de Me­dici; [Page 80]which as it wrought much on the Pope's Ambition, so it was like to prove a great support to his Family. Francis also offered to resign all his Pretentions in Italy to his Son Henry, which was like to draw in other Princes to a League with him, who would have been much better pleased to see a King's younger Son among them, than either the Emperour or the King of France. The King's Matter was now in a fairer way of being adjusted; for the Pope's Con­science being directed by his Interests, since he had now broken with the Emperour, it was probable he would give the King con­tent. He saw the danger of losing England. The Interest of the Clergy was much sunk, and they were in a great measure sub­jected to the Crown. Lutheranism was also making a great Progress, and the Pope was out of any danger from the Emperour, on whom the whole Power of the Turkish Empire was now fallen, drawn in, as was believed, by the Practices of Francis at the Port, tho that did not well agree with his Title of Most Christian King. The Princes of Germany took Advantage from this, to make the Emperour consent to some fur­ther liberty in matters of Religion, and to se­cure themselves; they were then also entered into a League with Francis, for preserving the Rights of the Empire, unto which King Henry was invited. All this raised Francis again very high; so he was the fittest Per­son to mediate an Agreement between the King and the Pope, and being himself a [Page 81]Lover of Pleasure, he was the more easily engaged to serve the King in the accom­plishment of his Amours.

A new Session of Parliament was held, A misun­derstan­ding be­tween the House of Commons. in which the Laity complained of the spiritual Courts, of their way of proceeding ex Officio, and not admitting Persons accused to their Purgation. But this was not much consi­dered, by reason of an ill understanding that fell in between the King and the House of Commons. There was a Custom brought in of making such Settlements of Estates, that the Heir was not liable to Wards, and the other Advantages to which the King or the Great Lords had otherwise a Right by their Tenures: So a Bill for re­gulating that was sent down by the Lords, but the Commons rejected it, which gave the King great Offence; upon that they addressed to the King for a Dissolution, since they had been now obliged to a long At­tendance. The King answered them sharp­ly, He said, they had rejected a Bill, in which he had offered a great Abatement of that which he might claim by Law; and therefore he would execute the Law in its utmost severity. He told them he had Pa­tience while his Suit was in dependence, and so they must have likewise. For this Par­liament was made up of Men very ill af­fected to the Clergy, so the King kept it still in being, to terrify the Court of Rome so much the more.

All that was remarkable that past in this Session was an Act against Annats; An Act a­gainst An­nats. it sets [Page 82]forth that they were founded on no Law, they were first enacted to defend Christen­dom against Infidels, and were now kept up as a Revenue to the Papacy, and Bulls were not granted till they were compounded for: for 800000 Ducats had bin carried out of England to Rome, on that account since the beginning of the former Reign. The King was bound by his Royal Care of his Sub­jects to hinder such Oppressions; and therefore all that were provided to great Benefices, were required not to pay First Fruits for the future, under the pain of for­feiting all their Goods, and the profits of their Benefices; and those that were pre­sented to Bishopricks were appointed to be consecrated, tho their Bulls were denied at Rome, and they were required to pay no more but 5 per Cent. of the clear Profits of their Sees. If the Pope should upon this proceed to censures, they required all the Clergy to perform Divine Offices, these notwithstanding. But by an extraordina­ry Proviso, they referred it to the King to declare at any time between that and Ea­ster next, whether this Act should take place or not: and the King by his Let­ters Patents declared that it should take place being provoked by the Pope.

In January the Pope, The Pope writes to the King. upon the motion of the Imperialists wrote to the King, com­plaining that notwithstanding a Suit was depending concerning his Marriage, yet he had put away his Queen, and kept one Anne as his Wife, contrary to a Prohibi­tion [Page 83]served on him; therefore he exhorted him to live with his Queen again, and to put Anne away. Upon this the King sent Dr. Bennet to Rome with a large Dispatch; The King's Answer. in it he complained that the Pope proceeded in that matter upon the Suggestion of others, who were ignorant and rash Men: the Pope had carried himself inconstantly and deceitfully in it, and not as became Christ's Vicar: and the King had now for several Years ex­pected a Remedy from him in vain. The Pope had granted a Commission, had pro­mised never to recal it, and had sent over a Decretal Bull defining the Cause. Either these were unjustly granted, or unjustly recalled. If he had Authority to grant these things, where was the Faith which became a Friend, much more a Pope, since he had recalled them? If he had not Au­thority to grant them, he did not know how far he could consider any thing he did. It was plain that he acted more with re­gard to his Interests, than according to Conscience; and that, as the Pope had often confessed his own Ignorance in these matters, so he was not furnished with Learned Men to advise him, otherwise he would not maintain a Marriage which almost all the Learned Men and Universities in England, France, and Italy, had condemned as unlawful. He desired the Pope would excuse the Freedom he used, to which his Carriage had forced him. He would not question his Authority, unless he were compelled to it, and would do no­thing but reduce it to its first and ancient Limits, which was much better than to let high [Page 84]it run on headlong, and still do amiss. This high Letter made the Pope resolve to pro­ceed and end this matter, either by a Sen­tence, or a Treaty. The King was cited to answer to the Queen's Appeal at Rome in Person, or by Proxy: so Sir Edward Karme was sent thither in the new Character of the King's Excusator, to excuse the King's Appearance, upon such grounds as could be founded on the Canon Law, The King cited to Rome, ex­cuses him­self. and upon the Privileges of the Crown of England. Bonner that was a forwad and ambitious Man, and would stick at nothing that might contribute to his Preferment, was sent over with him. The Imperialists pressed the Pope much to give Sentence, but all the wise Cardinals, who observed by the Proceedings of the Parliament, that the Na­tion would adhere to the King, if he should be provoked to shake off the Pope's Yoke, were very apprehensive of a Breach, and suggested milder Counsels to the Pope; and the King's Agents assured him, that if he gave the King content, the late Act a­gainst Annats, should not be put in Execu­tion.

The Cardinal of Ravenna was then con­sidered as an Oracle for Learning in the Consistory, Some Car­dinals cor­rupted. so the King's Agents resolved to gain him with great Promises; but he said, Princes were liberal of their Promises, till their turn was served, and then forgot them; so he resolved to make sure work; therefore he made Bennet give him a Pro­mise in writing of the Bishoprick of Ely, or the first Bishoprick that fell till that was [Page 85]vacant, and he also engaged that the King should procure him Benefices in France to the value of 6000 Ducats a Year, for the Service he should do him in his Divorce. This was an Argument of so great Efficacy with the Cardinal, that it absolutely tur­ned him from being a great Enemy, to be as great a Promoter, of the King's Cause, tho very artificially. Several other Cardi­nals were also prevailed with, by the same Topicks. The King's Agents put in his Plea of Excuse in 28 Articles, and it was orde­red that three of them should be discussed at a hearing before the Consistory, till they should be all examined: But that Court sit­ting once a Week, the Imperialists, after some of them were heard, procured an Order, that the rest should be heard in a Congregation or Committee of Cardinals, before the Pope, for greater Dispatch: but Karn refused to obey this, and so it was re­ferred back to the Consistory. But against this the Imperialists protested, and refused to appear any more. News were brought to Rome from England, that a Priest that had preached up the Pope's Power, was cast into Prison; and that one committed by the Archbishop for Heresy, appealed to the King as supream Head, which was re­ceived and judged in the King's Courts. The Pope made great Complaints upon this: but the King's Agents said, the best way to prevent the like for the future, was to do the King Justice. At this time a Bull was granted for suppressing some Monaste­ries, [Page 86]and erecting new Bishopricks out of them. Chester was to be one, and the Car­dinal of Revenna was so pleased with the Revenue designed for it, 1542 that he laid his hand upon it, till Ely should happen to fall vacant. In conclusion, the Pope seemed to favour the King's Plea Excusatory, upon which the Imperialists made great Com­plaints. But this amounted to no more, save that the King was not bound to ap­pear in Person: Therefore the Cardinals that were gained, advised the King to send over a Proxy for answering to the merits of the Cause, and not to lose more time in that Dilatory Plea; and they having de­clared themselves against the King in that Plea, before the bargain had been made with them, could with the better credit serve him in the other. So the Vacation coming on, it was resolved by the Cardi­nals neither to admit nor reject the Plea. But both the Pope and the Colledg wrote to the King to send over a Proxy for deter­mining the matter next Winter. Bonner was also sent to England to assure the King, that the Pope was now so much in the French Interest, that he might confidently refer his matter to him; but whereas the King desired a Commission to judg (in par­tibus) upon the place: it was said, that the Point to be judged, being the Pope's Authority to dispense with the King's Marriage, that could not be referred to Legates, but must needs be judged in the Consistory.

At this time a new Session of Parliament was called in England. The Clergy gave in an Answer to the Complaints made of them by the Commons in the former Sessions: A Session of Parlia­ment. But when the King gave it to the Speaker, he complained that one Temse, a Member of their House, had moved for an Address to the King, that the Queen might be again brought back to the Court; The King said, it touched his Conscience, and was not a thing that could be determined in that House. He wished his Marriage were good, but many Divines had declared it unlawful. He did not make his Suit out of Lust or foolish Appetite, being then past the Heats of Youth; he assured them, his Conscience was troubled, and desired them to report that to the House. Many of the Lords came down to the House of Com­mons, and told them, the King intended to build some Forts on the Borders of Scotland, to secure the Nation from the Inroads of the Scots; and the Lords ap­proving of this, sent them to propose it to the Commons, upon which a Subsidy was voted; but upon the breaking out of the Plague, the Parliament was prorogued, before the Act was finished. The Oaths which the Bishops swore both to the Pope and the King. At that time the King sent for the Speaker of the House of Commons, and told him he found that the Prelates were but half Subjects; for they swore at their Consecration an Oath to the Pope, that was inconsistent with their Allegiance, and Oath to the King. By their Oath to the Pope, they swore [Page 88]to be in no Council against him, nor to dis­close his Secrets; but to maintain the Papacy, and the Regalities of S. 1522 Peter against all Men; together with the Rights and Authorities of the Church of Rome; and that they should honourably entreat the Legats of the Apostolick See, and observe all the Decrees, Sentences, Provisions, and Com­mandments of that See; and yearly, either in Person or by Proxy, visit the Thresholds of the Apostles. In their Oath to the King, they renounced all Clauses in their Bulls contrary to the King's Royal Dig­nity, and did swear to be faithful to him, and to live and die with him against all others, and to keep his Counsel; acknow­ledging that they held their Bishopricks only of him. By these it appeared that they could not keep both those Oaths, in case a Breach should fall out between the King and the Pope. But the Plague broke off the Consultations of Parliament at this time. Soon after, Sir Thomas More see­ing a Rupture with Rome coming on so fast, More quits his Office. desired leave to lay down his Office, which was upon that conferred on Sir Tho. Audley. He was satisfied with the King's keeping up the Laws formerly made in Op­position to the Papal Incroachments, and so had concured in the Suit of the Premunire; but now the matter went further, and so he not being able to keep pace with the Coun­sels, returned to a private Life, with a Greatness of Mind equal to what the an­cient Greeks or Romans had expressed on [Page 89]such Occasions. Endeavours were used to fasten some Imputations on him, in the Distribution of Justice; 1533 but nothing could be brought against him, to blemish his Inte­grity.

An Enterveiw followed between the Kings of France and England; to which, An Inter­view be­tween the King of France, & England. Ann Bolleyn, now Marchioness of Pembrook, was carried; In which, after the first Ce­remonies, and Magnificence was over, Francis promised Henry to second him in his Suit: He encouraged him to pro­ceed to a second Marriage, without more adoe; and assured him, he would stand by him in it: And told him, he intend­ed to restrain the payment of Annats to Rome; and would ask of the Pope a Re­dress of that and other Grievances; and if it was denied, he would seek other Re­medies in a Provincial Council. An En­terview was proposed between the Pope and Him; to which he desired the King go with him; and King the was not unwilling to it, if he could have assurance that his Business would be finally determined. The Pope offered to the King, to send a Legate to any indifferent place out of England, to form the Process, reserving only the giving Sentence to himself: And proposed to him, and all Princes, a General Truce, that so he might call a General Council. The King answered, that such was the present State of the Affairs of Europe, that it was not season­able to call a General Council; that it [Page 90]was contrary to his Prerogative to send a Proxy to appear at Rome; That by the Decrees of General Councils, 1530 all Causes ought to be judged on the place, and by a Provincial Council; and that it was fit­ter to judge it in Engiand, than any where else: And that by his Coronation Oath, he was bound to maintain the Dignities of his Crown, and the Rights of his Sub­jects; and not to appear before any for­raign Court: So Sir Thomas Elliot was sent over with Instructions, to move, that the cause might be judged in England: Yet if the Pope had real Intentions of giving the King full Satisfaction, he was not to insist on that: And to make the Cardinal of Ravenna sure, he sent him the offer of the Bishoprick of Coventry and Litchfield, Nov. 14. The King marries Ann Bol­leyn. then vacant. Soon after this, the King mar­ried Ann Bolleyn; Rowland Lee (after­wards Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield) did officiate, none being present but the Duke of Norfolk, and her Father, her Mo­ther, and her Brother, and Cranmer. It was thought, that the former Marriage being null of it self, the King might pro­ceed to another: And perhaps, they ho­ped, that as the Pope had formerly pro­posed this Method, so he would now ap­prove of it. But tho the Pope had joyn­ed himself to France, yet he was still so much in fear of the Emperour, that he resolved not to provoke him; and so was not wrought on by any of the Expedients which Bennet proposed, which were either [Page 91]to judge the Cause in England, according to the Council of Nice; or to refer it to the Arbitration of some, 1532 to be named by the King, and the King of France, and the Pope: for all these, he said, tended to the Diminution of the Papal Power. A new Citation was issued out, for the King, to answer to the Queen's Complaints; but the King's Agents protested, that he was a Soveraign Prince, that England was a free Church, over which the Pope had no just Authority; and that the King could expect no Justice at Rome, where the Empe­perours Power was so great.

At this time, the Parliament met again, 1533 and past an Act, The Par­liament condemns Appeals to Rome. condemning all Appeals to Rome: In it they set forth, ‘That the Crown was Imperial, and that the Na­tion was a compleat Body, having full Power to do Justice in all Cases, both Spiritual, and Temporal: And that as former Kings had maintained the Liber­ties of the Kingdom against the Usurpa­tions of the See of Rome; so they found the great Inconveniencies of allowing Appeals in Matrimonial Causes; That they put them to great Charges, and ac­casioned many Delayes: Therefore they enacted, That thereafter those should be all judged within the Kingdom, and no regard should be had to any Appeals to Rome, or Censures from it: But Sen­tences given in England, were to have their full Effect: and all that exe­cuted any Censures from Rome, were [Page 92]to incur the pains of Premunire. Ap­peals were to be from the Arch-deacon to the Bishop; and from him to the Arch­bishop: And in the Causes that concern­ed the King, the Appeal was to be to the upper House, or Convocation.’

There was now a new Archbishop of Canterbury; Cranmer made Archbishop of Canter­bury. Warham died the former Year: He was a great Patron of Learning, a good Canonist, and wise States-man; but was a cruel Persecutor of Hereticks, and in­clined to believe Fanatical Stories. Cran­mer was then in Germany, disputing in the King's Cause with some of the Emperour's Divines. The King resolved to advance him to that Dignity; and sent him word of it, that so he might make haste over: But a Promotion so far above his Thoughts, had not its common Effects on him: He had a true and primitive Sense of so great a Charge; and instead of aspiring to it, he was afraid of it, & he both returned very slowly to England, and used all his Endea­vours, to be excused from that Advance­ment: But this declining of Preferment, being a thing, of which the Clergy of that Age were so little guilty, discovered, That he had Maximes very far different from most Church-men. Bulls were sent for to Rome, in order to his Consecration, which the Pope granted, tho it could not be very grateful to him, to send them to one who had so publickly disputed against his Power of dispensing; all the Composi­tion that was payed for them, was, but [Page 93]900 Ducats, which was perhaps accord­ing to the Regulation, made in the Act against Annats. There were 9 several Bulls sent over, one, confirming the King's No­mination; a Second, requiring him to ac­cept it; a Third, absolving him from Cen­sures; a Fourth, to the Suffragan Bishops; a Fifth, to the Dean and Chapter; a Sixth, to the Clergy; a Seventh, to the Laity; an Eighth, to the Tenants of the See, re­quiring all these to receive him to be their Archbishop; a Ninth, requiring some Bi­shops to consecrate him; the Tenth gave him the Pall; and by the Eleventh, the Archbishop of York was required to put it on him. The putting all this in so many different Bulls, was a good Contrivance, for raising the Rents of the Apostolick Chamber. On the 30 of March, Cranmer was consecrated by the Bishops of Lincoln, Exeter, and St. Asaph. The Oath to the Pope was of hard Digestion: So he made a Protestation before he took it, that he conceived himself not bound up by it in any thing, that was contrary to his Duty to God, to his King, or Country; and he repeated this when he took it; so that if this seemed too artificial for a Man of his sincerity; yet he acted in it fairly, The Con­vocation condemns the King's Marriage. and above Board.

The Convocation had then two Que­stions before them; the first was, Concern­ing the Lawfulness of the King's Marri­age, and the Validity of the Pope's Dis­pensation; the other was, of Matter of Fact, Whether P. Arthur had consummated the [Page 94]Marriage, or not. For the first, the Judg­ments of 19 Universities were read; and after a long Debate, 1519 there being 23 only in the Lower House, 14 were against the Marriage, and 7 for it, and two voted du­biously. In the upper House, Stokesly, Bi­shop of London, and Fisher, maintained the Debate long; the one for the Affirmitive, and the other the Negative: At last it was carried, Nemine contradicente, (the few that were of the other side it seems with­drawing) against the Marriage, 216 be­ing present. For the other, that con­cerned matter of Fact, it was referred to the Canonists; and they all, except five or six, reported, That the Presumptions were violent; and these in a matter not capable of plain proof, were alwayes re­ceived in Law. The smal number in the Lower, and the far greater number in the upper House of Convocation, makes it probable, that then, not only Bishops, but all Abbots, Priors, Deans, and Arch-dea­cons, sate in the upper House, for they were all called Prelates, and had their Writs to sit in a General Council, as appears by the Records of the fourth Council in the Lateran, and the Council at Vienna, and so them might well sit in the upper House: And per­haps the two Houses of Convocation, were taken from the Patern of the two Houses of Parliament, and so none might sit in the lower House, but such as were chosen to represent the Inferiour Clergy. The Books of Convocation are now lost, having pe­rished in the Fire of London; but the Author [Page 95]of Antiquitaies Britannicae, who lived in that time, is of that great credit, that we may well depend upon his Testimony. 1533 Cranmer gives the final Sen­tence.

The Convocation having thus judged in the matter, the Ceremoy of pronounc­ing the Divorce judicially, was now only wanting. The new Queen began to have big a Belly, which was a great Evidence of her living chastly before that with the King. On Easter Eve she was declared Queen of England. And soon after, Cranmer, with Gardiner (who was made upon Wolsey's death Bishop of Winchester) and the Bi­shops of London, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, with many Divines and Canonists, went to Dunstable; Queen Katherine living then near it, at Ampthil. The King and Queen were cited; he appeared by Proxy, but the Queen refused to take any notice of the Court: So after three Citations, she was declared Contumax, and all the Merits of the Cause formerly mentioned, were examin­ed. At last, on the 23 of May, Sentence was given, declaring the Marriage to have been null from the beginning. Among the Archbishops Titles in the beginning of the Judgment, he is called, Legate of the Apostolick See, which perhaps was added to give it the more force in Law. Some days after this, he gave another Judgment, con­firming the King's Marriage with Queen Ann, and on the first of June she was Crowned Queen: This was variously cen­sured. It was said, Censures past upon it. that in the Intervals of a General Council, the asking the Opini­ons [Page 96]of so many Universities, and Learned Men, was the only sure way to find out the Tradition of the Church: And a Pro­vincial Council had sufficient Authority to judge in this Case: Yet many thought, the Sentence dissolving the first Marriage, should have preceded the second: And it being contracted, before the first was Le­gally annulled, there was great colour given to question the Validity of it. But it was answered, That since the first was judged null of it self, there was no need of a Sentence Declaratory, but only for form: Yet it was thought, either there ought to have been no Sentence past at all, or it should have been before the second Marriage. Some objected, That Cranmer having appeared so much against the Mar­riage, was no competent Judge; but it was said, that as Popes are not bound by the Opinions they held when they were private Men; so he having changed his Character, could not be challenged on that account, but might give Sentence, as Judges decide Causes, in which they formerly gave Counsel: And indeed, the Convocati­on had judged the Cause, he only gave Sentence in form of Law. The World wondered at the Pope's Stiffness; but he often confessed, he understood not those matters, only he was afraid of provoking the Emperour; or of giving the Luthe­rans advantage to say, that one Pope con­demned that, with which another had dis­pensed. All People admired Q. Ann's con­duct, [Page 97]who in a course of so many Years managed a King's Spirit, that was so vio­lent, in such a manner, as neither to sur­feit him with too many Favours, nor to provoke him with too much Rigour; and her being so soon with Child, gave hopes of a mumerous Issue: They that loved the Reformation, lookt for better dayes un­der her Protection; but many Priests, and Friars, both in Sermons and Discourses, condemned the King's Proceedings. The King sent Ambassadours to all Courts, to justify what he had done: He sent also some to Queen Katherine, to charge her to assume no other Title, but that of Prin­cess Dowager; and to give her hopes of puting her Daughter next in the Successi­on to the Crown, after his Issue by the present Queen, if she would submit her self to his Will, but she would not yield; she said, she would not take that Infamy on her self; and so resolved, that none should serve about her, that did not treat her as Queen. All her Servants adhered so to her Interest, that no Threatnings nor Promises, could work on them: And the stir which the King kept in this matter, was thought below his Greatness, and seemed to be set on by a Woman's Resent­ments; for since she was deprived of the Majesty of a Crown, the Pageantry of a Title was not worth the noise that was made about it. The Emperour seemed big with Resentments. The French King was colder then the King expected; yet [Page 98]he promised to intercede with the Pope, and the Cardinals, on his account: But he was now so entirely gained by the Pope, That he resolved not to involve himself in the King's Quarrel, as a Party: And he also gave over the Designs he once had of setting up a Patriarch in France; for the Pope granted him so great a Power over his own Clergy, that he could not desire more. With this the Emperour was not a little pleased; for this was like to sepa­rate those two Kings, whose Conjunction had been so hurtful to him.

At Rome the Cardinals of the Imperial Faction, The pro­ceedings at Rome upon it. complained much of the Attempt made on the Pope's Power; since a Sen­tence was given in England in a Process de­pending at Rome; so they prest the Pope to proceed to Censures. But instead of putting the matter past reconciling, there was only Sentence given, annulling all that the Archbishop of Canterbury had done; and the King was required under the pain of Excommunication, to put things again in the state in which they were formerly; and this was affixed at Dunkirk. The King sent a great Embassy to Francis, who was then setting out to Marseilles, where the Pope was to meet him: Their Errand was to disswade him from the Journey, unless the Pope would promise to give the King Satisfaction: The King of France said, he was engaged in Honour to go on; but assured them, he would mind the King's Concerns, with as much Zeal, as if they were his own.

In September the Queen brought forth a Daughter, the renowned Queen Elizabeth; and the King having before declared Lady Mary Princess of Wales, Sept 7. Q. Elizabeth born. did now the same for her: Tho since a Son might put her from it, she could not be Heir Apparent, but only the Heir Presumptive to the Crown. At Marseilles, the Marriage was made up between the Duke of Orleans, and the Pope's Neece; to whom the Pope gave, be­sides 100000 Crowns, many Principalities, which he pretended were either Fiefs of the Papacy, or belonged to him in the Rights of the House of Medici. The Pope's Historian with some Triumph, boasted, that the Marriage was Consummated that very Night; tho it was thought not cre­dible, that P. Arthur, that was Nine Months older than the new Duke of Orleans, afterwards Henry the Second, did Consum­mate his.

There was a secret Agreement made between the Pope and Francis, that if King Henry would refer his Cause to the Con­sistory, excepting only to the Cardinals of the Imperial Faction, as partial, and would in all other things return to his Obedi­ence to the See of Rome, The Pore promises to satisfy K. Henry. then Sentence should be given in his Favours; but this to be kept secret: So Bonner not being trust­ed with it and sent thither with an Ap­peal from the Pope to the next General Council, made it with great boldness, and threatned the Pope upon it, with so much Vehemence, that the Pope talked of throw­ing [Page 100]him into a Cauldron of melted Lead, or burning him alive: And he apprehend­ing some danger fled away privately. But when Francis came back to Paris, he sent over the Bishop of that City, to the King, to let him know what he had obtained of the Pope in his Favours, and the Terms on which it was promised: This wrought so much on the King, that he presently consented to them. And upon that, the Bishop of Paris, tho it was now in the middle of Winter, took Journey to Rome; being sure of the Scarlet, if he could be the In­strument of regaining England, which was then upon the point of being lost: What these Assurances were which the Pope gave, is not certain; but the Archbi­shop of York, and Tenstal of Duresm, in a Letter which they wrote on that Occasion, say, that the Pope said at Marseilles, That if the King would send a Proxy to Rome, he would give Sentence for him against the Queen, for he knew his Cause was good and just. Upon the Bishop of Paris's coming to Rome, the matter seemed agreed; for it was promi­sed, that upon the King's sending a Pro­mise under his hand, to put things in their former state; and his ordering a Proxy to appear for him, Judges should be sent to Cambray for making the Process, and then Sentence should be given. Upon the notice given of this, and of a Day that was prefixt for the return of the Courier, the King dispatched him with all possible hast; and now the Business seemed at an end. But [Page 101]the Courier had a Sea and the Alps to pass, and in Winter it was not easy to observe a limited day so exactly: This made that he came not to Rome on the prefixed day; upon which, the Imperialists gave out, that the King was abusing the Pope's Easiness; so they prest him vehemently to proceed to a Sentence: The Bishop of Paris mov­ed only for a delay of six days, which was no unreasonable time in that Season, and in favours of such a King, who had a Suit depending six Days, and since he had Pa­tience so many Years; the delay of a few days was no extraordinary Favour. But the design of the Imperialists was, to hin­der a Reconciliation: for if the King had been set right with the Pope, there would have been so powerful a League formed against the Emperour, as would have broke all his Measures: And therefore it was necessary for his Designes to imbroil them. It was also said, That the King was seek­ing Delayes, and Concessions, meerly to delude the Pope; and that he had proceed­ed so far in his Design against that See, that it was necessary to go on to Censures: And the angry Pope was so provoked by them, and by the News that he heard out of England, that without consulting his or­dinary Prudence, he brought in the mat­ter to the Consistory; and there the Im­perialists being the greater number, it was driven on with so much Precipitation, that they did in on day that, which accord­ing to Form, should have been done in three.

They gave the final Sentence, declaring, the King's Marriage with Queen Katherine good; and required him to live with her as his Wife, 23. March, But pro­ceeds ha­stily to a Sentence. otherwise they would pro­ceed to Censures. Two days after that, the Courier came with the King's Submis­sion, in due form: He also brought earnest Letters from Francis, in the King's Favours. This wrought on all the indiffer­ent Cardinals, as well as those of the French Faction. So they praied the Pope to recall what was done. A new Consi­story was called, but the Imperialists prest with greater Vehemence then ever, that they would not give such Scandal to the World, as to recall a definitive Sentence past, of the validity of a Marriage; and give the Hereticks such Advantages by their unsteadiness in matters of that nature: And so it was carried, that the for­mer Sentence should take place; and the Execution of it was committed to the Em­perour. When this was known in Eng­land, it determined the King in his Reso­lutions, of shaking off the Pope's Yoke, in which he had made so great a Progress, that the Parliament had past all the Acts concerning it, before he had the News from Rome: For he judged, that the best way to Peace was, to let them at Rome see, with what vigour he could make War. All the rest of the World lookt on astonished, to see the Court of Rome throw off England with so much scorn, as if they had been weary of the Obedience and Profits of so [Page 103]great a Kingdom, and their Proceedings look'd as if they had been secretly directed by a Divine Providence, that designed to draw great Consequences from this Rup­ture, and did so far infatuate those that were most concerned to prevent it, that they needlesly drew it on themselves.

In England they had been now exami­ning the Foundations on which the Papal Authority was built, The [...]rgu­ments used for reject­ing the Pope's Power. with extraordinary Care for some Years; and several Books being then and soon after written on that Subject, the Reader will be able to see better into the Reasons of their Proceed­ings by a short Abstract of these.

All the Apostles were made equal in the Powers that Christ gave them, and he of­ten condemned their Contests about Su­periority, but never declared in St. Peter's Favour. St. Paul withstood him to his Face, and reckoned himself not inferour to him. If the Dignity of a Person left any Authority with the City in which he sat; then Antioch must carry it as well as Rome: and Jerusalem, where Christ suffered was to be prefererd to all the World, for it was truly the Mother-Church. Christ said to Peter, Ʋpon this Rock will I build my Church. The Ancients understood by the Rock, ei­ther the Confession Peter had made, or, which is all one upon the matter, Christ himself; and tho it were to be meant of St. Peter, all the rest of the Apostles are also called Foun­dations; that of, Tell the Church, was by many Doctors of the Church of Rome turned a­gainst [Page 104]the Pope for a General Council. The other Priviledges ascribed to St. Peter, were either only a precedence of Order, or were occasioned by his Fall, as that, Feed my Sheep, it being a restoring him to the Apo­stolical Function. St. Peter had also a limi­ted Province, the Circumcision, as St. Paul had the Uncircumcision, that was of far greater extent; which shewed that he was not considered as the Universal Pastor. In the Primitive Church, St. Cy­prian, and other Bishops, wrote to the Bi­shops of Rome, as to their fellow Bishop, Colleague and Brother: they were against Appeals to Rome, and did not submit to their Definition, and in plain Terms asser­ted, that all Bishops were equal in Power as the Apostles had been. It is true, the Dig­nity of the City made the Bishops of Rome to be much esteemed; yet in the first Council of Nice, the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch, were declared to have the same Authority in the Countries about them, that the Bishops of Rome, had over those that lay about them. It is true, the East being over-run with Arrianism, from which the West was better preserved, the oppressed Eastern Bishops did take shelter in the Protection the Bishops of Rome gave them; and, as is natural to all People, they magnified that Authority which was so useful to them. But the second General Council indirectly condemned all Appeals to Rome: for it decreed that every Pro­vince should be governed by its own Synod, [Page 105]and allowed no higher Appeal but to the Bishops of the Diocess. Constantinople be­ing made the Imperial City, the second and fourth General Council gave it equal Priviledges with Rome, because it was new Rome: which shews that the Dignity of the Sees flowed from the greatness of the Cities. The African Churches condemned all Ap­peals to Rome, and the Popes, who complain­ed of that, pretended only to a Canon of the Council of Nice for it; and then they did not talk of a Divine Right; but search being made into all the Copies of the Canons of the Council, that was found to be a For­gery. When the Emperour Mauricius gave the Title, Ʋniversal Bishop, to the Patriarch of Constantinple; Gregory the Great com­plained of the Ambition of that Title, which he calls equal to the Pride of Lucifer; and since England received the Faith by those whom he sent over, it appeared from thence what was the Doctrine of that See at that time, and by consequence, what where the first Impressions made on the English in that matter. It is true Boniface the third got the same Title by Phocas's Grant, and Boniface the eighth pretended to all Power both spiritual and temporal; but the Progress of their Usurpations, and the Wars raised to maintain them, were very visible in History. The Popes swore at their Consecrations to obey the Canons of the eighth first General Councils, which are manifested against Appeals and their Universal Jurisdiction; small regard is to [Page 106]be had to the Decrees of latter Councils, be­ing Cabals pack'd and managed as the Popes pleased. Several Sees, as Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileia pretended Exemption from the Papal Authority. Many English Bi­shops had asserted that the Popes had no Authority against the Canons, and to that day no Canon the Popes made was binding till it was received; which shewed the Pope's Authority was not believed founded on a divine Authority: and the Contests that the Kings of England had with the Pope's concerning Investitures, Bishops doing the King Homage, Appeals to Rome, and the Authority of Papal Bulls and Provisions, shewed that the Pope's Power was believed subject to Laws and Custom, and so not de­rived from Christ and St. Peter; and as Laws had given them some Power, and Princes had bin forced in ignorant Ages to submit to their Usurpations, so they might as they saw cause change those Laws, and resume their Rights.

The next Point inquired into was, And for the King's Supremacy the Authority that Kings had in matters of Re­ligion and the Church. The King of Isra­el judged in all Causes, and Samuel called Saul the Head of the Tribes. David made many Rules about the Service at the Tem­ple, and declaring to Solomon what his Power was, 1 Chron. 28.21. 2 Chron. 8.14, 15. he told him that the Priests were wholly at his Command; and it is also said, that Solomon appointed the Priests their Char­ges in the Service of God, and that they departed not from his Commandment in any matter; he turned out one High-Priest, and put another [Page 107]in his room. Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, and Josias, made also Laws about Ecclesiastical Matters. In the New Testament, Christ was himself subject to the Civil Powers, and charged his Disciples not to affect Tem­poral Dominion. They also wrote to the Churches to be subject to the Higher Powers, and call them Supream, and charge every Soul to be subject to them: so in Scrip­ture the King is called Head and Supream, and every Soul is said to be under him, which joyn'd together, makes up this Conclusion, that He is the supream Head over all Persons. In the Primitive Church the Bishops only made Rules or Canons, but pretended to no compulsive Authority, but what came from the Civil Magistrate. The Roman Emperours called Councils, presided in them, and confirmed them; and made ma­ny Laws concerning Ecclesiastical Mat­ters; so did also Charles the Great. The Emperours did also either chuse the Popes themselves, or confirm their Elections. Church-men taking Orders, were not there­by discharged from the Obedience they formerly owed their Princes, but remained still Subjects. And tho the Offices of the Church had peculiar Functions, in which the People were subject to them, that did not de­liver them from their Obedience to the King, as a Father's Authority over his Children cuts not off the King's Power over him. They found also that in all times the Kings of England had assumed an Authority in Ec­clesiastical Matters. Ina, Alfred, Edgar, [Page 108]and Canetus, had made many Laws about them; so had also most of the Kings since the Conquest, which appeared particularly in the Articles of Clarendon, and the Contests that followed upon them; and from the daies of King Ina, they had granted Exemptions to Monasteries from the Episcopal Jurisdicti­on, down to William the Conquerors time: besides many other Acts that clearly im­ported a Supremacy over all Persons, and in all Causes. But they did at the same time so explain and limit this Power, that it was visible they did not intend to subject Religion wholly to the Pleasure of the King; for it was declared that his Power was only a Coercive Authority, to defend the true Religion, to abolish Heresies and Idolatries, to cause Bishops and Pastors to do their Duties, and in case they were neg­ligent, or would not amend their Faults, to put others in their room. Upon the whole matter, they concluded that the Pope had no Power in England, and that the King had an intire Dominion over all his Subjects, which did extend even to the regulating of Ecclesiastical Matters.

These things being fully opened in many Disputes, The Cler­gy submit­ted to it. and published in several Books, all the Bishops, Abbots, and Priors of Eng­land, Fisher only excepted, were so far sa­tisfied with them, or so much in love with their Preferments, that they resolved to comply with the Changes which the King was resolved to make. Fisher was in great esteem for Piety and strictness of Life, and so [Page 109]much pains was taken on him. A little be­fore the Parliament met, Cranmer proposed to him, that he, and any five Doctors he would choose, and Stokesly with five on his side, should confer on that point, and examine he Authorities that were on both sides; he accepted of it, and Stokesly wrote to him to name time and place, but Fisher's Sickness hindered the Progress of that motion.

The Parliament met the 15th of January, A Session of Parlia­ment. there were but seven Bishops and twelve Abbots present, the rest it seems were un­willing to concur in making this change, tho they complied with it when it was made. Every Sunday during the Session, a Bishop preached at St. Paul's, and decla­red that the Pope had no Authority in England: Before this, they had only said that a General Council was above him, and that the Exactions of that Court, and Ap­peals to it, were unlawful; but now they went a strain higher, to prepare the Peo­ple for receiving the Acts then in Agitati­on. On the 9th of March, The Pope's Power ta­ken away. the Commons began the Bill for taking away the Pope's Power, and sent it to the Lords on the 14th, who past it on the 20th without any dissent. In it they set forth the Exactions of the Court of Rome, ‘grounded on the Pope's Power of dispensing; and that as none could dispense with the Laws of God; so the King and Parliament only had the Authority of dispensing with the Laws of the Land; and that therefore such Licenses or Dispensations as were [Page 110]formerly in use, should be for the future granted by the two Arch-bishops, some of these were to be confirmed under the Great Seal; and they appointed that there­after all Commerce with Rome should cease. They also declared that they did not intend to alter any Article of the Ca­tholick Faith of Christendome, or of that which was declared in the Scripture neces­sary to Salvation. They confirmed all the Exemptions granted to Monasteries by the Popes, but subjected them to the King's Visitation; and gave the King and his Council power to examine and reform all Indulgences and Priviledges granted by the Pope: The Offenders against this Law were to be punished according to the Statutes of Premunire.’ This Act sub­jected the Monasteries entirely to the King's Authority and put them in no small Confu­sion. Those that loved the Reformation, rejoyced both to see the Pope's Power rooted out, and to find the Scripture made the Standard of Religion.

After this Act, The Act of the Suc­cession. another past in both Houses in six Days time, without any Op­position, ‘Settling the Succession of the Crown; confirming the Sentence of Di­vorce, and the King's Marriage with Queen Anne, and declaring all Marriages within the Degrees prohibited by Moses to be unlawful: All that had married within them were appointed to be divor­ced, and their Issue illegitimated; and the Succession to the Crown was settled [Page 111]upon the King's Issue, by the prefent Queen, or in default of that, to the King's right Heirs, for ever. All were required to swear, to maintain the Con­tents of this Act; and if any refused to swear to it, or should say any thing to the Slander of the King's Marriage, he was to be judged guilty of misprision of Treason, and to be punished accordingly.’ The Oath is also set down in the Journals of the House of Lords; by which, they did not only swear Obedience to the King, and his Heirs, by his present Marriage; but also to defend the Act of Succession, and all the Effects and Contents in it, a­gainst all manner of Persons whatsoever; by which they were bound to maintain the Divorce, both against the Pope's Censures, and the Emperour, if he went about to ex­ecute them.

At this time, An Act regulating the pro­ceedings a­gainst He­reticks. one Philips complained to the House of Commons of the Bishop of London, for using him cruelly in Prison, upon Suspicion of Heresy; the Commons sent up this to the Lords, but received no Answer: So they sent some of their Mem­bers to the Bishop, desiring him to answer the Complaints put in against him: But he acquainted the House of Lords with it; and they all with one consent voted, that none of their House ought to appear, or answer to any Complaint at the Bar of the House of Commons. So the Commons let this particular Case fall, and sent up a Bill to which the Lords agreed, regulating [Page 112]the Proceedings against Hereticks, ‘That whereas, by the Statute made by King Henry the Fourth, Bishops might commit Men upon Suspition of Heresy; and He­resy was generally defined, to be what­ever was contrary to the Scriptures, or Canonical Sanctions, which was liable to great Ambiguity; therefore that Sta­tute was repealed, and none were to be committed for Heresy, but upon a Pre­sentment made by two Witnesses: None were to be accused for speaking against things that were grounded only upon the Pope's Canons. Bail was to be taken for Hereticks, and they were to be brought to their Trials in open Court; and if upon Conviction, they did not abjure, or were Relapses, they were to be burnt; the King's Writ being first obtained.’ This was a great check to the Bishop's Tyr­rany, and gave no smal comfort to all that favoured the Reformation.

The Convocation sent in a Submission at the same time, The Sub­mission of the Clergy. by which they acknowledg­ed, That all Convocations ought to be assembled by the King's Writ; and pro­mised upon the Word of Priests, never to make, nor execute any Canons, without the King's Assent. They also desired, That since many of the received Canons were found to be contrary to the King's Prerogative, and the Laws of the Land, there might be a Committee named by the King, of 32, the one half out of both Houses of Parliament, and the other of the [Page 113]Clergy, empowered to abrogate or regu­late them, as they should see Cause. This was confirmed in Parliament, 1534 and the Act a­gainst Appeals to Rome was renewed; and an Appeal was allowed from the Archbishop to the King, upon which the Lord Chancellor was to grant a Commission for a Court of Delegates. A Proviso was added, that till the Committee of 32 should settle a Regu­lation of the Canons, those then in force should still take place, except such as were contrary to the King's Prerogative, or the Laws. But this last Proviso, tho it seem­ed reasonable, to give the Spiritual Courts some Rules, till the 32 should finish their Work, made, that it came to nothing; for it was thought more for the Greatness of the King's Authority; and it subject­ed the Bishop's Courts more to the Pro­hibitions of the Temporal Courts, to keep this whole matter in such General Terms, than to have brought it to a Regulation that should be fixed and constant.

A private Act past, depriving Cardinal Campegio, and Jerome de Ghinuccii of the Bishopricks of Salisbury and Worcester; the Reasons given for it are, because they did not reside in their Diocesses, for Preaching the Laws of God, and keeping Hospitali­ty, but lived at the Court of Rome, and carried 3000 l. a Year out of the King­dom.

The last Act of a publick Nature, The At­taindor of the Nun of Kent. tho relating only to private Persons, of which I shall give an account, was, concerning the Nun of Kent, and her Complices: It was the first occasion of shedding any Blood in this Quarrel, and it was much cherish­ed by all the Superstitious Clergy, that adhered to the Queen's Interests, and the Pope's. The Nun, and many of her Com­plices, came to the Lord's Bar, and con­fessed the whole matter. Among the Con­cealers of this Treason, Sir Thomas More, and Fisher, were named; the former wrote upon that a long Letter to Cromwel, giving him a particular account of all the Conver­sation [Page 115]he had at any time with the Nun: He acknowledged he had esteemed her highly, not so much out of any regard he had to her Prophesies, but for the Opi­nion he conceived of her Holiness and Hu­mility. But he adds, that he was then convinced, That she was the most false dis­sembling Hypocrite that had been known; and guilty of most detestable Hypocrisy, and divellish dissembled Falshood: He also believ­ed that she had Communication with an evil Spirit. Concerning this Letter, a curious Discovery has been made. In Queen Mary's time, More's Works were published; and among them, other Letters of his to Crom­wel, relating to that long one which he wrote concerning the Nun, were printed; but that was left out, of which More kept a Copy, and gave it to his Daughter Roper; that Copy was in the MS. out of which the rest were published, and out of that I have transcribed it. The design of suppressing it, seems to be this: It is probable, there might have been some thoughts in Queen Mary's time, to Canonize the Nun, since she was called a Martyr for her Mother's Marriage; and there was no want of Mi­racles to justify it: Therefore, a Letter so plain and full against her, was thought fit to be kept out of the way. This Justi­fication of Mores, prevailed so far, that his Name was struck out of the Bill. The Act contains a Narrative of that whole Story, which is in short, this;

Elizabeth Barton of Kent, fell in some [Page 116]Trances, (it seems they were Hysterical Fits) and spake such things as made those about her think she was inspired of God. The Parson of the Parish, Master, hoping to draw Advantages from this, gave Arch­bishop Warham notice of it, who ordered him to observe her carefully, and bring him an account of what should follow. But she had forgot all that she said in her Fitts, when they were over: Yet the Priest would not let it go so, but perswaded her that she was inspired, and taught her so to coun­terfeit those Trances, that she became very ready at it. The matter was much noised about; and the Priest intended to raise the credit of an Image of the B. Virgins that was in his Church, that so Pilgrimages and Offerings might be made to it, by her means. He associated to himself one Bocking, a Monk of Canterbury, and they taught her to say in her Fits, that the B. Virgin appear­ed to her, and told her, she could not be well till she visited that Image. She spake many good Words against ill Life, and spake also against Heresy, and the King's Suit of Divorce then depending; and by many strange motions of her Body, she seemed to be inwardly possessed. A day was set for her cure; and before an Assem­bly of 2000 People, she was carried to that Image; and after she had acted her Fitts all over, she seemed of a sudden quite re­covered, which was ascribed to the Inter­cession of the Virgin, and the Virtue of that Image. She entered into a Religious Life; [Page 117]and Bocking was her Ghostly Father. There were wiolent Suspicions of Incontinence be­tween them; but the esteem she was in, bore them down. Many thought her a Prophetess; and Warham among the rest. A Book was also written of her Revelations, and a Letter was shewed all in Letters of Gold; pretended to be writ to her from Heaven, by Mary Magdalene. She pre­tended, that when the King was last at Calais, she was carried invisibly beyond Sea, and brought back again; and that an Angel gave her the Sacrament; and that God revealed to her, that if the King went on in his Divorce, and married an­other Wife, he should fall from his Crown, and not live a Month longer, but should die a Villain's Death.

Many of the Monks of the Charter-House, and the Observant Friers, with many Nuns, and B. Fisher, came to give cre­dit to this, and set a great value on her, and grew very insolent upon it; for Frier Peyto preaching in the King's Chappel, at Greenwich, denounced the Judgments of God upon him; and said, tho others as lying Prophets deceived him, yet he in the name of God told him, that Dogs should lick his Blood as they had done Ahabs. The King bore this patiently; but ordered one Dr. Corren to preach next Sunday, and to an­swer all that he had said, who railed a­gainst Peyto, as a Dog and a Traitor. Peyto had gone to Canterbury, but Elston, a Franciscan of the same House, interrupted [Page 118]him, and called him one of the lying Pro­phets, that went about to establish the Succession of the Crown by Adultery; and spoke with such Vehemence, that the King himself was forced to command him silence. And yet so unwilling was the King to go to Extremities, that all that was done upon so high a Provocation, was, that they were called before the Council, and rebu­ked for their Insolence. But the Nun's Con­federates publishing her Revelations in all the parts of the Kingdom, she and Nine of her Complices were apprehended in November last Year; and they did all with­out any Rack or Torture, discover the whole Conspiracy, and upon that, were appointed to go to St. Pauls; and after a Sermon preached upon that Occasion, by the Bishop of Bangor, they repeated their Confession, in the Hearing of the People; and were sent to ly Prisoners in the Tower. But it was given out, That all was extorted from them by Violence; and Messages were sent to the Nun, de­siring her, to deny all that she had confes­sed; which made the King judge it neces­sary to proceed to further Extremities. So she, and six of her chief Complices, were Attainted of Treason: And the Bi­shop of Rochester, and five more, were At­tainted of Misprision of Treason. But at the Intercession of Q. Ann, (as it is exprest in the Act) all others that had been con­cerned with her, were pardoned.

This was as black an Imposture as any [Page 119]ever was; and if it had fallen out in a darker Age, in which the World went mad after Visions, the King might have lost his Crown by it. The Discovery of this, dis­posed all to look on older Stories of the Trances of Monastical People, as Contri­vances to serve base ends, and did make way for the ruine of that Order of Men in Eng­land; but all that was at present done upon it, was, that the Observants were put out of their Houses, and mixt with the other Franciscans, and the Austin Friers were put in their rooms. When all these Acts were passed, the King gave his Assent to them on the 29th of March, and pro­rogued the Parliament till November.

The Members of both Houses swore to the Oath of Succession on the day of the Pro­rogation. On the 20th of April, The Oath of Succes­sion sworn. followed the Execution of the Nun and her Compli­ces at Tyburn, where she freely acknow­ledged her Impostures, and the Justice of the Sentence, and laid the blame on those that suffered with her; who because the thing was profitable to them, praised her much, and tho they knew that all was feigned, yet gave out that it was done by the working of the Holy Ghost; and she concluded her Life, begging both God's and the King's Pardon. Upon the first Discovery of this Cheat, Fisher in some Trou­ble. Cromwell sent Fisher's Brother to him to reprove him for his Carriage in that Busi­ness, and to advise him to ask the King's Pardon for the Encouragement he had given to the Nun, which he was confi­dent [Page 120]the King would grant him. But Fisher excused himself, and said, he had done no­thing but only tried whether her Revelati­ons were true or not? He confessed that upon the Reports he had heard, he was induced to have a high Opinion of her; and that he had never discovered any False­hood in her. It is true, she had said some things to him concerning the King's Death, which he had not revealed, but he thought it was not necessary to do it; because he knew she had told it to the King her self; she had named no Person, that should kill the King, but had only denounced it as a Judgment of God on him; and he had reason to think that the King would have been offended with him if he had spoken of it to him; and so he desired to be no more troubled with that matter. But upon that, Cromwell wrote him a sharp Letter; he shewed him that he had proceeded rashly in that Affair; being so partial in the matter of the King's Divorce, that he easi­ly believed every thing that seemed to make against it; he shewed him how ne­cessary it was to use great Caution before extraordinary things should be received, or spread about as Revelations; since other­wise the Peace of the World should be in the hands of every bold or crafty Impo­stor; yet in conclusion, he advises him a­gain to ask the King's Pardon for his Rash­ness, and he assures him that the King was ready to forgive that, and every thing else, by which he had offended him. But Fisher [Page 121]was obstinate and would make no Submissi­on, and so included within the Act, yet it was not executed till a new Provocation drew him into further Trouble. And is very obsti­nate. The Se­cular and Regular Clergy did every where swear the Oath of Succession; which none did more zealously promote than Gardiner; who before the 6th of May got all his Cler­gy to swear it: and the Religious Orders being apprehensive of the King's Jealousies of them, took care to remove them, by sending in Declarations under the Seals of their Houses, that in their Opinion the King's present Marriage was lawful, and that they would always acknowledg him Head of the Church of England; that the Bishops of Rome had no Authority out of his own Diocess, and that they would con­tinue obedient to the King, notwithstan­ding his Censures; that they would preach the Gospel sincerely according to the Scrip­tures, and the Tradition of the Catholick Doctors, and would in their Prayers pray for the King as Supream Head of the Church of England.

A meeting of the Council-sate at Lam­beth, More and he [...] re­fuse the Oath. to which many were cited in order to the swearing the Oath; among whom was Sir Thomas More and Fisher. More was first called on to take it: he answered that he neither blamed those that made the Acts, nor those that swore the Oath, and that he was willing to swear to maintain the Succession to the Crown, but could not take the Oath as it was conceived. Fisher [Page 122]made the same Answer, but all the rest that were cited before them, took it. More was much press'd to give his Reasons a­gainst it; but he refused to do that, for it might be called a disputing against Law: yet he would put them into Writing if the King would command him to do it. Cranmer said, if he did not blame those that took it, it seems he was not perswaded it was a Sin, and so was only doubtful of it; but he was sure he ought to obey the Law, if it was not sinful; so there was a Certainty on the one hand, and only a Doubt on the other; and therefore the former ought to determine him: this he confessed did shake him a lit­tle, but he said, he thought in his Consci­ence, that it would be a Sin in him, and offered to take his Oath upon that, and that he was not led by any other Consideration. The Abbot of Westminster told him he ought to think his Conscience was misled, since the Parliament was of another Mind; an Argument well becoming a rich ignorant Abbot. But More said, if the Parliament of England was against him, yet he believed all the rest of Christendom was on his side: In conclusion, both he and Fisher declared that they thought it was in the Power of the Parliament to settle the Succession to the Crown, and so were ready to swear to that, but they could not take the Oath that was tendred to them; for by it they must swear to maintain all the Contents in the Act of Succession, and in it the King's former Marriage was declared unlawful; to which [Page 123]they could not assent. Cranmer press'd that this might be accepted: for if they once swore to maintain the Succession, it would conduce much to the Quiet of the Nation; but sharper Counsels were more acceptable: so they were both committed to the Tower, and Pen, Ink, and Paper was kept from them. The old Bishop was also hardly used both in his Cloaths and Diet; he had only Rags to cover him and Fire was often denied him, which was a Cruelty not capable of any Excuse, and was as barbarous as it was imprudent.

In Winter another Session of Parliament was held; the first Act that pass'd, Another Session of Parlia­ment. decla­red the King to be the Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England, and ap­pointed that to be added to his other Ti­tles; and it was enacted, that he and his Suc­cessors should have full Authority to reform all Heresies and Abuses in the Spiritual Ju­risdiction. By an other Act they confirmed the Oath of Succession, which had not been specified in the former Act, tho agreed to by the Lords. They also gave the King the first Fruits and Tenthes of Ecclesiastical Benefices, as being the Supream Head of the Church; for the King being put in the Pope's room, it was thought reasonable to give him the Annats, which the Popes had formerly exacted. The Temporalty were now willing to revenge themselves on the Spiritualty, and to tax them as hea­vily as they had formerly tyrannized over them. Another Act past declaring some [Page 124]things Treason; one of these was the deny­ing the King any of his Titles, or the cal­ling him Heretick, Schismatick, or Usur­per of the Crown. By another Act, Provi­sion was made for setting up 26 Suffragan Bishops over England, for the more speedy Administration of the Sacraments, and the better Service of God: It is also said, they had been formerly accustomed to be in the Kingdom: The Bishop of the Diocess was to present two to the King, and upon the King's declaring his choice, the Archbishop was to consecrate the Person, and then the Bishop was to delegate such parts of his Charge to his Care as he thought fitting, which was to last during his Pleasure. These were the same that the Ancients cal­led the Chorepiscopi, who were at first the Bishops of some Villages; but were after­wards put under the Jurisdiction of the Bi­shop of the next City. They were set up before the Council of Nice, and continued to be in the Church for many Ages; but the Bishops devolving their whole Spiritual Power to them, they were put down, and a Decretal Epistle was forged in the name of P. Damasus, condemning them. The great Extent of the Diocesses in England made it hard for one Bishop to govern them with that Exactness that was necessary; these were therefore appointed to assist them in the discharge of the Pastoral Care.

In this Parliament Subsidies were gran­ted payable in three Years, with the highest Preamble of their Happiness under the [Page 125]King's Government all those 24 Years, in which he had reigned, that Flattery could dictate. Fisher and More by two special Acts were attainted of Misprision of Trea­son; five other Clerks were in like manner condemned, all for refusing to swear the Oath of Succession. The See of Rochester was declared void; yet it seems few were willing to succeed such a Man, for it con­tinued vacant two Years. This Severity against them was censured by some as Ex­tream, since they were willing to swear to the Succession in other Terms, so that it was merely a point of Conscience, in which the common Safety was not concer­ned, at which they stuck, and it was thought the prosecuting them in this manner would so raise their Credit, that it might endan­ger the Government more than any Oppo­sition which they could make.

But now that the King entered upon a new Scene, The Pro­gress the New Do­ctrines made in England. it will be necessary to open the Progress that the new Opinions had made in England all the time of the King's Suit of Divorce. During Wolsey's Ministry, those Preachers were gently used; and it is probable the King ordered the Bishops to give over their enquiring after them, when the Pope began to use him ill; for the Progress of Heresy was always reckoned up at Rome among the Mischiefs that would follow upon the Pope's denying the King's Desires. But More coming into Favour, he offered new Counsels; he thought the King's proceeding severely against Here­ticks [Page 126]would be so meritorious at Rome, that it would work more effectually, than all his Treatnings had done: so a severe Proclamation was issued out both against their Books and Persons, ordering all the Laws against them to be put in Execution. Tindall and some others at Antwerp, were every Year either translating or writing Books against some of the received Errors, and sending them over to England. But his Translation of the New Testament gave the greatest Wound, and was much complai­ned of by the Clergy, as full of Errors. Ton­stall then Bp of London being a Man of great Learning and Vertue, which is generally accompanied with much Moderation, re­turning from the Treaty of Cambray, to which More and he were sent in the King's Name, as he came through Antwerp, dealt with an English Merchant that was secretly a Friend of Tindall's, to procure him as ma­ny of his New Testaments as could be had for Mony. Tindall was glad of this; for being about a more correct Edition, he found he would be better enabled to set about it, if the Copies of the Old were sold off; so he gave the Merchant all he had, and Tonstall paying the Price of them, got them in his hands; and burnt them publickly in Cheapside. This was called a burning of the Word of God; and it was said the Clergy had reason to revenge themselves on it, for it had done them more Mischief than all other Books whatsoever. But a Year after this, the second Edition being [Page 127]sinished, great Numbers were sent over to England, and Constantine one of Tindall's Partners, hapned to be taken; so More be­lieving that some of the Merchants of London furnished them with Mony, promised him his Liberty, if he would discover who they were that encouraged and assisted them: so he told him the Bishop of London did more than all the World besides, for he had brought up the greatest gart of a faulty Impression. The Clergy when they con­demned Tindall's Translation, promised a new one: but a Year after in a long Con­demnation of several Books that were pub­lished by Warham, Tonstall, and other Ca­nonists and Divines, they added this, that it was not necessary to publish the Scripture in English, and that the King did well not to set about it.

There came out a Book writ by one Fish of Grayes-Inn, that took mightily, The Sup­plication of the Beggars. called, the Supplication of the Beggars, by which they complained that the Alms of the People were intercepted by the Mendi­cant Friars, that were an useless Burden to the Government; they also taxed the Pope of Cruelty, for taking no Pity on the Poor, since none but those that could pay for it, were delivered out of Purgatory. The King was so pleased with this, that he would not suffer any thing to be done against the Author. More answered it by another Supplication in behalf of the Souls in Purgatory, setting forth the Miseries they were in, and the Relief which they [Page 128]received by the Masses that were said for them, and therefore they called on their Friends to support the Religious Orders, that had now so many Enemies. This was elegantly and wittily written, but did not take so much as the other; for such is the ill nature of Mankind, that Satyres are always better received than Apologies, and no Satyres are more acceptable than those against Church-men.

Frith answered More in a Book more gravely written, Frith writes a­gainst Purgatory in which he shewed that there was no mention made of Purgatory in the Scripture, that it was inconsistent with the Merits of Christ, by which upon sincere Repentance, all Sins were pardon­ed; for if they were pardoned, they could not be punished: And tho Temporary Judgments, either as Medicinal Correcti­ons, or for giving Warning to others, do sometimes fall even on true Penitents; yet terrible Punishments in another state, can­not consist with a free Pardon, and the remembring of our Sins no more. In ex­pounding many Passages of the New Testa­ment, he appealed to More's great Friend, Erasmus; and shewed, That the Fire which was spoken of by St. Paul, as that which would consume the Wood, Hay, and Stubble, could only be meant of the fiery Trial of Persecution. He shewed, That the Pri­mitive Church received it not; Ambrose, Jerom, and Austin did not believe it; the last had plainly said, that no mention was made of it in Scripture. The Monks [Page 129]brought it in; and by many wonderful Stories, possessed the World of the belief of it; 1533 and had made a very gainful Trade of it. This Book provoked the Clergy so much, that they resolved to make the Au­thor feel a real Fire, for endeavouring to extinguish their Imaginary one. More ob­jected Poverty, and want of Learning, to the new Preachers: But it was answered, The same thing was made use of to disgrace Christ and his Apostles; but a plain Sim­plicity of mind without Artificial Improv­ments, was rather thought a good Dis­position for Men that were to bear a Cross; and the Glory of God appeared more Emi­nently, than the Instruments seemed Con­temptible.

But the Pen proving too feeble, A Persecu­tion set on by More. and too gentle a Tool, the Clergy betook them­selves to that, on which they relied more: Many were vexed with Imprisonments for teaching their Children the Lord's Prayer in English, for harbouring the Preachers, and for speaking against the Corruptions in the Worship, or the Vices of the Cler­gy; but these generally abjured. One Hitton, that had been a Curate, and went over to Tindall, was taken coming back with some Books; and was by Warham condemned and burnt.

Bilney, 1530 after his Abjuration formerly mentioned, returned to Cambridge, Bilney's Martyr­dom. and fell under great Horrour of mind; but over­came it, and resolved to expiate his Apo­stacy by a publick Acknowledgment: And [Page 130]that he might be able to do that on surer Grounds, he followed his Studies close two Years; for then he left the Univer­sity, and went into Norfolk where he was born, and preached up and down that Coun­ty, against Idolatry and Superstition; ex­horting the People to live well, to give much Almes, to believe in Christ, and to offer up their Souls and Wills to him in the Sacrament: He openly confessed his own Sin of denying the Faith; and using no Precaution as he went about, he was taken by the Bishops Officers, and was condemned as a Relapse, and degraded. More not only sent down the Writ to burn him, but to make him suffer another way; he affirmed in Print that he had abjured: But no Paper signed by him was ever shewed, and little credit was due to the Priests who gave it out, that he did it by word of Mouth: But Parker (afterwards Archbishop) was an eye Witness of his Sufferings. He bore all the hardships he was put to, patient­ly; and continued very cheerful after his Sentence; and eat up the poor Provision that was brought him, heartily; for he said, he must keep up a ruinous Cottage till it fell. He Isaiah. He had those Words often in his Mouth, When thou walkest thorow the Fire, thou shalt not be burnt: And by burn­ing his Finger in the Candle, he prepared himself for the Eire, and said, it would only consume the Stubble of his Body, but would purify his Soul.

On the 10th of November he was burnt. [Page 131]At the Stake he repeated the Creed, to shew he was a true Christian; for the Cler­gy made strange Representations of his Doctrine: Then he prayed earnestly, and with a deep sence repeated those Words, Enter not into Judgment with thy Servant. Dr. Warner that waited on him, embraced him, shedding many Tears, and wished that he might die in as good a state as that in which he then was. The Friers desired him to declare to the People, that they had not procured his Death, and he did it; so the last Act of his Life was full of Charity to his Enemies. His Sufferings Animated others. Byfield that had formerly abjured, was taken dispersing Tindall's Books, and one Tewkesbury, were condemned by Stokes­ley, and burnt. Two Men and a Woman were also burnt at York. Upon these Pro­ceedings, the Parliament that sate that Year, complained to the King; but that did not cool the Heat of the Clergy. One Bainham a Councellour of the Temple, was taken on Suspicion of Heresy, and whipt in More's presence, and afterwards rackt in the Tower: Yet he could not be wrought on to accuse any, but through Fear he ab­jured. After that, being discharged, he was in great trouble of Mind, and could find no quiet till he went publickly to Church, and openly confessed his Sins; and declar­ed the Torments he felt in his Conscience, for what he had done. Upon this, he was again seized on, and condemned, for hav­ing said, ‘That Thomas Becket was a Murde­rer, and was damned, if he did not repent: [Page 132]And that in the Sacrament Christ's Body was received by Faith, and not chewed with the Teeth.’ Sentence past upon him by Stokesly, and he was burnt. Soon after this, More delivered up the Great Seal, so the Preachers had some ease. Crome and Latimer were accused, but ab­jured. Tracy, (Ancestor to the present Lord Tracy) made a Will, by which he left his Soul to God, in hopes of Mercy through Christ, without the help of any other Saint; and therefore he declared, that he would leave nothing for Soul-Masses. This Will being brought to the Bishop of London's Court to be proved, after his Death, provoked them so much, that he was condemned as an Heretick; and an Order was sent to the Chancellour of Worcester, to raise his Body; but he went further and burnt it, which could not be justified, since he was not a Relapse. Tracy's Heirs sued him for it, and he was turned out of his place, and fined in 400 l. The Clergy proclaimed an Indulgence of fourty days Pardon to any that carried a Faggot to the burning of an Heretick, that so Cruelty might seem the more Meritori­ous. And an aged Man (Harding) being con­demned by Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, as he was tied to the Stake, one flung a Fag­got with such force at him, that it dashed out his Brains.

After an Intermission of two Years, Gardiner represented to the King, 1533 That it would give him great Advantages against the Pope, if he would take hold of some [Page 133]occasion to shew his hatred of Heresy. So Frith seemed a fit Person to offer as a Sa­crifice, to demonstrate his Zeal: He was a young Man, much famed for Learning: Frith's Sufferings. and was the first that writ against the Cor­poral Presence in the Sacrament, in Eng­land. He followed Zuinglius's Doctrine on these Grounds; Christ received in the Sacrament, gave Eternal Life; but this was only to those that believed; from which he inferred, that he was received only by Faith. St Paul said, that the Fathers be­fore Christ eat the same Spiritual Food with Christians; from which it appears, that Christ is now no more corporally present to us then he was to them: And he argued from the nature of Sacraments in gene­ral, and the ends of the Lord's Supper, that it was only a Commemoration. Yet upon these Premises, he built no other Conclusion but that Chist's presence was no Article of Faith. Frith put these Rea­sons in Writing, which falling into More's hands, was answered by him; but Frith never saw that till he was put in Prison: And then, tho he was loaded with Irons, and had no Books allowed him, he replied. He insisted much on that Argument, That the Israelites did eat the same Food, and drank of the same Rock, that was Christ; and since Christ was only mystically, and by Faith received by them; he concluded, that he was now received only by Faith. He shewed, that Christ's Words, This is my Body, were accommodated to the Jewish Phrase of calling the Lamb the Lord's Pass­over; [Page 134]and confirmed his Opinion with many Passages out of the Fathers; in which, the Elements were called Signes and Figures of Christ's Body; and they said that upon Consecration they did not cease to be Bread and Wine, but remained still in their own proper Natures. He also shewed, That the Fathers were Strangers to all the Consequences of that Opinion, as that a Body could be in more places than one at once, or could be in a place after the manner of a Spirit: Yet he concluded, That if that Opinion were held only as a Speculation; so that Adoration were not offered to the Elements, it might be well tol­lerated, but that he condemned as gross Ido­latry. This was intended by him to prevent such Heats in England, as were raised in Ger­many, between the Lutherans and Helveti­ans, by reason of their different Opinions concerning the Sacrament. He was seized on in May 1533, and brought before Stokes­ly, Gardiner, and Longland. They object­ed to him his not believing Purgatory, nor Transubstantiation: He gave his Reasons that determined him to look on neither of these as Articles of Faith; but he thought that neither the affirming nor denying them ought to be determined positively. The Bishops seemed unwilling to proceed to Sentence; but he continuing resolute, Stokesly pronounced it; and so delivered him to the Secular Arm, obtesting, that his Punishment might be moderated, so that the Rigour might not be too extream; nor yet the gentleness of it too much mitigat­ed. [Page 135]This Obtestation by the Bowels of Christ, was thought a Mockery; when all the World knew that it was intended that he should be burnt. One Hewet, a Pren­tice of London, was also condemned with him, on the same account. When they were brought to Smithfield, Frith expres­sed great Joy, and hugged the Faggots with some Transport: Cook, a Priest, that stood by, called to the People not to pray for them more then they would do for a Dog. Frith smiled at that, and prayed God to forgive him: The Fire was kind­led, which consumed them to ashes. This was the last Instance of the Cruelty of the Clergy at this time; for the Act, formerly mentioned, regulating their Proceedings, followed soon after. Philips, at whose Complaint, that Bill was begun, was com­mitted upon Suspicion of Heresy; a Copy of Tracy's Will was found about him, and Butter and Cheese being also found in his Chamber in Lent: But he being required to abjure, appealed to the King as Supream Head, and upon that he was set at Liber­ty; but whether he was tried by the King or not, is not upon Record.

The Act that was past, A stop put to further Cruelties. gave the new Preachers and their Followers, some Respite. The King was also impowered to reform all Heresies, and Idolatries: And his Affairs did now oblige him to u­nite himself to the Princes of Germany, that by their means, he might so imbroil the Emperour's Affairs, asnot to give him [Page 136]leisure to turn his Arms against England; and this produced a slackning of all Seve­rities against them: For those Princes, in that first fervour of the Reformation, made it an Article in all their Treaties, that none should be persecuted for favouring their Doctrine. The Inter­ests the Re­formers had at Court. The Queen did also open­ly protect them; she took Latimer, and Shaxton to be her Chaplains, and promo­ted them to the Bishopricks of Worcester, and Salisbury. Cranmer was fully convinc­ed of the necessity of a Reformation, and that he might carry it on with true Judg­ment, and justify it by good Authorities, He made a great Collection of the Opini­nions of the Antient Fathers, and later Doctors, in all the Points of Religion; of which I have seen two Volumes in Folio: But by a Letter of the Lord Burghly's, it appears, there were then six Volumes of his Collections in his hands. He was a Man of great Candor, and much Patience and Industry; and so was on all accounts well prepared for that Work, to which the Providence of God did now call him: And tho he was in some things too much subject to the King's Imperious Temper, yet in the matter of the six Articles, he shewed that he wanted not the Courage that became a Bishop in so Critical an Affair as that was. Cromwel was his great and constant Friend; a man of mean Birth, but of excellent Qualities, as appeared in his adhering to his Master Wolsey, after his fall; a rare Demonstration of Gratitude [Page 137]in a Court, to a disgraced Favourite: And in his greatest height, he happening to see a Merchant of Lucca, 1534 who had pitied and relieved him when he was in Italy, but did not so much as know him, or pretend to any returns for the small Favours he had formerly shewed him, and was then redu­ced to a low condition, treated him with such acknowledgments, that it became the Subjects of several Pens, which strove who should celebrate it most.

As these set themselves to carry on a Reformation, Others op­pose it much. there was another Party formed that as vigourously opposed it, headed by the Duke of Norfolk, and Gardi­ner; and almost all the Clergy went into it. They perswaded the King that nothing would give the Pope or the Emperour such Advantages, as his making any Changes in Religion; and it would reflect much on him, if he who had writ so learnedly for the Faith, should in spite to the Pope make any Changes in it. Nothing would en­courage other Princes so much to follow his Example, nor keep his Subjects so much in their Duty to him, as his continuing stedfast in the Antient Religion. These things made great Impressions on him. But on the other hand, Cranmer represen­ted to him that if he rejected the Pope's Authority, it was very absurd to let such Opinions or Practices continue in the Church, that had no other Foundation but Papal Decrees: and therefore he desired that this might be put to the Trial, he [Page 138]ought to depend on God, and hope for good Success if he proceeded in this matter, ac­cording to the Duty of a Christian Prince. England was a compleat Body within its self; and tho in the Roman Empire, when united under one Prince, General Councils were easily assembled, yet now that was not to be so much depended on; but every Prince ought to reform the Church in his Dominions by a National Synod; and if in the Antient Church such Synods condem­ned Heresies, and reformed Abuses, that might be much more done, when Europe was divided into so many Kingdoms. It was visible that tho both the Emperour and the Princes of Germany had for 20 Years desired a Ceneral Council, it could not be obtained of the Pope; he had indeed offered one at Mantua, but that was only an Illusion.

Upon that the Kiug desired some of his Bishops to give their Opinion concerning the Emperour's Power of calling Councils: The Opi­nion of some Bi­shops of a General Council. So Cranmer, Tonstall, Clark of Bath and Wells, and Goodrick of Ely, made answer, That tho Ancient Councils were called by the Roman Emperours, yet that was done by reason of the Extent of their Monarchy, that was now ceased, but since other Princes had an entire Monarchy within their Do­minions. Yet if one or more of those Prin­ces should agree to call a Council to a good Intent, and desire the Concurrence of the rest, they were bound by the Rule of Cha­rity to agree to it: They were also of Opinion that none but Bishops and Priests [Page 139]had Right to a definitive Voice in matters of Doctrine.

Cranmer also made a long Speech at that time, Heads of a Speech of Cranmers. setting forth the necessity of a Refor­mation. It is probable it was in the House of Peers, for it begins; My Lords — ‘He begun with the Impostures and Deceit used by the Canonists and other Courti­ers at Rome. Then he speak to the Au­thority of a General Councils; he shewed that it flowed not from the Num­ber of the Bishops, but from the matter of their Decisions, which were received with an Universal Consent, for there were many more Bishops at the Council of Arimini, which was condemned, than either at Nice or Constantinople, which were received. Christ had named no Head of the whole Church, as God had named no Head of the World; but that grew up for Orders sake, as there were Arch-bishops set over Provinces; yet some Popes were condemned for Heresy as Liberius, and others. If Faith must be shewed by Works, the ill Lives of most Popes of late shewed that their Faith was to be suspected; and all the Priviledges which Princes or Synods granted to that See might be recalled. Popes ought to submit themselves to General Councils, and were be tried by them; he shewed what were the present Corruptions of the Pope and his Court, which needed Reformation: The Pope according to the Decree of the Council of Basil was the Churches Vicar, [Page 140]and not Christ's; and so was accounta­ble to it. The Churches of France de­clared the Council to be above the Pope, which had been acknowledged by many Popes themselves. The Power of Coun­cils had also Bounds, nor could they judg of the Rights of Princes, or proceed to a Sentence against a King; nor were their Canons of any force till Princes added their Sanctions to them. Councils ought also to proceed moderately, even against those that held Errors, and ought not to impose things indifferent too se­verely. The Scriptures, and not Men's Traditions, ought to be the Standards of their Definitions. The Divines of Paris held, That a Council could not make a new Article of Faith that was not in the Scrip­tures; and all Christ's Promises to the Church were to be understood with this condition, if they kept the Faith: therefore there was great reason to doubt concer­ning the Authority of a Council, some of them had contradicted others, and many others were never received. The Fathers had always appealed to the Scriptures, as Superiour in Authority to Councils, by which only all Controversies ought to be decided; yet on the other hand, it was dangerous to be wise in ones own Conceit, and he thought when the Fathers all agreed in the Exposition of any place of Scripture, that ought to be look'd on as flowing from the Spirit of God. He shewed how little Regard was to be had [Page 141]to a Council, in which the Pope presided, and that if any common Error had past upon the World, when that came to be discovered, every one was at liberty to shake it off, even tho they had sworn to maintain that Error: this he applied to the Pope's Authority.’ In conclusion, he promised to entertain them with another Discourse of the Authority that all Bishops had in their Sees, and that Princes had within their Dominions. But I could never recover that, and probably it is lost.

This was the state of the Court after King Henry had shaken off the Pope's Power, The State of Eng­land. and assumed a Supremacy in Eccle­siastical Affairs. The Nobility and Gen­try were generally well satisfied with the Change; but the Body of the People was more under the Power of the Priests; and they studied to infuse in them great Fears of a Change in Religion. It was said the King was now joyning himself to Hereticks, that both the Queen, Cranmer, and Crom­well favoured them. It was left free to dispute what were Articles of Faith, and what were only the Decrees of Popes; and Changes would be made under this Pre­tence, that they only rejected those Opi­nions which were supported by the Papal Authority. The Monks and Friars saw themselves left at the King's Mercy. Their Bulls could be no longer useful to them. The trade of new Saints, or Indulgences, was near an end; they had also some Intima­tions [Page 241]that Cromwell was forming a Project for suppressing them; so they thought it necessary for their own Preservation to imbroil the King's Affairs, as much as was possible; therefore both in Confessions and Discourses, they were infusing into the Peo­ple a dislike of the King's Proceedings, and this did so far work on them, that if the Emperour's Affairs had been in such a condition, that he could have made War on the King, he might have done it with great Advantage; and found a strong Party in England on his side. But the Practices of the Clergy at home, and of Cardinal Pool abroad, the Libels that were published, and the Rebellions that were after­wards raised in England, wrought so much on the King's Temper, that was naturally imperious and boisterous, that he be­came too apt to commit Acts of the high­est Severity, and to bring his Subjects into Trouble upon the slightest Grounds; and his new Title of Head of the Church, seemed to have encreased his former Va­nity, and made him fancy that all his Sub­jects were bound to regulate their Belief by the measures he set them. He had now raigned 25 Years, in all which time none had suffered for Crimes against the State, but Pool Earl of Suffolk, and Stafford Duke of Buckingham; (the former was exe­cuted in Obedience to his Father's last Commands; the latter fell by Cardinal Wolsey's Malice; he had also been inveigled by a Priest to imagine he had a Right to [Page 143]the Crown) but in the last ten Years of his Life, Instances of Severity returned more frequently. The Bishops and Abbots did what they could to free the King of any Jealousies that might be raised in him con­cerning them; and of their own accord, before any Law was made about it, they swore to maintain the King's Supremacy. The first Act of it was the making Cromwell Vicar General, and Visitor of all the Mo­nasteries and Churches of England, with a Delegation of the King's Supremacy to him; he was also empowered to give Commissions subaltern to himself; and all Wills, where the Estate was in value above 200 l. were to be proved in his Court. This was afterwards enlarged, and he was made the King's Vicegerent in Ecclesiastical Mat­ters, and had the Precedence of all next the Royal Family; and his Authority was in all Points the same, that the Legates had in time of Popery: for as the King's came in the Popes room; so the Vicegerent was what the Legates had been. Pains was taken to engage all the Clergy to declare for the Supreamacy. At Oxford a publick Determination was made, to which every Member assented, that the Pope had no more Authority in England, than any other Forreign Bishop. The Franciscans at Richmond made some more Opposition; they said, by the Rule of St. Francis, they were bound to obey the Holy See. The Bishop of Litchfield told them that all the Bishops in England, all the Heads of [Page 144]Houses, 1535 and the most learned Divines had signed that Proposition. St. Francis made his Rule in Italy, where the Bishop of Rome was Metropolitan, but that ought not to extend to England: and it was shewed that the Chapter cited by them, was not writ­ten by him, but added since; yet they continued positive in their refusal to sign it.

It was well known that all the Monks and Friars, A general Visitation proposed. tho they complied with the Time, yet they hated this new Power of the King's; the People were also startled at it; so one Dr. Leighton, that had been in the Cardinal's Service with Cromwell, proposed a General Visitation of all the Religious Houses in England: and thought that nothing would reconcile the Nation so much to the King's Supremacy, as to see some good Effect flow from it. Others thought this was too hardy a Step, and that it would provoke the Religious Orders too much. Yet it was known that they were guilty of such Disorders, that nothing could so effectually keep them in awe as the enquiring into these. Cranmer led the way to this by a Metropolitical Visitation, for which he obtained the King's Licence; he took care to see that the Pope's Name was struck out of all the Offices of the Church, and that the King's Supremacy was gene­rally acknowledged.

In October the General Visitation of the Monasteries was begun; Instructi­ons and Injuncti­ons for it. which was cast in­to several Precincts: Instructions were [Page 145]given them, directing them what things to enquire after, as whether the Houses had the full number according to their Founda­tion, and if they performed Divine Wor­ship in the appointed Hours; what Exemp­tions they had, what were their Statutes? how their Heads were chosen? and how their Vows were observed? Whether they lived according to the Severities of their Orders? how the Master and other Offi­cers did their Duties? how their Lands and their Revenues were managed? what Hospitality was kept? and what care was taken of the Novices? what Benefices were in their Gift, and how they disposed of them? how the Inclosures of the Nunne­ries were kept? whether the Nuns went abroad, or if Men were admitted to come to them? how they imploied their time, and what Priests they had for their Confessors? They were also ordered to give them some Injunctions in the King's Name, That they should acknowledge his Supremacy, and maintain the Act of Succession, and de­clare all to be absolved from any Rules or Oaths that bound them to obey the Pope; and that all their Statutes tending to that, should be razed out of their Books. That the Abbots should not have choice Dishes, but plain Tables for Hospitality; and that the Scriptures shoul be read at Meals; that they should have daily Lectures of Divini­ty; and maintain some of every House at the University. The Abbot was required to instruct the Monks in true Religion, and to [Page 146]shew them that it did not consist in outward Ceremonies, but in Cleanness of Heart, and Purity of Life, and the worshiping of God in Spirit and Truth. Rules were given about their Revenues, and against admitting any under 20 Years of Age. The Visitors were empower'd to punish Offenders, or to bring them to answer be­fore the Visitor General.

What the Ancient Brittish Monks were is not well known; The State of the Mo­nasteries in Eng­land. whether they were go­verned according to the Rules of the Monks of Egypt or France, is matter of Conje­cture. They were in all things obedient to their Bishops, as all the Monks of the Primi­tive Times were. But upon the Confusi­ons which the Gothick Wars brought upon Italy, Benedict set up a new Order with more Artificial Rules for its Government. Not long after, Gregory the Great raised the Credit of that Order much, by his Books of Dialogues: and Austin the Monk being sent by him to convert England, did found a Monastery at Canterbury, that car­ried his Name, which both the King and Austin exempted from the Arch-bishop's Jurisdiction. But there is great reason to suspect that most of those Antient Charters were forged. After that many other Ab­bies were founded and exempted by the Kings of England, if Credit is due to the Leiger Books or Chartularies of the Mona­steries. In the end of the eighth Centu­ry, the Danes made Descents upon Eng­land, and finding the most Wealth and the [Page 147]least Resistance in the Monasteries, they generally plundered them, in so much that the Monks were forced to quit their Seats, and they left them to the Secular Clergy; so that in King Edgar's time there was scarce a Monk left in all England. He was a leud and cruel Prince; and Dunstan and other Monks taking Advantage from some hor­rours of Conscience that he fell under, per­swaded him that the restoring the Mona­stick State, would be matter of great Merit; so he converted many of the Chapters into Monasteries: and by the Foundation of the Priory of Worcester, it appears he had then founded 47, and intended to raise them to 50, the number of Pardon; tho the Invention of Jubilees being so much later, gives occasion to believe this was also a Forgery. He only exempted his Mona­steries from all Payments to the Bishops; but others were exempted from Episcopal Jurisdiction. In some only the Precinct was exempted, in others, the Exemption was extended to all the Lands or Churches belonging to them. The latest Exemption from Episcopal Jurisdiction granted by any King, is that of Battel founded by William the Conquerour: After this the Exemptions were granted by the Popes, who preten­ding to an Universal Jurisdiction, assumed this among other Usurpations. Some Ab­bies had also the Priviledg of being Sanctu­aries to all that fled to them. The Foun­dation of all their Wealth, was the belief of Purgatory, and of the Virtue that was [Page 148]in Masses to redeem Souls out of it; and that these eased the Torments of departed Souls, and at last delivered them out of them; so it past among all for a piece of Piety to Parents, and of care for their own Souls and Families, to endow those Houses with some Lands, upon condition that they should have Masses said for them, as it was agreed on more or less, frequently accor­ding to the measure of the Gift. This was like to have drawn in the whole Wealth of the Nation into those Houses, if the Sta­tute of Mortmain had not put some re­straint to that Superstition. They also perswaded the World, that the Saints in­terceded for them, and would take it kindly at their hands, if they made great Offerings to their Shrines, and would thereupon intercede the more earnestly for them: The credulous Vulgar measuring the Court of Heaven by those on Earth, believed Presents might be of great Effica­cy there, and thought the new Favourites would have the most Weight in their In­tercessions: So upon every new. Canoniza­tion there was a new Fit of Devotion to­wards the last Saint, which made the el­der to grow almost out of request. Some Images were believed to have an extraor­dinary Virtue in them, and Pilgrimages to these were much extolled. There was also great Rivalry among the several Or­ders, and different Houses of the same Or­ders, every one magnifying their own Saints, their Images and Relicks most. [Page 149]The Wealth of these Houses brought them under great Corruptions. They were ge­nerally very dissolute, and grosly ignorant. Their Priviledges were become a publick Grievance, and their Lives gave great Scandal to the World; So that, as they had found it easy to bear down the Secular Cler­gy, when their own Vices were more secret; the begging Friers found it as easy to carry the Esteem of the World from them. These under the Appearance of Poverty, and course Diet, and Cloathing, gained much Esteem, and became almost the only Preachers and Confessors then in the World. They had a General at Rome, from whom they received such Directions, as the Popes sent them; so that they were more useful to the Papacy then the Monks had been. They had also the School-Learning in their hands, so that they were generally much cherished. But they living much in the World, could not con­ceal their Vices so artificially as the Monks had done; and tho several Reformations had been made of their Orders, yet they had all fallen under great Scandal, and a general Disesteem. The King intended to erect new Bishopricks; and in order to that, it was necessary to make use of some of their Revenues. He also apprehended a War from the Emperour, and for that end, he intended to fortify his Harbours, and to encourage Shipping, and Trade, upon which, the Ballance of the World be­gan then to turn: And in order to that, he [Page 150]resolved to make use of the Wealth of those Houses, and thought, the best way to bring that into his hands, would be to expose their Vices, that so they might quite lose the Esteem they might yet be in with some, and so it might be less dangerous to suppress them. Cranmer promoted this much, both because these Houses were founded on gross Abuses, and subsisted by them; and these were necessary to be removed, if a Reformation went on. The Extent of many Diocesses was also such, that one man could not oversee them; so he intended to have more Bishopricks founded, and to have Houses at every Cathe­dral for the Education of those who should be imploied in the Pastoral Charge. The Visitors went over England, and found in many places, monstrous Disorders. The Sin of Sodom was found in many Houses; great Factions, and Barbarous Cruelties, were in others; and in some, they found Tools for Coining. The Report contain­ed many abominable things, that are not fit to be mentioned: Some of these were printed, but the greatest part is lost; only a Report of 144 Houses is yet ex­tant.

The first House that was surrendered to the King, Some Houses surrend­ered. was Langden, in Kent; the Ab­bot was found a Bed with a Whore, who went in the Habit of a Lay Brother: This perhaps made him more willing to give an Example to the rest; so he and ten of his Monks, signed a Resignation of their House [Page 151]to the King. Two other Houses in the same County, Folkeston, and Dover, fol­lowed their Example. And in the follow­ing Year, four other Houses made the like Surrenders: and these were all that I find before the Act of Parliament past, for sup­pressing the lesser Monasteries.

Q. Katherine was put to much trouble, 1536 for keeping the Title, Queen, Queen Katherin's Death. but bore it resolutely, and said, That since the Pope had judged that her Marriage was good, she would die rather than do any thing in prejudice of it. Her Sufferings begot Com­passion in the People; and all the Super­stitious Clergy supported her Interests zealously. But now her Troubles ended with her Life. She desired to be buried among the Observant Friers, for they had suffered most for her. She ordered 500 Masses to be said for her Soul; and that one of her Women should go a Pilgrimage to our Lady of Walsingham, and give 200 Nobles on her way to the Poor. When she found Death coming on her, as she writ to the Emperour, recommend­ing her Daughter to his care: So she writ to the King, with this Inscription, My dear Lord, King, and Husband. She forgave him all the Injuries he had done her; and wish'd him to have regard to his Soul. She recommended her Daughter to his Care, and desired him to be kind to her three Maids, and to pay her Servants a Years Wages; and ended thus, mine Eyes desire you above all things. She died on the Eighth [Page 152]of January, at Kimbolt on, in the 50th Year of her Age, 33 years after she came to Eng­land. She shas a Devout and Exemplary Woman: She used to work with her own hands, and kept her Women at work with her. The Severities and Devotions that were known to her Priests, and her Alms-Deeds, joined to the Troubles she fell in, begat a high Esteem of her in all sorts of People. The King complained often of her Peevishness; but that was perhaps, to be im­puted, as much to the Provocations he gave her, as to the Sowrness of her Temper. He ordered her to be buried in the Abbey of Peterborough, and was somewhat touched with her Death. But Q. Ann did not carry this so decently as became a happy Rival.

In February a Parliament met, In Parlia­ment, the lesser Mo­nasteries suppressed, after a Prorogation of 14 Months. The Act im­powering 32 to revise the Ecclesiastical Laws, was confirmed; but no time was li­mited for finishing it, so it had no effect. The chief business of this Session, was the suppressing of the Monasteries, under 200 l. a Year. The Report the Visitors made was read in the two Houses, and disposed them to great easiness in this matter. The Act sets forth the great disorders of those Houses, and the many unsuccessful Attempts that had been made to reform them; so the Religious that were in them, were or­dered to be put in the greater Houses, where Religion was better observed, and the Revenues of them were given to the King. Those Houses were much richer [Page 153]than they seemed to be; for an abuse that had run over Europe, of keeping the Rents of the Church at their first Rates; and in­stead of raising them, the exacting great Fines for the Incumbent, when the Leases were renewed, was so gross in those Houses, that some rated but at 200 l. were in real value worth many Thousands. By another Act, a new Court was erected, with the Title of the Court of the Augmentations of the King's Revenue, consisting of a Chan­cellor, a Treasurer, 10 Auditors, 17 Receivers, besides ofther Officers. The King was also empowered to make new Foundations, of such of those Houses now suppressed, as he pleased, which were in all 370, and so this Parliament, after six Years Continuance, was now dissolved.

A Convocation sate at this time, A Tran­slation of the Bille designed. in which, a motion was made for Transla­ting the Bible into English, which had been promised when Tindal's Translation was condemned, but was afterwards laid aside by the Clergy, as neither necessary nor expe­dient: So it was said, that those, whose Office it was to teach People the Word of God, did all they could to suppress it. Moses, the Prophets, and the Apostles, wrote in the Vulgar Tongue: Christ directed the Peo­ple to search the Scriptures; and as soon as any Nation was converted to the Chri­stian Religion, the Bible was translated into their Language; nor was it ever taken out of the hands of the People, till the Christian Religion was so corrupted, that [Page 154]it was not safe to trust them with such a Book, which would have so manifestly discovered those Errours; and the Legends, as agreeing better with those Abuses, were read instead of the Word of God. So Cranmer look'd on the putting the Bible in the People's hands, as the most effectual means for promo­ting the Reformation; and therefore mo­ved, that the King might be prayed to give order for it. But Gardiner, and all the other Party, opposed this ve­hemently. They said, All the extravagant Opinions then in Germanny, rose from the indiscreet use of the Scriptures. Some of those Opinions were at this time dissemina­ted in England, both against the Divinity, and Incarnation of Christ, and the useful­ness of the Sacraments, for which 19 Hol­landers had been burnt in England the for­mer Year. It was therefore said, That during these Distractions, the use of the Scriptures would prove a great Snare: So it was proposed, that instead of them, their might be some short Exposition of the Christian Religion put in the Peoples hands, which might keep them in a certain Sub­jection to the King and the Church: But it was carried in the Convocation for the Affirmative. At Court, Men were much divided in this Point; some said, if the King gave way to it, he would never be able after that to govern his People, and that they would break into many Divisi­ons. But on the other hand, it was said, That nothing would make the Difference [Page 155]between the Pope's Power, and the King's Supremacy, appear more eminently, than if the one gave the People the free use of the Word of God; whereas the other had kept them in Darkness, and ruled them by a blind Obedience. It would be also a great mean to extinguish the Interest that either the Pope or the Monks had in England, to put the Bible in the People's hands, in which it would appear, that the World had been long deceived by their Impostures, which had no Foundation in the Scrip­tures. These Reasons joyned with the Interest that the Queen had in the King, prevailed so far with him, that he gave order for setting about this with all possible hast; and within three Years the Impressi­on of it was finished. At this time, the King was in some Treaty with the German Princes, not only for a League in Tempo­ral Concerns, but likewise in matters of Religion. The King thought the Germans should have in all things submitted to him; and the Opinion he had of his own Learn­ing, which was perhaps heightned a little with his new Title of Head of the Church, made him expect, that they should in all points comply with him. Gardiner was then his Ambassadour in France, and diswaded him much from any Religious League with them, as that which would alienate the World abroad, and his People at home from him.

The Popish Party saw the interest the Queen had in him, Q. Ann's Fall. was the great Obstacle [Page 156]of their Designes: She grew not only in the Kings Esteem, but in the Love of the Nation. The last Nine Months of her Life, She gave above 14000 l. in Alms to the Poor, and was much set on doing good. Soon after Queen Katherin's Death, she bore a dead Son, which was believed to have made some Impression on the King's mind. It was also considered, that now Queen Katherine being dead, the King might marry another, and be set right again with the Pope and the Emperour: And the Issue by any other Marriage would never be questioned; whereas, while Queen Ann lived, the ground of the Con­troversy still remained, and her Issue would be Illegitimated, her Marriage be­ing null from the beginning, as they thought. With these Reasons of State, the King's Affectiosn joyned, for he was now in Love with Jane Seymour, whose humour was tempered in a mean, between the Gravity of Queen Katherine, and the Pleasantness of Queen Ann. The poor Queen used all possible Arts to reinflame a dying Affection; but the King was changed, and instead of being wrought on by her Caresses, he came to look on them as Artifices to cover some other Criminal Affection. Her cheerfulness was not al­wayes governed with Decency and Dis­cretion: And her Brother's Wife being jealous of her Husband and Her, possessed the King with her own Apprehensions, and filled his Head with many Stories. [Page 157] Norris, Weston, and Brereton the King's Servants, and Smeton a Musician, were ob­served to be particularly officious about her. Somewhat was pretended to have been sworn by the Lady Wyngfield at her Death, that determined the King; but there is little light left to judg of that Mat­ter. The King was at Justs at Greenwich, May 1, where it was reported, that he was displea­sed with the Queen, for letting her Hand­kerchief fall to one for wiping his Face; but this seems to be a Fiction; for a Parlia­ment was summoned the day before that, and then it was resolved to destroy her. The King left her, upon which she was confined to her Chamber, and the five before menti­oned were seized on, and sent to the Tower, and the next day she was carried thither. On the River, some Privy Counsellors came to examine her; but she made deep Protesta­tions of her Innocence; and as she landed at the Tower, she fell down on her Knees, and prayed God so to asist her, as she was free of the Crimes laid to her charge: After this she fell into fits of the Mother, some­times she laughed, and at other times she wept excessively: She was also devout and light by turns; and sometimes she stood upon her Vindication, and at other times she confessed some Indiscretions, which she afterwards denied. All the People a­bout her made the most of every Word that fell from her, and sent it immediately to Court. The others that were imprisoned on her account, denied every thing, only [Page 158] Smeton confessed Leudness with her. The Duke of Norfolk, and others that came to examine her, made her believe that both Norris and Smeton had accused her; but tho that was false, yet it had this Effect on her, that it made her confess that which did totally alienate the King from her. She acknowledged that she had rallied Nor­ris, that he waited for the King's Death, and then thought to have her, which tho he denied, yet upon that she fell out with him. She denied that Smeton was ever in her Chamber, but once when he came to play on the Virginals. She insinuated as if he had made Love to her; for seeing him one day pensive, she told him he must not expect that she should talk to him, since he was so mean a Person, and he answered, A Look would serve him. She also said, Weston had seemed jealous of Norris, for be­ing oft in her Chamber, and had declared Love to her, upon which she defied him. Whether these Confessions were real Truths, or the Effects of Imagination and Vapors, cannot be certainly determined at this distance. It is probable there had been some Levities in her Carriage that were not becoming.

All the Court was now turned against her, and she had no Friend about the King but Cranmer; and therefore her Enemies procured an Order for him not to come to Court; yet he put all to hazard, and wrote the King a long Letter upon this Critical Juncture; ‘He acknowledged that [Page 159]if the Things reported of the Queen were true, it was the greatest Affliction that ever befel the King, and therefore ex­horted him to bear it with Patience and Submission to the Will of God: he con­fessed he never had a better Opinion of any Woman than of her; and that next the King, he was more bound to her, than to all Persons living; and there­fore he begged the King's leave to pray that she might be found Innocent; he loved her not a little, because of the Love which she seemed to bear to God, and his Gospel; but if she was guilty, all that loved the Gospel must hate her, as ha­ving given the greatest Slander possible to the Gospel: but he prayed the King not to entertain any Prejudice to the Gos­pel on her account, nor give the World rea­son to say, That his Love to it was foun­ded on the Power that she had with him.’ The King's Jealousy was now too deeply rooted to admit of any Cure, but an ex­tream one: May 12. The Indictments were laid in the Counties of Kent and Middlesex, the former relating to what was done in Green­wich. Smeton pleaded Guilty, and confessed he had known the Queen catnally three times; the rest pleaded not guilty; but they were all condemned.

Three days after that, May 15. Her Trial. the Queen and her Brother (who was then a Peer) were tried before the Duke of Norfolk, as High Steward and a Court of 27 Peers. It has been oft given out to defame her the more, [Page 160]that her own Father sate and condemned her: but the Record of the Attainder shews that is false, for he was not of the Number. The Crime charged on her was, That she had procured her Brother and four others to lie with her; and had often said to them, That the King never had her Heart; and this was to the Slander of the Issue begotten between the King and her, which was Treason by the Act that confir­med her Marriage: so that Act that was made for the Marriage, was now turned on her to ruine her. They would not now ac­knowledg her the King's lawful Wife, and therefore they did not found the Treason on the known Statute 25th Edw. 3. It does not appear what Evidence was brought against her: for Smeton being already con­demned, could not be made use of; and his never being brought face to face against her, gave great suspition that he was perswaded to confess by base Practices. The Evidence, as appears by Spelman's Ac­count of it, that was then a Judg, was only the Declaration of a dead Woman: but whether that was forged or real, can never be known till the great Day discovers it. The Judgment in case of Treason for a Woman, is Burning; but it was given either for that, or beheading at the King's Plea­sure. The Judges complained of this as contrary to Law, but there was a secret Reason for it, into which they did not penetrate. The Earl of Northumberland was one of the Judges, he had been once in [Page 161]love with the Queen, and either some re­turn of that, or some other Accident made that he fell suddenly so ill, that he could not stay out the Trial; for after the Queen was judged, he went out of the Gourt before her Brother was tried, who was condemned upon the same Evidence. Yet all this did not satisfy the enraged King; he resolved to illegitimate his Daughter, and in order to that to annul his Marriage with the Queen. It was re­membred that the Earl of Northumberland, had said to Cardinal Wolsey, that he had engaged himself so far with her, that he could not go back, which was perhaps done by some Promise conceived in Words of the Future Tense; but no Promise, unless in the Words of the Present Tense, could annul the Subsequent Marriage. Perhaps the Queen did not understand that Difference, or probably the fear of so terrible a Death as Burning, wrought so much on her, that she confessed a Contract; but the Earl de­nied it positively, and took the Sacrament upon it, wishing that it might turn to his Damnation, if there was ever either Con­tract or Promise of Marriage between them. She was secretly carried to Lambeth, and confessed a Precontract, upon which her Marriage with the King was judged null from the beginning; yet this was so little known at that time, that Spelman writes of it as a thing only talked of, but it was published in the next Parliament. These two Sentences contradicted one [Page 162]another; for if she was never the King's Wife, she could not be guilty of Adultery, for there could be no breach of the Faith of Wedlock, if they were never truly marri­ed. But the King was resolved both to be rid of her, and to declare his Daughter by her a Bastard.

When she had Intimations given her to prepare for Death; Her Exe­cution. among other things she reflected on her Carriage to Lady Mary, to whom she had been too severe a Step­mother: So she made one of her Women sit down, and she fell on her Knees before her and charged her to go to Lady Mary, and in that Posture, and in her Name, to ask her Forgiveness for all she had done against her. This Tenderness of Conscience seem­ed to give much Credit to the continual Protestations of her Innocence, which she made to the last. The day before her Death, she sent her last Message to the King, asserting her Innocence, recom­mending her Daughter to his Care, and thanking him for his advancing her, first to be a Marchioness, then to be a Queen, and now, when he could raise her no higher on Earth, for sending her to be a Saint in Heaven. The day she died the Lieutenant of the Tower writ to Cromwell, that it was not fit to publish the time of her Execution, for the fewer that were present it would be the better; since he believed she would declare her Innocence at the hour of her Death; for that morning she had made great Protestations of it, when she received [Page 163]the Sacrament, and seemed to long for Death, and had great Joy and Pleasure in it; she was glad to hear the Executioner was good, for she said she had a very short Neck, at which she laughed heartily. A little before Noon, she was brought to the place of Execution; there were present some of the Chief Officers and Great Men of the Court; she was, it seems prevailed on out of regard to her Daughter, to make no Reflections on the hard measure she met with, nor to say any thing, touching the Grounds, on which Sentence past against her, only she desired that all would judg the best: she commended the King highly, and so took her leave of the World: She was for some time in her private Devoti­ons, and concluded, To Christ I commend my Soul; upon which the Executioner, who was brought from Calis on that occa­sion, cut off her Head, and so little regard was had to her Body, that it was put in a Chest of Elm-tree, made to send Arrows in­to Ireland, and was buried in the Chappel in the Tower. Norris was much dealt with to accuse her, and his Life was promised him if he would do it; but he said he knew she was Innocent, and would die a thousand times rather than defame her: so he and the other three were beheaded, and all of them continued to the last to vindicate her. Smeton was hanged, and it was said, that he retracted all before he died; but of that, there is no certainty.

When this was done, it was very vari­ously censured. The Popish Party obser­ved, that she who had supplanted Queen Katherine, Censures past upon it. did now meet with harder mea­sure; her faint way of speaking concerning her Innocence at last, was judged too high a Complement to the King in a dying Wo­man, and shewed more regard to her Daughter than to her own Honour; yet she writ a Letter to the King in so high a strain both of Wit and Natural Eloquence in her own Justification, that it may be reckoned one of the best composed pieces of that time. In her Carriage it seems there were some Freedoms that became not her Quality, and had encouraged those in­fortunate Persons to make some Addresses to her, which is never done when there is such difference of Conditions, without some Encouragement is first given. It was said on the other hand, that the King of all Men, had the least reason to suspect her, since after six Years Courtship, he gained nothing from her, before he married her; but the Particulars she confessed, gave much matter for Jealousy, especially in so violent a Man, to work upon; and so it was no wonder if it transported him out of measure. Others condemned Cranmer as too obsequious for passing the Sentence annulling the Marriage: yet when she came and confessed a Precontract in Court, he could not avoid the giving Sentence upon it. All that hated the Reformation infulted, and said, it now appeared how [Page 165]bad that Cause was, which was supported by such a Patron. But it was answered, that her Faults could not reflect on those, who being ignorant of them, had desired her Protection. Gregory the Great had courted and magnified Phocas and Bruni­child, after he knew their Villanies; and Irene after her barbarous Cruelties, was rot a little extolled for her Zeal in the mat­ter of Images. It has seemed strange to some, that during her Daughter's long and glorious Reign, none writ in Vindica­tion of her Mother, which officious Cour­tiers are apt to do often without any good Grounds, so that Silence was made an Ar­gument of her Guilt, and that she could not be defended. But perhaps that was an effect of the Wisdom of the Ministers of that time, who would not suffer so nice a Point, upon which the Queen's Legitimation de­pended, to be brought into dispute. The day after Anne Boleyn's Death, the King married Jane Scimour, who gained more upon him, than all his Wives ever did: But she was happy that she did not out-live his Love to her.

Lady Mary was advised upon this turn of Affairs, Lady Ma­ry 's Sub­mission oo the King. to make her Submission to the King: she offered to confess the Fault of her former Obstinacy, and in General, to give up her Understanding entirely to the King; but that would not satisfy, unless she would be more particular; so at last she was prevailed with, to do it in the fullest Terms that could be desired; ‘She ac­knowledged [Page 166]the King to be the Supream Head on Earth under Christ of the Church of England, and did renounce the Bishop of Rome's Authority; and promised in all things to be obedient to the Laws that were made; which she said flowed from her inward Belief, and Judg­ment, and in which she would for ever continue; and she did also acknowledg that the King's Marriage with her Mo­ther, was by God's Law and Man's Law unlawful and incestuous!’ all this she writ with her own Hand, and subscribed it, upon which she was again received into Favour; and an Establishment was made for a Family about her, in which 40 l. a quarter was all the Allowance for her Pri­vy Purse, so great was the Frugality of that time. Lady Elizabeth continued to be educated with great Care, and was so forward, that before she was four Years old, she both wrote a good Hand, and un­derstood Italian; for there are Letters ex­tant written by her in that Language to Queen Jane, when she was with child, in which she subscribed Daughter.

On the 8th of June the Parliament met, A Farlia­ment meets. which shews that it was summoned before the Justs at Greenwich. The Chancellour told them, that the King had called them to settle the Succession of the Crown, in case he should dye without Children law­fully begotten, and to repeal the Act made concerning his Marriage with Queen Anne. It seems the Parliament was not at first [Page 167]easily brought to comply with these things; and that it was necessary to take some pains to prepare them to it. For the Bill of Suc­cession, was not put in till the 30th of June, ‘but then it was quickly dispatched with­out any Opposition: by it the Attainder of Queen Anne and her Complices is con­firmed; both the Sentences of Divorces pass'd upon the King's two former Mar­riages were also confirmed; and the Issue by both was illegitimated and for ever excluded from claiming the Crown by Lineal Descent: And the Succession was established on the King's Issue by his present Queen, or any whom he might afterwards marry. But it not being fit to declare who should succeed in default of that, lest the Person so named might be thereby enabled to raise Commotions, in Confidence of the King's Wisdom, and Affection to his People, they left it to him nominate his Successors, either by Letters Patents, or by his last Will signed by his Hand, and promised to obey the Per­sons so nominated by him. It was decla­red Treason to maintain the Lawfulness of his former Marriages, or of his Issue by them, and it was made not only Trea­son, but a forfeiture of the Right of Succession, if any of those whom the King should name in default of others, should endeavour to get before them.’ The Scots complained of this Act, and said, their Queen Dowager, being King Henry's Eldest Sister, could not be put by her Right, after [Page 168]the King's lawful Issue. But by this the King was now made Master indeed, and had the Crown put entirely in his Hands, to be disposed of at his Pleasure; and his Daughters were now to depend wholly on him. He had it also in his Power in a great measure to pacify the Emperour by providing, that his Kinswoman might suc­ceed to the Crown.

Pope Clement the 7th, Pope Paul the 3d, proposes a Recoacili­ation with the King. was now dead, and Farnese succeeded by the Name of Paul the 3d, who, after an unsuccesful At­tempt, which he made for reconciling him­self with the King, when that was rejected, and Fisher was beheaded, thundered out a most terrible Sentence of Deposition a­gainst him: Yet now, since both Queen Ka­therine and Queen Anne, upon whose ac­count the Breach was made, were out of the way, he thought it a fit time to try what might be done; and ordered Cassali to let the King know that he had always favou­red his Cause when he was a Cardinal, that he was driven very much against his Mind to pass Sentence against him; and that now it would be easy for him to re­cover the Favour of the Apostolick See.

But the King instead of hearkening to the Proposition, Acts a­gainst the Pope's Power. got two Acts to be pass'd; ‘The one was for the utter extinguishing the Pope's Authority; and it was made a Premunire for any to acknowledg it, or to perswade others to it: And a strict Charge was given to all Magistrates under [Page 169]severe Penalties to enquire after all Of­fenders. By another all Bulls and all Priviledges flowing from them, were de­clared null and void, only Marriages or Consecrations made by virtue of them, were excepted. All who enjoyed Pri­viledges by these Bulls were required to bring them into the Chancery; upon which the Arch-bishop was to make them a new Grant of them, and that, being confirmed under the Great Seal, was to be of full force in Law.’

Another Act pass'd explaining an Exception, that was in the Act for the Residence of all Incumbents, by which those who were at the Universities were dispensed with, upon which many went and lived idlely there. It was therefore now declared that none above the Age of fourty, except Heads and publick Rea­ders, should have the Benefit of that Pro­viso, and that none under that Age should be comprehended in it, except they per­formed their Exercises. Another Act pass'd in Favour of the King's Heirs, if they should Reign before they were of full Age, that they might any time be­fore they were 24, repeal by Letters Patents all Acts made during their Mi­nority. All these things being concluded, the Parliament after it had sate six Weeks, was dissolved. The Con­vocation examines some points of Religion.

The Convocation sate at the same time, and was much imployed: for the House of Lords was oft adjourned, because the Spi­ritual [Page 170]Lords were busy in the Convocation. Latimer preached the Latine Sermon; he was the most celebrated Preacher of that time; the Simplicity of his matter, and his Zeal in expressing it, being preferred to more elaborate Composures. They first confirmed the Sentence of the Divorce of the King's Marriage with Queen Anne. Then the lower House made an Address to the upper House, complaining of 67 Opinions that they found were much spread in the Kingdom: they were either the Tenets of the old Lollards, or the new Reformers, or of the Anabaptists; and many of them were only unsavou­ry and indiscreet Expressions, which might have flowed from the Heat and Folly of some rash Zealots, who by pe­tulant Jeers, and an Affectation of Wit, had endeavoured to disgrace both the re­ceived Doctrines and Rites. They also complained of some Bishops who were wanting in their Duty to suppress such A­buses; which was understood as a Reflection on Cranmer, Shaxton, and Latimer. It was hoped that Cranmer was now declining by Queen Ann's Fall; and the other two who were raised by her, would not have stood long, if he had been once disgraced; yet they premised to this a Protestation, that they intended to do nothing that might displease the King, whom they acknow­ledged to be their Supream Head; and they were resolved to obey his Laws, and they renounced the Pope's Authority with all [Page 171]his Laws. All these Projects failed, for Cranmer was now fully established in the King's Favour; & Cromwell was sent to them with a Message from the King, That they should reform the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, according to the Rules set down in Scripture, which ought to be pre­ferred to all Glosses or Decrees of Popes. There was one Alesse a Scotch-man, whom Cromwell entertained in his House, and he being appointed to deliver his Opinion, largely shewed that there was no Sacra­ments instituted by Christ, but Baptism and the Lord's Supper: Stokesly answered him in a long Discourse upon the Principles of the School-Divinity; upon which Cranmer took occasion to shew the Vanity of that sort of Learning, and the Uncertainty of Tradition: and that Religion had been so corrupted in the latter Ages, that there was no finding out the Truth, but by resting in the Authority of the Scriptures. Fox Bishop of Hereford seconded him, and told them the World was now awake, and would be no longer imposed on by the Niceties and dark Terms of the Schools; for the Laity now did not only read the Scriptures in the vulgar Tongues, but searched the Originals themselves; there­fore they must not think to govern them as they had been in the Times of Igno­rance: Among the Bishops, Cranmer, Goodrick, Shaxton, Latimer, Fox, Hilsey, and Barlow, prest a Reformation; but Lee Arch-bishop of York, Stokesly, Tonstall, [Page 172]Gardiner, Longland, and several others oppo­sed it as much: But the Contest had been sharper, if the King had not sent some Ar­ticles to them to be considered of by them; so they whose chief Design it was to re­commend themselves to Preferment, by the easiness of their Compliance with him in all Points, did agree on the following Parti­culars.

‘5. That Justification was the Remissi­on of Sins, and a perfect Renovation in Christ, and that not only outward good Works, but inward Holiness was abso­lutely necessary: As for the outward Ceremonies the People were to be taught, that it was meet to have Images in Chur­ches, but they ought to avoid all such [Page 173]Superstition as had been usual in time past, and not to worship the Image, but only God. 2. That they were to honour the Saints, but not to expect those things from them which God only gives. 3. That they might pray to them for their Intercession; but all Superstitious Abuses were to cease; and if the King should lessen the number of Saints Days, they ought to obey him. 4. That the use of the Ceremonies was good, and that they contained many My­stical Significations that tended to raise the mind towards God, such were Vest­ments in Divine Worship, Holy Water, Holy Bread, the carrying of Candles, and Palms and Ashes, and creeping to the Cross, and the Hallowing the Font, with other Exorcisms. 5. That it was good to pray for departed Souls, and to have Masses and Exequies said for them; but the Scriptures having neither declared in what Place they were, nor what Torments they suffered, that was uncertain, and to be left to God: there­fore all the Abuses of the Pope's Pardons, or saying Masses in such or such Places, or before such Images were to be put away.’ These Articles were signed by Cromwel, the two Arch-bishops, sixteen Bishops, fourty Abbots, and Priors, and fifty of the lower House; to them the King added a Preface, declaring the Pains that he and the Clergy had been at, for the removing the Diffe­rences in Religion that were in the Nation, and that he approved of these Articles, and [Page 174]required all his Subjects to accept them with the like Unanimity with which they were consented to; and he would be there­by encouraged to take further Pains in the like Matters for the future.

When these things were published, They are variously censured. those that desired a Reformation, tho they did not approve of every Particular, yet were well pleased to see things brought under Examination; and since some things were at this time changed, they did not doubt but more Changes would follow; they were glad that the Scriptures and the Ancient Creeds were made the Standards of the Faith, without adding Tradition, and that the nature of Justification and the Gospel-Covenant were rightly stated; that the im­mediate Worship of Images and Saints was condemned, and that Purgatory was left uncertain; but the necessity of Auricular Confession, and the Corporal Presence, the doing Reverence to Images, and pray­ing to Saints, were of hard Digestion to them: yet they were glad to see some grosser Abuses removed, and a Reformation once set on foot. The Popish Party were sorry to see four Sacraments past over in silence; and the Trade about Purgatory put down; and were very apprehensive of the Precedent of bringing matters of Reli­gion under debate, which would bring on other Alterations. When these things were known beyond Sea, the Court of Rome made great use of them, to let all Princes see the necessity of adhering to the [Page 175]Holy See; for no sooner did England de­part from that, than it began to change the Doctrine likewise. The Germans on the other hand, said, This was a Political Daubing, for satisfying all Parties; and that it savoured not of the Sincerity that became the Professors of True Religion, to allow of so many Errours. To this it was answered, That our Saviour did not deliver all things to his Disciples, till they were able to bear them. And the Apostles did not abolish all the Rites of Judaism at once, but by a gentle Progress intended to wean those that were converted to the Christian Religion from them. The Clergy were to be drawn by slow and easy Steps out of their Ignorance and Superstition; whereas the driving on things with precipitated hast, might spoil the whole Design, and alienate those who by slower Methods might be gained; and it might also much endanger the Peace of the Nation.

At the same time other things were in Consultation, tho not finished. Other Al­terations proposed. Cranmer of­fered some Queries to shew the Cheats that had been put on the World: as that Priestly Absolution without Contrition was of more efficacy than Contrition was without it: and that the People trusted wholly to out­ward Ceremonies; in which the Priests en­couraged them because of the gain they made by them: That the exemption of Clergy-men was without good ground; that Bishops did ordain without due care and previous trial; and that the dignified Cler­gy [Page 174] [...] [Page 175] [...] [Page 176]misapplied their Revenues, and did not reside on their Benefices; he also desired that the other four Sacraments might be en­quired into: but these things were not at this time taken under any further conside­ration. It is true, Confirmation seems to have been examined: The Method in which they made their Enquiries, was this; the Point to be examined was brought under so many Heads, in the form of Queries; and to these every one gave his Answer with his Reasons: so I find two Papers, the one of Cranmer's, the other of Stokesly's, on this Head; the former runs wholly upon Scrip­ture-Authority, and he thinks it was not in­stituted by Christ, but was done by the Apo­stles, by that extraordinary Effusion of the Holy Ghost, that rested on them: The other founds his Opinion for its being a Sacrament, on the Tradition of the Church; but nothing was determined in this point. Cranmer did at this time, offer another Paper to the King, exhorting him to pro­ceed to a further Reformation, and that nothing should be determined without clear Proofs from Scripture; for the departing from that Rule, had been the Occasion of all the Errours that had been in the Church. Many things were now acknowledged to be Errours, for which, some not long before, had suffered Death. He therefore proposed several points to be discussed; as whether there was a Purgatory? Whether depart­ed Saints ought to be invocated, or Tra­dition be believed? Whether Images ought [Page 177]to be considered only as Representations of History? And whether it was lawful for the Clergy to marry? He prayed the King not to give Judgment in these points, till he heard them well examined: And for the last he offered, that if those who would defend the lawfulness of it, should not in the Opinion of indifferent Judges, prove their Opinion to be true, they should be willing to suffer Death; but if they proved it, all that they desired was, that the King would leave them to the Liberty which God had allowed them in that matter: But all this was carried no further at this time.

The Pope had issued out a Summons for a General Council at Mantua, and had cited the King to it: From this, the King did appeal to a General Council, rightly constituted. So a motion being made by Fox, that the Convocation should deliver their Sense in this Particular; They drew up a Paper, in which they set forth the great Good that might follow in a Ge­neral Council rightly called; but that no­thing could be more mischievous, than one called on private malice, according to what Nazianzen observed of the Councils in his time; And they thought neither the Pope, nor any one Prince, had sufficient Authority to call one; but that all Princes who had an entire and supream Govern­ment over all their Subjects, ought to con­cur to it. This was signed by them all, on the 20th of July; and so was the Con­vocation dismiss'd. Two days before it [Page 178]brake up, Cromwel was made the King's Vicegerent in Ecclesiastical Matters, of which, some Account was formerly given.

Soon after this, The King protests a­gainst a Council called by the Pope. the King published a long and sharp Protestation, against the Council summoned by the Pope; he denied that he had any Authority to summon any of his Subjects: He shewed that the place was neither proper nor safe; and that no good could be expected from any Council in which the Pope presided, since the re­gulating his Power was one of the chief oc­casions that the World had for a Council: And while Christendom was in such Di­stractions, and the Emperour and the King of France were engaged in War, it was not a fit time for one to be called. The Pope had refused it long; and this Con­juncture was chosen, in which the Bishops could not come to it, that so a packt meet­ing of Italian Bishops might do what they pleased, under the name of a General Council: But the World would be no long­er cozened. No credit was due to a Pope's safe Conduct, for they had often broken their Oaths, as to himself in particular: And notwithstanding his former kindness to that See, they had been for three Years, stir­ring up all the Princes in Christendom a­gainst him. He protested against all Councils called by the Pope; but declared, He would be ready to concur with other Christian Princes for calling one, when it should be convenient: And in the mean [Page 179]while, he would maintain all the Articles of the Faith; and lose his Life and Crown sooner than suffer any of them to be put down. Three Years after this, the King made a new Protestation to the same effect, when the Council was summoned to meet at Vincenza.

Reginald Pool began at this same time to raise that Opposition to the King, Cardinal Pool writes a­gainst the King. which proved so fatal to all his Family. He was by his Mother descended from the Duke of Clarence, Brother to Edward the Fourth; and was by his Father likewise, the King's near Kinsman. To this high Quality, there was joined a great Sweetness of Temper, and a Disposition for Letters, which the King cherished much, and gave him the Deanry of Exeter, and some other Preferments, in order to the carrying on of his Studies, being resolved to advance him to the highest Dignities in the Church. He lived many Years, both at Paris and Pa­dua. In the latter of these, he joined himself to a Society of Learned Men, that gave them­selves much to the Study of Eloquence, and of the Roman Authors, among whom were Contareno, Bembo, Caraffa, and Sadoletti, all afterwards honoured with the Scarlet; but Pool was esteemed the most Eloquent of of them all. When he was at Paris, he first incurred the King's Displeasure, for he refused to joyn with those whom he im­ploied, in order to the procuring the De­terminations of the French Universities for the Divorce. Yet after that, he came [Page 180]to England, and was present when the Con­vocation declared the King to be their Supream Head: And it is probable, that he joined in it, for he kept his Deanry some Years after this, which it is not likely would have been granted him, if he had not done that. The King suffered him after that to go beyond Sea, but could never draw him over again. Some time after­wards, he wrote plainly to the King, that he condemned both his Divorce, and his Se­paration from the Apostolick See. The King upon that, sent him a Book writ by Sampson, Bishop of Chichester, in defence of these things, and that set him on writing his Book, de Ʋnione Ecclesiastica, which was printed this Year. It was full of sharp Reflections on the King, whom he compar­ed to Nebuchadnezzar: It tended much to depress the Regal, and to exalt the Papal Authority. And in Conclusion, he ad­dressed himself to the Emperour, praying him, rather to turn his Arms against the King, than the Turk. It was very Elo­quently wrote; but there was little Learning or Reasoning in it; and it was full of Inde­cencies in the Language, that he bestowed not only on Sampson, but on the King. The King required him to come over, but that was not to be expected, after he had made such a step. So he devested him of all his Dignities; but that recommended him to a Cardinal's Hat. Stokesly, and Tonstal, wrote him a long and learned Letter, in the King's Vindication. Gary [Page 181]diner wrote also his Book, de vera Obedi­entia; to which, Bonner prefixed a vehe­ment Preface against the Pope's Power, and for justifying the King's Supremacy. The King's anger at Pool could not reach him, but it fell Heavy on his Kindred.

Visitors were appointed to survey all the lesser Monasteries: The lesser Monaster­ies cited in They were requir­ed to carry along with them the Concur­rence of the Gentry near them, and to examine the estate of their Revenues and Goods, and take Inventories of them; and to take their Seals into their keeping: They were to try how many of the Reli­gious would take Capacities, and return to a Secular Course of Life; and these were to be sent to the Archbishop of Can­terbury, or the Lord Chancellour for them; and an Allowance was to be given them for their Journey: But those who intend­ed to continue in that state, were to be sent to some of the great Monasteries that lay next. A Pension was also to be assigned to the Abbot, or Prior, during Life: And of all this, they were to make their report by Michaelmass: And they were particu­larly to examine what Leases had been made all the last Year. The Abbots hear­ing of what was coming on them, had been raising all the Mony they could; and so it was intended to recover what was made away by ill Bargains. There were great Complaints made of the Proceedings of the Visitors, of their Violencies and Briberies; and perhaps not without rea­son. [Page 182]Ten Thousand of the Religious were set to seek for their Livings, with Forty Shillings and a Gown a Man. Their Goods and Plate were estimated at an 100000 l. And the valued Rents of their Houses was 32000 l. but was really above ten times so much. The Churches and Cloisters were in most places pulled down, and the Materials sold.

This gave a general Discontent; Which gave a general Discontent and the Monks were now as much pitied, as they were formerly hated. It was thought strange to see the King devour what his Ancestors had dedicated to the Honour of God, and his Saints. The Nobility and Gentry, who provided for their younger Children, or Friends, by putting them in those Sanctuaries, were sensible of their Loss. The People who had been fed at the Abbot's Tables, and as they travelled over the Country, found the Ab­bies to be places of Reception to Strangers, saw what they were to lose. But the more Superstitious, who thought their Friends must now ly still in Purgatory, without that Relief which the Masses procured them, were out of measure offended at these Pro­ceedings. The Books that were published of the Disorders in these Houses, had no great effect on the People: For it was said, There was no reason to destroy whole Houses for the sake of some vicious Per­sons, who ought to have been driven out of them, and punished. But to remove this general discontent, Cromwel advised the [Page 183]King to sell these Lands at very easy Rates, to the Nobility and Gentry, and to oblige them to keep up the wonted Hospitality. This would both be grateful to them, and would engage them to assist the Crown in the Maintenance of the changes that had been made; since their own Interests would be Interwoven with the Rights of Crown; and the commoner sort, whose grudges lay chiefly in their Stomachs, for the want of the good Dinners they used to find, would be easily pacified if these were still kept up. And upon a Clause in the Act empowering the King to found a­new, such Houses as he should think fit; there were 15 Monasteries, and 16 Nun­neries, new founded. It seems these had been more regular than the rest; so that for a while they were reprived, till the General Suppression came, that they fell with the rest. They were bound to obey such Rules as the King should send them; and to pay him Tenths, and first Fruits. But all this did not so pacify the People, but there was still a great out-cry. The Clergy studied much to inflame the Nation; and built much on this, That an Heretical Prince deposed by the Pope, was no more to be acknowledged, which had been for 500 Years received as an Article of Faith, and was decreed in the same Council, that Established Transubstantiati­on; and had been received and caried down from Gregory the Seventh's time, who pre­tended, that it was a part of the Papal [Page 184]Power to depose Kings, and give away their Dominions, and had it been oft put in Practice in almost all the Parts of Europe, and some that had been raisers of great Se­dititions had been Canonized for it. The Pope had summoned the King to appear at Rome, and answer for putting away his Queen and taking another Wife, for the Laws he had made against the Church, and for putting the Bishop of Rochester and others to death for their not obeying them; if he did not ap­pear nor reform these things, he excommu­nicated and deprived him, absolved his Subjects from their Obedience, dissolved his Leagues with Forreign Princes, and put the Kingdom under an Interdict. But tho the force of these Thunders was in this Age much abated, yet they had not quite lost their Strength; and the Clergy resol­ved to make the most of them that could be.

Some Injunctions which were given by Cromwell, Injuncti­ons given by the King. increased this ill Disposition. They were to this Effect: All Church-men were required every Sunday for a quarter of a Year, and twice every Quarter after that, to preach against the Pope's Power, and assert the King's Supremacy, and to explain the Articles lately set forth by the Convocation; and to publish the Abroga­tion of some Holy-days in Harvest time: They were no more to extol Images, Re­licks, or Pilgrimages; but to exhort the People to do Works of Charity instead of them: And they were required to teach the People the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and [Page 185]the Ten Commandments in English, and to explain these carefully, and instruct the Children well in them. They were to per­form the Divine Offices reverently, and to have good Curats to supply their rooms when they were absent. They were char­ged not to go to Ale-houses, or sit too long at Games; but to study the Scriptures much, and be exemplary in their Lives: Those that did not reside, were to give the fortieth part of their Income to the Poor, and for every 100 l. a year that any had, they were to maintain a Scholar at some Gramar-School, or the University: and if the Parsonage-house was in decay, they were ordered to apply a fifth part of their Benefice for repairing it. Such as did not obey these Injunctions, were to be suspen­ded, and their mean Profits were to be se­questred. The Clergy detested this Pre­cedent of the King's giving Injunctions without the Concurrence of a Convocation, and by which, they said, they would be made Slaves to his Vicegerent: they also complained of those heavy Taxes that were laid on them, and that Images, Re­licks, and Pilgrimages would be now brought under great Contempt. Both the Secular and Regular Clergy were so sensibly concerned in these things, that they inflamed the People all they could. The great Abbots were not wanting for their share to set that on, they were now op­prest with the Crouds of those who were sent to them from the supprest Houses, and [Page 186]they expected to fall next; nor were their Fears removed by a Letter that was sent about in the King's Name for silencing all Reports that were given out of his In­tentions to suppress them; this rather encreased than lessened their Jealousie.

The People continued quiet till they had reaped their Harvest, A Rebelli­on in Lin­colnshire. but in the beginning of October 20000 rose in Lincolnshire, led by a Priest, disguised into a Cobler. They took an Oath to be true to God, the King, and the Common-wealth, and sent a Paper of their Grievances to the King. They ‘complained of some Acts of Parliament, of the suppressing of many Religious Houses, of mean and ill Counsellours, and bad Bishops; and prayed the King to address their Grievances by the Ad­vice of the Nobility: but yet they ac­knowledged him to be their Supream Head, and that the Tenths and first Fruits of Livings belonged to him of right.’ The King sent the Duke of Suffolk to raise Forces against them, and gave an Answer to their Petition. ‘He said it belonged not to the Rabble to direct Princes what Counsellours they should choose. The Religious Houses were supprest by Law, and the Heads of them had under their Hands confessed such horrid Scandals, that they were a Reproach to the Nation; and since in many of them there were not above four, and that they wasted their Rents in riotous living, it was much better to apply them to the common good [Page 187]of the Nation, than leave them in such hands; he required them to submit to his Mercy, and to put two hundred of their Leaders into the hands of his Lieu­tenants.’ The Clergy having brought so many together, did all they could to put Heat and Spirit in them, they perswaded them that if they did not maintain their Faith and their Liberties, both would be lost. Some of the Gentry were forced to joyn with them for their own Preservati­on; and they sent Advices to the Duke of Suffolk, to procure from the King, the offer of a General Pardon, which would effectually dissipate them.

At the same time there was a more for­midable rising in York-shire, Another in York­shire. which being in the Neighbourhood of Scotland, was like to draw Assistance from that Kingdom: tho their King was then gone into France, to marry Francis's Daughter; this inclined the King to make more haste to settle mat­ters in Lincolnshire; he sent them secret Assurances of Mercy, which wrought on the greatest part, so they dispersed themselves, and the most obstinate went to over them in Yorkshire. The Cobler, and some others, were taken and executed. The distance that those in the North, were at from the Court gave them time to rise, and form themselves into some Method: One Ask commanded in chief, and performed his part with great Dexterity: their March was called The Pilgrimage of Grace; they had in their Banners and on their Sleeves, [Page 188]the five Wounds of Christ: they took an Oath that they would restore the Church, suppress Hereticks, preserve the King and his Issue, and drive base-born Men and ill Counsellours from him. They became 40000 strong in a few days, and met with no Opposition, they forced the Arch-bishop of York, and the Lord Darcy to swear their Covenant, and to go along with them. They besieged Skipton, but the Earl of Cumberland, made it good against them: Sir Ralph Evers held out Scarbo­rough Castle, tho for twenty days he and his Men had no Provisions but Bread and Water. There was also a rising in all the other Northern Counties, against whom the Earl of Shrewsbury made Head; and the King sent several of the Nobility to his Assistance, and within a few days the Duke of Norfolk marched with some Troops, and joyned him. They possessed themselves of Doncaster, and resolved to keep that pass till the rest of the Forces that the King had ordered to be summoned, should come up to them; for they were not in a Condition to engage with such numbers of desperate Men; and it was very likely that if they met with any ill Accident, the People might have risen about them every where; so the Duke of Norfolk, resolved to keep close at Doncaster, and let the Pro­visions and Rage of the Rebels spend, and then with the help of a little time, they might probably fall into Factions, and melt away. They had now fallen to 30000, [Page 189]but the King's Army was not above 5000. The Duke of Norfolk proposed a Treaty, and made some go among them as Deser­tors, and spread Reports that their Lea­ders were making Terms for themselves. They were perswaded to send their Peti­tions to the Court, and the King to make them more secure, discharged a Rendez­vouz that he had appointed at Northamp­ton, and sent them a general Pardon, ex­cepting six by name, and reserving four to be afterwards named; but this put them all in such Apprehensions, that it made them more resolved and desperate: Yet the King to give his People some Content, put out Injunctions, requiring the Clergy to continue the use of all the Ceremonies of the Church: 300 were imployed to carry the Rebels Demands to the King; ‘Which were a General Pardon, a Parlia­ment to be held at York; and that Courts of Justice should be set up there; they de­sired that some Acts of Parliament might be repealed, that the Princess Mary might be restored to her Right of Succession, and the Pope to his wonted Jurisdiction; that the Monasteries might be again set up; that Audley and Cromwell might be put from the King, and that some of the Visitors might be imprisoned for their Bribery and Extortion.’ But these being rejected, the Rebels took heart again, upon which the Duke of Norfolk advised the King to gentle Methods; he in his Heart wished that all their Demands might [Page 190]be granted; and the Ld Darcy did accuse him afterwards as if he had encouraged them to make them. The King sent him a general Pardon without any Exceptions, to be made use of as he saw Cause. The Rebels finding that with the loss of time, they lost Heart, resolved to fall upon him and beat him from Doncaster: but at two several times, in which they had resolved to pass the River, such Rains fell out as made it unpassable, which was magnified as next to a Miracle, and made great Im­pressions on the Rebels Minds. The King sent a long Answer to their Demands, he ‘assured them he would live and dye in the Defence of the Christian Faith: but the Rabble ought not to prescribe to him, and to the Convocation in that matter; he answered that which concerned the Monasteries, as he had done to the Men of Lincolnshire. For the Laws, a Multi­tude must not pretend to alter what was established; he had governed them now 28 Years, his Subjects had enjoyed great Safety, and been very gently used by him in all that time. It was given out that when he began to raign, he had many of the Nobility in his Council, and that he had then none but Men meanly born; this was false, for he found but two Noble-Men of his Council, and at present there were 7 Temporal Lords, and 4 Bishops in it. It was necessary to have some that knew the Law of England, and Treaties with Forreign Princes, which made him [Page 191]call Audley and Cromwell to the Board. If they had any Complaints to make of any about him, 1537 he was ready to hear them; but he would not suffer them to direct him what Counsellours he ought to employ: nor could they judg of the Bishops that were promoted, who were not known to them; he charged them not to believe Lies, nor be governed by Incendiaries, but to submit to his Mercy.’ On the 9th of December, he signed a Pro­clamation of Pardon without any Re­strictions.

When this was known, They are every­where qui­eted. and the Rage of the People cooled, they were willing to lay hold on it, and all the Artifices that some of the Clergy and their Leaders could use, had no other Effect but to draw as many together as brought them under new Guilt, and made them forfeit the benefit of the King's Pardon. Many came in and renewed their Oaths of Allegiance, and promising all Obedience for the future. Ask was invited to the Court and well used by the King, on design to learn from him all the secret Correspondencies they had in the other parts of the Kingdom, for the Disposition to Rebel was general, only they were not all alike forward in it. It was in particular believed that the great Abbots cherished it, for which some of them were afterwards attained. Darcy pleaded his great Age, being then fourscore, and the Eminent Service he had done the Crown for fifty Years together, and that [Page 192]he was forced for his own Preservation to go along with the Rebels; but yet he was put in Prison. This gave the Clergy Advan­tages to infuse it in the People, that the Pardon would not be well kept: So 8000 run together again, and thought to have surprized Carlile, but the Duke of Norfolk fell on them and routed them, and by Martial Law hanged their Captains, and 70 other Persons. Others thought to have surprized Hull, but were likewise routed, and many of them were hanged. Many other little Risings were quickly dispersed; and such was the Duke of Norfolk's Vigi­lance, that he was every where upon them before they could grow to any Number: and before the end of January, the Country was absolutely quieted. Ask left the Court without leave, but was soon retaken and hanged at York. The Lord Darcy and Hussy were arraigned at Westminster, and condemned by their Peers, the one for the Yorkshire, and the other for the Lincoln­shire Insurrections. Darcy was beheaded on Tower-hill: his old Age and former Ser­vices made him to be much lamented. Hussy was beheaded at Lincoln. Darcy accused the Duke of Norfolk, but he desired a Trial by Combate upon it, yet the Servi­ces he had lately done were such, that the King would not seem to have any Jealousy of him. After these and several other Executions were over, the King proclai­med a General Oblivion in July, by which the Nation was again put in a quiet Con­dition, [Page 193]and this threatning Storm was now quite dissipated.

As soon as it was over, the King went on more resolutely in his Design of suppres­sing the Monasteries: for he was now less apprehensive of any new Commotions, after so many had been so happily quasht and that the chief Incendiaries had suffered.

A new Visitation was appointed to en­quire into the Conversation of the Monks, The grea­ter Mona­steries re­signed to the King. to examine how they stood affected to the Pope, and how they promoted the King's Supremacy. They were likewise ordered to examine what Impostures might be a­mong them, either in Images or Relicks, by which the Superstition of the credulous People was wrought on. Some few Houses of greater value, were prevailed with the former Year to surrender to the King. Many of the Houses that had not bin dissol­ved, tho they were within the former Act, were now supprest, and many of the greater Abbots were wrought on to surrender by several Motives: Some had been faulty during the Rebellion, and so to prevent a Storm, offered a Resignation. Others liked the Reformation, and did it on that account: some were found guilty of great Disorders in their Lives, and to prevent a shameful Discovery, offered their Houses to the King; and others had made such Wasts and Dilapidations, that having ta­ken Care of themselves, they were less con­cerned for others. At St. Albans, the Rents were let so low, that the Abbot [Page 194]could not maintain the Charge of the Ab­by. At Battel, the whole Furniture of the House and Chappel was not above an 100 l. in value, and their Plate was not 300 l. In some Houses there was scarce any Plate or Furniture left. Many Abbots and Monks were glad to accept of a Pension for Life, and that was proportioned to the value of their House, and to their Inno­cence. The Abbots of St. Albans and Tewkesbury, had 400 Marks a Year: The Abbots of St. Edmondsbury was more inno­cent and more resolute: The Visitors wrote that they found no Scandals in that House: but at last he was prevailed with by a Pension of 500 Marks to resign. The Inferiour Governours had some 30, 20, or 10 l. Pensions, and the Monks had general­ly 6 l. or 8 Marks a piece. If any Abbot died, the new Abbot (they being chosen as the Bishops were upon a Conge delire, and a Missive Letter) was named for that pur­pose, only to resigne the House. And all were made to hope for Advancement, that should give good Example to others by a quick and cheerful Surrender: by these means 121 of those Houses were this Year resigned to the King. In most Houses the Visitor made the Monks sign a Confession of their former Vices and Disorders, of which there is only one Original Extant, that escaped a general Rasure of all such Pa­pers in Queen Mary's time; in which they acknowledged in a long Narrative, their ‘former Idleness, Gluttony, and Sensua­ality, [Page 195]for which the pit of Hell was ready to swallow them up. Others acknowled­ged that they were sensible that the man­ner of their former pretended Religion consisted in some dumb Ceremonies, by which they were blindly led, having no true Knowledg of God's Laws, but that they had procured Exemption from their Diocesans, and had subjected themselves wholly to a Forreign Power, that took no care to reform their Abuses; and therefore since the most perfect way of Life was revealed by Christ and his Apo­stles, and that it was fit they should be governed by the King, their Supream Head, they resigned to him.’ Of this sort I have seen six. Some resigned in hopes that the King would found them of new; these favoured the Reformation, and in­tended to convert their Houses to better Uses, for preaching, study, and Prayer; and Latimer prest Cromwell earnestly, that two or three Houses might be reserved for such purposes in every County. But it was resolved to suppress all, and therefore neither could the Intercessions of the Gen­try of Oxfordshire, nor of the Visitors, preserve the Nunnery at Godstow, tho they found great Strictness of Life in it, and it was the common place of the Educa­tion of young Women of Quality in that County. The common Preamble to most Surrenders was, ‘That upon full Delibe­ration and of their own proper Motion, for just and reasonable Causes, moving [Page 196]their Consciences;’ they did freely give up their Houses to the King. Some sur­rendred without any Preamble, to the Visi­tors as Feofees in trust for the King. In short, they went on at such a rate, that 159 Resignations were obtained before the Parliament met, and of these the Originals of 154 are yet extant. Some thought that these Resignations could not be valid, since the Incumbents had not the Property, but only the Trust for life of those Houses. But the Parliament did afterwards declare them good in Law. It was also said, that they being of the Nature of Corporations, all Deeds under their Seals were valid; and that at least by their Resignation and quit­ting their Houses, they forfeited them to the King. But this was thought to sub­sist rather on a Nicety in Law, than natu­ral Equity.

Others were more roughly handled. Some Ab­bots at­tainted. The Prior of Wooburn was suspected of a Correspondence with the Rebels, and of favouring the Pope; he was dealt with to submit to the King, and he was prevailed on to do it, but was not easie in it once, nor fixed to it; ‘He complained that the new Preachers detracted from the Honour due to the Virgin and Saints; he thought the Religion was changed, and wondered that the Judgments of God on Q. Anne, had not terrified others from going on to sub­vert the Faith.’ When the Rebellion broke out, he joined in it, as did also the Abbots of Whaley, Garvaux, and Sawley, [Page 197]and the Prior of Burlington, all these were all taken, and attainted of Treason, and executed. The Abbots of Glassenbury and Reading, had also sent a great deal of their Plate to the Rebels, the former to disguise it the better, had made one break into the House where the Plate was kept: So he was convicted both of Burglary and Trea­son, and at his Execution he confessed his Crime, and begged both God's and the King's Pardon for it. The Abbot of Col­chester was also attainted, and executed; but the Grounds of it are not known: for the Records of their Attaindors are lost. These had over and over again taken the Oaths, in which they acknowledged the King to be Supream Head of the Church, and were present in those Parliaments in which the several Acts about it were pass'd, and did not dissent to them; and since they made no Opposition, when they might safely and legally do it, there is no Reason to think they would have done it afterwards, when it was more dangerous and criminal: So that all those who have represented them as having suffered for denying the King's Supremacy, have therein shewed their Unacquaintedness with the Journals of Parliament. The Abbot of Reading had complied so far, that he was grown in­to Favour with Cromwell; so that in some Contests between Shaxton Bishop of Salis­bury and him, the Bishop, who was a proud ill-natured Man, complained that Cromwell supported the Abbot against him, and [Page 198]writ upon that a very Insolent, Expostula­tory Letter to him; which Cromwell an­swered with great strength of Reason and Decency of Stile; by which it appears that heighth of his Condition, had no other Effect on him, but to make him know him­self and others better. Upon the Attain­ders of those Abbots, their Abbies were seized on; and this was thought a great stretch both in Law and Equity: for it seemed not reasonable, if an Incumbent was faulty, for that to seize on his Benefice, which upon his Attainder ought to conti­nue entire, and pass to the next Successor, as if he were really dead. But a Clause was put in the Act of Treason, 26 Hen. 8, That whatsoever Lands of Estate of Inheritance, any that should be convicted of Treason, had in Ʋse or Possession by any Right or manner, should be forfei­ted to the King. By which, as intailed Estates were certainly comprehended, so it seems they applied it likewise to Church-Benefices: yet when the Bishop of Rochester was attainted, this was not thought on. The words, Estate of Inheritance, seemed to exclude Church-Lands, but the mention that was made of Traitors Successors, that were cut off as well as their Heirs, seemed on the other hand to include Estates, to which Successors might come in a Traitor's room, as well as those which descended by Inheritance. The Words were ambiguous, and were stretch­ed to justify those Seizures; and therefore in an Act of Treasons made in the next Reign, this was more cautiously worded: [Page 199]for it was provided that Traitors should for­feit the Estates which they possessed in their own Right. But whatsoever Illegality there might be in these Proceedings, they were confirmed by the following Parliament, in a special Proviso made concerning those Abbies that were seized on by any Attain­ders of Treason. Many of the Carthusians were executed for denying the King's Su­premacy: Others were also suspected of favouring them, and of receiving Books sent from beyond Sea, against the King's Proceedings, and were shut up in their Cells, in which most of them died. The Prior was a Man of extraordinary Charity and Good-Works, as the Visitor reported: But he was made resign with this Pream­ble, ‘That many of the House had offen­ded the King, and deserved that their Lives should be taken, and their Goods confiscated; and therefore to avoid that, they surrendered their Houses.’ Great Complaints were made of the Visitors, as if they had used undue Practices to make the Abbots and Monks surrender: and it was said, that they had in many Places embe­zell'd much of the Plate to their own Uses; and in particular, it was complained that Dr. London had corrupted many Nuns. They on the other hand, published many of the vile Practices that they found in those Houses, so that several Books very indecently writ, were printed upon this Occasion; but on so foul a Subject it is not fit to stand long. No Story became so [Page 200]publick as that of the Prior of the crossed Friers in London, who was found in bed with a Whore at Noon-day: He fell down on his Knees, and beg'd, that they who surprised him, would not discover his shame: They made him give them 30 l. which he protested was all he had; and he promised them as much more: But he not keeping his word to them, a Suit followed upon it. Yet all these personal Blemishes did not work much on the People. It seemed unreasonable to extinguish Noble Foundations, for the fault of some Indivi­duals: Therefore another way was taken, which had a better effect.

They discovered many Impostures about Relicks, The Impo­stures of I­mages dis­covered. and wonderful Images, to which, Pilgrimages had been wont to be made. At Reading they had an Angel's Wing, which brought over the Spear's Point that pier­ced our Saviour's Side: As many pieces of the Cross were found, as joined together, would have made a big Cross. The Rood of Grace at Boxley in Kent, had been much esteemed, and drawn many Pilgrims to it: It was observed to bow, and roul its Eyes; and look at times well pleased, or angry; which the credulous Multitude im­puted to a Divine Power: But all this was discovered to be a Cheat, and it was brought up to St. Paul's Cross; and all the Springs were openly shewed, that governed its several Motions. At Hales in Glocester­shire the Blood of Christ was shewed in a Vial; and it was believed, that none [Page 201]could see it who were in mortal Sin: And so after good Presents were made, the de­luded Pilgrims went way well satisfied if they had seen it. This was the Blood of a Duck renewed every Week, put in a Vial very thick of one side, as thin on the other; and either side turned towards the Pilgrim, as the Priests were satisfied with their Oblations: Several other such like Impostures were discovered, which contributed much to the undeceiving the People.

The richest Shrine in England was Tho­mac Beckets at Canterbury, Becket's Shrine broken. whose Story is well known. After he had long imbroil­ed England, and shewed that he had a Spi­rit so turned to Faction, that he could not be at quiet; some of Henry the Second's Officious Servants killed him in the Church of Canterbury: He was presently Cano­nized, and held in greater esteem than any other Saint whatsoever; so much more was a Martyr for the Papacy valued, than any that suffered for the Christian Religion: And his Altar drew far greater Oblations, than those that were dedicated to Christ, or the blessed Virgin; as appears by the accounts of two of their Years. In one, 3 l. 2 s. 6 d. And in another, not a Penny was offered at Christ's Altar. There was in the one, 63 l. 5 s. 6 d. and in the other, 4 l. 1 s. 8 d. offered at the Blessed Virgin's Altar. But in these very Years there was, 832 l. 12 s. 3 d. and 964 l. 6 s. 3 d. offer­ed at St. Thomas's Altar. The Shrine [Page 202]grew to be of inestimable Value. Lewis the Seventh of France came over in Pilgrimage to visit it, and offered a Stone, valued to be the richest in Europe. He had not only one Holy Day, the 29th of Decem­ber, called his Martyrdom; but also the Day of his Translation, the 7th of July, was also a Holy Day; and every 50th Year there was a Jubily, and an Indulgence, granted to all that came and visited his Tomb: And sometimes there were be­lieved to be 100000 Pilgrims there on that Occasion. It is hard to tell whether the Hatred to his seditious Practices, or the Love of his Shrine, set on King Henry more to Unsaint him. His Shrine was broken, and the Gold of it was so heavy, that it filled two Chests, which took Eight men a piece to carry them out of the Church; and his Skull, which had been so much worship­ped, was proved to be an Imposture; for the true Skull was with the rest of his Bones in his Coffin; his Bones were either burnt, as it was given out at Rome; or so mixed with other Bones, as our Writers say; that it had been a Miracle indeed to have distinguished them afterwards. The King called at this time, a Meeting of the Clergy, of 10 Bishops, 8 Arch­deacons, and 17 Divines and Canonists; and made them finish an Explanation of the Christian Religion. But this was afterwards digested into a better form, as shall be told in its proper place.

When all these things were known at Rome, all the Eloquent Pens there were imploied to represent King Henry as the most Sacrilegious Tyrant that ever was; The Pope thunders against the King, that made War with Christs Vicar on Earth, and his Saints in Heaven; and he was compared to the worst Princes that ever reigned; to Pharaoh, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, Nero, and Diocletian; but the Parallel with Julian, the Apostate, was most insisted on. It was said, He copied after him in all things, save only, that his Ma­ners were worse. In many of these, Car­dinal Pool's Stile was pretended to be known; and they were all at least much encouraged by him, which provoked the King to hate him most Implacably. The Pope went further; for now he published all those Thunders, with which he had threat­ned him three Years before. ‘He pre­tended, That as God's Vicar, he had power to root out, and to destroy; and had Authority over all the Kings in the World: And therefore, after he had e­numerated all the King's Crimes, he re­quired himself to appear within 90 days, at Rome, either in Person, or by Proxy, and all his Complices within 60 Days; and if he and they did not appear, he decla­red him to have fallen from his Crown; and them from their Estates. He put the Kingdom under an Interdict; and absolv­ed his Subjects from their Oaths of Alle­giance: He declared him and his Com­plices, Infamous; and put their Children [Page 204]under Incapacities. He required all the Clergy to go out of England, within 5 Days after the time prefixed should ex­pire; leaving only so many as might serve for Baptizing Children, or giving the Sacrament to such as died in Penitence. He charged all his Subjects to rise in Arms against him, and that none should assist him. He absolved all other Princes from their Confederacies with him, and ob­tested them to have no more Commerce with him. He required all Christians to make War on him; and to seize on the Persons and Goods of all his Subjects; and make Slaves of them. He charged all Bishops to publish the Sentence with due Solemnities; and ordained it to be affixed at Rome, Tournay and Dunkirk.’ This was first given out the 30 of August 1535; but it had been all this while suspended, till the Suppression of the Monasteries, and the burning of Becket's Bones, did so in­flame the Pope, that he resolved to for­bear going to Extremities no longer. So on the 17 of December this Year, the Pope published the Bull, which he said he had so long suspended at the Intercession of some Princes; who hoped that King Henry might have been reclaimed by gentler Methods; and therefore since it appeared that he grew still worse and worse, he was forced to proceed to his Fulminations. By this Sentence it is certain, That either the Popes Infallibility, must be confessed to be a Cheat put upon the World, or if any [Page 205]believe it, they must acknowledge, that the Power of deposing Princes, is really lodged in that Chair: For this was not a sudden fit of Passion, but was done ex Cathedra, with all the Deliberation they ever admit of. The Sentence was in some particulars without a Precedent; but as to the main Points of deposing the King, and absolving his Subjects from their Obedi­ence, there was abundance of Instances to be brought in these last 500 Years, to shew that this had been all along asserted the Right of the Papacy. The Pope writ also to the Kings of France, and Scotland, with design to inflame them against King Henry: And if this had been an Age of Croissades, no doubt there had been one undertaken against him; for it was held to be as merito­rious, if not more, to make War on him, than on the Turk. But now the Thunders of the Vatican had lost their force.

The King got all the Bishops, The Bi­shops of England assert the King's Power, and the Nature of Ecclesi­astical Of­fices. and Emi­nent Divines of England, to sign a Decla­ration against all Church-men, who pre­tended to the Power of the Sword, or to Authority over Kings; and that all that assumed such Powers, were Subverters of the Kingdom of Christ. Many of the Bi­shops did also sign another Paper, declar­ing the Limits of the Regal and Ecclesi­astical Power, that both had their Autho­rity from God, for several Ends, and different Natures; and that Princes were subject to the Word of God, as well as Bishops ought to be obedient to their Laws. [Page 206]There was also another Declaration made, signed by Cromwel, the 2 Archbi­shops, 11 Bishops, and 20 Divines; as­serting the Distinction betwen the Power of the Keys, and the Power of the Sword. The former was not absolute, but limited by the Scripture. Orders were decla­red to be a Sacrament instituted by Christ, which were conferred by Prayer, and Im­position of Hands. And that in the New Testament, no mention was made of any other Ranks, but of Deacons, or Ministers; and of Priests, or Bishops. After this, the use of all the Inferiour Degrees of Lectures, Acolyths, &c. was laid down. These were set up about the beginning of the 3d Century; for in the middle of that Age, mention is made of them, both by Cornelius, and Cyprian; and they were intend­ed to be degrees of Probation, through which Men were to ascend to the higher Functions. But the Canonists had found out so many Distinctions of Benefices; and that a simple Tonsure, qualified a Man for several of them; that these Institutions became either a matter of Form only, or were made a Colour for Laymen to pos­sess Ecclesiastical Benefices. In this, and several other Books of that time, Bishops and Priests are spoken of, as being both one Office. In the Ancient Church there were different Ordinations, and different Functions belonging to these Offices, tho the Superiour was believed to include the Inferiour. But in the latter Ages, both [Page 207]the School-men & Canonists seemed on diffe­rent grounds to have designed to make them appear to be the same Office; and that the one was only a higher degree in the same Order. The School-men, to magnify Tran­substantiation, extolled the Office, by which that was performed so high, and the Canonists, to exalt the Pope's Universal Authority, deprest the Office of Bishops so low, to make them seem only the Pope's Delegates; and that their Jurisdiction was not from Christ, that by these means, these two Offices were thought so near one another, that they differed only in degree: And this was so well observed at Trent, that the Establishing the Episcopal Juris­diction, as founded on a Divine Right, was apprehended as one of the fatallest Blows that could have been given to the Papacy. This being at this time so com­monly received, it is no wonder, if before that matter came to be more exactly inqui­red into, some of the Reformers writ more carelessly in the Explanations they made of these Offices, which is so far from being an Argument, that they were upon due enquiry of another mind; that it is to be look'd on as a part of the Dregs of Popery, flowing from the belief of Tran­substantiation, and the Pope's Supremacy, of which all the Consequences were not so early observed.

This Year the English Bible was finished. The Bible in English, and new Injuncti­ons. The Translation was sent over to Paris to be printed there, for the Workmen in [Page 208] England were not thought able to go about it. Bonner was then Embassadour in France; and he obtained a Licence of Fran­cis for printing it; but upon a Complaint made by the French Clergy, the Press was stopt, and many of the Copies were seiz­ed on, and burnt. So it was brought over to England, and was undertaken, and now finished, by Grafton. Cromwel procured a General Warrant from the King, allow­ing all his Subjects to read it; for which, Cranmer wrote his thanks to Cromwel; ‘and rejoyced to see the day of Reforma­tion now risen in England, since the Word of God did shine over it all, without a Cloud.’ Not long after this, Cromwel gave out Injunctions, requiring the Cler­gy ‘to set up Bibles in their Churches, and to encourage all to read them. He also exhorted the People not to dispute about the sense of difficult places, but to leave that to Men of better Judgments. In­cumbents were required to instruct the People, and teach them the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Command­ments, in English: And that once every Quarter there should be a Sermon, to de­clare the true Gospel of Christ; and to exhort the People to Works of Charity; and not to trust to other Men's Works, to Pilgrimages, or Relicts, or the saying their Beads, which tended to Supersti­tion. Images, abused by Pilgrimages made to them, were to ordered be taken away. No Candle was to be before any Image, but [Page 209]the Crucifix: 1538 And they were to teach the People, that it was Idolatry, to make any other use of Images, but meerly to put them in minde of those whom they represented: And such as had formerly magnified Images, or Pilgrimages, were required openly to recant and confess, that they had been led into an Errour, which Covetousness had brought into the Church. All Incumbents were required to keep Registers for Christnings, and Marriages; and to teach the People that it were good to omit the Suffrages to the Saints in the Litany.’ These struck at some of the main Points of the former Su­perstition, both about Images, Pilgrima­ges, and the Invocation of Saints: But the free Use of the Scriptures gave the deadliest Blow of all. Yet all the Clergy submitted to them without any Murmuring.

Prince Edward was this Year born; Prince Ed­ward born. and this very much blasted the Hopes of the Popish Party, which were chiefly built on the probability of Lady Mary's succeeding to the Crown, which was now set at a great­er distance. So both Lee, Gardiner, and Sto­kesly, seemed to vie with the Bishops of the other Party, which of them should most zealously execute the Injunctions, and thereby insinuate themselves most into the King's Esteem and Favour. Gardiner was some Years Ambassadour in France, but Cromwel got Bonner to be sent in his room, who seemed then to be the most zealous Promoter of the Reformation, that was then [Page 210]in England. After that, Gardiner was sent to the Emperour's Court, with Sir Henry Knevet, and there he gave some occasion to suspect that he was treating a Reconci­liation with the Pope's Legate. But the Italian that managed it, being sent with a Message to the Ambassadour's Secretary, he mistook Knevet's Secretary for Gardiner's, and told his Business to him. Knevet tried what could be made of it, but could not carry it far: For the Italian was disowned, and put in Prison upon it: And Gardiner complained of it, as a Trepan laid to ruine him. The King continued still to employ him; but rather made use of him, than trusted him: yet Gardiner's Artifices and Flatteries were such, that he was still pre­served in some Degrees of Favour, as long as the King lived; but he knew him so well, that he neither named him one of his Executors, nor one of his Son's Council, when he made his Will. Gardiner used one Topick which prevailed much with the King, that his Zeal against Heresy was the great­est Advantage that his Cause could have over all Europe: And therefore he prest him to begin with the Sacramentaries (so were those of the Helvetian Confession cal­led) and those being condemned by the German Princes, he had the less reason to be afraid of imbroiling his Affairs by his Severities against them. Lombert is condemned and burnt for deny­ing the Corporal Fresence.

This meeting so well with the King's own Perswasions about the Corporal Pre­sence, had a great effect on him; and an [Page 211]occasion did quickly offer it self to him, to declare his Zeal in that matter. Lambert was at that time accused before the Arch­bishop of Canterbury: He had been Chap­lain to the Factory of Antwerp, and there he associated himself to Tindall: After­wards he was seized on coming over to England; but upon the changes that fol­lowed, he was set at Liberty. Dr. Taylor had preached on the Corporal Presence in his hearing: This offended him, and he drew up his Reasons against it, and gave them to Taylor. He communicated it to Barns, who was a hot man, and a fierce Lutheran: And they thought that the venting that Opinion would stop the Pro­gress of the Reformation, give Prejudice to the People, and divide them among themselves: And therefore they brought this matter before Cranmer, who was at that time likewise a Lutheran; he dealt with Lambert to retract his Paper; but he took a fatal Resolution, and appealed to the King. Upon which, the King resolved to judge him in Person, and to manage the Trial with great Solemnity; and for that end, many of the Nobility and Bishops were sent for. When the day came, there was a vast Appearance. The King's Guards and Cloath of State, were all in White, to make it look the liker a Divine Service. Lambert begun with a Comple­ment, acknowledging the King's great Learning, and his Goodness in hearing the Causes of his Subjects. The King stop'd [Page 212]him, and bad him forbear Flatteries, and speak to the matter: And he argued against him from Christ's Words, that the Sacra­ment must be his Body. Lambert answered in St. Austin's Words, That it was his Body in a certain manner, but that a Body could not be in two places at once. To this the King commanded Cranmer to speak; and he argued, That since Christ is still in Hea­ven, and yet he appeared to St. Paul, that therefore he may be in different places at once. Lambert said, That was but a Vi­sion, and was not the very Body of Christ. Tonstall argued, That the Divine Omni­potence was not to be measured by our Notions, of what was impossible. Stokesly argued, That one Substance may be changed into another, and yet the Accidents remain: So Water when it boiled, did evaporate in Air, and yet its Moisture remained. This was received with great Applause; tho it was an ill Inference, that because there was an accidental Conversion, therefore there might be a Substantial one, in which one Substance was annihilated, and ano­ther produced in its place. Ten, one after another, disputed, and their Arguments, with the stern Words and Looks that the King interposed, together with the length of the Action, in so publick an As­sembly, put Lambert in some Confusion; and upon his Silence, a great Shout of Ap­plause followed. In Conclusion, the King asked him if he was not convinced, and whether he would live or die? But he [Page 213]continued firm to his Opinion: So Cromwel was commanded to read the Sentence of his Condemnation; and not many days after, it was executed in a most barbarous manner, in Smithfield: For there was not Fire enough put under him to consume him suddenly; so that his Legs and Thighs were burnt away while he was yet alive. He bore it pati­ently, and continued to cry out, None but Christ, none but Christ. He was a Man of considerable Learning, and of a very good Judgment. The Popish Party improved this, and perswaded the King of the good effects it would have on his People, who would in this see his Zeal for the Faith; and they forgot not to magnify all that he had said, as if it had been uttered by an Ora­cle; which proved him to be both Defender of the Faith, and Supream Head of the Church. All this wrought so much on the King, that he resolved to call a Parliament, both for the suppressing the Monasteries, and the new Opinions.

Fox, Bishop of Hereford, Treaties with the German Princes. died at this time: He had been much imploied in Ger­many, and had setled a League between the King and the German Princes. The King was acknowledged the Patron of their League, and he sent them over 100000 Crowns a Year, for the support of it. There was a Religious League also pro­posed; but upon the turn that followed in the Court upon Queen Ann's Death, that fell to the ground; and all that was in put their League relating to Religion, was, That [Page 214]they should joyn against the Pope as the common Enemy, and set up the true Re­ligion according to the Gospel. But the Treaty about other Points was afterwards set on foot. The King desired Melanch­thon to come over; and several Letters passed between them, but he could not be spared out of Germany; tho he was then invited both to France and England. The Germans sent over some to treat with the King; the Points they insisted most on were, the granting the Chalice to the People, and the putting down private Mas­ses, in which the Institution seemed ex­press; the having the Worship in a known Tongue, which both common sense, and the Authority of St. Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians, seemed to justify much. The third was, The Marriage of the Clergy; for they being extream sensible of the Ho­nour of their Families, reckoned, that could not be secured, unless the Priests might marry. Concerning these things, their Ambassadours gave a long and learned Memorial to the King; to which an An­swer was made, penned by Tonstall; in which the things they complained of, were justified by the ordinary Arguments. Upon Fox's Death, Bonner was promoted to He­reford; and Stokesly dying not long after, he was translated to London. Cromwell thought that he had raised a Man that would be a faithful Second to Cranmer in his Designs of Reformation, who indeed needed help; not only to ballance the Op­position [Page 215]made him by other Bishops, but to lessen the Prejudices he suffered by the Weakness and Indiscretion of his own Par­ty, who were generally rather Clogs than Helps to him. Great Complaints were brought to the Court of the rashness of the new Preachers, who were flying at many things not yet abolished. Upon this, Let­ters were writ to the Bishops, to take care that as the People should be rightly instructed; so they should not be offended with too many Novelties. Thus was Cran­mer's Interest so low, that he had none to depend on, but Cromwell. There was not a Queen now in the King's Bosom to sup­port them; and therefore Cromwell set himself to contrive how the King should be engaged in such an Alliance with the Princes of Germany, as might prevail with him, both in Affection and Interest, to carry on what he had thus begun. And the Beauty of Anne of Cleve was so repre­sented to him, that he set himself to bring about that Match.

A Parliament was summoned to the 28th of April, The Act of the six Articles. in which twenty of the Abbots sate in Person. On the 5th of May, a Motion was made, that some might be appointed to draw a Bill, against Di­versity of Opinions in matters of Religion; these were Cromwell, Cranmer, the Bishops of Duresme, Ely, Bath and Wells, Bangor, Carlile, and Worcester; they were divided in their Minds; and tho the Popish Party were sive to four, yet the Authority that [Page 216] Cromwell and Cranmer were in, turned the Ballance a little; but after they had met eleven days, they ended in nothing. Upon that the Duke of Norfolk proposed the six Articles; The first was for the Corporal Presence. 2. For Communion in one kind. 3. For observing the Vows of Chastity. 4. For private Masses. 5. For the Celi­bate of the Clergy. And the sixth, was for Auricular Confession: Against most of these Cranmer argued several days. It is not like he opposed the first, both because of that which he had declared in Lambert's Case so lately, and in his own Opinion, he was then for it; but he had the Words of the Institution, and the constant Practice of the Church for twelve Ages to object to the second: and for the third, since the Monks were set at Liberty to live in the World, it seemed hard to restrain them from Marriage, and nothing did so effectu­ally cut off their Pretensions to their former Houses, as their being married would do. For the fourth, if private Masses were use­ful, then the King had done very ill to suppress so many Houses, that were chiefly founded for that end: the Sacrament was also by its first Institution, and the Practice of the Primitive Church, to be a Communi­on; and all those private Masses were in­vented to cheat the World. For the fifth, it touched Cranmer in the quick, for it was believed that he was married, but the Ar­guments used for that will be found in the next Book. For Auricular Confession, Lee [Page 217]Gardiner and Tonstal, press'd much to have it declared necessary by the Law of God Cranmer argued against this, and said it was only a good and profitable thing. The King came often to the House in Person, and disputed in these Points: for the greatest part he was against Cranmer; but in this particular he joyned with him. Tonstall drew up all the Quotations, brought from Antient Authors for it, in a Paper which he delivered to the King; the King answered in a long Letter, written with his own Hand, in which he shewed, that the Fathers did only advise Confession, but did not impose it as necessary: and so it was concluded in general, only that it was neces­sary and expedient. On the 24th of May, the Parliament was prorogued a few days, but by a Vote it was provided that the Bills should continue in the state they were then in. At their next meeting, two Com­mittees were appointed to draw the Bill of Religion; Cranmer was the chief of the one, and Lee of the other; both their Draughts were carried to the King, and were in many places corrected with his own Hand; in some Parts he writ whole Pe­riods a new. That which Lee drew was more agreeable to the King's Opinion; so it was brought into the House. Cranmer argued three days against it, and when it came to the Vote, the King who was much set on having it past, desired him to go out, but he excused himself; for he thought he was bound in Conscience to vote against [Page 218]it: But the rest that opposed it, were more compliant, and it also passed without any considerable Opposition in the House of Commons, and was assented to by the King.

This Act was received with great Joy by all the Popish Party; Censures past upon it. they reckoned that now Heresy would be extirpated, and that the King was as much engaged against it, as he was when he writ against Luther: this made the Suppression of the Monaste­ries pass much the easier. The poor Re­formers were now exposed to the Rage of their Enemies, and had no Comfort from any part of it, but one, that they were not delivered up to the Cruelty of the Ecclesi­astical Courts, or the Trials ex Officio, but were to be tried by Juries: yet the de­nying the benefit of Abjuration, was a Severity without a Precedent, and was a forcing Martyrdom on them, since they were not to be the better for their Aposta­cy. It was some Satisfaction to the marri­ed Clergy, that the incontinent Priests were to be so severely punished; which Cromwell put in, and the Clergy knew not how they could decently oppose it. Upon the passing the Act, the German Ambassa­dours [Page 220]being set on to it by those that fa­voured their Doctrine in England, desired an Audience of the King, and told him of the Grief with which their Masters would re­ceive the News of this Act; and therefore earnestly press'd him to stop the Execution of it. The King answered that he found it necessary to have the Act made, for re­pressing the Insolence of some People, but assured them it should not be put in Execu­tion, except upon great Provocation. When the Princes heard of the Act, they writ to the King to the same purpose: they warned him of many Bishops that were about him, who in their Hearts lo­ved Popery, and all the old Abuses; and took this method to force the King to re­turn back to the former Yoke, hoping that if they once made him cruel to all those they called Hereticks, it would be easy to bring him back to submit to that Tyranny, which he had shaken off; and therefore they proposed a Conference between some Di­vines of both sides in order to an Agree­ment of Doctrine. The King was only con­cerned upon State Maxims, to keep up their League in Opposition to the Emperour; but they still press'd a Religious as well as a Civil League.

After the Act of the six Articles, An Act for suppressing the Mona­steries. the Act for suppressing the Monasteries was brought in; and tho there were so many Abbots sitting in the House, none of them protested against it; ‘By it no Monastery was suppressed, but only the Resignations [Page 221]made or to be made, were confirmed; and the King's Right, founded either on their Surrenders, Forfeitures, or Attainders of Treason, was declared good in Law. Houses surrendred were to be managed by the Court of Augmentations; but those seized on by Attainders were to come to the Exchequer. All Persons except the Founders and Donors were to have the same Rights to the Lands, belonging to these Houses, that they had before this Act was made. All Deeds and Leases made for a Year before this, to the prejudice of these Houses were annulled; and all the Churches belonging to them, and former­ly exempted, were put under the Juris­diction of the Bishop, or of such as should be appointed by the King.’ This last Proviso has produced a great Mischief in this Church; for many that purchased Abby-Lands, had this Clause put in their Grants, that they should be the Visitors of the Churches, and by this they continue still exempted from the Epis­copal Jurisdiction; and this has em­boldened many to break out into great Scandals, which have been made use of by prejudiced Men to cast an Obloquy on the Church; tho this Disorder proceeds only from the want of Authority in the Bishops to censure them. A Question was raised upon this Suppression, whether the Lands should have reverted to the Donors, or been escheated to the Crown. By a Judg­ment of the Roman Senate in Theodosius's [Page 222]time, all the Endowments of the Heathenish Temples were given to the Fisc, and tho the Heirs of the Donors pretended to them, yet it was said, that by the Gifts that their Ancestors made, they were totally alienated from them and their Heirs. When the Order of the Templers was suppressed, their Lands went to the Lord by an Es­cheat. This might seem reasonable in Endowments that were simple Gifts, with­out any Conditions: But the Grants to Religious Houses were of the nature of Co­venants, given in consideration of the Masses, that were to be said for them and their Families; and therefore it was inferred, that when the Cheat of redeeming Souls out of Purgatory was discovered, and these Houses were suppress'd, then the Lands ought to revert to the Heirs of the Donors; and upon that account it was thought ne­cessary to exclude them by a special Proviso.

Another Bill was brought in, An Act for new Bisho­pricks. empower­ing the King to erect new Bishopricks by his Letters Patents; it was read three times in one day in the House of Lords. ‘The Preamble set forth that the ill Lives of those that were called Religious, made it necessary to change thir Houses to better Uses, for teaching the Word of God, instructing of Children, educating of Clerks, relieving of old infirm People, the endowing of Readers for Greek, Latine, and Hebrew, mending of High­ways, and the bettering the Condition of the Parish Priests; and for this end the [Page 223]King was empowered to erect new Sees, and to assign what Limits and Divisions, and appoint them what Statutes he pleased.’ I have seen the first Draught of this Pre­amble all written with the King's own Hand; and indeed he used extraordinary Care in corecting both Acts of Parliament and Proclamations with his own Hand: All Papers in matters of Religion, that were set out by publick Authority in this Reign, were revised by him, and in many places large Corrections are to be seen, made with his own Hand, which shew both his great Judgment in those Matters, and his extraordinary Application to Business; but as he was fond of his two accquired Titles, of Defender of the Faith, and Su­pream Head of the Church; and loved to shew that he did not carry them in vain; so there was nothing which he affected more, then to discover his Learning and Understanding in matters of Religion. He writ also a List of all the new Sees which he intended to found, which were Waltham, for Essex, St. Albans, for Hart­ford, another for Bedfordshire and Bucking­hamshire out of the Monasteries of Dunsta­ble, Newenham, and Clowstown; another for Oxfordshire, and Berkshire, out of the Rents of Osney, and Tame, one for Nor­thampton and Huntington, out of Peterbo­rough, one for Midlesex out of Westminster; one for Leicester and Rutland, out of Lei­cester; one for Glocestershire out of St. Pe­ters in Glocester; one for Lancashire out [Page 224]of Fountain, and the Arch-Deaconry of Richmond; one for Suffolk out of Edmunds­bury; one for Stafford and Salop out of Shrewsbury; one for Nottingham and Darby out of Welbeck, Wersop, and Thurgarton; and one for Cornwall out of the Rents of Lanceston, Bodmyn, and Wardreth: Over these he writ Bishopricks to be made; and in another part of the same Paper he writ Places to be altered, which have Sees in them, and names Christ-Church in Canterbury, St. Swithins and several others; a little under that, he writ, Places to be altered into Col­ledges and Schools, but mentions only Burton upon Trent. Neither Chester nor Bristol are named here, tho Episcopal Sees were after­wards erected in them. The King had formed a great Design of endowing many Sees, and making many other noble Foun­dations; yet the great Change that was made in the Councils and Ministry before this took Effect, made that only a small part of that, which he now intended, was accomplished. An Act for Pro­clamati­ons. Another Act was brought in, concerning the Obedience due to the King's Proclamations, which set forth, ‘That great Exceptions had been made to the Legality of the King's Proclamations, by some who did not consider what a King might do by his Royal Power; which the King took very ill; and since many Oc­casions called for speedy Remedies, and could not admit of Delays till a Parliament might be called; therefore it was enacted, that such Proclamations as the King set [Page 225]out by Advice of his Council, with Pains upon Offenders, should be obeyed as if they were Acts of Parliaments; yet it was provided that no Laws nor Customs might be taken away by them, and that the Subjects should not suffer in their Estates, Liberties, or Persons, by them. If any offended against them, and fled out of the Kingdom, that was made Treason. It was also provided that if the King's Heirs should reign before they were of Age, the Proclamations set out by the Privy Council, should have the like force in Law.’ By this the Injunctions that had been given, or should be thereafter given, were now legally authorized. The Sta­tute of Precedence past in this Parlia­ment. The King's Vicegerent was to take place of all after the Royal Family, and next him among the Clergy, came the two Arch-bishops, then the Bishops of London and Duresme, after them the Bishop of Win­chester, as Prelate of the Garter, and all the other Bishops were to take place ac­cording to the Date of their Consecra­tions.

A Bill of Attainder past, Some at­tainted without being heard. not only con­firming the Sentences that had been given against the Marquess of Exeter, the Lord Mounticute, and others, that had been con­demned at common Law; but of some that were of new attainted without a Trial: of these some were absent, and others were in Prison; but it was not thought fit to bring them to make their Answers: The [Page 226]chief of these were the Marchionses of Exe­ter, and the Countess of Sarum (Mother to Cardinal Pool:) It was questioned whether this could be done in Law or not. The Judges delivered their Opinion, that it was against natural Justice to condemn any without hearing them; and that when the Parliament proceeded as a Court, they were obliged to follow the common Rules of Equity; but if they did otherwise, yet since they were the Supream Court of the Nation, whatsoever they did, could not be reversed. The latter part of this was laid hold on, and the former was neglected, so that Act past. This Council was ascri­bed to Cromwell, and he being the first that was executed upon such a Sentence, gave occasion to many to observe the Justice of God, in making ill Councils turn upon those that gave them.

When the Parliament was prorogued, The King's Kindnesss to Cran­mer. the King ordered Cranmer to put in writing all the Arguments he had used against the six Articles, and bring them to him. He sent also both Cromwell and the Duke of Norfolk to dine with him, and to assure him of the Constancy of his Kindness to him. At Table they expressed great Esteem for him, and acknowledged that he had opposed the six Articles with so much Learning and Gravity, that those who differed most from him, could not but value him highly for it; and that he need­ed not to fear any thing from the King: Cromwell said the King made that difference [Page 227]between him and the rest of his Council, that he would not so much as hearken to any Complaints that were made of him; and made a Parallel between him and Car­dinal Wolsey; the one lost his Friends by his Pride, and the other gained on his Enemies, by his Humility and Mildness: the Duke of Norfolk said he could speak best of the Cardinal, having been his Man so long: this heated Cromwell, who an­swered, that he never liked his Manners, and tho Wolsey had intended if he had been cho­sen Pope, to have carried him with him to Italy; yet he was resolved not to have gone, tho he knew the Duke intended to have gone with him. Upon this the Duke of Norfolk swore he lied, and gave him foul Language. This put all the Company in great Disorder: They were in some sort reconciled, but were never hearty Friends after this. Cranmer put his Reasons a­gainst the six Articles together, and gave them to his Secretary to be written out in a fair Hand for the King's use: but he crossing the Thames with the Book in his Bosom, met with such an Adventure on the Water as might have at another time sent the Author to the Fire. There was a Bear baited near the River, which break­ing loose, run into it, and happened to overturn the Boat in which Cranmer's Se­cretary was, and he being in danger of his Life, took no care of the Book, which falling from him floated on the River, and was taken up by the Bear-Ward, and put [Page 228]in the hand of a Priest that stood by, to see what it might contain; he presently found it was a Confutation of the six Arti­cles, and so told the Bear-ward that the Au­thor of it would certainly be hanged. So when the Secretary came to ask for it, and said it was the Arch-bishop's Book; the other that was an obstinate Papist, refused to give it, and reckoned that now Cranmer would be certainly ruined: but the Secre­tary acquainting Cromwell with it, he called for him next day, and chid him severely for presuming to keep a Privy-Counsellours Book, and so he took it out of his Hands: thus Cranmer was delivered out of this Danger. Shaxton and Latimer not only resigned their Bishopricks, but being pre­sented for some Words spoken against the six Articles, they were put in Prison, where they lay till a recantation discharged the one, and the King's Death set the other at liberty. There were about 500 others presented on the same account, but upon the Intercessions of Cranmer, Cromwell, and others, they were set at liberty, and there was a stop put to the further Execu­tion of the Act till Cromwell fell.

The Bishops of the Popish Party took strange Methods to insinuate themselves into the King's Confidence, Bishops hold their Sees at the King's Pleasure. for they took out Commissions by which they acknow­ledged, ‘That all Jurisdiction, Civil and Ecclesiastical, flowed from the King, and that they exercised it only at the King's Courtesy: and as they had of his Bounty, [Page 229]so they would be ready to deliver it up when he should be pleased to call for it; and therefore the King did empower them in his stead, to ordain, give Institution, and do all the other parts of the Episcopal Function, which was to last during his Pleasure: and a mighty charge was given them to ordain none but Persons of great Integrity, good Life, and well learned; for since the Corruption of Religion flow­ed from ill Pastors, so the Reformation of it was to be expected chiefly from good Pastors.’ By this they were made indeed the King's Bishops: in this Bonner set an Example to the rest, but it does not ap­pear that Cranmer took out any such Com­mission all this Reign.

Now came on the total Dissolution of the Abbies, All the Monaste­ries sup­prest. 57 surrenders were made this Year, of which 30 are yet extant; of these, 37 were Monasteries, and 20 were Nun­neries; and among them 12 were Parlia­mentary Abbies; which were in all 28, Abington, St. Albans, St. Austin's Canterbu­ry, Battell, St. Bennets in the Holm, Bardeny, Cirencester, Colchester, Coventry, Croyland, St. Edmundsbury, Evesham, Glassenbury, Glo­ceste, Hide, Malmsbury, St. Mary's in York, Peterborough, Ramsey, Reading, Selby, Shrewsbury, Tavestock, Tewkesbury, Thorney, Waltham, Westminster, and Winchelcomb. When all had thus resigned, Commissioners were appointed by the Court of Augmen­tations to seize on the Revenues and Goods belonging to these Houses, to establish the [Page 230]Pensions that were to be given to every one that had been in them, and to pull down the Churches, or such other parts of the Fabrick, as they thought superfluous, and to sell the Materials of them. When this was done, others began to get Hospi­tals to be surrendred to the King; Thirleby being Master of St. Thomas Hospital in Southwark, was the first that set an Exam­ple to the rest; he was soon after made a Bishop, and turned with every Change that followed, till Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown, and then he refused to comply tho he had gone along with all the Chan­ges that were made in King Edward's time. The valued Rents of the Abby-Lands as they were then let, was 132607 l. 6 s. 4 d. but they were worth above ten times so much in true value. The King had now in his hand the greatest Advantage that ever King of England had, both for en­riching the Crown, and making Royal Foundations. But such was his Easiness to his Courtiers, and his Lavishness, that all this melted away in a few Years, and his Designs were never accomplished; he in­tended to have founded 18 new Bishop­ricks, but he founded only six: Other great Projects did also become abortive. In particular one that was designed by Sir Nicholas Bacon, which was a Semi­nary for States-men: he proposed the crecting a House for Persons of Quality, or of extraordinary Endowments, for the study of the Civil Law, and of the [Page 231]Latine and French Tongues; of whom, some were to be sent with every Ambas­sadour beyond Sea, to be improved in the Knowledg of Forreign Assairs, in which they should be imploied as they grew capable of them: And others were to be set to work to write the History of the Trasactions abroad, and of Assairs at home. This was to supply one Loss that was like to follow on the Fall of Abbies; for in most of them there was kept a Chronicle of the Times. These were written by Men that were more credulous than judicious; and so they are often more particular in the recital of Trifles, than of important Affairs, and an invin­cible Humour of lying, when it might raise the Credit of their Order or House, runs through all their Manuscripts. All the Ground that Cranmer gained this Year, in which there was so much lost, was a Liberty that all private Persons might have Bibles in their House, the managing of which was put in Cromwell's Hands, by a special Patent: Gardiner opposed it vehemently, and built much on this, that without Tradition it was impossible to understand the meaning of the Scriptures; and one day before the King, he challen­ged Cranmer to shew any Difference be­tween the Scriptures and the Apostles Canons. It is not known how Cranmer managed the Debate, but the Issue of it was this, The King judged in his Fa­vours, and said, He was an old experi­enced [Page 232]Captain, and ought not to be trou­bled by fresh Men and Novices. The King was now resolved to marry again, and both the Emperour and the King of France proposed Matches to him, but they came to no Effect. The Emperour en­deavoured by all means possible to separate the King from the Princes of the Smal­caldick League; and the Act of the six Articles had done that already in a great measure; for they complained much of the King's Severity in those Points, which were the principal Parts of their Doctrine; such as Communion in both kinds, Pri­vate Masses, and the Marriage of the Clergy. Gardiner studied to animate the King much against them; he often told him, it was below his Dignity to suffer dull G [...]rr [...]ans to dictate to him: and he sug­gested that they who would not acknow­ledg the Emperours Supremacy in the matters of Religion, could not be hear­ty Friends to the Authority which the King had assumed in them. But the Ger­mans did not look on the Emperour as their Soveraign, but only as the Head of the Empire; and they did believe that every Prinee in his Dominions, and the Diet for the whole Empire, had sufficient Authority for making Laws in Ecclesiasti­cal Affairs; but what other Considerations could not induce the King to, was like to be more powerfully carried on by the Match with Anne of Cleve, which was now set on foot.

There had been a Treaty between her Father and the Duke of Lorrain, for the Prince of Lorrain and her; but it had gone no farther then a Contract between the Fathers. Hans Holbin, A Treaty for a Match with Ann of Cleve. the Famous Painter of that Age, took her Picture very much to her Advantage; for the King never liked the Original so well as he had done the Picture. The Duke of Saxe diswaded the Match, because the King was going backward in the matter of the Reformation: but Cromwell set it on vigorously. It was said, the Lady had great Charms in her Person; but she could speak no Language but Dutch, which the King understood not; nor was she bred to Musick: And she had a stifness in her Breeding, which was not at all accommodated to the King's In­clinations. The Match was at last agreed on; and in the end of December she was brought over. The King was impatient, and so went incognito to Rochester, but was struck when he saw her. There was a Rudeness in her, which did not at all please him: He swore they had brought over a Flanders Mare to him; and took up an incurable Aversion to her. He resolved to break the Match if it were possible; but his Affairs made the Friendship of the German Princes, to be then very necessary to him; so that he did not think it advisable to put any Affront on the Dukes of Saxe and Cleve, her Brother, and her Brother in Law. The Emperour had at this time made a hasty Journey through France; and [Page 234] Francis and he had an Interview, where as the King was informed a Project was laid down against him, 1540 which was chiefly set on by the Pope. Francis was thinking how to take Calais, and the other places the King had in France, from him; it had been also easy for him to have engaged the King of Scotland against him: And the People in the North were thought to re­tain their former Disposition, to rise still; so that a War made on the King in such Circumstances, was like to find him at a great Disadvantage. This made the King more tender of offending the Germans. But he tried if that Precontract with the Duke of Lorrains's Son, could furnish him with a fair Excuse to break the Match. The King expressed the great Trouble he was in, both to Cromwel, and many of his other Servants; and one of them pleasant­ly told him, that Subjects had this Advan­tage over Princes, that they chose Wives for themselves, whereas Princes were ob­liged to take such as were brought them. But nothing could be built on that Pre­contract, which was only an Agreement between the Fathers, their Children being under Age; and that was afterwards an­nulled and broken by the Parents. So Cranmer, and Tonstall beiug required to give their Opinions as Divines, said, there was nothing in it to hinder the King's Mar­rying the Lady. The King marries her, but never liked her.

On the the 6th of January the King Mar­ried her; but expressed his dislike of her [Page 235]so visibly, that all about him took notice of it: And the day after that he told Crom­well that he had not consummated his Mar­riage, 1540 and he believed he should never do it: He suspected she was not a Virgin; and she had ill Smells about her; so that his Aversion to her was encreased to such a Degree, that he believed he should never be able to change it. Cromwell did what he could to overcome these Inclinations; but that was not to be done: And tho the King lived five Months with her, and lay often in the Bed with her, yet his Aversion to her rather encreased than abated. She seemed little concerned at it, and expressed a great readiness to concur in every thing, that might disengage him from a Mar­riage that was so unacceptable to him. Instruments were brought over, to shew that the Contract between her and the Prince of Lorrain, was void: But they took some Advantage, because it was not declared whether the Contract was in the Words of the Present, or of the Future Tense.

In April there was a Session of Parliament, A New Parlia­ment. and at the opening of it, as the Lord Chancellour declared the matters relating to the State, for which the King had cal­led them: So the Vicegerent spake to them concerning the matters of Religion: He told them there was nothing which the King desired so much as an entire Union among all his Subjects; but some Incendi­aries opposed it as much as he promoted [Page 236]it; and between the rashness on the one hand, and Inveterare Superstition on the other, 1540 great Dissentions had arisen. These were inflamed by the reproachful names of Papist and Heretick: And tho they had now the Word of God in all their hands, yet they studied rather to justify their Passions out of it, than to govern their Lives by it. In order to the re­moving this, the King resolved to set forth an Exposition of the Doctrine of Christ, without any corrupt Mixtures; and to re­tain such Ceremonies as might be of good use; and that being done, he was resolv­ed to punish all Transgressours, of what side soever they might be: For that end, he had appointed the two Archbishops and the Bi­shops of London, Duresm, Winchester, Rochester, Hereford, and St. Davids; and 11 Divines, Thirleby, Robertson, Cox, Day, Oglethorp, Redmayn, Edgeworth, Crayford, Symons, Robins, and Tresham, for setling the Do­ctrine. And the Bishops of Bath and Walls, Ely, Sarum, Chichester, Worcester, and Landaff, for the Ceremonies. These Com­mittees for Religion, sat as often as the Affairs of the Parliament could allow of. Two days after the Parliament met, Crom­well was made Earl of Essex, which shews it was not the King's Dislike of the Queen that wrought his Ruine, otherwise he had not now raised his Title. The Knights of St. John suppressed.

A Bill was brought in to the Parliament for suppressing the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem. These were at first only an Ho­spital, [Page 237]for entertaining the Pilgrims that went to visit the Holy Grave: And after that, they became an Order of Knights; and they and the Knights-Templars con­ducted and guarded the Pilgrims. It was thought for some Ages, one of the highest Expression of Devotion to Christ, to go and visit the places where he was crucified, buried, and ascended to Heaven: And it was look'd on as highly Meritorious, to go and fight for recovering the Holy-Land, out of the hands of Infidels; so that almost every one that died, either vowed to go to the Holy War, or left somewhat to such as should go. If they recovered, they bought off their Vow, by giving some Lands for the Entertainment of those Knights. There were great Complaints made of the Templars; but whether it was their Wealth that made them a de­sirable Prey, or their Guilt that drew Ruine on them, is not certain. They were condemned in a Council, and all of them that could be found, were cruelly put to Death. But the other Order was still con­tinued; and being beaten out of Judea, they setled at Rhodes, out of which they were late­ly driven; and were now setled in Malta. They were under a great Master, who de­pended on the Pope and the Emperour. But some they could not be brought to surrender of their own accord, as others had done; it was necessary to suppress them by Act of Parliament. Another House which they had in Ireland was also suppressed, [Page 238]and Pensions were reserved for the Priors and Knights. On the 14th of May, the Par­liament was Prorogued to the 25th; a Vote having past, that the Bills should continue in the State they were in.

On the 12th of June, Cromwel's Fall. there was a sudden turn at Court, for the Duke of Norfolk arrested Cromwel of High Treason, and sent him Prisoner to the Tower. He had many Enemies: The meanness of his Birth made the Nobility take it ill, to see the Son of a Black-Smith made an Earl, and have the Garter given him; besides his being Lord Privy Seal, Lord Chamberlain of England, Lord Vicegerent; and a little while before, he had also the Mastership of the Rolls. All the Popish Clergy hated him violently: They imputed the Suppression of Monaste­ries, and the Injunctions that were laid on them, chiefly to his Counsels: And it was thought that it was mainly by his means that the King and the Emperour continued to be in such ill Terms. The King did now under­stand, that there was no agreement like to be made between the Emperour and Fran­cis, for it stuck at the matter of the Dutchy of Milan; in which neither of them would yield to the other; and the King was sure, they would both court his Friendship in case of a War; and this made him less concerned for the Favour of the Ger­man Princes. So, now Cromwel's Counsels became unacceptable: With this a secret Reason concurred. The King did not on­ly hate the Queen, but was now come to be [Page 239]in Love with Katherine Howard, Neece to the Duke of Norfolk; which both raised his Interest, and deprest Cromwel, who had made the former Match. The King was also willing to cast upon him all the Errours that had been committed of late, and by making him a Sacrifice, he hoped he should regain the Affections of his People. The King had also Informations brought him, That he secretly encouraged those that opposed the six Articles, and discouraged those who went about the Execution of it. His Fall came so suddenly, that he had not the least Apprehension of it before the Storm brake on him. He had the com­mon Fate of all disgraced Ministers; his Friends forsook him, and his Enemies insulted over him; only Cranmer stuck to him; and wrote earnestly to the King in his Favours. ‘He said he found that he had al­ways loved the King above all things; and had served him with such Fidelity and Success, that he believed no King of England had ever a faithfuller Servant: And he wished the King might find such a Councellour, who both could, and would, serve him as he had done.’ So great and generous a Soul had Cranmer, that was not turned by changes in his Friends Fortunes; and would venture on the dis­pleasure of so Imperious a Prince, rather than fail in the Duties of Friendship. But the King was now resolved to ruine Crom, wel, and that unjust Practice of Attaint­ing, without hearing the Parties Answer [Page 240]for themselves, which he had promoted too much before, was now turned upon himself. He had such Enemies in the House of Lords, that the Bill of Attainder was dispatched in two days, being read twice in one day. Cranmer was absent, and no other would venture to speak for him. But he met with more Justice in the House of Commons; for it stuck ten days there. And in Conclusion, a new Bill was drawn against him, and sent up to the Lords, to which they consented; and it had the Royal Assent.

‘In it they set forth, His At­tainder. That tho the King had raised him from a base State, to great Dignities; Yet it appeared by many Wit­nesses, that were Persons of Honour, that he had been the most Corrupt Traitor that ever was known: That he had set many at Liberty that were condemned, or suspected of Misprision of Treason: That he had given Licences for tran­sporting out of the Kingdom things pro­hibited by Proclamation: And had granted many Passports without search made: That he had said, he was sure of the King, That he had dispersed many Erroneous Books, contrary to the Belief of the Sa­crament: And had said, That every Man might Administer it as well as a Priest: That he had licensed many Preachers suspected of Heresy: And had ordered many to be discharged that were committed on that account; and had dis­charged all Informers: That he had [Page 241]many Hereticks about him: That a­bove a Year before, he had said, The preaching of Barns and others, was good: And that he would not turn, tho the King did turn; but if the King turned, he would fight in Person against him, and all that turned: And drawing out his Dagger, he wisht that might pierce him to the Heart, if he should not do it; he had also said, If he lived a year or two longer, it should not be in the King's Power to hinder it. He had likewise been found guil­ty of great Oppression and Bribery: And when he heard, that some Lords were tak­ing Counsel against him, he had threatned, that he would raise great stirrs in England: For these things, he was Attainted both of High Treason and Heresy.’ A Proviso was added, for securing the Church of Wells, of which he had been Dean.

This was lookt on as very hard Mea­sure. It was believed, Censures past upon it. That he had at least Verbal Orders from the King, for the Licences and Orders that were com­plained of; and perhaps he could have shewed some in Writing, if he had been heard to make his Answers. Bribery seemed to be cast on him, only to render him odi­ous; but no Particulars were mentioned. Nor was it credible, That he could have spoken such Words of the King, as were al­ledged, especially when he was in the height of his Favour; and if he had spoken them above a Year before, it is not to be imagined that they could have been so long [Page 242]kept secret; and what was said of his draw­ing out a Dagger, look'd like a design to affix an overt Act to them.

This being done, The King's Marriage annulled. The King went on to move for a Divorce. An Address was moved to be made to him by the Lords, that he would suffer his Marriage to be ex­amined. Cranmer and others were sent down to desire the Concurrence of the Com­mons; and they ordered 20 of their num­ber to go along with the Lords, who went all in a body to the King. He granted their desire, the matter being concerted before. So a Commission was sent to the Convoca­tion, to discuss it: Gardiner opened it to them; and they appointed a Committee for the Examination of Witnesses. The Substance of the whole Evidence amount­ed to these Particulars; That the matter of the Precontract with the Prince of Lor­rain, was not fully cleared; and it did not appear, if it was made by the Queen; or whether it was in the Words of the present time, or not. That the King had mar­ried her against her Will; and had not given an inward and compleat Consent; and that he had never consummated the Marriage; so that they saw he could have no Issue by the Queen. Upon these grounds the whole Convocation with one con­sent annulled the Marriage, and declared both Parties free. This was the grossest piece of Compliance that the King had from his Clergy in his whole Reign: For as they knew that there was nothing in the [Page 243]pretended Precontract; so by voiding the Marriage, because the Consent was not internal and free, they made a most per­nicious Precedent for breaking all publick Treaties; for none can know Men's Hearts; it would be easy for every one to pretend that he had not given a per­fect Consent; and that being allowed, there could be no Confidence nor safety among Men any more. And in the Process for the King's first Divorce, they had laid it down as a Principle, that a Marriage was compleat, tho it were never consummated. But in a Word, the King was resolved to be rid of the Queen; and the Clergy were resolved not to offend him: And they ra­ther sought out Reasons to give a colour to their Sentence, then past it on the force of those Reasons. Cromwel was required to send a Declaration of all he knew con­cerning the Marriage, which he did; but ended in these most abject Words, ‘Written with the heavy Heart, and trembling Hand, of your Highness's most heavy, and most miserable Prisoner, and poor Slave, Tho. Cromwel: and under his Subscription he wrote, Most Sacred Prince, I cry for, Mercy, Mercy, Mercy.’ The Judgment of the Convocation was reported to the House of Lords by Cranmer, and the Rea­sons were opened by Gardiner. They were sent down to the Commons to give them the same account; and both Houses were satisfied with it. Next day, some Lords were sent to the Queen, who had retired [Page 244]to Richmond: They told her, The King was resolved to declare her his adopted Sister, and to setle 4000 l. a Year on her, if she would consent to it; which she cheerfully embraced; and it being left to her choice, either to live in England, or to return to her Brother; She preferred the former. They prest her to write to her Brother, that all this matter was done with her good Will; that the King used her, as a Father; and that therefore he, and the other Al­lies, should not take this ill at his hands. She was a little averse to this, but was prevailed on to do it. When things were thus prepared, the Act confirming the Judgment of the Convocation, past, with­out any Opposition. An Act past, miti­gating one Clause in the Act of the six Articles; by which, the pains of Death for the Marriage or Incontinence of the Clergy, were changed into a Forfeiture of their Goods and Benefices. Another Act past, Authorizing those Committees of Bishops and Divines that had been named by the King, both for the Doctrine and Ceremonies, to go on in it; and appoint­ing, that what should be agreed on by them, and Published with the King's Ap­probation, should bind the Subjects as much as if every Particular in it had been ennumerated in that Act, any Law or Cu­stome to the contrary notwithstanding: But a Proviso was added, That nothing might be done by them contrary to the Laws then in force: Which Contradiction [Page 245]in the Provisos, seems to have been put in on design, to keep all Ecclesiastical Pro­ceedings under the Inspection of the Secu­lar Courts, since they are the only Ex­pounders of Acts of Parliament. Another Act past, That no Pretence of a Precon­tract should be made use of to annul a Mar­riage duly Solemnized and Consummated: And that no Degrees of Kindred, but those ennumerated in the Law of Moses, might hinder a Marriage. This last was added, To enable the King to marry Ka­therine Howard, that was Cousin German to Ann Boleyn, which was one of the De­grees prohibited by the Canon Law; but the reason of the former part is not known. It directly condemns the King's Divorce of Ann Boleyn, grounded on a pretended Pre­contract.

The Province of Canterbury gave the King a Subsidy of 4 s. in the Pound, to be payed in two Years, with a Preamble of high Acknowledgments of their Happiness under his Protection. A Subsidy was also asked of the Laity, but in the House of Commons it was much opposed: Many said they had given the King the Abbey-Lands, in hopes that no Subsidies should have been any more demanded; and it shew­ed a strange Profuseness, that now within a Year after that, a Subsidy was demand­ed. But it was answered, That the King had been at great charge in fortifying his Coasts; and in keeping up such Leagues beyond Sea, as preserved the Nation in [Page 246]safety; a Tenth and four 15ths were granted. Several Bills of Attainder were past. And in Conclusion, the King sent a General Pardon, out of which, Cromwel, and divers others were excepted; and then the Parliament was dissolved. Cromwel's mean Addresses could not preserve him: So he was executed on the 28 of July: Cromwels Death. He thank­ed God for bringing him to die in that manner, which was just, on the account of his ‘Sins against God, and his Offences against his Prince. He declared that he doubted of no Article of the Catholick Faith, nor of any Sacrament of the Church. He said, He had been seduced, but now he died in the Catholick Faith; and denied he had supported the Preachers of ill Opi­nions.’ He desired all their Prayers; and prayed very fervently for himself; and thus did he end his days.

He rose meerly by the strength of his Natural Parts; for his Education was suit­able to his mean Extraction: Only he had all the New Testament in Latin, by Heart. He carried his Greatness with Extraor­dinary Moderation; and fell rather under the weight of Popular Odium, than Guilt. At his Death he mixed none of the Su­perstitions of the Church of Rome with his Devotions: So it was said, that he used the Word, Catholick Faith, in its true sense, and in Opposition to the Novelties of the Church of Rome: Yet his Ambigu­ous way of expressing himself, made the Papists say, that he died repenting of his [Page 247]Heresy: But the Protestants said that he died in the same Perswasions in which he lived. With him fell the Office of the King's Vicegerent, and none after him have aspired to that Character, that proved so fatal to him who first carried it. It was believed that the King lamented his Death when it was too late; and the Miseries that fell on the new Queen, and on the Duke of Norfolk, and his Family, were look'd on as Strokes from Heaven on them, for their cruel prosecuting this unfortunate Minister. With his Fall, the Progress of the Reformation stopt; for Cranmer could never gain much Ground after this, and indeed many hoped that he should be quick­ly sent after Cromwell; some complained of him in the House of Commons, and Informations were brought the King, that the chief Encouragement that the Hereticks had, came from him.

The Ecclesiastical Committees imploy­ed by the King, A Book of Religion set out by Bishops. were now at work, and gave the last finishing to a Book formerly pre­pared, but at this time corrected and explained in many Particulars. They be­gan with the Explanation of Faith, which according to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome, was thought an implicit believing whatever the Church proposed: But the Re­formers made it the chief Subject of their Books and Sermons, to perswade People to believe in Christ, and not in the Church; and made great use of those Places in which it was said, That Christians are justified [Page 248]by Faith only: tho some explained this in such a manner, that it gave their Adver­saries Advantages to charge them that they denied the necessity of Good Works; but they all taught that tho they were not neces­sary to Justification, yet they were necessary to Salvation. They differed also in their Notion of Good Works: The Church of Rome taught, that the Honour done to God in his Images, or to the Saints in their Shrines and Relicks, or to the Priests, were the best sort of Good Works: Whereas the Reformers prest Justice and Mercy most, and discovered the Supersti­tion of the other. The Opinion of the Merit of Good Works, was also so highly raised, that many thought they purchased Heaven by them. This the Reformers did also correct, and taught the People to de­pend meerly upon the Death and Inter­cession of Christ. Others moved subtiller Questions, As whether Obedience was an essential part of Faith, or only a Conse­quent of it? This was a Nicety scarce be­coming Divines, that built only on the Simplicity of the Scriptures, and condem­ned the Subtilties of the Schools; and it was said, that Men of ill Lives abused this Doctrine, and thought that if they could but assure themselves that Christ died for them, they were safe enough.

So now when they settled the Notion of Faith, The Ex­planation of Faith. they divided it into two sorts: The one was a Perswasion of the Truth of the Gospel; but the other carried with [Page 249]it a Submission to the Will of God; and both Hope, Love, and Obedience belon­ged to it; which was the Faith professed in Baptism, and so much extoll'd by St. Paul. It was not to be so understood as if it were a Certainty of our being predesti­nated, which may be only a Presumption; since all God's Promises are made to us on Conditions; but it was an entire receiving the whole Gospel according to our Bap­tismal Vows. Cranmer took great Pains to state this matter right; and made a large Collection of many places, all writ­ten with his own Hand, both out of An­tient and Modern Authors, concerning Faith, Justification and the Merit of Good Works; and concluded with this, That our Justification was to be ascribed only to the Merits of Christ; and that those who are justified must have Charity as well as Faith, but that neither of these was the meritorious Cause of Justification. After this was stated, they made next a large and full Explanation of the Apostles Creed with great Judgment, and many excellent practi­cal Inferences; the Definition they gave of the Catholick Church runs thus: ‘It com­prehended all Assemblies of Men in the whole World that received the Faith of Christ, who ought to hold an Unity of Love and Brotherly Agreement together, by which they became Members of the Catholick Church:’ After this they ex­plained the seven Sacraments.

In opening these there were great De­bates; for, as was formerly mentioned, the method used, was to open the Point enquired into by proposing many Queries, And of the Sacra­menss. and eve­ry one was to give in his Answer to these, with the Reasons of it; and then others were appointed to make an Abstract of those things, in which they all either agreed or differed. The Original Papers relating to these Points are yet preserved, which shew with how great Consideration they pro­ceeded in the Changes that were then made. Cranmer had at this time some particular Opinions concerning Ecclesiastical Offices; That they were delivered from the King, as other Civil Offices were, and that Ordina­tion was not indispensibly necessary, and was only a Ceremony, that might be used or laid aside; but that the Authority was con­veyed to Church-men only by the King's Commission; yet he delivered his Opinion in this matter with great Modesty, and he not only subscribed the Book in which the contrary Doctrine was established, but afterwards published it in a Book which he writ in King Edward's days, from whence it appears that he changed his Mind in this Particular. Baptism was explained as had been done formerly; Penance was made to consist in the Absolution of the Priests which had been formerly declared only to be desirable, where it could be had. In the Com­munion, both Transubstantiation, Private Masses, and Communion in one kind, were asserted: They asserted the Obligation of [Page 251]the Levitical Law about the Degrees of Marriage, and the Indissolubleness of that Bond. They set out the Divine Institu­tion of Priests and Deacons; and that no Bishop had Authority over another: they made a long Excursion against the Pope's Pretensions, and for justifying the King's Supremacy. They said, Confirmation was instituted by the Apostles, and was profi­table, but not necessary to Salvation: and they asserted extream Unction to have been commanded by the Apostles, for the Health both of Soul and Body. Then were the Ten Commandments explained, the second was added to the first, but the Words, For I am the Lord thy God, &c. were left out. It was declared, that no Godly Honour was to be done unto Images, and that they ought only to be reverenced, for their sakes whom they represented: therefore the preferring of one Image to another, and the making Pilgrimages and Offerings to them, was condemned; but the censing them or kneeling before them was permit­ted; yet the People were to be taught that these things were done only to the Honour of God. Invocation of Saints, as Intercessors, was allowed, but immediate Addresses to them for the Blessings that were prayed for, was condemned. The strict rest from Labour on the seventh day, was declared to be Ceremonial; but it was necessary to rest from Sin, and Carnal Plea­sure, and to follow Holy Duties. The other Commandments were explained in a [Page 252]very plain and practical way. Then was the Lord's Prayer explained, and it was asserted that the People ought only to pray in their Vulgar Tongues, for exciting their Devotion the more: The Angels Salutati­on to the Virgin was also paraphrased, They handled Free-will and defined it to be a Power by which the Will guided by Reason, did without constraint discern and choose Good and Evil, the former by the help of God's Spirit, and the latter of it self. Grace was said to be offered to all Men, but was made effectual by the Appli­cation of the Free-will to it: and Grace and Free-will did consist well together, the one being added for the help of the other; and therefore Preachers were warned not to depress either of them too much, in order to the Exaltation of the other. Men were justified freely by the Grace of God, but that was applied by Faith, in which both the Fear of God, Repentance, and Amend­ment of Life were included. All curious reasonings about Predestination were con­demned; for Men could not be assured of their Election, but by feeling the Motions of God's Holy Spirit appearing in a good and a vertuous Life, and persevering in that to the end. Good Works were ne­cessary, which were not the Superstitious Inventions of Monks and Friars, nor only moral Good Works done by the Power of Nature, but were the Works of Charity flowing from a pure Heart and Faith un­feigned: Fasting and the other Fruits of [Page 253]Pennance were also Good Works; but of an Inferiour Nature to Justice and the other Vertues: Good Works were meritorious, yet since they were wrought in Men by God's Spirit; all boasting was excluded. They ended with an account of Prayer for Souls departed, almost the same that was in the Articles published before.

The Book was writ in a plain and Mas­culine Stile, fit for weak Capacities, The Book is publish­ed. and yet strong and weighty: and the parts of it that related to Practice were admirable. To this they added a Preface, declaring the Care they had used in examining the Scrip­tures and Antient Doctors, out of whom they compiled this Book. The King ad­ded another Preface, in which he condem­ned the Hypocrisy and Superstition of one sort, and the Presumption of another sort; to correct both, he had ordered this Book to be made, and published: and he required his People to read and print it in their Hearts, and to pray to God to grant them the Spirit of Humility for receiving it a­right: And he charged the Inferiour Peo­ple to remember that their Office was not to teach, but to be taught, and to practise what they heard, rather than dispute about it. But this Preface was not added till two Years after the Book was put out; for it mentions the Approbation that was given to it in Parliament, and the Restraint that was put on reading the Scriptures, of which an account shall be given after­wards.

The Reformers were dissatisfied with ma­ny things in the Book, yet were glad to find the Morals of Religion so well opened; for the Purity of Soul, which that might effect, would dispose People to sound Opi­nions; many Superstitious Practices were also condemned, and the Gospel-Covenant was rightly stated. One Article was also asserted in it, which opened the way to a further Reformation; for every National Church was declared to be a compleat Bo­dy, with Power to reform Heresies, and do e­very thing that was necessary for preserving its own Purity, or governing its Members. The Popish Party thought they had reco­vered much Ground, that seemed lost for­merly: They knew the Reformers would never submit to all things in this Book, which would alienate the King from them; but they were safe, being resolved to com­ply with him in every thing, and with­out doing that, it was like to be somewhat uneasy to live in England; for the King's Peevishness grew upon him with his Age. Now the Correspondence between the King and the German Princes fell upon the Change that was made in the Ministry, and a secret Treaty was set on foot between the King and the Emperour. All the Changes that the Committee appointed for the Ceremonies made, was only the Rasure of some Offices and Collects, and the setting out of a new Primer, with the Vulgar De­votions for the Common People: But the Changes were not so great, as that it was [Page 255]necessary to reprint the Missals or Brevia­ries; for the old Books were still made use of. Yet these Rasures were such, that in Queen Mary's time the old Books were all called in, and the Nation was put to the Charge of buying new ones, which was considerable, so great was the Number of the Books of Offices.

The Popish Party studied now to engage the King into new Severities against the Reformers; Barnes and others fall into Trouble. the first Instances of these fell on three Preachers, Barnes, Gerrard, and Jerome, who had been early wrought on by Luther's Books. Barnes had during Wolsey's Greatness, reflected much on him in a Sermon which he preached at Cam­bridg; but Gardiner was then his Friend, and brought him off; he having abjured some Articles that were objected to him: yet upon new Complaints he was again put in Prison, but he made his Escape and fled to Germany; and became so considera­ble, that he was sent over to England by the King of Denmark, as Chaplain to his Am­bassadours; but he went back again. The Bishop of Hereford meeting him at Smal­cald, sent him over to England, with a special Recommendation to Cromwell: he was after that, much imployed in the Negotiations which the King had with the Germans; and had the misfortune to be the first that was sent with the Proposition for Anne of Cleve. In Lent this Year Bonner appointed those three to have their turns at St. Paul's Cross; Gardiner preached also [Page 256]there, and fell on Justification, which he handled according to the Notions of the Schools: But Barnes and the other two did directly refute his Sermon, when it came to their turns to preach, not without indecent Reflections on his Person. This was repre­sented to the King as a great Insolence, he be­ing both a Bishop and a Privy Counsellour; so the King commanded them to go and give him Satisfaction: he seemed to carry the matter with much Moderation, and readi­ly forgave all that was personal, tho it was believed that it stuck deep in him. In Conclusion, they confessed their Indiscre­tion, and promised for the future to be more cautious, and renounced some Arti­cles of which it was thought their Sermons savoured; as that God was the Author of Sin, that Good Works were not necessa­ry to Salvation, and that Princes ought not to be obeyed in all their just Laws. Some other Niceties were in dispute con­cerning Justification; but the King thought these were not of such Consequence, that it was necessary to make them abjure them. Barnes and his Friends were required to preach a Recantation Sermon at the Spit­tle, and to ask Gardiner's Pardon; but tho they obeyed this, yet it was said that in one place, they justified what they recan­ted in another; at which the King was so much provoked, that without hearing them, he sent them to the Tower. At that time Cromwell either could not protect them, or would not interpose in a matter [Page 257]which gave the King so great Offence. When the Parliament came, they were attainted of Heresy, without being brought to make their Answers: no particular Er­rors were objected to them, only they were condemned to be burnt as detestable He­reticks in general Words. In the same Act by which they were condemned: four other were attainted of Treason, for be­ing confederated with Reginald Pool, and for intending to surprize Calais, and as there was a strange mixture in their Con­demnation, so the like was in their Execu­tions: for Abel Featherston, and Powell, that were attainted in the same Parliament for owning the Pope's Supremacy, were executed with them, and were coupled together in the Hurdles in which they were carried to Smithfield; the King in this af­fecting an extravagant Appearance of Im­partiality in his Justice.

Barnes being tied to the Stake, And burnt went over the Articles of the Creed, and declared his Belief of them all; and that he abhorred the impious Opinions of some German Ana­baptists. He asserted the necessity of Good Works, but ascribed Justification wholly to the Merits of Christ; he professed all due Reverence to the Saints; but said he saw no Warrant to pray for them; he asked the Sheriff and the People, if they knew for what they were condemned, and what Heresies they were accused of: but none made Answer; he prayed God to forgive all that sought their Death, and [Page 258]in particular, Gardiner, if he had done it: then prayed for the King and the Prince, and expressed his Loyalty to the King; that he believed all his just Laws were to be obeyed for Conscience sake, and that in no Case it was lawful to resist him: he sent some Desires to the King, as that he would apply the Abby-Lands to good Uses, and the Relief of his poor Subjects; that he would punish the Contempt of Marriage that was so common, and would put a stop to the Liberty many took of casting off their Wives, and living in Whoredom; that Swearers might be punished, and that since the King had begun to set forth the Christian Religion, that he would go on with it; for a great deal remained yet to be done: he asked the Forgiveness of all People whom he might have at any time offended, and so turned and prepared himself for Death: then the other two spoke to the same purpose; they declared their Faith, and exhorted the People to a good Life, and mutual Love; and they all pray­ed and embraced one another; after that, the Fire was set to. The Constancy they expressed, together with the Gentleness of their Deportment towards their Enemies, made great Impressions on the Spectators, and cast a heavy Imputation on Gardiner, as the Procurer of their Deaths, tho he justi­fied himself in an Apology which he prin­ted; in which he denied any other Accession to it, but giving his Vote to the Bill of At­tainder. Bonner began now to shew himself in [Page 259]his own Colours: He had courted Cromwell more than any Person whatsoever; yet the very day after his Disgrace, he shewed his Ingratitude; for Grafton that had printed the Bible, and was much in Cromwell's Favour upon that account, meeting Bonner, ex­pressed his Sorrow for Cromwell's being sent to the Tower; but the other answered, that it had been good he had been there much sooner: Grafton saw his Error in speaking so freely, and went from him: but some Verses being printed in Cromwell's Praise; Bonner informed the Council what Grafton had said to him, and so thought it was pro­bable he had printed them, yet he had so ma­ny Friends that he was let go. He procured many to be indicted upon the Act of the six Articles; but an Order came from the King to stop further Proceedings; yet he pick'd out one Instance which did equally discover his brutal Cruelty, and his want of Judgment. One Mekins not above fif­teen Years old, had said somewhat against the Corporal Presence, and in Commenda­tion of Dr. Barnes: The Witnesses differed in their Evidence, one swore he had said the Sacrament was only a Ceremony; the other swore he had said it was only a Significati­on: so two Grand Juries returned an Igno­ramus on the Bill; upon which he fell into a fit of Cursing and violent Rage, and he made the second Grand Jury go aside and consider better of it, they being terri­fied, found the Bill, and he was condem­ned to be burnt; but hoping to be pre­served [Page 260]by what he should say at the Stake; he railed at Barnes, and praised Bonner much: yet that did not save him. Two were burnt at Salisbury, and two at Lincoln, upon the same Statute; besides great Numbers that were put in Prison.

In the end of this Year, New Sees founded. the King began to endow the new Bishopricks: Westminster was the first, in which he endowed a Bishop­rick, a Deanry, 12 Prebendaries, a Quire, and other Officers. The Year after this, he endowed Chester, Glocester, and Peterbo­rough; but in these Cathedrals he only en­dowed six Prebendaries; two Years after he likewise endowed Oxford and Bristol. The Foundations had Preambles are almost the same with that of the Act of Parliament that empowred him to erect them; he pro­moted the Bishops to those Sees by a special Writ; tho that was to go thereafter in the way of Election, as it was in the other Sees: he also converted the Priories of Canterbury, Winchester, Duresme, Worcester, Ely, Rochester, and Carlile, into Collegiate Churches, consisting of Deans and Preben­daries. But as all this came much far short of what the King had at first intended; so the Channel in which those Foundations run, dif­fered much from what Cranmer had proje­cted, whose Interest was so low at Court, that his Opinion was not now regarded as it had been formerly. He intended to have resto­red the Cathedrals to what they had been at first, to be Colleges and Nurseries for the Diocess, and to have set up Readers of the [Page 261]Learned Tongues, and of Divinity, in them, that so a considerable number of young Clerks might have been trained up under the Bishop's Eye, both in their Stu­dies, and in a Course of Devotion; to be by him, put afterwards in Livings, according to their Merit and Improvements. The want of such Houses for the strict Education of those who are to serve in the Church, has been the occasion of many fatal Consequen­ces since that time, by the Scandals which Men initiated to the Sacred Functions, be­fore they were well prepared for them, have given the World. The Popish Party beyond Sea censured these Endowments, both as being a very defective Restitution of the Lands that had been invaded, and as an Invasion on the Spiritual Authority, when the King divided Diocesses, and re­moved Churches from one Jurisdiction and put them under another. To which it was answered, That as their Practices against the King had put him to such a charge, that he could not execute what he at first intended; so both the Roman Emperours, and other Christian Kings, had regulated and divided the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and made Primates and Patriarchs as they pleased. Ely in England, was taken out of Lincoln, only by the King and his Par­liament; tho P. Nicolaus did officiously send a Confirmation of it, that being an Art of the Papacy to offer Confirmations unsought; and afterwards to found a Right on such a Precedent: So that the [Page 262]receiving a Confirmation, was made to pass, for an acknowledgment of an Autho­rity in that See to grant it; upon which the Popes afterwards pretended, that such things could not be done without their consent. Here the Series of the King's Advances towards a Reformation, ends; what he did after this, was by Starts, backwards or forwards, as the humour took him: Nor was he steady in his Councils in State-Affairs: He had no Mi­nister about him, that had an Ascendent over him. Sickness and Years increased his Imperious Temper; so that his Coun­sellors had a hard task to please him, and many Errours were committed by him.

A new Impression of the Bible was at this time finished: 1541 The Bible set up in Churches. And the King required all Parishes to provide one of them by the next All-hallowtide, under the pain of 40 s. a Month after that, till they had got one. The People were also charged not to dis­pute about it, nor to disturb Divine Ser­vice by reading it during the Mass; but to read it humbly and reverently for their Instruction and Edification. Six of these were set up in divers Places of St. Pauls: But Bonner being afraid of the Mischief they might do, posted up near them an Admo­nition to the People, That none should read them with vain Glory, and corrupt Affections, or draw Multitudes about them when they read them. But great numbers gathered about those that read; and such as had good Voices, used to be reading [Page 263]them aloud a great part of the Day. Many set their Children to School, and when they had learn'd to read, they carri'd them to Church to read the Bibles; some began likewise to argue from them, particularly against taking away the Chalice in the Communion, and the Worship in an unknown Tongue. Upon which, Bonner set up a new Adver­tisement, and threatned to remove them, if these abuses were not corrected: And upon the Complaints made of those things, the free use of the Scriptures was after­wards much restrained. This Year the King added to his former Foundations, two Col­legiat Churches at Burton upon Trent, and Thornton, consisting of a Dean and four Prebendaries apiece. Cranmer observing the Excesses in Bishops Tables, by which, under the name of Hospitality, so much was consumed in great Entertainments, that they were disabled from more neces­sary and profitable Acts of Charity, made a Regulation, that an Archbishop should not have above six Dishes of Meat, and four of Banquet; a Bishop not above five, of Meat, and four of Banquet; a Dean or Arth-deacon, not above four, and two of the one, and the other; and Inferiour Church-men might not have above two Dishes. But this did not take effect; and Sumptuous Tables still continued; tho the Revenues were much impaired; and thus besides the other ill Effects of these, a great part of the Church-rents goes for En­tertaining the Rich, which should be applied to the Poor.

This Summer the King went to York, to meet his Nephew the King of Scotland, who promised him an Enterview there. He was an Extraordinary Prince, The Af­fairs of Scotland. a great Pa­tron, both of Learning and Justice; but out of measure addicted to his Pleasures. The Clergy of Scotland were very Appre­hensive of his seeing his Uncle, lest King Henry might have perswaded him to follow the Copy he had set to his Neighbours: and they used such perswasions, that these seconded by a Message from France, divert­ed the King from his purpose. Here I shall digress a little, to give an account of the State of Scotland, at this time. The long Alli­ance between Scotland and France, made that Paris was the place where the Learned of that Nation had their Education: Yet after the Year 1412, Learning came to have more footing there, and Universities were set up in several Episcopal Sees. At the same time, some of Wickliff's Followers began to creep into Scotland; and one Resby, an Englishman, was burnt (1407) for teaching some Opinions contrary to the Pope's Authority. Some Years after that, Paul Craw, an Hussite and Bohemian, was burnt, for infusing the Opinions of that Party, into some at St. Andrews. About the end of that Century, Lollardy, as it was then called, was spread into many parts of the Diocess in Glasgow: For which, several Persons of Quality were accused: But they answered the Archbishop of that See, with such Assurance, that he dismissed [Page 265]them; having admonish'd them, to con­tent themselves with the Faith of the Church, and to beware of new Doctrines. The same Spirit of Ignorance, Immora­lity, and Superstition, had over-run the Clergy there, that was so much complained of in the other parts of Europe: only it may be supposed, that in Nations less Polite and Learned, it was in Proportion great­er then it was elsewhere. The total neglect of the Pastoral Care, and the gross Scan­dals of the Clergy, possessed the People with such Prejudices against them, that they were easily disposed to hearken to new Preachers. Patrick Hamilton, nobly born, Nephew by his Father to the Earl of Aran, and to the Duke of Albany by his Mother, was bred up on design to be highly preferred; and had an Abby given him for prosecuting his Studies. He went to travel, and in Germany grew ac­quainted with Luther and Melancthon, and being possessed with their Opinions, he returned to Scotland, and laid open the Errours and Corruptions then received in the Church. He was invited to St. Andrews, to confer concerning these Points, upon which he was condemned, and put in Prison. Articles were objected to him; and upon his refusing to abjure them, Beaton, Archbishop of St Andrews, with the Archbishop of Glasgow, 3 Bishops, and 5 Abbots, condemned him, as an obstinate Heretick, and delivered him to the Secu­lar Power, and ordered the Execution to [Page 266]be that Afternoon; for the King had gone in Pilgrimage to Ross; and they were afraid, lest upon his Return, Hamilton's Friends might have interceeded effectually for him. He was tied to the Stake, and expressed great Joyes in his Sufferings, since by these he was to enter into Everlast­ing Life. A Train of Powder being fired, it did not kindle the Fewel, but only burnt his Face: So a stop was made till more Powder was brought; and in that time the Friars call'd oft to him to recant, and pray to the Virgin, and to say the Salve Regina: One Frier Campbel, was very officious among the rest, who had been oft with him in Prison. He answered him, That he knew he was not an Heretick, and had confess'd it to him in private; and he charged him to answer for that to God. By this time the Gun-powder was brought, and the Fire was kindled, and he died, often repeating these Words, Lord Jesus receive my Soul. Campbel be­came soon after, Frantick, and died with­in a Year. Both these laid together, made great Impressions on the People: And now that these Points began to be inquir­ed into, many received the new Opinions. Seaton, a Dominican, the King's Confessor, preaching in Lent, set out the Nature of true Repentance, and the Method to it, without mixing the Directions which the Friars commonly gave on that Subject; and when another Friar shewed the de­fectiveness of what he had taught, he de­fended [Page 267]himself in another Sermon, and reflected on those Bishops that did not preach, and cal­led them dumb Dogs. But the Clergy would not meddle with him, till they found him in ill Terms with the King; and the free­dom he used in reproving him for his Vices, quickly alienated the King from him, upon which they resolved to fall on him; but he withdrew into England, and wrote to the King, taxing the Clergy for their Cruelty, and praying him to restrain it. One Forrest, an ignorant Benedictine, was accused for having spoken Honourably of Patrick Hamilton, and was put in Prison. In Confession to a Friar, he acknowledg­ed, he thought he was a good Man, and that the Articles for which he was con­demned, might be defended. The Friar discovered this, and it was received as E­vidence, and upon it he was condemned and burnt. Divers others were brought into the Bishop's Courts, of whom, the greatest part abjured; but two were more resolute: one Gourley denied Purgatory, and the Pope's Authority; another was David Smi­ton, who being a Fisherman, had refused to pay the Tithe of his Fish; and when the Vicar came to take them, he said, the Tithe was taken where the Stock grew, and therefore he threw the tenth Fish into the Sea: For this and other Opinions, he was condemned, and they were both burnt at one Stake. Several others were accused; of whom some fled to England, and others went over to Germany. The Changes made in [Page 268] England, raised in all the People a curio­sity of searching into matters of Religion, and that was always fatal to Superstiti­on. Pope Clement the 7th, wrote earnest­ly to the King of Scotland, to continue firm to the Catholick Faith: Upon which he called a Parliament, and made new Laws, for maintaining the Pope's Autho­rity, and proceeding against Hereticks; yet the Pope could not engage him to make War on England. King Henry sent Barlow, Bishop of St. Davids, to him, with some Books that were written in Defence of his Pro­ceedings, and desired him to examine them Impartially. He also proposed the Enterview at York, and a Match be­tween him and Lady Mary, the King's eldest Daughter; and promised that he should be made Duke of York, and Lord Lieutenant of the whole Kingdom. Yet the Clergy diverted him from this, and perswaded him to go in Person to France, and court the Daughter of that King, Magdalene. He married her in January 1537; but she died in May. She had been bred in the Queen of Navarre's Court, and so was well disposed towards the Re­formation. Upon her Death, the King married Mary of Guise; she was a Branch of the Family of all Europe, that was most zealously addicted to the old Superstition; and her Interest joined with the Cler­gy's, engaged the King to become a vio­lent Persecuter of all that were of another mind.

The King was very expensive, both in his Pleasures, and Buildings; and had a nu­merous Race of Bastards; A Perse­cution set on foot in Scotland. so that he came to want Mony much. The Nobility pro­posed to him, the seizing on the Abbey-Lands, as his Uncle had done. The Cler­gy on the other hand advised him, to pro­ceed severely against all suspected of Here­sy: By which means, according to the Lists they shewed him, he might raise 100000 Crowns a Year: They also advised him to provide his Children to Abbies, and Priories; and represented to him, That if he continued stedfast in the old Religi­on, he would still have a great Party in England; and might be made the Head of a League, which was then in Project a­gainst King Henry. This so far prevailed with him, that as he made four of his Sons, Abbots and Priors, so he gave way to the persecuting Spirit of the Clergy: Upon which, many were cited to answer for He­resy; of these many abjured; and some were banisht. A Canon Regular, a Secular Priest, two Friars, and a Gentleman, were burnt. Forrest, the Canon Regular, had been reproved by his Ordinary, the Bishop of Dunkell, for meddling with the Scriptures too much. He told him, he had lived long, and had never known what was in the Old or New Testament; but contented himself with his Portoise and Pontifical, and that he might come to repent it, if he troubled himself with such Fancsies. The Archbishop of Glasgow, [Page 270]was a very moderate Man, and disliked cruel Proceedings. Russel, a Friar, and Kennedy, a young Man, of 18 Years of Age, were brought before him; they ex­pressed wonderful Joy, and a steady Reso­lution in their Sufferings. And after a long dispute between Russel and the Bi­shop's Divines, Russel concluded, This is your Hour, and the Power of Darkness; go on, and fill up the Measures of your Iniquities. The Archbishop was unwilling to give Sentence; he said, he thought these Exe­cutions did the Church more Hurt than Good. But those about him, told him, He must not take a Way different from the rest of the Bishops; and threatned him so, that he pronounced Sentence. They were burned; but they gave such Demonstra­tions of Patience and Joy, as made no small Impression on all that saw it, or heard of it. Among those that were in trouble, George Buchanan was one, who at the King's Instigations, had writ a very sharp Poem against the Franciscans, but was now abandoned by him. He made his Escape, and lived 20 Years in Forraign Parts, and at last returned to do his Coun­try Honour; and what by his Immortal Poems, what by his History of Scotland, he shewed both how great a Master he was in the Roman Tongue; and how true a Judge he was, both in Wit, and in the Know­ledge of Human Affairs, (if Passion had not corrupted him towards the end of his History) that he is justly to be reckoned [Page 271]the greatest and best of the Modern Wri­ters. So much of the Affairs of Scotland, the Author's Native Country.

King Henry stayed not long at York, The Queen's ill Life is discovered. since his Nephew came not to him. He set out a Proclamation there, inviting all that had been of late oppressed, to come in and make their Complaints, and he pro­mised to repair them. This was done to cast the Load of all past Errours upon Cromwel. The King was mightily wrought on by the Charms of his Wife; so that on the First of November, he gave publick thanks to God for the happy Choice he had made: But this did not last long; for the next day Cranmer came, and gave him an account of the Queen's ill Life, which one Lassells had revealed to him, as hav­ing learnt it from his Sister. She had been very lewd before her Marriage, both with one Deirham, and one Mannock. Cranmer, by the Advice of the other Privy Counsel­lors, put this in Writing, and delivered it to the King, not knowing how to open it in Discourse. The King was struck with it, and at first inclined to believe it was a Forgery; yet he ordered a strict en­quiry to be made into it, but he quickly found Proof enough; for the Queen had so far cast off both Modesty, and the Fear of a Discovery, that several Women had been Witnesses to her Lewdness. It also appeared, that she had intended to con­tinue in that ill Course, for she had brought Deirham into her Service; and [Page 272]at Lincoln, by the Lady Rochford's means, one Culpeper was brought to her in the Night, and stayed many Hours with her in a Cellar, and at his going away, she gave him a Gold Chain. The Queen, after a slight denial which she made at first, did at last confess all. Deirham, and Cul­peper, were executed, and a Parliament was called upon it. When it met, a Commit­tee was sent to examine the Queen: Their Report is recorded only in General, That she confessed, but no Particulars are men­tioned. Upon that they pass'd an Act, in the Form of a Petition. ‘In it they prayed the King, that the Queen and her Complices, with her Bawd the Lady Rochford, might be attainted of Treason: And that all those who knew of the Queen's Vicious Course before her Mar­riage, might be attainted of Misprision of Treason, for not revealing it to the King, before he married her. Among those were, her Father, and Mother, and her Grand-Mother, the Dutchess of Norfolk. It was also declared Treason, to know any thing of the Incontinence of any Queen for the future, and not to reveal it. And it was made Treason, in any whom the King intended to marry, judging they were Maids, not to reveal it, if they were not such.’ The Queen and the Lady Rochford were beheaded on the 14th of February. She confessed her In­continence before her Marriage, but de­nied to the last that she had broken her [Page 273]Wed-lock, tho the Lasciviousness of her former Life, made the World easy to be­lieve the worst things of her. 1542 All obser­ved the Judgments of God on the Lady Rochford, who had been so instrumental in the Ruine of Ann Bolleyn, and of her Husband: And when she, to whose Ar­tifices their Fall was in a great Measure ascribed, was found to be so vile a Wo­man, it tended much to raise their Repu­tation again. The attainting her Kind­red and Parents, for not discovering her former Lewdness, was thought extream Severity: for it had been a hard piece of Duty to the King, in them, to have dis­covered such a Secret: Yet tho they lay some time in Prison, the King pardoned them all afterwards, when his Rage was a little qualified. That other Proviso, obliging a young Woman to discover her own Faultiness, if the King should make Love to her, was thought a Piece of grievous Tiranny: And upon this, those that rallied that Sex, took occasion to say, that after this, none who was reputed a Maid, could be induced to marry the King: So that it was not so much choice, as necessity, that made him marry a Wi­dow, two Years after. Some Hospitals were this Year resigned to the King; but there was good ground to question the Va­lidity of those Deeds, because by their Statutes it was provided, that the Consent of all the Fellows, was necessary to make their Deeds good in Law. So those Sta­tutes [Page 274]were now by a special Act annulled, and this made way for the Dissolution of many Hospitals.

The Bishops sitting in Convocation, A Design to suppress the Bible. took great pains to suppress the English Bible; but the King could not be pre­vailed on directly to call it in. So they complained much of the Translation then set out; and intended to procure a Con­demnation of that, and then to set about a new one, in which it would be easy to put such Delayes, that it should not be finished in many Years. Gardiner did also propose a singular Conceit, that many of the Latin Words should be still retain­ed in the English; for he thought they had either such a Majesty, or so peculiar a Signification, that they could not be fitly rendered. He proposed an hundred of those, and it seems hoped, that if this could be carried, the Translation would be so full of Latine Words, that the People should not understand it for all its being in English. Cranmer, perceiving that the Bible was the great Eye-sore of that Par­ty; and that they were resolved to sup­press it by all the means they could think of, procured an Order from the King, referring the Correction of the Translation to the two Universities. The Bishops took this very ill; and all of them, except the Bishops of Ely, and St. Davids, protested against it. Bonner 's Injuncti­ons.

At this time Bonner, gave some Injun­ctions to his Clergy, which had a strain [Page 275]in them, so far different from the other parts of his Life, that it is probable, he drew them not himself. ‘He required his Clergy to read every day a Chapter in the Bible, with some Gloss upon it; and to study the Book set out by the Bi­shops: That they should imploy no Cu­rats, but such as he approved of: That they should take care to instruct young Children well, in the Principles of the Christian Religion: That they should not go to Taverns; nor use unlawful Games, chiefly on Sundays or Holy-days: That they should perform all the Duties of their Function, decently, and seri­ously: That they should suffer no Plays, nor Enterludes in Churches: And that in their Sermons, they should explain the Gospel and Epistle for the Day; and study to stir up the People to Good Works, and to Prayer; and should ex­plain all the Ceremonies of the Church, but should forbear all railing or the reci­ting of fabulous Stories, and should chiefly set forth the Excellencies of Vertue, and the Vileness of Sin: and that none under the degree of a Bishop should preach with­out a License.’

In the former times there had been few or no Sermons, except in Lent; The way of preach­ing in that time. for on Holy Days the Sermons were Panegyricks on the Saints, and on the virtue of their Relicks. But in Lent there was a more solemn way of preaching; and the Friars maintained their Credit much by the pa­thetick [Page 276]Sermons they preached in that time, by which they wrought much on the Affections of the People; yet these for the most part tended most to extol some of the Laws of the Church, as Fasting, Con­fession, and other Austerities, with the ma­king Pilgrimages; but they were careful to acquaint the People as little as was pos­sible, with the true Simplicity of Christia­nity, or the Scriptures; and they seemed to design rather to raise a sudden Heat, than to work a real Change in their Auditors. They had also mixt so much out of Legends with their Sermons, that the People came to disbelieve all that they said for the sake of those Fabulous things, with which their Ser­mons were embased. The Reformers took great care to instruct their Hearers in the Fundamentals of Religion, of which they had known little formerly: This made the Na­tion run after these Teachers with a won­derful Zeal; but they mixed too much Sharp­ness against the Friars in their Sermons, which was judged indecent in them to do; tho their Hypocrisy and Cheats did in a great measure excuse those Heats: and it was observed that our Saviour had exposed the Pharisees in so plain a manner, that it did very much justify the treating them with some Roughness; yet it is not to be denied but Resentments for the Cruelties they or their Friends had suffered by their means, might have too much Influence on them. This made it seem necessary to suffer none to preach, at least out of their own Parishes, [Page 277]without Licence, and many were licensed to preach as Itinerants. There was also a Book of Homilies on all the Epistles and Gospels in the Year, put out, which con­tained a plain Paraphrase of those Parcels of Scripture; together with some practi­cal Exhortations founded on them. Many Complaints were made of those that were licensed to preach, and that they might be able to justify themselves, they began gene­rally to write and read their Sermons: and thus did this Custom begin, in which, what is wanting in the heat and force of Delivery, is much made up by the strength and solidity of the Matter; and has produced many Vo­lumes of as excellent Sermons, as have been preached in any Age. Plays and Enterludes were a great Abuse in that time; in them Mock-Representations were made both of the Clergy and of the Pageantry of their Worship. The Clergy complained much of these as an Introduction to Atheism, when things Sacred were thus laught at; and said, They that begun to laugh at Abuses, would not cease till they had represented all the Mysteries of Religion as ridiculous: The graver sort of Reformers did not ap­prove of it, but political Men encouraged it; and thought nothing would more ef­fectually pull down the Abuses, that yet remained, than the exposing them to the scorn of the Nation.

A War did now break out between Eng­land and Scotland at the Instigation of the King of France. A War with Scot­land. King Henry set out a [Page 278]Declaration, pretending that the Crown of Scotland owed Homage to him: and cited many Precedents to shew that Homage was done not only by their Kings, but by con­sent of the States; for which Original Re­cords were appealed to. The Scots on the other hand, asserted that they were a free and independent Kingdom; that the Ho­mages antiently made by their Kings, were only for Lands which they had in England; and that those more lately made, were ei­ther offered by Pretenders in the case of a doubtful Title, or were extorted by Force: And they said, their Kings could not give up the Rights of a free Crown and People. The Duke of Norfolk made an In-road into Scotland, with 20000 Men in October: but after he had burnt some small Towns, and wasted Teviotdale, he retur­ned back to England. In the end of No­vember an Army of 15000 Scots with a good Train of Artillery, was brought to­gether: They intended to march into Eng­land by the Western Road. The King went to it in Person; but he was at this time, much disturbed in his Fancy, and thought the Ghost of one whom he had unjustly put to death, followed him continually; he not only left the Army, but sent a Com­mission to Oliver Sinclare, then called his Mi­nion, to command in chief. This disgusted the Nobility very much, who were become weary of the Insolence of that Favourite: so they refused to march, and were begin­ning to separate. While they were in this [Page 279]Disorder, 500 English appeared, and they apprehending it was a fore Party of the Duke of Norfolk's Army, refused to fight; so the English fell upon them and dispersed them: they took all their Ordinance and Baggage, and 1000 Prisoners, of whom 200 were Gentlemen. The chief of these were the Earls of Glencarn and Cassilis: The News of this so over-charged the Me­lancholy King, that he died soon after; leaving only an Infant Daughter newly born to succeed him. The Lords that were taken, were brought up to London, and lodged in the Houses of the English Nobi­lity: Cassilis was sent to Lambeth, where he received those Seeds of Knowledg, which produced afterwards a great Harvest in Scotland. The other Prisoners were also instructed to such a degree, that they came to have very different Thoughts of the Changes that had been made in England, from what the Scotish Clergy had possessed them with; who had encouraged their King to engage in the War, both by the assurance of Victory, since he fought against an Heretical Prince, and the Contribution of 50000 Crowns a Year. The King's Death, and the Crowns falling to his Daughter, made the English Council lay hold on this as a proper Conjuncture for uniting the whole Island in one: therefore they sent for the Scotish Lords, and propo­sed to them, the marrying the Prince of Wales to their young Queen; this the Scots liked very well, and promised to pro­mote [Page 280]it all they could: And so upon their giving Hostages for the performing their Promises faithfully, 1543 they were sent home, and went away much pleased both with the Splendor of the King's Court, and with the way of Religion which they had seen in England.

A Parliament was called, A Parlia­ment cal­led. in which the King had great Subsidies given him, of six Shillings in the Pound, to be paid in three Years. A Bill was proposed for the advancement of true Religion, by Cranmer, and some other Bishops; for the Spirits of the Popish Party were much fallen ever since the last Queen's Death; yet at this time a Treaty was set on foot between the King and the Emperour, which raised them a little: for since the King was like to engage in a War with France, it was necessary for him to make the Emperour his Friend. Cranmer's Motion was much opposed, and the timorous Bishops for­sook him; yet he put it as far as it would go, An Act about Re­ligion. tho in most Points things went against him; ‘By it Tindall's Translation of the Bible was condemned as crafty and false, and also all other Books contrary to the Doctrine set forth by the Bishops. But Bibles of another Translation, were still allowed to be kept, only all Prefaces or Annotations that might be in them, were to be dashed or cut out: All the King's Injunctions were confirmed: No Books of Religion might be printed without Licence; there was to be no Exposition [Page 281]of Scripture in Plays or Enterludes; none of the Laity might read the Scripture, or explain it in any publick Assembly: But a Proviso was made for publick Speeches, which then began generally with a Text of Scripture, and were like Sermons. Noblemen, Gentlemen and their Wives, or Merchants might have Bibles, but no or­dinary Woman, Tradesman, Apprentice, or Husbandman, might have any. Every Person might have the Book set out by the Bishops, and the Psalter, and other Rudi­ments of Religion in English. All Church­men that preached contrary to that Book, for the first Offence, were only required to recant; for the second, to abjure and carry a Faggot; but were to be burnt for the third: the Laity for the third Offence were only to forfeit their Goods and Chattels, and to be liable to perpetu­al Imprisonment; but they were to be proceeded against within a Year: The Parties accused, were not allowed Wit­nesses for their Purgation. The Act of the six Articles was confirmed, and it was left free to the King, to change this Act, or any Proviso in it.’ There was also a new Act past, giving Authority to the King's Proclamations, and any nine Privy Counsellours were empowered to proceed a­gainst Offenders: To this the Lord Mountjoy dissented, and it is the only Instance of any Protestation against any of the publick Acts that past in this whole Reign. By the Act about Religion, as the Laity were delivered [Page 282]from the fear of Burning; so the Clergy might not be burnt but upon the third Con­viction. The Act being also put entirely in the King's Power, he had now the Reformers all at mercy; for he could bind up the Act, or execute it as he pleased: and he affected this much to have his People depend entire­ly upon him. The League offensive and defensive for England and Calais, and for the Netherlands, was sworn by the King and the Emperour: and Assurances were given, that tho the King would not declare Lady Mary legitimate, upon which the Emperour insisted much, yet she should be put in the Succession to the Crown next Prince Edward. The Emperour was glad thus to engage the Kings of England and France in a War, by which the Germans were left without Support, and so he resol­ved to carry on his great design of making himself Master of Germany.

In Scotland the Earl of Arran, Affairs in Scotland. Hamilton, next in Blood to the young Queen, was established in the Government during the Queen's Minority: he was a Man of great Vertue, and much inclined to the Refor­mation; but was soft and easie to be wrought on. King Henry sent Sir Ralph Sadler to him, to induce him to set forward the Match; and to offer him Lady Eliza­beth to his Son. It was agreed and confir­med in Parliament, that the Young Queen should be bred in Scotland till she was ten Years old; the King of England sending a Nobleman and his Lady with others not [Page 283]exceeding twenty, to wait on her: and after that Age, she was to be sent to England; and in the mean while six Hostages were to be given: but all the Clergy headed by Cardinal Beaton, set themselves much a­gainst this. The Queen-Mother opposed it much, and it was also said, a Match with the French, would be more for the Inte­rest of the Nation, who being at so great a distance, could not oppress them so easily as the English might: for if the French op­prest them, the English would be ready to protect them, but if they came under the Yoke of England, they could expect no Protection from any other Prince. This meeting with that Antipathy that was then formed between the two Nations, and be­ing inflamed by the Clergy, turned the Peo­ple generally to prefer a Match with France, to that which was proposed for the Prince of Wales. The French sent over the Earl of Lennox to make a Party against the Gover­nour; they sent also over the Governour's Base-Brother, afterwards made Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, to take him out of the hands of the English: and he made him appre­hend great danger if he went on in his Opposition to the Interests of Rome, that he would be declared illegitimate, as being begotten in a second Marriage, while the first that was annulled because of a Precon­tract, did subsist; for if the annulling the first should be reversed, then the second could be of no force; and if that were once done, the Earl of Lennox, who was next [Page 284]to him in blood, would be preferred to him: These threatnings joyned with his Brother's Artifices, had their full Effect on him: for he turned off wholly from the Interests of England, and gave himself up to the French Councils. When it was thus resolved to break the Match with England; the Lords that had left Hostages for their faithful performing the Promises they made to King Henry, were little concerned either in their own Honour, or in the safety of their Hostages: only the Earl of Cassilis, thought it was unworthy of him, to break his Faith in such a manner; so he came into England, and put himself in King Henry's Hands, who upon that called him another Regulus, but used him better; for he gave him his Liberty and a Noble Present, and sent him back with his Hostages, but re­solved to take a severe Reparation of those who had failed him in that Kingdom. At the same time he began the War with France; one of the Reasons he gave for it was, that Francis had failed in the matter of shaking off the Pope's Authority, and advancing a Reformation, in which he had promised to second him.

The King married Katherine Parre, Some burnt at Windsor. Wi­dow to Nevill, Lord Latimer: She secret­ly favoured the Reformation, but could not divert a Storm which fell then on a Society at Windsor. Person a Priest, Test­wood and Marbeck, two Singing-men, and Filmer, one of the Town, were informed against by Dr. London, who had insinuated [Page 271]himself much into Cromwel's Favour, and was eminently zealous in the Suppression of the Monasteries: But now he made his Court no less dextrously to the Popish Party. Gardiner moved in Council, That a Commission might be granted for search­ing all suspected Houses, for Books writ­ten against the six Articles: So the four before mentioned, were found to have some of them; and upon that account were seized on. Sir Philip Hobbey, and Dr. Hains, Dean of Exeter, were also put in Prison. There was a Concordance of the Bible, and some Notes upon it, in English, found written by Marbeck, which was look'd on as the Work of some learned Man, for it was known that he was illi­terate. Marbeck said, the Notes were his own, gathered by him, out of such Books as he fell on. And for the Concordance, he said, he compiled it by the help of a La­tin Concordance, and an English Bible, tho he understood little Latin. He had brought it to the Letter L. This seemed so incredible, that it was look'd on only as a Pretence to conceal the true Author; so to try him, they gave him some Words of the Letter M, and shut him up, with a Latin Concordance, and an English Bible; and by his Performance in that, they clear­ly saw, that the whole Work was his own, and were not a little astonished at the Ingeniousness and Diligence of so poor a Man. When the King heard of it, he said, Marbeck was better imployed than [Page 286]they were that examined him: So he was preserved, tho the other three were con­demned, for some Words which they had spoken against the Mass, and upon that were burnt. Dr. London, and Simonds an Attorney, had taken some Informations against several Persons of Quality at Court, and intended to have carried the Design very high. But a great Pacquet, in which all their Project was disclosed by them, being intercepted, they were sent for, and examined about it; but they denied it upon Oath, not knowing that their Let­ters were taken; and were not a little confounded when their own Hand­writing was shewed them. So they were convicted of Perjury, and were set on a Pillory, and made ride about with their Faces to the Horses Tails, and Papers on their Breasts, in three several Places, which did so affect Dr. London, that he died soon after. Cranmer 's Ruine is designed.

The chief thing aimed at by the whole Popish Party was Cranmer's Ruine; Gar­diner imploied many to infuse it into the King, that he gave the chief Encouragement to Heresy of any in England, and that it was in vain to lop off the Branches, and leave the Root still growing. The King till then would never hear the Complaints that were made of him: But now to pe­netrate into the depth of this Design, he was willing to draw out all that was to be said against him. Gardiner reckoned, that this Point being gained, all the rest would [Page 287]follow: And judged, that the King was now alienated from him; and so more In­struments and Artifices than ever were now made use of. A long Paper, of many Par­ticulars, both against Cranmer, and his Chap­lains, was put in the King's hands. So upon this the King sent for him; and after he had complained much of the Heresy in England, he said, He resolved to find out the chief Promoter of it, and to make him an Ex­ample. Cranmer wished him first to con­sider well what Heresy was, that so he might not condemn those as Hereticks, who stood for the Word of God against Hu­mane Inventions. Then the King told him franckly, That he was the Man com­plained of, as most guilty; and shewed him all the Informations that he had re­ceived against him. Cranmer confessed, he was still of the same mind that he was of when he opposed the six Articles, and submitted himself to a Trial: He confess­ed many things to the King; in particular, that he had a Wife, but he said he had sent her out of England, when the Act of the six Articles past; and expressed so great a Sin­cerity, and put so entire a Confidence in the King, that instead of being ruined, he was now better established with him than former­ly. The King commanded him to appoint some to examine the Contrivance that was laid to destroy him. He answered, That it was not decent for him to nominate any to judge in a Cause, in which himself was concerned: Yet the King was positive; so [Page 288]so he named some to go about it, and the whole secret was found out. It appear­ed, that Gardiner, and Dr. London, had been the chief Sticklers, and had encour­aged Informers to appear against him. Cranmer did not press the King to give him any Reparation; for he was so noted for his readiness to forgive Injuries, and to do Good for Evil, that it was common­ly said, that the best way to obtain his Favour, was to do him an Injury; of this he gave signal Instances at this time, both in Relation to some of the Clergy and Lai­ty; by which it appeared that he was acted by that meek and lowly Spirit, that became all the Followers of Christ; but more particularly one, that was so great an Instrument in reforming the Christian Re­ligion; and did in such eminent Acts of Charity, shew that he himself practised that, which he taught others to do.

A Parliament was now called, 1544 The Act of the Suc­cession. in which the great Act of Succession to the Crown past: ‘By it the Crown was first provided to Prince Edward and his Heirs, or the Heirs by the King's present Marriage; after them to Lady Mary and Lady Eli­zabeth, and in case they had no Issue, or did not observe such Limitations or Con­ditions as the King should appoint, then it was to fall to any other whom the King should name, either by his Letters Patents, or by his last Will signed with his Hand. An Oath was appointed both against the Pope's Supremacy, and for the maintaining [Page 289]Succession according to this Act, which all were required to take, under the pains of Treason: It was made Treason to say or write any thing contrary to this Act, or to the Slander of any of the King's Heirs named in it.’ By this, tho the King did not Legitimate his Daughters, yet it was made Criminal for any to object Bastardy to them. Another Act past, qualifying the Severity of the Act of the six Articles; none were to be imprisoned but upon a Legal Presentment, except upon the King's Warrant. None was to be challenged for Words, but within a Year; nor for a Sermon, but within 40 Days. This was made to prevent such Conspiracies as had been discovered the former Year. Another Act past, renewng the Autho­rity given to 32 to reform the Ecclesiasti­cal Law, which Cranmer promoted much; and to set it forward, he drew out of the Canon Law, a Collection of many things against the Regal, and for the Papal Au­thority, with several other very Extra­vagant Propositions, to shew how Inde­cent a thing it was, to let a Book, in which such things were, continue still in any credit in England: But he could not bring this to any good Issue, during this Reign. Another Act past, discharging all the King's Debts; and they also required such as had received payment to bring back the Mo­ney into the Exchequer. This was tax­ed as a piece of gross Injustice; and it was thought strange, that since the King had [Page 290]done this once before, he could have the credit to raise more Mony, and be tempted to do it a second time. A General Pardon was granted, out of which, Heresy was ex­cepted.

The King was now engaged in a War, The King makes War on France and Scot­land. both with France and Scotland; and to make his Treasure hold out the longer, he embased the Coin in a very Extraordinary manner. The Earl of Hartford was sent with an Army by Sea to Scotland; he landed at Grantham, a little above Leith. He burnt both Leith and Edinburgh; but he neither staied to take the Castle of Edin­burgh, nor did he Fortify Leith, but on­ly wasted the Country, all the Way from that to Berwick. He did too much if it was intended to gain the Hearts of that Nation; and too little if it was intended to subdue them; for this did only inflame their Spirits more, by which, they were so united in their Aversion to England, that the Earl of Lennox, who had been cast off by France, and was gone over to the English Interest, could make no Party in the West, but was forced for his own Preservation to fly into England. Audley the Chancellour, dying at this time, Wrio­thesly, that was of the Popish Party, was put in his place: And Dr. Petre, that was hitherto Cranmer's Friend, was made Se­cretary of State: So equally did the King keep the Ballance between both Parties, and being to cross the Seas, he left a Com­mission for the Administration of Affairs, [Page 291]during his Absence, to the Queen, the Archbishop, the Chancellour, the Earl of Hartford, and Secretary Petre: And if they should have any occasion to raise any Force, he appointed the Earl of Hart­ford, his Lieutenant. He gave order also to Translate the Prayers, and Processions, and Litanies, into the English Tongue, which gave the Reformers some hopes again, that he had not quite cast off his Designes of corrupting such Abuses, as had crept into the Worship of God. And they hoped, That the Reasons which prevailed with the King for this, would also induce him to order a Translation, of all the other Offices into the English Tongue.

The King crossed the Sea with great Pomp, The King takes Bul­loign. the Sails of his Ship being of Cloth of Gold. He sat down before Bulloign, and took it after a Siege of two Months. It was soon after very near being retaken by a Surprise, but the Garison being quickly put in order, beat out the French. Thus the King returned Victorious; and was as much flattered for taking this single Town, as if he had conquered a Kingdom. The Inroads that were made into Scotland this Winter, were Insuccessful.

The King of France set out a Fleet of above 300 Ships; 1545 and the King set out a hundred Sail: On both sides they were only Merchant-men hired upon this Occa­sion. The French made two Descents upon England, but was beat back with [Page 292]loss. The English made a Descent in Nor­mandy, and burnt some Towns. The Princes of Germany saw their Danger, if this War went on; for the Pope and Em­perour had made a League for procuring Obedience to the Council, that was now opened at Trent. The Emperour was raising an Army, tho he had made Peace both with the King of France, and the Turk; and was resolved to make good use of this Opportunity, the two Crowns being now in War. So the Germans sent to me­diate a Peace between them: but it stuck long at the business of Bulloign.

Lee, Archbishop of York, died this Year. Holgate was removed from Landaffe thi­ther, who in his Heart favoured the Re­formation. Kitchin was put in Landaffe, who turned with every Change that was made. Heath was removed from Rochester to Worcester; and Holbeach was put in Rochester. Day was made Bishop of Chi­chester. All those were moderate Men, and well disposed to a Reformation, at least to comply with it.

This Year Wishart was burnt in Scotland: Wishart burnt in Scotland. He was Educated at Cambridge, and went home the former Year. In many places he preached against Idolatry, and the other Abuses in Religion. He stayed long at Dundee; but by the means that Cardi­nal Beaton used, he was driven out of that Town; and at his Departure, he de­nounced heavy Judgments on them, for rejecting the Gospel. He went and preach­ed [Page 293]in many other places, and Enterance to the Churchs being denied him, he preached in the Fields. He would not suffer the People to open the Church Doors by Violence, for that, he said, became not the Gospel of Peace which he preach­ed to them. He heard the Plague had broke out in Dundee, within four Days after he was banished; so he returned thither, and took care of the Sick, and did all the Offices of a faithful Pastor among them. He shewed his Gentleness towards his Enemies, by rescuing a Priest that was coming to kill him, but was dis­covered, and was like to have been torn in pieces by the People. He foretold se­veral extraordinary things; particular­ly his own Sufferings, and the spreading the Reformation over the Land. He preached last in Lothian, and there the Earl of Both­wel took him, but promised upon his Ho­nour, that no harm should be done him; yet he delivered him to the Cardinal, who brought him to St. Andrews, and called a Meeting of Bishops thither, to destroy him with the more Solemnity. The Gover­nour being much prest to it, by a Worthy Gentleman of his Name, Hamilton of Preston, sent the Cardinal word not to proceed against him, till he should come and hear the Matter examined himself. But the Cardinal went on, and in a publick Court condemned him as an Heretick, upon se­veral Articles that were objected to him, which he confessed, and offered to justify. [Page 294]The Night after that he spent in Prayer; next Morning he desired he might have the Sacrament according to Christ's Institution in both kinds; but that being denied him, he consecrated the Elements himself, and some about him were willing to communi­cate with him. He was carried out to the Stake near the Cardinal's Palace; who was set in State in a great Window, and looked on this sad Spectacle. Wishart de­clared that he felt much Joy within him­self, in offering up his Life for the Name of Christ, and exhorted the People not to be offended at the Word of God, for the sake of the Cross. After the Fire was set to and was burning him, he said, ‘This Flame hath scorched my Body, but hath not daunted my Spirits; and he foretold that the Cardinal should in a few days be ignominiously laid out in that very place where he now sate in so much State;’ but as he speak that, the Executioner drew the Cord that was about his Neck so strait, that these were the last Words.

The Clergy rejoyced much at his Death, Cardinal Beason is murdered. and extolled the Cardinal's Courage, for proceeding in it against the Governours Orders. But the People look'd on him as both a Prophet and a Martyr. It was also said that his Death was no less than Murder, since no Writ was obtained for it; and the Clergy could burn none without a Warrant from the Secular Power: so it was inferred that the Cardinal deserved to dy for it; and if his Greatness set him [Page 295]above the Law, then Private Persons might execute that which the Governour could not do: Such Practices had been formerly too common in that Kingdom; and now upon this occasion some Gentlemen of quality came to think it would be an Heroical Action to conspire his Death. His Insolence had rendred him generally very hateful: so private and publick Re­sentments concurring, twelve Persons en­tred into a fatal Engagement of killing him privately in his House. On the 30th of May, they first surprized the Gate early in the Morning, and tho there were an hundred lodged in the Castle, yet they being asleep, they came to them apart, and either turned them out, or shut them up in their Cham­bers: Having made all sure, they came to the Cardinal's Chamber-door; he was fast asleep, but by their Rudeness, he was both awakened, and perceived they had a design on his Life: Upon the assurance of Life, he opened his Door, but they did cruelly and treacherously murder him, and laid out his Body in the same Window, from which he had looked on Wisharts Exe­cution. Some few justified this Fact, as the killing of a Robber and Murderer; but it was more generally condemned by all sorts of People, even by those who hated him most; yet the Accomplishment of Wishart's Prediction made great Impressions on many. On the other hand, it was afterwards ob­served that scarce any of the Conspirators died an ordinary Death. They kept out [Page 296]the Castle, and about 140 came in to them, and they held it near two Years, being assisted both by Mony and Provisions that were sent from England. They had also the Govenour at their Mercy, for they kept his eldest Son, whom the Cardinal had taken into his Care for his Education. An Absolution was brought from Rome, and a Pardon was offered them; and at last, being straitned both at Sea and Land, they rendred the Place upon Assurance of Life. This Infamous Action was a great Blemish upon the Reformers, who, tho they did not directly justify it, yet extenua­ted it, and gave it some Countenance; for two of them went in and preached to the Garrison in the Castle.

In England a Parliament met, Chantries given to the King. in which as the Spiritualty gave a Subsidy of six Shillings in the Pound, payable in two Years; so the Temporalty not only gave a Subsidy for the War, but confirmed all the Surrenders that had been made of Chantries, Chappels, Colledges, Hospitals, and other Foundations, for saying Masses for departed Souls: and they empowered the King during his Life to grant Commis­sions for seizing on the rest of them. Yet the King found this was like to give new Discontent to the Gentry, to whom these belonged, so he made but a small Progress in it, and many were reserved to his Sons Courtiers to feed on. The King dismis­sed the Parliament with a long Speech, ‘In which after he had thanked them for their [Page 297]Bills, he exhorted them to Charity and Concord in matters of Religion; and to forbear all Terms of Reproach, 1546 such as Papist and Heretick: he complained much of the Stifness of some Church-men, and of the Indiscretion of others, who both gave ill Example, and sowed the Seeds of Discord among the Laity. He, as God's Vicar, thought himself bound to see these things corrected: he reproved the Tem­poralty for the ill use they made of the Scripture; for instead of being taught out of it to live better, and to be more charitable to one another, they only railed at one another, and made Songs out of it, to disgrace those that differed from them; so he exhorted them to serve God, and love one another, which he would esteem the best Expression of their Duty and Obedience to him.’ The King had appointed a Distribution of 550 l. a year in several Cathedrals, for the Poor, and about 400 l. for High-ways; so this Year some Bishops were appointed to see whether those Payments were made as he had ordered or not. The Universities were now in danger of having their Col­ledges supprest, but upon their Applicati­ons to the King, they were delivered from their Fears.

Now came on the last Year of this Reign, A Peace with France. the War with France was this Year unsuc­cesful, but upon the Earl of Surrey's being recalled, and the Earl of Hartford's being sent in his room, things turned a little. [Page 298]This raised such Animosity between those two Lords, that they became fatal to the former. The two Kings were at last brought to consent to a Peace; the main Article of it was, that within eight Years Bulloigne should be delivered up, the taking and keeping of which, cost England 1300000 l. Upon this Peace Annebault the French Admiral, was sent over Ambassa­dour. The Council of Trent was now sit­ting, Pool was made a Legate to do the King the more Spite: the Emperour and the Pope governed it as they pleased: so the two Crowns resolved to unite more firmly; particularly it was proposed, that the Mass should be turned to a Commu­nion; and Cranmer was ordered to pre­pare the Office for it. But this was too great a Design for two old Kings to accom­plish.

There was at this time a new Prosecuti­on of those that denied the Corporal Pre­sence in the Sacrament, Anne Ais­cough and others burnt. Shaxton was accu­sed of some Words about it, but he abju­red, and complied so entirely, that soon after he preached the Sermon at the bur­ning of Anne Aiscough; he made no noise all King Edward's time, yet in Queen Ma­ry's Reign, he was a Persecutor of Prote­stants, but was so little esteemed, that tho he had been Bishop of Salisbury, he was raised no higher than to be Bishop Suffra­gan of Ely. Several other Persons were at this time endicted upon the same Statute, but most of them recanted; Anne Aiscough [Page 299]stood firm, she was descended from a good Family, and had been well educated, but was unhappily married; for her Husband being a violent Papist, drove her out of his House, when he discovered her Inclinati­ons to the Reformation; she was put in Prison on the account of the Sacrament, but signed a Recantation, and so was set at Liberty; yet not long after she was com­mitted again upon a new Complaint, and was examined before the Privy Council, but answered with extraordinary Resoluti­on; yet it was thought by some that she was too forward in her manner of speaking: she had been much at Court, and it was believed she was supported by some Ladies there: so in order to the Discovery of this, she was carried to the Tower and rack'd; yet she confess'd nothing. Wriothesly was present, and commanded the Lieutenant of the Tower to draw the Rack a little more, but he refused to do it; upon which the Chancellour laid aside his Gown and drew it himself with so much Force, as if he had intended to rend her Body asunder; and the Effects of this were so violent, that she was not able to go to Smithfield, but was carried thither in a Chair when she was burnt: Two others were also con­demned on the same account, and Shaxton to compleat his Apostacy, after he had in vain endeavoured to perswade them to ab­jure, preached the Sermon at their Burn­ing, in which he inveighed severely against their Errors. The Lord Chancellour came [Page 300]to Smithfield, and offered them their Par­dons if they would recant, but they chose rather to glorify God by their Deaths, than to dishonour him by so foul an Apo­stacy. There were two burnt in Suffolk, and one in Norfolk, on the same account, this Year.

But the Popish Party hoped to have greater Sacrifices offered up to their Re­venge: Designs against Cranmer They had laid a Train last Year for Cranmer, and they had laid one now for the Queen. They perswaded the King, that Cranmer was the Source of all the Here­sy that was in England; but the King's Par­tiality to him was such, that none would come in against him: So they desired, that he might be once put in the Tower, and then it would appear how many would inform against him. The King seemed to consent to this; and they resolved to exe­cute it the next day: but in the Night the King sent for Cranmer, and told him, what was resolved concerning him. Cran­mer thanked the King for giving him notice of it, and not leaving him to be surprised. He submitted to it, only he desired he might be heard answer for himself; and that he might have indifferent Judges who understood those matters. The King won­dered to see him so little concerned in his own Preservation; but told him, he must take care of him, since he took so little care of himself. The King therefore gave him Instructions to appear before the Coun­cil, and to desire to see his Accusers before [Page 301]he should be sent to the Tower; and that he might be used by them, as they would desire to be used in the like Case: And if he could not prevail by the force of Rea­son, then he was to appeal to the King in Person, and was to shew the King's Seal-Ring, which he took from his Finger and gave him; and they knew it all so well, that they would do nothing after they once saw that; so he being summoned next Morn­ing, came over to White-Hall: He was kept long in the Lobbey before he was called in: But when that was done, and he had ob­served the Method the King had ordered him to use, and had at last shewed the Ring, they rose all in great Confusion, and went to the King. He chid them severely for what they had done, and expressed his Esteem and Kindness to Cranmer, in such Terms, that his Enemies were glad to get off, by pretending, that they had no other Design, but to have his Innocence declared in a publick Trial; and were now so con­vinced of the King's unalterable Favour to him, that they never made any more At­tempts upon him.

But what they durst not do in Relation to Cranmer, And a­gainst the Queen. they thought might be more safely tried against the Queen, who was known to love the New Learning, which was the common Phrase for the Reforma­tion. She used to have Sermons in her Privy Chamber, which could not be so se­cretly carried, but that it came to the King's Knowledge. Yet her Conduct in all other [Page 302]things was so exact, and she expressed such a tender care of the King's Person, that it was observed, she had gained much upon him; but his Peevishness, growing with his Distempers, made him sometimes un­easy, even to her. They used often to talk of Matters of Religion; and some­times she held up the Argument for the Reformers so stifly, that he was offend­ed at it; yet as soon as that appeared, she let it fall; but once the Debate continuing long, the King expressed his Displeasure at it to Gardiner, when she went away. He took hold of this Opportunity, to per­swade the King, that she was a great Cherisher of Hereticks. Wriothesly joined with him in the same Artifice, and filled the angry King's Head with many Stories; in so much, that he signed the Articles upon which she was to be Impeached. But Wrio­thesly let that Paper fall from him carelesly, and it happened to be taken up by one of the Queen's Friends, who carried it to her: Upon which she went to the King, and brought on a Discourse of Religion; and after a little Opposition, she yielded, and seemed convinced by the King's Rea­sons, and told him, That she only held up that Argument to be instructed by him, and sometimes to engage him in Dis­course, and so to make him forget his pains; and this she seconded with such Flattery, that he was perfectly satisfied, and reconciled to her. Next day, as he was walking with her in the Garden, Wrio­thesly [Page 303]came thither on design to have carry­ed her to the Tower; but the King chid him severely for it, and was heard to call him Knave and Fool. The good natured Queen interposed to mitigate his Dis­pleasure, but the King told her, She had no reason to be concerned for him: Thus the Design against her, vanished; and Gardiner that had set it on, lost the King's Favour entirely by it.

But now the Fall of the Duke of Nor­folk, and his Son the Earl of Surry, The Duke of Nor­folk's Fall. came on. The Father had been long Treasu­rer, and had served the King with great Fidelity and Success: His Son was a Man of rare Qualities; he had a great Wit, and was more than ordinary learned. He particularly hated the Earl of Hart­ford, and scorned an Alliance with him, which his Father had projected. The Duke of Norfolk had intended to unite his Family to the Seimours, by marrying his Son to the Earl of Hartford's Daughter; and his Daughter the Dutchess of Rich­mond, to Sir Thomas Seimour: But both his Children refused to comply with him in it. The Seimours were apprehensive of the Opposition they might meet with, if the King should die, from the Earl of Sur­ry, who was a high spirited Man, had a vast Fortune, and was the Head of the Po­pish Party. It was likewise suspected, that he kept himself unmarried in hopes of marrying the Lady Mary. The Duke's Family was also fatally divided: His [Page 304]Dutchess had been separated from him, about four Years, and now turned Infor­mer against him. His Daughter did also hate her Brother, and was a Spy upon him. One Holland, a Whore of the Duke's, did also betray him, and discovered all she could; yet all amounted to no more than some Complaints of the Fathers, who thought the Services he had done the Crown were little regarded; and some Threatnings of the Sons. It was also said, that the Father gave the Coat of Arms that belonged to the Prince of Wales, and the Son gave Edward the Confessors Coat; but that was only a Pretence to make a noise among the People, and to cover the want of more important matter against them. One Southwel objected things of a higher Nature to the Earl of Surry. He denied them, and desired, that according to the Martial Law, they might have a Trial by Combate, and fight in their Shirts: But that was not granted; yet both Father and Son were put in the Tower.

The Earl of Surry was tried by a Jury of Commoners, 1547 The Earl of Surry executed. and was found guilty of Treason, and executed on the 19th of Ja­nuary. He was much lamented; and the Blame of his Death being cast on the Sei­mours, raised a General Odium against them. The old Duke saw a Parliament called to destroy him by an Act of Attain­der, for there was not matter enough to ruine him at Common Law; so to prevent [Page 305]that he made such humble Submission to the King, as would have mollified any that had not Bowels of Brass. He wrote to him, ‘That he had spent his whole Life in his Service, without having so much as a Thought to his Prejudice. He had obey­ed all the King's Laws, and was resolved to obey all that ever he should make. He begged that he might be heard, with his Accusers face to face. He prayed that the King would take all his Lands, and Goods, and only restore him to his Fa­vour, and grant him such an Allowance to live on, as he thought fit. He went further, and set his Hand to a Confession of several Crimes; as 1. His revealing the Secrets of the King's Council. 2. His concealing his Son's Treason, in giving the Arms of Edward the Confessor. 3. His own giving the Arms of England, with the Labels of Silver which belonged only to the Prince, which he acknowledged was High Treason, and therefore he beg­ged the King's Mercy.’ But all this had no effect on the King, tho his drawing so near his end, ought to have begot in him a greater regard to the shedding of Inno­cent Blood.

When the Parliament met, And the Duke at­tainted by Act of Parlia­ment. the King was not able to come to Westminster, but he sent his Pleasure to them by a Commission. He intended to have Prince Edward Crowned Prince of Wales; and therefore desired they would make all possible hast in the [Page 306]Attainder of the Duke of Norfolk, that so the Places which he held by Patent, might be disposed of to others, who should assist at the Coronation; which, tho it was a very slight Excuse, for so high a piece of Injustice, yet it had that effect, that in seven Days, both Houses past the Bill. On the 27th of January, the Royal Assent was given by those Commissioned by the King; and the Execution was ordered to be next Morning. There was no special Matter in the Act, but that of the Coat of Arms, which he and his Ancestors were used to give, according to Records in the Herauld's Office; so that this was con­demned by all Persons, as a most Inexcu­sable Act of Tyranny. But the Night after this, the King died, and it was thought contrary to the Decencies of Government, to begin a new Reign with so Unjustifi­able an Act, as the beheading of the old Duke, and so he was preserved: Yet both Sides made Inferences from this Ca­lamity that fell on him. The Papists said, It was God's just Judgment on him, for his Obsequiousness to King Henry. But the Protestants said, It was a just return on him, for what he had done against Cromwel, and many others, on the account of the six Articles. Cranmer would not meddle in this Matter, but that he might be out of the way, he retired to Croydon, whereas Gardiner that had been his Friend all along, continued still about the Court.

The King's Distemper had been grow­ing long upon him. He was become so Corpulent, that he could not go up and down Stairs, but made use of an Ingine, The King's Sickness. when he intended to walk in his Garden, by which he was let down and drawn up. He had an old Sore in his Leg, that pain­ed him much, the Humours of his Body discharging themselves that way, till at last all setled in a Dropsy. Those about him were afraid to let him know that his Death seemed near, lest that might have been brought within the Sta­tute of foretelling his Death, which was made Treason. His Will was made ready, and as it was given out, was signed by him on the 30th of December. He had made one at his last going over to France. All the Change that he made at this time was, that he ordered Gardiner's Name to be struck out, for in that formerly made, he was named one of the Executors. When Sir Anthony Brown endeavoured to perswade him not to put that Disgrace on an old Servant, he continued positive in it; for he said, he knew his Temper, and could govern him; but it would not be in the Power of others to do it, if he were put in so high a Trust. The most mate­rial thing in the Will, was, the preferring the Children of his second Sister, by Charles Brandon, to the Children of his eldest Sister the Queen of Scotland, in the Succession to the Crown. Some Objecti­ons [Page 308]were made to the Validity and Truth of the Will. It was not signed by the King's Hand, as it was directed by the Act of Parliament, but only stamped with his Name; and it was said, this was done when he was dying, without any Order given for it by himself; for proof of which, the Scots that were most concerned, appealed to many Witnesses; and chiefly, to a Deposition which the Lord Paget had made, who was then Secretary of State. On his Death-bed he finished the Founda­tion of Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge, and of Christ's-Church Hospital near Newgate; yet this last was not so fully setled as was needful, till his Son compleated what he had begun.

On the 27th of January, And Death. his Spirits sunk so, that it was visible he had not long to live. Sir Anthony Denny took the courage to tell him, that Death was approaching, and desired him to call on God for his Mercy. The King exprest in general his Sorrow for his past Sins, and his Trust in the Mercies of God in Christ Jesus. He ordered Cranmer to be sent for, but he was speechless before he could be brought from Croidon; yet he gave a Sign that he understood what he said to him, and soon after, he died, in the 57th Year of his Age, after he had reigned 37 Years, and nine Months. His Death was concealed three days, for the Parliament which was dis­solved with his last Breath, continued to [Page 309]do business till the 31st, and then his Death was published. It is probable the Seimours concealed it so long, till they made a Party for the putting the Government into their own Hands.

The Severities he used against many of his Subjects in matters of Religion, An ac­count of his Severities a­gainst the Priests. made both sides write with great Sharpness of him: His Temper was Imperious and Cruel: He was both sudden and violent in his Revenges, and stuck at nothing by which he could either gratify his Lust, or his Passion. This was much provoked, by the Sentence the Pope thundered against him, by the virulent Books Cardinal Pool and others published, by the Rebellions that were raised in England, and the Ap­prehensions he was in of the Emperour's Greatness, and of the Inclinations his People had to have joined with him, together with what he had read in History of the Fates of those Princes, against whom Popes had thundered in former times; all which, made him think it necessary to keep his People under the Terror of a severe Go­vernment; and by some publick Exam­ples to secure the Peace of the Nation; and thereby to prevent a more profuse Effusion of Blood, which might have otherwise fol­lowed if he had been more gentle. And it was no wonder if after the Pope deposed him, he proceeded to great Severities against all that which supported that Authority.

The first Instance of Capital Pro­ceedings upon that account, was in Easter-Term, 1535, in which, three Priors and a Monk of the Carthusian Order, The Car­thusians in particular. were condemned of Treason, for saying, that the King was not Supream Head of the Church of England. It was then only a Premunire, not to swear to the Supremacy, but it was made Treason to deny it, or speak against it. Hall, a Secular Priest, was at the same time condemned of Trea­son, ‘for calling the King a Tyrant, an Heretick, a Robber, and an Adulterer; and saying, that he would die as King John, or Richard the Third died; and that it would never be well with the Church till the King was brought to Pot: And that they looked when Ireland and Wales would rise; and were assured that three parts of four in England would join with them.’ All these pleaded not Guilty; but being condemned, they justified what they had said. The Carthusians were hanged in their Habits. Soon after that, three Car­thusians were condemned, and executed at London, & two more at York, upon the same account, for opposing the King's Supre­macy. Ten other Monks were shut up in their Cells, of whom nine died there, and one was condemned, and hanged. These had been all Complices in the Business of the Maid of Kent; and tho that was par­doned, yet it gave the Government ground to have a watchful Eye over them, and to [Page 311]proceed more severly against them upon the first Provocation,

After these, Fisher's Sufferings. Fisher and More were brought to their Trials; Pope Clements officious Kindness to Fisher in declaring him a Cardinal, did hasten his Ruine, tho he was little concerned at that Honour that was done him. He was tried by a Jury of Commoners, and was found guilty of Treason, for having spoken against the King's Supremacy: but instead of the Common Death in Cases of Treason, the King ordered him to be beheaded. On the 22th of June he suffered. He dressed him­self with more then ordinary Care that day; for he said it was to be his Wedding-Day. As he was led out, he opened the New Testament at a Venture, and prayed, that such a place might turn up as might comfort him in his last Moments. The Words on which he cast his Eyes were, This is Life Eternal to know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent. So he shut the Book, and continued meditating on these Words to the last. On the Scaffold he repeated the Te Deum, and so laid his Head on the Block, which was severed from his Body. He was a learned and de­vout Man, but much addicted to Supersti­tion, and too cruel in his Temper against Hereticks. He had been Confessor to the King's Grand-Mother, and perswaded her to found two Colledges in Cambridge, Christ's and St John's; in Acknowledg­ment [Page 312]of which, 1535 he was chosen Chancel­of the University. Henry the Seventh made him Bishop of Rochester: He would never exchange that for any other: He said his Church was his Wife, and he would not part with his Wife because she was Poor. He was much esteemed by this King, till the Suit of the Divorce was set on foot; and then he adhered stifly to the Marriage, and the Popes Supremacy; and that made him too favourable to the Nun of Kent. But the Severities of his long Imprison­ment, together with this bloody Conclu­sion of it, were universally condemned all the World over; only Gardiner imploied his Servile Pen to write a Vindication of the King's Proceedings against him. It was writ in Elegant Latin, but the Stile was thought too Vehement. More's Death.

It was harder to find matter against Sir Thomas More, for he was very cautious, and satisfied his own Conscience by not swearing the Supremacy, but would not not speak against it. ‘He said the Act had two Edges, if he consented to it, it would damne his Soul; and if he spoke against it, it would condemn his Body. This was all the Message he sent to Fisher, when he desired to know his Opinion about it; he had also said the same to the Duke of Nor­folk and some Counsellors that came to ex­amine him. And Rich, then the King's Solicitor, coming as a private Friend, to perswade him to swear the Oath, urged [Page 313]him with the Act of Parliament, and ask­ed him, if he should be made King by Act of Parliament, would not he Ac­knowledge him: He answered, he would; because a King might be made, or de­prived by a Parliament. But the Mat­ter of the Supremacy was a point of Re­ligion, to which the Parliament's Au­thority did not extend it self.’ All this Rich witnessed against him; so these Par­ticulars were laid together, as amount­ing to a Denial of the King's Supremacy, and upon this he was judged guilty of Treason. He received his Sentence with that equal Temper of Mind which he had shewed in both Conditions of Life. He ex­pressed great Contempt of the World, and much Weariness in living in it. His ordi­nary Facetiousness remained with him to his last Moment on the Scaffold. Some censured that as affected and indecent, and as having more of the Stoick than the Chri­stian in it. But others said, that way of Railery had been so Customary to him, that Death did not discompose him, nor put him out of his ordinary Humour. He was beheaded on the 6th of July, in the 52d or 53d Year of his Age. He had great Capacities, and eminent Vertues. In his Youth he had freer thoughts, but he was af­terwards much corrupted by Superstition, and became fierce for all the Interests of the Clergy. He wrote much in Defence of all the old Abuses. His Learning in Divinity was [Page 314]but ordinary; for he had read little more than some of St. Austin's Treatises, and the Canon Law, and the Master of the Sen­tences, beyond whom, his Quotations do seldom go. His Stile was Natural and Pleasant; and he could turn things very dextrously to make them look well or ill as it served his Purpose. But tho he suf­fered for denying the Kings Supremacy, yet he was at first no Zealot for the Pope: ‘For he says of himself, That when the King shewed him his Book in Manuscript, which he wrote against Luther, he advis­ed him to leave out that which he had put in it concerning the Pope's Power, for he did not know what Quarrels he might have afterwards with the Pope's, and then that would be turned against him.’ But the King was perhaps fond of what he had written, and so he would not follow that wise Advice which he gave him.

There were no Executions after this, 1537 till the Rebellions of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire gave new Occasions to Severity; Attain­ders after the Rebel­lion. and then not only the Lords of Darcy and Hussy, but six Abbots, and many Gentlemen; the chief of whom was, Sir Thomas Piercy, Brother to the Earl of Northumberland, were attainted. They had not only been in the Rebellion, but had forfeited the Ge­neral Pardon, by their new Attempts, after it was proclaimed: Yet some said, the King took Advantage on very slight Grounds to break his Indemnity. But on the other [Page 315]hand, it was no Wonder if he proceeded with the utmost Rigour against those who had raised such a Storm in the Kingdom, and in particular against those Abbots and Monks who had sworn to maintain his Su­premacy, and yet were the chief Incendia­ries that had set the Kingdom on Fire.

One Forrest, an Observant Friar, Forrest was burnt. had been Queen Katherin's Confessor, but for­sook her Interests; and not only swore to the King's Supremacy, but used such In­sinuations, that he had a large share of the King's Favour and Confidence. He was look'd on as a Reproach to his Order, and used great Cruelties in their House at Greenwich. He shut up one that he believ­ed gave Intelligence of all they did to the Court; and used him so ill, that he died in their hands. It was also found, that in secret Confession, he had alienated many from the King's Supremacy; and being questioned for it, he said, he had taken the Oath for it only with his outward Man, but his inward Man had never consented to it. But he offer­ed to recant and abjure this Opinion; yet being afterwards diverted from that, he was condemned as an Heretick, and was burnt in Smithfield. A Pardon was offered him at the Stake, if he would recant; but he re­fused it. A great Image that was brought out of Wales, was hewed in pieces, and served for Fewel to burn him. The Wri­ters of that time say, he denied the Gospel, and that he had little Knowledge of God in [Page 316]his Life, and shewed less Trust in him at his Death.

The Winter after this, 1538 a Correspon­dence was discovered between Cardinal Pool, The At­tainders of Cardinal Pool's Friends. and Courtney, Marquess of Exeter, and Pool's Brother, the Lord Mountacute, and several others. It was believed, that Sir Geoffrey Pool, another of the Brothers, be­trayed the rest. They had expressed some Kindness for the Cardinal and his Proceed­ings; and had said, that they looked to see a Change in England; and that they hoped the King would die ere long, and then all would go well; with several other Words to that purpose, for which they were At­tainted, and Executed. Others were also condemned for calling the King a Beast, and worse than a Beast; and that he would be certainly damned for plucking down the Abbies. Cardinal Pool, and several others, that had fled out of the Kingdom, and had Confederated themselves with the Pope a­gainst the King, were also Attainted. Sir Nicholas Carew, Master of the Horse, and Knight of the Garter, was likewise con­demned, for having said, that the Attainder of the Marquis of Exeter was cruel and un­just. He renounced the Superstitions of Pope­ry, 1539 and embraced the Reformation before he suffered. Attain­ders in Parlia­ment without hearing the Par­ties,

After these Judgments and Executions were over, a new and unheard of Prece­dent was made, of Attainting some with­out bringing them to make their Answers, [Page 317]which is a Blemish on this Reign, that can never be washed off, and was a Breach of the most sacred and unalterable Rules of Justice. The first that were so condemned were, the Marchioness of Exeter, and the Countess of Sarum, Mother to Card. Pool. The special Matter charged on the former, was, her Confederating her self with Sir Nicholas Carew; and that against the other was, the Confederating with her Son, Car­dinal Pool. No Witnesses were examined to prove these things against them; per­haps some Depositions might have been read in Parliament. Cromwell shewed a Coat which was found among the Countess of Sarum's Cloaths, on which the Standard used by the Yorkshire Rebels was wrought; from which it was inferred, that she ap­proved of them. Fourteen others were At­tainted by the same Act: six of them were Priests, one was a Knight Hospitaller, four were Gentlemen, one was a Merchant, and two were Yeomen; all were condemn­ed for Confederating with the Pope or Car­dinal Pool; or asserting the Pope's Supre­macy; or endeavouring to raise Rebellion: But against four of them, there is nothing but Treason in General Words alledged. This Bill was past in two days by the Lords, and in five by the Commons: But of all these, only three were executed, these were the Countess of Sarum; tho not till two Years after this; and Sir Adrian For­tescue, and Dingley, the Knight of St. John [Page 318]of Jerusalem. In the Countess of Sarum did the Name of Plantagenet end: She was about 70 Years old, but shewed that in that Age she had a Vigorous and Masculine Mind.

In the Parliament that sate in the Year 1540, several others were Attainted in the same manner, without being heard, and for the same Crimes. Fetherston, Abel, and Powel, and six more, were so condemned; but those three only suffered. By another Act of the same Parliament, the Lord Hun­gerford, and his Chaplain, Bird, were At­tainted: His Chaplain had often Perswad­ed him to rebel; and had said, that the King was the greatest Heretick in the World. Hungerford had also ordered some of his other Chaplains to use Conjur­ing, that they might know how long the King would live, and whether he would be Victorious over his Enemies. He was also charged for having lived in Sodomy with several of his Servants, three Years toge­ther. He was soon after executed, and died in great disorder.

In the Year 1541, Five Priests, and ten Laymen, were stirring up the People in the North to a new Rebellion; but it was pre­vented, and they suffered for it. In the Year 1543, Gardiner that was the Bishop of Winchester's Secretary, and three other Priests, were condemned, and executed, for denying the King's Supremacy: and this was the last Occasion that was given to the King to shew his Severity on that account. [Page 319]In all these Executions it cannot be denied but the Laws were excessively severe, and the Proceedings upon them were never tempered with that Mildness which ought to be often applied for the mitigating the rigour of Penal Laws: But tho they are much aggravated by Popish Writers; they were far short of the Cruelties used in Queen Mary's Reign.

To conclude, We have now gone through the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, who is rather to be reckoned among the Great, than the Good Princes. He exercised so much Severity on Men of both Perswasions, that the Writers of both sides have laid open his Faults, and taxed his Cruelty. But as neither of them were much obliged to him; so none have taken so much care to set forth his good Qualities, as his Ene­mies have done to enlarge on his Vices. I do not deny that he is to be numbered a­mong the ill Princes, yet I cannot rank him with the worst.

BOOK II. Book II. Of the Life and Reign of King EDWARD the VI.

EDWARD was the only Son of King Henry, 1547 K. Edwards Birth and education. by his best beloved Wife Jane Seimour; born the 12th. of October 1537. His Mo­ther died the day after he was born, of a Distemper incident to Women in her condition, and was not ripped up by Chirurgeons, as some Writers have repor­ted, on design to represent King Henry as barbarous and cruel to all his Wives. At six years of Age he was put into the hands of Dr. Cox and Mr. Cheek, the one was to form his mind, and to teach him Philosophy and Divinity, the other was to teach him the Tongues and Mathematicks: other Ma­sters were also appointed for the other parts of his Education. He discovered ve­ry early a good disposition to Religion and [Page 2]Vertue, and a particular Reverence for the Scriptures: for he took it very ill when one about him laid a great Bible on the Floor, to step up on it to somewhat which was out of his reach, without such an advantage. He profited well in Letters, and wrote at eight Years old Latin Letters frequently both to the King, to Q. Katherine Parre, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and his Uncle the Earl of Hartford, who had been first made Viscount Beauchamp, being the Heir by his Mother of that Family, and was after that advanced to be an Earl.

In the end of his Fathers life, it had been designed to create him Prince of Wales: for that was one of the reasons given to hasten the attainder of the D. of Norfolk, because he held some places during life, which the King intended to put in other hands, in or­der to that Ceremony. Upon his Fathers death the E. of Hartford and Sir Anth. Brown were sent to bring him up to the Tower of London: and when King Henry's death was published, he was proclaimed King.

At his coming to the Tower his Fathers Will was opened, K. Hen. te­stament. by which it was found that he had named 16. to be the Governors of the Kingdom, and of his Sons person till he should be eighteen Years of Age. These were the Archbishops of Canterbury, the Lord Wriothesly Lord Chancellor, Lord St. John Great Master, Lord Russel Lord Privy Seal, Earl Hartford Lord Great Cham­berlain, Vis. Lisle Lord Admiral, Tonstall B. of Duresme, Sir Anth. Brown Master of the [Page 3]Horse, S ^r Will. Paget Secretary of State, S ^r Ed. North Chancellour of the Augmentations, Sir Ed. Mountague L ^d Chief Just. of the Common Pleas, Judge Bromley, Sir Anth. Denny and Sir Will. Herbert Chief Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber, S ^r Ed. Wotton Treasurer of Callis, & Doctor Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York. They were also to give the Kings Sisters in Marriage, and if they married without their consent, they were to forfeit their right of succession: for the King was Im­powered by Act of Parliament to leave the Crown to them with what limitations he should think fit to appoint. There was also a Privy Council named to be their Assi­stants in the Government; if any of the 16. died, the Survivers were to continue in the Administration, without a power to substi­tute others in their rooms who should die. It was now proposed that one should be chosen out of the 16. to whom Ambassadours should address themselves, and who should have the chief direction of affairs; but should be restrained to do nothing but by the con­sent of the greater part of the other Co­executors. The Chancellor, who thought the Precedence fell to him by his Office, since the Archbishop did not meddle much in se­cular Affairs, opposed this much, and said it was a change of the Kings will; who had made them all equal in power and dignity; and if any were raised above the rest in Title, it would not be possible to keep him within due bounds, since great Titles make way for High Power: but the Earl of Hart­ford [Page 4]had so prepared his Friends, that it was carried that he should be declared the Go­vernour of the Kings Person, and the Pro­tector of the Kingdom, A Prote­ctor cho­sen. with this restricti­on, that he should do nothing but by the advice and consent of the rest. Upon this advancement, and the opposition made to it, two Parties were formed, the one headed by the Protector, and the other by the Chancellour: the favourers of the Refor­mation were of the former, and those that opposed it were of the latter. The Chan­cellor was ordered to renew the Commissi­ons of the Judges and Justices of Peace, and King Henry's great Seal was to be made use of, till a new one should be made. The day after this all the Executors took their Oaths to execute their trust faithfully, the Privy Councellors were also brought into the Kings presence, who did all express their satisfaction in the choice that was made of the Protector: and it was ordered that all dispatches to foreign Princes should be signed only by him. All that held Offi­ces were required to come and renew their Commissions, Bishops take out Commis­sions. and to swear Allegiance to the King: among the rest, the Bishops came and took out such Commissions as were granted in the former Reign, only by those they were subaltern to the Kings Vicege­rent, but there being none now in that Of­fice, they were immediately subaltern to the King; and by them they were to hold their Bishopricks only during the Kings pleasure, and were impowered in the Kings name, as [Page 5]his Delegates, to perform all the parts of the Episcopal function. Cranmer set an Ex­ample to the rest in taking out one of those. It was thought fit thus to keep the Bishops under the terror of such an Arbitrary pow­er lodged in the King, that so it might be more easie to turn them out, if they should much oppose what might be done in points of Religion: but the ill consequences of such an unlimited power being well fore­seen, the Bishops that were afterwards pro­moted were not so fettered, but were provi­ded to hold their Bishopricks during life.

The late King had in his Will required his Executors to perform all the promises he had made; A Creati­on of No­blemen. so Paget was required to give an account of the Promises the late King had made; and he declared upon Oath, that up­on the prospect of the attainder of the D. of Norfolk, the King intended a Creation of Peers, and to divide his Lands among them; the Persons to be raised, were Hart­ford to be a Duke, Essex a Marquess, Lisle, Russel, St. John, and Wriothesly to be Earls, Sir Tho. Seimour, Cheyney, Rich, Willoughby, Arundell, Sheffield, St. Leger, Wymbish, Vernon, and Danby to be Barons, and a division was to be made of the Duke of Norfolks Estate among them: some shares were also set off for others, who were not to be advanced in Title, as Denny and Herbert: and they find­ing Paget had been mindful of them, but had not mentioned himself, had moved the King for a share to him. The King ap­pointed Paget to give notice of this to the [Page 6]Persons named: but many excused them­selves, and desired no addition of honor, since the Lands which the King intended to give them were not sufficient to support that dig­nity. The Duke of Norfolk prevented all this, for being apprehensive of the ruine of his Family, if his Estate were once divided, he sent a message to the King, desiring him to convert it all to be a Revenue to the Prince of Wales. This wrought so much on the King, that he resolved to reward those he intended to raise another way, and he appointed that Estate to be kept entire, and the Kings distemper increasing on him, he at last came to a resolution, that the E. of Hart­ford should be made a Duke, & be made both Earl Marshal and Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Essex a Marquess, Lisle and Wriothesly Earls, and Seimour, Rich, Sheffield, St. Leger, Willoughby and Danby Barons, with Revenues in Lands to every one of them: and the Earl of Hartford was to have the first good Deanery and Treasurership, and the four best Prebends that should fall in any Cathe­dral. But though the King had resolved on this, and had ordered Paget to propose it to the Persons concerned, yet his Disease increased so fast on him, that he never fini­shed it: and therefore he ordered his Exe­cutors to perform all that should appear to have been promised by him. The greatest part of this was also confirmed by Denny and Herbert, to whom the King had talked of it, and had shewed the design of it in writing, as it had been agreed between [Page 7] Paget and him. So the Executors being concerned in this themselves, it may be ea­sily supposed that they determined to exe­cute this part of their trust very faithfully. Yet the King being then like to be engaged in Wars, they resolved neither to lessen his Treasure nor Revenue, but to find another way for giving the Rewards intended by the King, which was afterwards done by the sale and distribution of the Chantry Lands.

The Castle of St. Andrews was then much pressed; so they sent down by Balnaves, the Agent of that party, 1180 l. for the pay of the Garrison; they gave also pensi­ons to the chief supporters of their Interest in Scotland, to some 250, to others 200 l. or less, according to their interest in the Countrey. The King received the Cere­mony of Knighthood from the Protector, and Knighted the Mayor of London the same day.

The grant of so many Ecclesiastical Dig­nities to the Earl of Hartford, Lay-men had Eccle­siastical Dignities. was no ex­traordinary thing at that time, for as Crom­wel had been Dean of Wells, so diverse other Lay-men were provided to them; which was thus excused, because there was no cure of Souls belonging to them; and during vacancies, even in times of Popery, the Kings had by their own Authority, by the Right of the Regale, given Institution to them, so that they seem'd to be no Spi­ritual imployments, and the Ecclesiasticks that had enjoyed them, had been a lazy [Page 8]and sensual sort of men, so that their abu­sing those Revenues, either to luxury, or to the enriching their kindred by the spoils of the Church, 1547 had this effect that the putting them in Lay hands gave no great scandal; and that the rather, because a simple tonsure qualified a man for them by the Canons. These foundations were at first designed for a Nursery to the Diocess, in which the young Clergy were to be educated, or for a retreat to those who were more specula­tive, and not so fit for the service of the Church in the active parts of the Pastoral care; so it had been an excellent design to have reformed them, and restored them to the purposes for which they were at first intended: And it was both against Magna Charta, and all Natural Equity, to take them out of the hands of Church­men, and give them to those of the Laity. But it was no wonder to see men yet under the influence of the Canon Law, commit such errors.

At the same time an accident fell out, Some take down I­mages. that made way for great changes; the Curate and Church-wardens of St. Martins, in Lon­don, were brought before the Council for removing the Crucifix, and other Images, and putting some Texts of Scripture on the Walls of their Church, in the places where they stood: They Answered, That they going to repair their Church, remo­ved the Images, and they being rotten, they did not renew them, but put places of Scripture in their room: They had also [Page 9]removed others, which they found had been abused to Idolatry. Great pains was taken by the Popish party to punish them se­verely, for striking terrour into others; but Cranmer was for the removing of all Images which were set up in Churches, ex­pressly contrary both to the Second Com­mandment, and to the practice of the Christi­ans for diverse ages: Argu­ments for and against it. And though in compli­ance with the gross abuses of Paganism there was very early much of the Pomp of their worship brought into the Christian Church, yet it was long before this crept in. At first all Images were condemned by the Fathers: then they allowed the use of them, but con­demned the worshipping of them, and af­terwards in the Eighth and Ninth Centu­ries the worshipping of them was, after a long contest, both in the East and West, in which there were, by turns, General Coun­cils, that both approved and condemned them, at last generally received, and then the reverence for them, and for some in particular, that were believed to be more wonderfully enchanted, was much impro­ved by the cheats of the Monks, who had enriched themselves by such means: And it was grown to such a height, that Heathenism it self had been guilty of nothing more ab­surd towards its Idols; and the singular vertues in some Images, shewed they were not worshipp'd only as Representations, for then all should have equal degrees of veneration paid to them. And since all these abuses had risen meerly out of the bare [Page 10]use of them, and the setting them up be­ing contrary to the command of God, and the nature of the Christian Religion, which is simple and Spiritual; it seemed most reasonable to cure the disease in its root, and to clear the Churches of Images, that so the people might be preserved from Idolatry. These Reasons prevail'd so far, that the Curate and Wardens were dismis­sed with a Reprimand; they were required to beware of such rashness for the future, and to provide a Crucifix, and till that could be had, they were ordered to cause one to be painted on the Wall. Upon this, Dr. Ridley being to preach before the King, inveighed against the superstition towards Images and Holy Water, and there was a general disposition over all the Nation to pull them down; which was soon after ef­fected in Portsmouth. Upon that, Gardiner made great complaints, he said the Lutherans themselves went not so far, for he had seen Images in their Churches; he argued from the Kings face on the Coyn and Great Seal for the use of Images, and that the Law of Moses did no more bind in this particular, than in that of abstaining from Blood: He distin­guished between Image and Idol, as if the one, which he said was only condemned, was the representation of a False God, and the other of the True; and he thought, that as words conveyed by the Ear begat devotion, so Images, by the conveyance of the Eye, might have the same effect on the mind: He also thought, a vertue might [Page 11]be both in them and in Holy Water, as well as there was in Christ's Garments, Pe­ter's Shadow, or Elisha's Staffe: And there might be a Vertue in Holy Water, as well as in the Water of Baptism. He also menti­oned the Vertue that was in the Cramp-Rings, blessed by the late King, which he had known to be much esteemed and sought after, and he hoped their young King would not neglect that gift. But to these things which Gardiner wrote in several Let­ters, the Protector, perhaps by Cranmer's direction, wrote answer, that the Bishops had formerly argued much in another strain, that because the Scriptures were abused by the vulgar Readers, therefore they were not to be trusted to them; and so made a pre­tended abuse, the ground of taking away that, which by Gods special appointment was to be delivered to all Christians: This did hold much stronger against Images that were forbidden by God. The Brazen Ser­pent set up by Moses, by Gods own dire­ction, was broken when abused to Idola­try; for that was the greatest corruption of Religion possible: And the Civil respect payed to the Kings Image on a Seal, or on the Coyn, did not justifie the dotage upon I­mages. But yet the Protector acknowledged he had reason to complain of the forward­ness of the people, that broke down Images without authority. This was the first step that was made in this Reign, towards a Re­formation, of which the sequel shall appear af­terwards. Orders were sent to the Justices of [Page 12]the Peace, to look well to the Peace and Government of the Nation, to meet often, and every six weeks to advertise the Prote­ctor of the state of the County to which they belonged.

The Funerals of the deceased King were performed with the ordinary Ceremonies at Windsor: The Kings Funeral. One thing gave those that hated him some advantages; his Body was car­ried the first day to Sheen, which had been a Nunnery, and there some of the moi­sture and fat dropt through the Coffin; and to make it a compleat accomplishment of Peyto's denunciation, that Dogs should lick his Blood, it was said the Dogs next day licked it. This in a Corpulent man was so far from a wonder, that it had been a wonder if it had been otherwise, and was a certain sign of nothing but the Plummers carelesness, and their weakness and malice that made such Inferences from it. The King left six hundred pounds a year to the Church of Windsor, for Priests to say Mass for his Soul every day, and for four Obits a year, and Sermons, and distribution of Alms at every one of them, and for a Ser­mon every Sunday, and a maintenance for thirteen poor Knights, which was setled upon that Church by his Executors in due form of Law.

The Pomp of this Endowment now in a more Inquisitive Age led people to examine the usefulness of Soul Masses and Obits. Soul Mas­ses exami­ned. Christ appointed the Sacrament for a com­memoration of his Death among the living, [Page 13]but it was not easie to conceive how that was to be applied to departed Souls. For all the good that they could receive, seem­ed only applicable to the prayers for them; but bare Prayers would not have wrought so much on the people, nor would they have payed so dear for them. It was a clear project for drawing in the wealth of the World into their hands. In the Primi­tive Church there was a Commemoration of the Dead, or an Honourable Remem­brance of them made in the daily Offices, and for some very small faults their names were not mentioned, which would not have had done if they had looked upon that as a thing that was really a relief to them in another state. But even this custome grew to be abused, and some inferred from it, that departed Souls, unless they were sig­nally pure, passed through a Purgation in the next life, before they were admitted to Heaven: Of which St. Austin, in whose time the opinion was beginning to be received, says, that it was taken up without any sure ground in Scripture. But what was want­ing in Scripture proof was supplied by Vi­sions, Dreams and Tales, till it was generally received. King Henry had acted like one that did not much believe it, for he was to expect no good usage in Purgatory, from those Souls whom he had deprived of the Masses that were said for them in Monasteries, by de­stroying those Foundations. Yet it seems he intended to make sure work for himself, so that if Masses could avail the departed [Page 14]Souls, he resolved to have his share of it; and as he gratified the Priests by this part of his Endowment, so he pleased the people by appointing Sermons and Alms to be given on such days. Thus he died as he had lived, swimming between both perswasions. And it occasioned no small debate, when men sought to find out what his opinions were in the controverted points of Religion: For the esteem he was in made both sides study to justifie themselves, by seeming to follow his sentiments; the one party said he was resolved never to alter Religion, but only to cut off some abuses, and intended to go no further than he had gone: They did therefore vehemently press the others to innovate nothing, but to keep things in the state in which he left them, till his Son should come of Age: But the opposite par­ty said, that he had resolved to go a great way further, and particularly to turn the Mass to a Communion; and therefore Re­ligion being of such consequence to the Salvation of Souls, it was necessary to make all the haste in Reformation that was fitting and decent. The Co­ronation. But now the diversions of the Coronation took them off from more seri­ous thoughts: The Protector was made Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Essex Mar­quess of Northampton, the Lords Lisle and Wriothesley Earls of Warwick and Southampton, Seimour, Rich, Willoughby and Sheffield, were made Barons. In order to the Kings Coro­nation, the Office for that Ceremony was reviewed, and much shortned: One remar­kable [Page 15]alteration was, that formerly the King used to be presented to the people at the corners of the Scaffold, and they were asked, If they would have him to be their King? Which looked like a rite of an Election, rather than a Ceremony of Investing one that was already King. This was now changed, and the people were de­sired only to give their assents and good will to his Coronation, as by the duty of Allegi­ance they were bound to do. On the twen­tieth of February he was Crowned, and a General Pardon was proclaimed, out of which the Duke of Norfolk, Cardinal Pool, and some others were excepted.

The Chancellour, The Chan­cellour turned out. who was lookt on as the head of the Popish party, gave now an advantage against himself, which was very readily laid hold on. He granted a Commission to the Master of the Rolls and three Masters of Chancery, of whom two were Civilians, to execute his Office in the Court of Chancery, as if he were present, only their Decrees were to be brought to him to be Signed, before they should be Inrolled. This being done with­out any authority from the Protector, and the other Executors, was thought a high Presumption, since he did hereby devolve on others that trust which was deposited in his hands. Upon this, some Lawyers com­plained to the Protector, and they seem'd also apprehensive of a design to change the Common Laws, which was occasioned by the Decrees made by the Civilians, that [Page 16]were more suted to the Imperial, than to the English Laws. The Judges being de­sired to give their opinions, made report, That what the Chancellour had done was against Law, and that he had forfeited his place, and might be imprisoned for it du­ring pleasure. But he carried it high, he threatned both the Judges and Lawyers; and when it was urged that he had forfeit­ed his place, he said he had it from the late King, who had likewise named him one of the Executors, during his Sons minority. But it was answered, That the major part had power over any of the rest, otherwise one of them might rebel, and pretend he could not be punished by the rest. He being dri­ven out of that, was more humble, and acknowledged he had no Warrant for granting the Commission, he thought by his Office he might lawfully do it, he asked Pardon for his offence, and desired he might lose his place with as little disgrace as was possible; and then it was resolved on by the rest to take the Seal from him, and to Fine him as they should afterwards think fit. So he being suffered to go home with the Seal, the Lord Seimour, and some others were sent to demand it of him: He was also confined to his house, and kept under the terrour of an Arbitrary Fine. But upon giving a Bond of 4000 l. to be payed upon demand, he was freed from his confinement: Yet he was not put out of the trust of the King and the Go­vernment, for it seems the Council did [Page 17]not look on that as a thing that was in their power to do.

Soon after this, the Protector took a Patent for his Office under the Great Seal, March. Protectors Patent. then in the keeping of the Lord St. John; by which he was confirmed in his Authority, till the King should be eighteen years of Age; he was also authorized to bring in new Councellours, besides those enumerated in the Patent, who are both the Executors and the Councellours nomi­nated by the late King: The Protector, with so many of the Council as he thought meet, were empowered to administer the affairs of the Kingdom; but the Council was limited to do nothing without his Advice and Consent. And thus was he now as well established in his Authority as Law could make him. He had a Ne­gative on the Council, but they had none on him; and he could either bring his own creatures into it, or select a Cabinet Council out of it as he pleased: And the other Executors having now delivered up their Authority to him, were only Privy Councellors as the rest were, without re­taining any singular authority peculiar to them, as was provided by King Henry's Will.

The first business of consequence that re­quired great consideration, The affairs of Germa­ny. was the Smal­caldick. War, then begun between the Em­peror and the Princes of that League; the effects of which, if the Emperor prevailed, were like to be, not only the extirpating of [Page 18] Lutheranism, but his being the absolute Ma­ster of Germany; which the Emperor chiefly designed, in order to an Universal Monar­chy, but disguised it to other Princes: to the Pope, he pretended that his design was only to extirpate Heresie; to other Princes, he pretended it was only to repress some Rebels, and denied all design of suppressing their new Doctrines; which he managed so artificially, that he divided Germany it self, and got some Lutheran Princes to declare for him, and others to be Neutrals: and having obtained a very liberal supply for his Wars with France and the Turk, for which he granted an Edict for liberty of Religion, he made Peace with both those Princes, and resolved to imploy that Trea­sure which the Germans had given him, against themselves. That he might deprive them of their chief Allies, he used means to engage King Henry, and Francis the First in a War, but that was, chiefly by their Interposition, composed. And now when the War was like to be carried on with great Vigour, they lost both those Princes; for as Henry died in January, so Francis followed him into ano­ther World, in March following. Many of their Confederates began to capitulate and forsake them; and the divided command of the Duke of Saxe, and the Landgrave of Hesse lost them great advantages, the for­mer year; in which it had been easie to have driven the Emperor out of Germany: but it fell often out, that when the one was for engaging, the other was against it, which [Page 19]made many very doubtful of their success. The Pope had a mind to engage the Empe­ror in a War in Germany, that so Italy might be at quiet: and in order to that, and to Imbroil the Emperor with all the Luthe­rans, he published his Treaty with him, that so it might appear that the design of the War was to extirpate Heresie; though the Emperor was making great protestati­ons to the contrary in Germany. He also opened the Council of Trent, which the Emperor had long desired in vain; but it was now brought upon him, when he least wished for it: for the Protestants did all declare, that they could not look upon it as a free General Council, The Coun­cil of Trent. since it was so entirely at the Popes devotion, that not so much as a Reformation of some of the grossest abuses that could not be justified, was like to be obtained, unless clogged with such Clauses as made it ineffectual. Nor could the Emperor prevail with the Council, not to proceed to establish the doctrine, and condemn Heresie; but the more he obstructed that by delays, the more did the Pope drive it on, to open the eyes of the Germans, and engage them all vigorously against the Emperor: yet he gave them such secret assurances of tollera­ting the Ausburg Confession, that the Mar­quess of Brandenburg declared for him, and that, joyned with the hopes of the Electorate, drew in Maurice of Saxe. The Count Pa­latine was old and feeble, the Archbishop of Colen would not make resistance, but [Page 20]retired, being condemned both by Pope and Emperor, and many of the Cities submit­ted. And Maurice by falling into Saxe, forced the Elector to separate from the Landgrave, and return to the defence of his own Dominions. This was the state of the affairs in Germany: so it was a hard point to resolve on, what answer the Protector should give to the Duke of Saxe's Chancellor, whom he sent over to obtain an Aid in Mo­ney, for carrying on the War. It was on the one hand of great importance to the safety of England to preserve the German Princes, and yet it was very dangerous to begin a War of such Consequence under an Infant King. At present they promised, within three Months, to send by the Mer­chants of the Still-yard 50000 Crowns to Hamburgh, and resolved to do no more till new Emergents should lead them to new Councels.

The Nation was in an ill condition for a War, Divisions in England. with such a mighty Prince, labour­ing under great distractions at home, the People generally cried out for a Reforma­tion, they despised the Clergy, and loved the new Preachers. The Priests were for the most part both very ignorant and scan­dalous in their lives: many of them had been Monks, and those that were to pay them the pensions, that were reserved to them at the destruction of the Monasteries, till they should be provided, took care to get them into some small Benefice. The greatest part of the Parsonages were Im­propriated, [Page 21]for they belonged to the Mo­nasteries, and the Abbots had only granted the Incumbents, either the Vicarage, or some small Donative, and left them the Perquisites raised by Masses and other Offi­ces. At the suppression of those Houses there was no care taken to provide the In­cumbents better; so they chiefly subsisted by Trentals & other Devices, that brought them in some small relief, though the Price of them was scandalously low, for Masses went often at 2 d. a Groat was a great bounty. Now these saw that a Reformation of those abuses, took the Bread out of their mouths; so their Interests prevailing more with them than any thing else, they were zea­lously engaged against all changes: but that same Principle made them comply with every change that was made, rather than lose their Benefices: Their poverty made them run into another abuse of holding more Benefices at the same time, a Cor­ruption of so crying and scandalous a na­ture, that where ever it is practised, it is sufficient to possess the People with great prejudices against the Church that is guilty of it: there being nothing more contrary to the plainest impressions of reason, than that every Man who undertakes a Cure of Souls, whom at his Ordination he has vow­ed, that he would instruct, feed, govern, ought to discharge that trust himself, which is the greatest and most important of all others. The Clergy were incouraged in their Opposition to all changes, by the protection [Page 22]they expected from Gardiner, Bonner, and Tonstall, who were Men of great reputation, as well as set in high places: and above all, Lady Mary did openly declare against all Changes, till the King should be of Age. But on the other hand, Cranmer, whose greatest weakness was his over-obsequious­ness to King Henry, being now at liberty, resolved to proceed more vigorously: The Protector was firmly united to him, so were the young Kings Tutors, and he was as much engaged, as could be expected from so young a Person: for both his know­ledge and zeal for true Religion were above his Age. Several of the Bishops did also declare for a Reformation, but Dr. Ridley now made Bishop of Rochester, was the Person on whom he depended most. Latimer was kept by him at Lambeth, and did great service by his Sermons, which were very popular, but he would not re­turn to his Bishoprick, choosing rather to serve the Church in a more disengaged manner. Many of the Bishops were very ignorant, and poor spirited Men, raised meerly by Court-favour, who wee little concerned for any thing but their Revenues. Cranmer resolved to proceed by degrees, and to open the reasons of every ad­vance, that was made so fully, that he hoped by the blessing of God to possess the Nation of the fitness of what they should do, and thereby to prevent any dangerous opposition, that might otherwise be ap­prehended.

The power of the Privy Council had been much exalted in King Henry's time, by Act of Parliament; and one Proviso in it was, that the King's Council should have the same Authority when he was under Age, that he himself had at full Age: A Visita­tion of all the Chur­ches. so it was resolved to begin with a General Visitation of all England, which was di­vided into six Precincts: and two Gentle­men, a Civilian, a Divine, and a Regi­ster were appointed for every one of these. But before they were sent out, May. there was a Letter written to all the Bishops, giving them notice of it, sus­pending their Jurisdiction while it last­ed, and requiring them to preach no where but in their Cathedrals, and that the other Clergy should not preach but in their own Churches, without Licence: by which it was intended to restrain such as were not ac­ceptable, to their own Parishes, and to grant the others Licences to Preach in any Church of England. The greatest difficul­ty that the Reformers found, was in the want of able and prudent Men, the most zealous were too hot and indiscreet, and the few they had that were Eminent, were to be imployed in London, and the Univer­sities. Therefore they intended to make those as common as was possible, and ap­pointed them to preach as Itinerants and Visitors. The only thing by which the People could be universally instructed, was a Book of Homilies; so the twelve first Homilies in the Book, still known by that [Page 24]name, were compiled, in framing w ^ch the chief design was to acquaint the People aright with the nature of the Gospel Covenant, in which there were two extreams equally dangerous: the one was of those who thought the Priests had an infallible secret of saving their souls, if they would in all things follow their directions; the other was of those who thought that if they magnified Christ much, and depended on his Merits, they could not perish, which way soever they led their lives. So the mean between these was observed, and the People were taught both to depend on the sufferings of Christ, and also to lead their lives according to the rules of the Gospel, without which they could receive no be­nefit by his death. Order was also given, that a Bible should be in every Church, which though it was commanded by King Henry, yet had not been generally obeyed: and for understanding the New Testament, Erasmus's Paraphrase was put out in English, and appointed to be set up in every Church. His great reputation and learning, and his dying in the Communion of the Roman Church, made this Book to be preferred to any other, since there lay no prejudice to Erasmus, which would have been objected to any other Author. They renewed also all the Injunctions made by Cromwel in the former Reign, which after his fall were but little looked after, as those for instructing the people, for removing Images, and put­ting down all other customes abused to su­perstition; [Page 25]perstition; for reading the Scriptures, and saying the Litany in English, for frequent Sermons and Catechising, for the Exempla­ry lives of the Clergy, and their labours in visiting the sick, and the other parts of their function, such as reconciling differences, and exhorting their people to Charities: and all who gave Livings by Simoniacal bar­gains, were declared to have forfeited their right of Patronage to the King. A great charge was also given for the strict obser­vation of the Lords Day, which was appointed to be spent wholly in the service of GOD; it not being enough to hear Mass or Mattins in the Morning, and spend the rest of the Day in drunken­ness and quarrelling, as was commonly pra­ctised; but it ought to be all imployed ei­ther in the duties of Religion, or in acts of Charity, only in time of Harvest they were allowed to work on that and other Festival days. Direction was also given, for the bidding of Prayers, in which the King, as Supreme head, the Queen, and the Kings Sisters, the Protector and Council, and all the Orders of the Kingdom were to be mentioned; they were also to pray for de­parted souls, that at the last day, we with them might rest both body and soul. There were also Injunctions given for the Bishops, that they should preach four times a year in their Diocesses, once in their Cathedral, and thrice in any other Church, unless they had a good excuse to the contrary: that their Chaplains should preach often: and [Page 26]that they should give Orders to none, but those that were duly qualified.

These were variously censured: The Clergy were only impowered to remove the abused Images, Censures on ths In­junctions. and the People were re­strained from doing it, but this authority being put in their hands, it was thought they would be slow and backward in it. It had been happy for this Church, if all had a­greed since that time, to press the Religi­ous observation of the Lords Day, without starting needless questions about the Mora­lity of it, and the obligation of the fourth Commandment; which has occasioned much dispute and heat: and when one Party raised the obligation of that duty to a pitch that was not practicable, it provoked o­thers to slacken it too much: and this produced many sharp reflections on both sides, and has concluded in too common a neglect of that day, which instead of being so great a bond and instrument of Religion, as it ought to be, is become generally a day of idleness and loosness. The Corruptions of Lay Patrons and Simoniacal Priests have been often complained of, but no Laws nor Provisions have ever been able to preserve the Church from this great mischief; which can never be removed till Patrons look on their right to nominate one to the charge of Souls, as a trust for which they are to render a severe account to God, and till Priests are cured of their aspiring to that charge, and look on it with dread and great caution. The bidding of [Page 27]Prayers had been the custome in time of Popery; for the Preacher after he had na­med his Text, and shewed what was to be the method of his Sermon, desired the People to joyn with him in a Prayer, for a blessing upon it; and told them likewise, whom they were to pray for, and then all the People said their Beads in silence, and he kneeling down said his, and from that this was called the bidding of the Beads. In this new direction for them, Order was given to repeat always the Kings Title of Supream Head, that so the People hearing it often mentioned, might grow better accustomed to it: but when in­stead of a bidding Prayer, an immediate one is come generally to be used, that enume­ration of Titles seems not so decent a thing, nor is it now so necessary as it then was. The prayer for departed souls was now moderated, to be a prayer only for the consummation of their happiness at the last day; whereas in King Henry's time, they prayed that God would grant them the fruition of his presence, which im­plied a Purgatory. The Injunctions to the Bishops, directing them to give Or­ders with great caution, pointed out that by which only a Church can be preserved from Errors and Corruptions: for when Bishops do easily upon recommendations or emendicated Titles, confer Orders, as a sort of favour that is at their disposal, the ill effects of that must be fatal to the Church; either by the Corruptions that [Page 28]those vicious Priests will be guilty of, or by the Scandals which are given to some good minds by their means, who are thereby disgusted at the Church for their sakes, and so are disposed to be easily drawn in­to those Societies that separate from it.

The War with Scotland was now in con­sultation; The War with Scot­land. but the Protector being appre­hensive that France would engage in the quarrel, sent over Sir Fr. Brian to congra­tulate with the new King, to desire a con­firmation of the last Peace, and to com­plain of the Scots, who had broken their Faith with the King, in the matter of the Marriage of their Queen. The French King refused to confirm the Treaty, till some Ar­ticles should be first explained, and so he disowned his Fathers Embassadour; and for the Scots, he said he could not forsake them, if they were in distress. The En­glish alledged that Scotland was subject to England; but the French had no regard to that, and would not so much as look on the Records that were offer'd to prove it; and said they would take things as they found them, and not look back to a di­spute of two hundred years old. This made the English Council more fearful of engaging in a War, which by all appear­ance, would bring a War on them from France. The Castle of St. Andrews was surrendred, and all their Pensioners in Scot­land were not able to do them great fer­vice: The Scots were now much lifted up; for as England was under an Infant [Page 29]King, so the Court of France was governed by their Queen Dowagers Brothers. The Scots began to make Inroads on England, and Descents on Ireland. Commissioners were sent to the Borders to treat on both sides; and the Protector raised a great Ar­my, which he resolved to command in person. But the meeting on the Borders was soon broke up, for the Scots had no Instructions to treat concerning the Mar­riage, and the English were ordered to treat of nothing else, till that should be first agreed to. And the Records that were shewed of the Homage done by the Scottish Kings to the English had no great effect; for the Scots either said they were forged, or forced from some weak Princes, or were only Homages for their Lands in England, as the Kings of England did Ho­mage to the Crown of France for their Lands there. They also shewed their Re­cords by which their Ancestors had asserted that they were free and independent of England. The Protector left Commissions of Lieutenancy to some of the Nobility, August. and devolved his own power, during his absence, on the Privy Council, and came to the Borders by the end of August. The Scots had abandoned the Passes, so that he found no difficulty in his March, and the small Forts that were in his way, were surren­dred upon Summons. When the English ad­vanced to Falsid, the Scots engaged with them in Parties, but lost 1300 men. The two Armies came in view; the English con­sisted [Page 30]of fifteen thousand Foot and three thousand Horse, and a Fleet under the Command of the Lord Clinton, sailed along by them, as they marched near the Coast; the Scottish Army consisted of thirty thousand, and a good train of Ar­tillery.

The Protector sent a Message to the Scots, inviting them by all the Arguments that could be invented, to consent to the Marriage; and if that would not be granted, he desired engagements from them, that their Queen should be contracted to no other person, at least till she came of age, and by the advice of the Estates, should choose a Husband for herself. This the Protector offered to get out of the War upon Ho­nourable terms, but the Scottish Lords thought this great Condescension was an effect of fear, and believed the Protector was straitned for want of Provisions; so instead of publishing this offer, they resol­ved to fall upon him next day: And so all the return that was made, was, That if the Protector would march back without any act of Hostility, they would not fall upon him. One went officiously with the Trumpeter, and challenged the Protector, in the Earl of Huntley's name, to decide the matter by their Valour; but the Pro­tector said he was to fight no way but at the head of his Army, yet the Earl of War­wick accepted the challenge, but Huntley had given no order for it. On the twentieth of September the Armies engaged. In the [Page 31]beginning of the action, a shot from the Ships killed a whole lane of men, and dis­ordered the High-landers, so that they could not be made to keep their Ranks. The Battel of Mussel­burgh. The Earl of Angus charged bravely, but was repul­sed, and the English broke in with such fu­ry on the Scots, that they threw down their Arms and fled. Fourteen thousand were killed, fifteen hundred taken Prisoners, among whom was the Earl of Huntley, and five hundred Gentlemen. Upon this, the Protector went on and took Leith, and some Islands in the Frith, in which he put Garrisons, and left Ships to wait on them; he sent some Ships to the mouth of Tay and took a Castle (Broughty) that com­manded that River. If he had followed this blow, and gone forward to Striveling, to which the Governour, with the small remainders of his Army, had retired, and where the Queen was, it is probable, in the consternation in which they were, he might have taken that place, and so have made an end of the War. But the party his Brother was making at Court, gave him such an Alarm, that he returned before he had ended his business: And the Scots having sent a Message desiring a Treaty, which they did only to gain time, he ordered them to send their Commissioners to Berwick, and so marched back: He took in all the Castles in Merch and Teviotdale, and left Garrisons in them, and made the Gentry swear to be true to the King, and to promote the Marriage. He entred into [Page 32] Scotch ground the second of September, and returned to England on the twenty ninth, with the loss only of sixty men, and brought with him a great deal of Artillery, and many Prisoners: This success did raise his reputation very high, and if he had now made an end of the War, it had, no doubt, establish'd him in his authority. The Scots sent no Commissioners to Berwick, but instead of that, they sent some to France, to offer their Queen to the Dauphin, and to cast themselves on the protection of that Crown; and so the Earl of Warwick, whom the Protector left to treat with them, returned back. The Protector, upon this great success, summoned a Parliament, to get himself established in his power.

The Visitors had now ended the Visita­tion, The suc­cess of the Visitation. and all had submitted to them, and great Inferences were made from this, that on the same day on which the Images were burnt in London, their Army obtained that great Victory in Scotland. But all sides are apt to build much on Providence, when it is favourable to them, and yet they will not allow the Argument when it turns against them. Bonner at first protested that he would obey the Injunctions, if they were not contrary to the Laws of God, and the Ordinances of the Church; but being called before the Council, he re­tracted that, and asked Pardon; yet for gi­ving terrour to others, he was for some time put in Prison upon it. Gardiner [Page 33]wrote to one of the Visitors, before they came to Winchester, that he could not re­ceive the Homilies; and if he must either quit his Bishoprick, or sin against his Conscience, he resolved to chuse the for­mer: Upon this, he was called before the Council, and required to receive the Book of Homilies; but he excepted to one of them, that taught that Charity did not justifie, contrary to the Book set out by the late King, confirmed in Parliament: He also complained of many things in Erasmus's Paraphrase: And being pressed to declare whether he would obey the Injun­ctions or not, he refused to promise it, and so was sent to the Fleet. Cranmer treated in private with him, and they argued much about Justification. Gardiner thought the Sacraments justified, and that Charity ju­stified as well as Eaith. Cranmer thought that only the merits of Christ justified, as they were applied by Faith, which could not be without Charity; so the que­stion turned much on a different way of explaining the same thing. Gardiner ob­jected many things to Erasmus's Book, par­ticularly to some passages contrary to the power of Princes; it was answered, That Book was not chosen, as having no faults, but as the best they knew for clearing the difficulties in Scripture. Cranmer offered to him, that if he would concur with them, he should be brought to be one of the Privy Council; but he did not comply in this so readily as he ordinarily did to such [Page 34]offers. Upon the Protectors return, he wrote to him, complaining of the Councils proceedings in his absence; and after he had given his objections to the Injunctions, he excepted to this, that they were con­trary to Law, and argued from many pre­cedents, that the Kings authority could not be raised so high; and that though Cromwel and others endeavoured to perswade the late King, that he might govern as the Roman Emperours did, and that his Will ought to be his Law; yet he was of another opinion, and thought that it was much better to make the Law the Kings Will. He complained also that he was hardly used, that he had neither Servants, Physicians nor Chaplains, allowed to wait on him; and that though he had a Writ of Summons, he was not suffered to come to the Parliament, which he said, might bring a Nullity on all their Proceedings. But he lay in Prison till the Act of General Pardon past in Parliament, set him at liberty. Many blamed the severity of these proceedings as contrary both to Law and Equity, and said that all people, even those who complained most of arbi­trary power, were apt to usurp it when they were in authority: And some thought the delivering the doctrine of Justification in such nice terms was not sutable to the plain simplicity of the Christian Religion. Lady Mary was so alarmed at these pro­ceedings, that she wrote to the Protector, that such changes were contrary to the ho­nour due to her Fathers Memory, and it was [Page 35]against their duty to the King to enter up­on such points, and endanger the publick Peace before he was of Age. To which he wrote answer, That her Father had died before he could finish the good things he had intended concerning Religion; and had expressed his regret both before himself and many others, that he left things in so unsetled a state; and assured her that no­thing should be done but what would turn to the Glory of God, and the Kings Ho­nour: He imputed her Writing to the im­portunity of others rather than to her self, and desired her to consider the matter bet­ter with an humble Spirit and the assistance of the Grace of God.

The Parliament was opened the fourth of November, A Parlia­ment meets. and the Protector was by Patent authorized to sit under the Cloath of State, on the Right hand of the Throne; and to have all the Honours and Privi­ledges that any Unkle of the Crown, either by Father or Mothers side, ever had. Rich was made Lord Chancellour. The first Act that past, five Bishops only dissenting, An Act of Repeal. was, ‘A Repeal of all Statutes that had made any thing Treason or Felony in the late Reign, which was not so be­fore, and of the six Articles, and the authority given to the Kings Procla­mations, as also of the Acts against Lol­lards. All who deni'd the Kings Supremacy, or asserted the Popes, for the first of­fence were to forfeit their goods, for the second were to be in a Pramunire, and [Page 36]were to be attainted of Treason for the third. But if any intended to deprive the King of his Estate or Title, that was made Treason: none were to be ac­cused of Words but within a month after they were spoken; they also repealed the power that the King had of annulling all Laws made, till he was twenty four years of age, and restrained it only to an an­nulling them for the time to come, but that it should not be of force for the decla­ring them null from the beginning.’

Another Act past with the same dissent, An Act a­bout the Sacra­ment. for the Communion in both kinds, and that the people should always communicate with the Priest, and by it irreverence to the Sacrament was condemned under severe pe­nalties. Christ had instituted the Sacrament in both kinds, and S. Paul mentions both. In the Primitive Church that custome was uni­versally observed, but upon the belief of Transubstantiation, the reserving and car­rying about the Sacrament were brought in; this made them first endeavour to per­swade the World that the Cup was not necessary, for Wine could neither keep, nor be carried about conveniently; but it was done by degrees, the Bread was for some time given dipt, as it is yet in the Greek Church: but it being believed that Christ was entirely under either kind, and in every crumb, the Council of Con­stance took the Cup from the Laity; yet the Bohemians could not be brought to sub­mit to it, so every where the use of the [Page 37]Cup was one of the first things that was insisted on by those who demanded a Re­formation. At first all that were present did communicate; and censures past on such as did it not: And none were denied the Sacrament but Penitents, who were made to withdraw during the Action. But as the devotion of the World slackned, the people were still exhorted to continue their Oblations, and come to the Sacrament, though they did not receive it; and were made believe, that the Priest received it in their stead: The name Sacrifice given to it, as being a holy Oblation, was so far improved, that the World came to look on the Priests officiating, as a Sacri­fice for the dead and living: From hence followed an infinite variety of Masses for all the accidents of humane life; and that was the chief part of the Priests trade, but it occasioned many unseemly jests con­cerning it, which were restrained by the same Act that put these down.

Another Act past without any dissent, An Act concern­ing the no­mination of Bishops. ‘That the Conge d'elire, and the Election pursuant to it, being but a shadow, since the person was named by the King, should cease for the future, and that Bishops should be named by the Kings Letters Patents, and thereupon be consecrated; and should hold their Courts in the Kings name, and not in their own, excepting only the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Court: And they were to use the Kings Seal in all their Writings, except in Pre­sentations, [Page 38]Collations, and Letters of Orders, in which they might use their own Seals.’ The Apostles chose Bishops and Pastors by an extraordinary gift of discerning Spirits, and proposed them to the approbation of the people; yet they left no rules to make that necessary: In the times of Persecution, the Clergy being maintained by the Oblations of the people, they were chosen by them. But when the Emperours became Christians, the Town Councils and eminent men took the Elections out of the hands of the Rab­ble: And the Tumults in popular Electi­ons were such, that it was necessary to regu­late them. In some places the Cler­gy, and in others the Bishops of the Pro­vince made the choice. The Emperours reserved the Confirmation of the Electi­ons in the great Sees to themselves. But when Charles the Great annexed great Territories and Regalities to Bishopricks, a great change followed thereupon: Church-men were corrupted by this undue greatness, and came to depend on the humours of those Princes to whom they owed this great encrease of their wealth. Princes named them, and invested them in their Sees: But the Popes intended to separate the Ecclesiastical State from all subjection to Secular Princes, and to make themselves the heads of that State, at first they pretended to restore the freedom of Elections; but these were now ingrossed in a few hands, for only the Chapters chose; [Page 39]The Popes had granted thirty years before this to the King of France, the nomination to all the Bishopricks in that Kingdome; so the King of Englands assuming it was no new thing, and the way of Elections, as King Henry had setled it, seemed to be but a Mockery: so this change was not much condemned. The Ecclesiastical Courts were the Concessions of Princes, in which, Trials concerning Marriages, Wills and Tithes, depended, so the holding those Courts in the Kings name, was no Invasion on the Spiritual Function; since all that concern­ed Orders, was to be done still in the Bi­shops name, only Excommunication was still left as the Censure of those Courts, which being a Spiritual Censure, ought to have been reserved to the Bishop, to be pro­ceeded in by him only with the assistance of his Clergy: and this fatal errour then committed, has not yet met with an effe­ctual regulation.

Another Act was made against idle Va­gabonds, An Act a­gainst Va­gabonds. that they should be made slaves for two years, by any that should seize on them: This was chiefly designed against some Vagrant Monks, as appears by the Proviso's in the Act, for they went about the Countrey, infusing in the People a dislike of the Government. The severity of this Act made that the English Nation which naturally abhors slavery, did not care to execute it: and this made that the other Proviso's, for supplying those that were truly indigent, and were willing to be im­ployed, [Page 40]had no effect. But as no Nation has better, and more merciful Laws, for the supply of the Poor, so the fond pity that many shew to the common Beggars, which no Laws have been able to restrain, makes that a sort of dissolute and idle Beggars intercept much of that Charity, which should go to the relief of those, that are indeed the only proper objects of it. An Act for dissolving the Chan­gries. After this came the Act for giving the King all those Chantries, which the late King had not sei­zed on by Vertue of the Grant made to him of them. Cranmer opposed this much: for the poverty of the Clergy was such that the State of Learning and Religion was like to suffer much, if it should not be relieved: and yet he saw no probable Fond for that, but the preserving these, till the King should come to be at Age; and allow the selling them, for buying in, of at least such a share of the Impropriations, as might afford some more comfortable subsistence to the Clergy: yet though he, and seven other Bishops dissented, it was past: After all other Acts, a General Par­don, but clogged with some Exceptions, came last: some Acts were proposed, but not past; one was for the free use of the Scri­ptures, others were for a Court of Chancery in Ecclesiastical Causes, for Residence, and for a Reformation of the Courts of Common Law. The Con­vocation fits. The Convocation sat at the same time; and moved that a Com­mission begun in the late Reign of thirty two Persons for reforming the Ecclesiastical [Page 41]Laws might be revived, and that the in­feriour Clergy might be admitted to sit in the House of Commons, for which they alledged a Clause in the Bishops Writ and Ancient Custome; and since some Pre­lates had under the former Reign begun to alter the form of the Service of the Church, they desired it might be brought to perfection: and that some care might be had of supplying the poor Clergy, and relieving them from the Taxes that lay on them. This concerning the inferiour Cler­gy's sitting in the House of Commons, was the subject of some debate, and was again set on foot both under Queen Elizabeth and King James, but to no effect. Some pre­tended that they always sat in the House of Commons, till the submission made in the former Reign, upon the suit of the Prae­munire: but that cannot be true, since in this Convocation, 17. years after that, in which many that had been in the former were present, no such thing was alledged. It is not clear who those Proctors of the Clergy that sat in Parliament, were: if they were the Bishops assistants, it is more pro­per to think they sat in the House of Lords. No mention is made of them, as having a share in the Legislative Authority, in our Records, except in the 21. of Richard the 2d. In which, mention is made, both of the Commons, the Lords Spiritual, and Tem­poral, and the Proctors of the Clergy con­curring to the Acts then made: which makes it seem most probable that they [Page 42]were the Clerks of the lower House of Convocation. When the Parliament met antiently all in one Body, the inferiour Clergy had their Writs, and came to it with the other Freeholders, but when the two Houses were separated, the Clergy became also a distinct body, and gave their own Subsidies, and medled in all the concerns, and represented all the grievances of the Church. But now by the Act made upon the submission of the Clergy in the last Reign, their power was reduced almost to nothing: so they thought it reason­able to desire, that either they might have their Representatives in the House of Commons, or at least, that matters of Religion should not pass without the as­sent of the Clergy. But the raising the Ecclesiastical authority too high in former times, made this turn, that it was now depressed as much below its just limits, as it was before exalted above them: as commonly one extreme produces ano­ther.

It was resolved that some Bishops and Divines should be sent to Windsor, to fi­nish some Reformations in the publick Of­fices; for the whole lower House of Convo­cation, without a contradictory Vote, a­greed to the Bill about the Sacrament. But it is not known what opposition it met with in the Upper House. A Propo­sition being also set on foot concerning the lawfulness of the Marriage of the Clergy, thirty five subscribed to the affirma­tive, [Page 43]and only fourteen held the Nega­tive.

And thus ended this Session, both of Par­liament and Convocation. And the Protector being now established in his power, and received by a Parliament, without contra­diction, took out a new Commission, in which, besides his former authority, he was impowered to substitute one in his room, during his absence.

In Germany the Princes of the Smalcal­dick League were quite ruined; The affairs of Germany. the Duke of Saxe was defeated, and taken Prison­er; and used with great severity and scorn, which he bare with an invincible great­ness of mind. The Landgrave was per­swaded to submit, and had assurances of liberty given him; but by a trick unbe­coming the greatness of the Emperour, he was seized on and kept Prisoner, con­trary to faith given: upon this all the Princes and Towns, except Magdeburg and Brome, submitted and purchased their pardon, at what terms the Conquerour was pleased to impose. The Bishop and Elector of Colen, withdrew peaceably to a retirement, in which, after four years, he died: and now all Germany was at the Emperours mercy. Some Cathedrals, as that at Ausburg, were again restored to the Bishops, and Mass was said in them. A Diet was also held, in which the Emperor obtain'd a Decree to pass, by which matters of Religion were referred wholly to his care. The Pope, instead of rejoycing at this [Page 44]blow given the Lutherans, was much trou­bled at it: for the Emperour had now in one Year made an end of a War, which he hoped would have Imbroiled him his whole life; so that Italy was now more at his mercy than ever: and it seemed the Emperour intended to inlarge his Conquests there, for the Pope's Na­tural Son being killed by a Conspiracy, the Governour of Milan seized on Placentia, which gave the Pope some jealousie, as if the Emperour had been privy to the de­sign against his Son. The Emperour's Ambassadors were also very uneasie to the Legates at Trent, and prest a Reformation of abuses, and endeavoured to restrain them from proceeding in points of do­ctrine: so they took hold of the first pre­tence they had by the death of one that seemed to have some symptomes of the Plague, and removed it to Bologna. By this all the advantages the Emperour had from the Promises which the Protestants made, to submit to a free General Council assem­bled in Germany, were defeated: and it was thought a strange turn of Divine Providence, that when the extirpation of Lutheranism was so near being effected, a stop was put to it by that which of all things was least to be apprehended: since it might have been expected that the perfecting such a design would have made the Pope and the Emperor friends, though there had been ever so many other grounds of differ­ence between them. So unusual a thing [Page 45]made the favourers of the Reformation as­cribe it to the immediate care that Hea­ven had of that work, now when all the humane supports of it were gone. Upon this fatal revolution of affairs there, many Germans, and Italians that had retired to Ger­many, came over to England: Peter Martyr and Bernardinus Ochinus came over first, Bucer and Fagius followed. They were invited over by Cranmer, who entertain­ed them at Lambeth, till they were pro­vided. Martyr was sent to Oxford, and Bucer and Fagius to Cambridge; but the latter dyed soon after. There were some differences between the French and English, concerning some new Forts, which were made about Bulloigne, on both sides, yet a Truce was agreed on, for the Protector had no mind to engage in a War with France.

He had a new trouble raised up in his own Family, Differen­ces be­tween the Protector and the Admiral. by the Ambition of his Bro­ther, who thought that being the Kings Uncle, as well as his Brother was, he ought to have a larger share of the Government. He had made addresses to Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister, but finding no hopes of success, he made applications to the Queen Dowager, who married him a little unde­cently, for it was afterwards objected to him, that he married her so soon after the Kings death, that if she had concei­ved with Child immediately after the marriage, it might have been doubtful whether it was by the late King, or not: [Page 46]yet the marriage was for some time con­cealed, and the Admiral moved the King and his Sisters, to write to the Queen, to accept him for her Husband: The Kings Sisters excused themselves, that it was not decent for them to interpose in such a matter, but the young King was more easie: so upon his Letter, the Queen published her marriage. The Admiral being now possessed of much Wealth, and the King coming often to the Queens Lodgings, he endeavoured to gain him, and all that were about him, and furni­shed the King often with Money. His design was, that whereas in former times, when Infant-Kings had two Uncles, one was Governour of his Person, and ano­ther was Protector of the Realm; so now these two Trusts might be divided, and that he might be made Governour of the Kings Person. This is the true ac­count of the breach between those Bro­thers, for the story of the quarrel be­tween their Wives about precedence, seems to be an ill-grounded fiction: for there was no pretence of a competition be­tween the Queen Dowager and the Dutch­ess of Somerset; but the latter being a high Woman, might have perhaps infla­med her Husbands resentments, over whom she had an absolute power, which gave the rise to that story. The Protector was at first very easie to be reconciled to his Brother, but after the many pro­vocations he received from him, he threw [Page 47]off nature too much. When he was in Scotland, the Admiral began to take ad­vantage upon that to make a party: And the good advices that were given him by Paget, to look on those as the common Enemies of their Family, who were ma­king this breach between them, had no effect to cure a mind hurried on by Am­bition. It was the advertisement that was sent him of this, that made the Protector leave Scotland before he had finished his business there. During the Session of Par­liament, the Admiral prevailed with the King to write with his own hand a Message to the House of Commons, to make him the Governour of his person. When the Admiral was making Friends in order to this, it came to his Brothers ears, before he had made any publick use of it: So he employed some to divert him from it, but with no success. Upon that, he was sent for to appear before the Council, but he refused to come; yet they having threatned to turn him out of all his places, and to send him to the Tower, he submitted, and the Brothers were reconciled: But the Ad­miral continued his secret practices still with those about the King.

Gardiner being included in the Act of Pardon, was set at liberty: 1548 He promised to receive and obey the Injunctions, only he excepted to the Homily of Justification; yet he complied in that likewise: but it was visible that in his heart he abhorred all their proceedings, though he outwardly [Page 48]conformed. The Second Marriage of the M. of Northampton was tried at this time, for his first Wife being convict of Adultery, he and she were separated. The M. of Northam­ptons Di­vorce. And he moved in the end of the former Reign, that he might be suffered to marry again; so a Commission was then granted, and was renewed in this Reign to some Delegates to examine what relief might be given to the innocent person in such a case. But this being new, and Cran­mer proceeding in it with his usual exact­ness, which is often accompanied with slowness, the Marquess became impatient, and married a second Wife: Upon this, the Council ordered them to be parted till the Delegates should give sentence. The Ar­guments for the second Marriage were these, Christ had condemned Divorces for other cases, but excepted that of Adultery. A Sepa­ration from Bed and Board, and the Mar­riage bond standing, was contrary to many places of Scripture, that mention the end of Marriage. S. Paul discharges the married per­son, if the other wilfully deserted him, much more will it follow in the case of Adultery. And though St. Paul says the Wife is tyed to her Husband as long as he liveth, that is only to be understood of a Husband that continued to be one; but that relation ceased by Adultery. The Fathers differed in their opinions in this matter, some allow­ed Marriage upon Divorce to the Hus­band, but denied it to the Wife; others allowed it to both. So Tertullian, Epipha­nius and Basil; Jerome also justified Fabiolae [Page 49]that had done it. Chrysostome and Chroma­tius allowed a second Marriage. St. Austin was doubtful about it. The Roman Empe­rours allowed by their Laws, even after they became Christians, Divorce, and a second Marriage, both to Husbands and Wives, upon many other Reasons besides Adultery; as for procuring Abortions, treating for another Marriage, being guilty of Trea­son, or a Wifes going to Plays without her Husbands leave. Nor did the Fathers in those times complain of those Laws: This was also allowed by the Canons upon se­veral occasions; but after the State of Coe­libate came to be magnified out of measure, second Marriages were more generally con­demned: And this was heightned when Marriage was lookt on as a Sacrament. Yet though no Divorces were allowed in the Church, the Canonists found out many shifts for annulling Marriages from the be­ginning, to those that could pay well for them. All these things being considered, the Delegates gave sentence, confirming the second Marriage, and dissolving the first.

Candlemass and Lent were now approach­ing, Some Ce­remonies abrogated so the Clergy and People were much di­vided with relation to the Ceremonies usual at those times. By some Injunctions in K. Hen­ry's Reign it had been declared, that Fasting in Lent was only binding by a positive Law. Wakes and Plough Moondays were also suppressed, and hints were given that other customes which were much abused, should [Page 50]be shortly put down. The gross Rabble loved these things, as matters of diversion, and thought Divine Worship without them would be but a dull business. But others lookt on these as Relicts of Heathenism, since the Gentiles worshipped their Gods with such Festivities, and thought they did not become the gravity and simplicity of the Christian Religion. Cranmer upon this procured an Order of Council against the carrying of Candles on Candlemass day, of Ashes on Ash-Wednesday, and Palms on Palm-Sunday; which was directed to Bon­ner to be intimated to the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, and was executed by him. But a Proclamation followed against all that should make changes with­out Authority: The creeping to the Cross and taking Holy Bread and Water, were by it put down, and power was given to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to certifie, in the Kings name, what Ceremonies should be afterwards laid aside; and none were to preach out of their own Parishes with­out licence from the King or the Visitors, the Arch-bishop or the Bishop of the Dio­cess. Some questioned the Councils power to make such Orders, the Act that gave authority to their Proclamations being re­pealed; but it was said the Kings Supre­macy in Ecclesiastical matters might well justifie their making such 'Rules. Febr. 8. Soon af­ter this, a General Order followed for a removal of all Images out of Churches: There were every where great contests [Page 51]whether the Images had been abused to Su­perstition or not. Some thought the con­secration of them was an abuse common to them all. Those also that represented the Trinity, as a man with three faces in one head, or as an old man with a young man before him, and a Dove over his head; and some where the Blessed Virgin was re­presented as assumed into it, gave so great scandal, that it was no wonder, if men, as they grew to be better enlightned, could no longer endure them. The only occasion given to censure in this order, was, that all Shrines, and the Plate belonging to them, were appointed to be brought in to the Kings use. A Letter was at that time writ to all Preachers, requiring them to exhort the people to amend their lives, and for­sake Superstition; but for things not yet changed, to bear with them, and not to run before those whom they should obey. Some hot men condemned this temper, as savouring too much of carnal Policy; but it was said, that though the Apostles by the gift of Miracles, had sufficient means to convince the World of their authority; Yet they did not all at once change the customes of the Mosaical Law, but pro­ceeded by degrees; and Christ forbid the pulling up the Tares, lest good Wheat should be pulled up with them; so it was fit to wean people by degrees from their former superstition, and not to run too fast.

Eighteen Bishops, and some Divines, were now imployed to examine the Of­fices of the Church, to see which of them needed amendment. A new Of­fice for the Communi­on. They began with the Eucharist: They proceeded in the same manner that was used in the former Reign. For every one gave in his opinion in Wri­ting, in answer to the questions that were put to them. Some of these are still preser­ved, which were concerning the Priests sole communicating, and Masses satisfacto­ry for the dead, the Mass in an unknown tongue, the hanging it up and exposing it and the Sacrifice that was made in it. In most of those Papers it appears that the greatest part of the Bishops were still lea­vened with the old superstition, at least to some degree. It was clearly found that the plain Institution of the Sacrament was was much vitiated, with a mixture of many Heathenish Rites and Pomps, on design to raise the credit of the Priests, in whose hands that great performance was lodged. This was at first done to draw over the Heathens by those splendid Rites to Chri­stianity; but Superstition once begun, has no bounds nor measures; and ignorance and barbarity encreasing in the darker ages, there was no regard had to any thing in Religion, but as it was set off with much Pageantry: And the belief of the Corporal presence raised this to a great height. The Office was in an unknown tongue, all the Vessels and Garments belonging to it, were consecrated with much devotion, [Page 53]a great part of the Service was secret, to make it look like a wonderful charm; the Consecration it self was to be said very softly, for words that were not to be heard, agreed best with a change that was not to be seen: The many Gesticulations and the magnificent Processions all tended to raise this Pageantry higher. Masses were also said for all the turns and affairs of humane life. Trentals, a custome of ha­ving thirty Masses a year on the chief Festi­vities for redeeming Souls out of Purgato­ry, was that which brought the Priests most Money, for these were thought Gods best days, in which aecess was easier to him. On Saints days, in the Mass it was prayed, that by the Saints Intercession, the Sacrifice might become the more accepta­ble, and procure a larger Indulgence, which could not be easily explained, if the Sacrifice was the death of Christ; besides a numberless variety of other Rites, so many of the Relicts of Heathenism were made use of for the corrupting of the holiest institution of the Christian Religion. The first step that was now made, was a new Office for the Communion, that is, the distribution of the Sacrament, for the Office of Consecration was not at this time touched. It differs very little from what is still used. In the Exhortation, Auricu­lar Confession to a Priest is left free to be done or omitted, and all were required not to judge one another in that matter. There was also a denunciation made requiring [Page 54]impenitent sinners to withdraw. The Bread was to be still of the same form that had been formerly used. In the distributi­on it was said, The Body of our Lord, &c. preserve thy Body, and The Blood of our Lord, &c. preserve thy Soul. This was Printed with a Proclamation, requiring all to re­ceive it with such Reverence and Unifor­mity, as might encourage the King to pro­ceed further, and not to run to other things before the King gave direction, assuring the people of his earnest zeal to set forth Godly Orders; and therefore it was hoped they would tarry for it: The Books were sent over England, and the Clergy were appointed to give the Communion next Easter according to them.

Many were much offended to find Con­fession left indifferent, Auricular Confession examined. so this matter was examined. Christ gave his Apostles a power of binding and loosing, and S. James commanded all to confess their faults to one another. In the Primitive Church all that denied the Faith, or otherwise gave scan­dal, were separated from the Communion, and not admitted to it till they made publick Confession: And according to the degrees of their sins, the time and degrees of publick Penitence, and their Separation were proportioned: Which was the chief subject of the Consultations of the Councils in the fourth and fifth Centuries. For secret sins the people lay under no obliga­tion to confess, but they went often to their Priests for direction, even for these. [Page 55]Near the end of the fifth Century they began to have secret Penances and Con­fessions as well as publick: But in the seventh Century this became the general practice. In the eighth Century the Com­mutation of Penance for Money, or other Services done the Church, was brought in. Then the Holy Wars and Pilgrimages came to be magnified: Croisadoes against Here­ticks, or Princes deposed by the Pope, were set up instead of all other Penances: Priests also managed Confession and Abso­lution, so as to enter into all mens secrets, and to govern their Consciences by them; but they becoming very ignorant, and not so associated as to be governed by Orders that might be sent them from Rome, the Friers were every where imployed to hear Confessions, and many reserved Cases were made, in which the Pope only gave Abso­lution; these were trusted to them, and they had the Trade of Indulgences put in their hands, which they managed with as much considence as Mountebanks used in selling their Medicines, with this advan­tage, that the ineffectualness of their de­vices was not so easily discovered, for the people believed all that the Priests told them. In this they grew to such a pitch of confidence, that for saying some Col­lects, Indulgences for years, and for Hun­dreds, Thousands, yea, a Million of years; were granted; so cheap a thing was Heaven made. This trade was now thrown out of the Church, and private [Page 56]Confession was declared indifferent: But it was much censured that no Rules for Publick Penance were set up at this time, but what were corrupted by the Cano­nists. The people did not think a De­clarative Absolution sufficient, and thought it surer work when a Priest said, I Ab­solve thee, though that was but a late In­vention. Others censured the words of distribution, by which the Bread was ap­propriated to the Body, and the Cup to the Soul: And this was soon after a­mended, only some words relating to it are still in the Collect, We do not pre­sume.

The affairs of State took up the Coun­cil, Gardiner is imprison­ed. as much as the matters of Religion im­ployed the Bishops, the War with Scotland grew chargeable, and was supported from France, but the sale of the Chantry Lands brought the Council in some Money. Gardiner was brought into new trouble, many com­plaints were made of him, that he dispa­raged the Preachers sent with the Kings li­cence into his Diocess, and that he secret­ly opposed all Reformation. So being brought before the Council, he denied most of the things objected to him, and offer­ed to explain himself openly in a Sermon before the King. The Protector prest him not to meddle in matters, not yet determined, particularly the presence of Christ in the Sacrament, and to assert the Kings power, though he was under age, and the Authority of the Council: for the [Page 57]Clergy began generally to say, that though they acknowledged the Kings Supremacy; yet they would not yield it to the Coun­cil, and seemed to place it in some ex­traordinary grace conferred on the King by the Anointing in the Coronation. So the Protector desired Gardiner to declare himself in those points; but when he came to preach on St. Peters day, he inveighed against the Popes Supremacy, and asserted the Kings, but said nothing of the Coun­cil, nor the Kings power under Age: he also justified the suppression of Monaste­ries and Chantries, and the putting down Masses satisfactory, as also the removing of Images, the Sacrament in both kinds, and the new Order for the Communion; but did largely assert the Corporal Pre­sence in the Sacrament: Upon which there was a noise raised by hot Men of both sides, during the Sermon, and this was said to be a stirring of sedition, and upon that he was sent to the Tower. This way of proceeding was thought contrary both to Law and Justice, and as all violent courses do, this rather weakned than strengthned those that were most concern­ed in it. Cranmer did at this time set out a large Catechism, which he dedicated to the King. He insisted much on shewing, that Idolatry had been committed in the use of Images: he asserted the Divine Institution of Bishops and Priests, and their authority of Absolving sinners, and expressed great Zeal for setting up Peni­tentiary [Page 58]Canons, and exhorted the People to discover the state of their Souls to their Pastors: from this it appears, that he had changed the opinions, he former­ly held, against the Divine Institution of the Ecclesiastical Offices.

But now a more general Reformation of the whole Liturgy was under conside­ration, A new Li­turgy com­posed. that all the Nation might have an Uniformity in the Worship of God; and be no more cantoned to the several Uses of Sarum, York, Lincoln, Hereford and Ban­gor. Anciently the Liturgies were short, and had few Ceremonies in them: Every Bishop had one for his own Diocess: but in the African Churches, they began first to put them into a more Regular Form. Gregory the Great, labour'd much in this; yet he left Austin the Monk to his liber­ty, either to use the Roman or French forms in England, as he found they were like to tend most to Edification. Great Additions were made in every Age, for the private Devotions of some that were reputed Saints, were added to the Pub­lick offices: and mysterious significations were invented for every new Rite, which was the chief study of some Ages: and all was swelled up to a vast bulk. It was not then thought on, that praying by the spirit, consisted in the inventing new words, and uttering them with warmth; and it seemed too great a subjection of the People to their Priests, that they should make them joyn with them in all [Page 59]their heats in prayer: and would have proved as great a resignation of their de­votion to them, as the former superstiti­on had made of their faith. It was then resolved to have a Liturgy, and to bring the Worship to a fit mean, between the Pomp of Superstition, and naked flatness. They resolved to change nothing, meer­ly in opposition to received practices, but rather in Imitation of what Christ did, in the Institution of the two Sacraments of the Gospel, that did consist of Rites used among the Jews, but blessed by him to higher purposes, to comply with what had been formerly in use, as much as was possible thereby to gain the People. All the Consecrations of Water, Salt, &c. in the Church of Rome, lookt like the remainders of Heathenism, and were laid aside: by these Devils being adjured, and a Divine vertue supposed to be in them, the People came to think, that by such observances, they might be sure of Hea­ven. The Absolutions, by which, upon the account of the Merits of the Blessed Virgin, and the Saints, the sprinklings of Water, Fastings and Pilgrimages, with many other things, sins were pardoned, as well as on the account of the Passion of Christ, and the Absolution given to dead bodies, lookt like gross Impostures, tend­ing to make the World think, that be­sides the painful way to Heaven, in a course of true Holiness, the Priests had secrets in their hands, of carrying Peo­ple [Page 60]thither in another Method, and on easier terms; and this drew in the Peo­ple to purchase their favour, especially when they were dying: so that, as their fears were then heightned, there was no o­ther way left them, in the conclusion of an ill life, to dye with any good hopes, but as they bargained for them with their Priests; therefore all this was now cast out. It was resolved to have the whole wor­ship in the Vulgar Tongue, upon which Saint Paul has copiously enlarged him­self: and all Nations, as they were con­verted to Christianity, had their Offices in their Vulgar Tongue; but of late, it had been pretended, that it was a part of the Communion of Saints, that the worship should be every where in the same Language; though the People were hardly used, when for the sake of some Vagrant Priests, that might come from foreign Parts, they were kept from know­ing what was said in the worship of God. It was pretended, that Pilate having or­dered the Inscription on the Cross, in Greek, Latine, and Hebrew, these three Languages were sanctified; but it is not easie to understand what authority he had, for conferring such a priviledge on them. But the keeping all in an Unknown Tongue, preserved in dark Ages the e­steem of their Offices, in which there were such Prayers and Hymns, and such Les­sons, that if the People had understood them, they must have given great scan­dal: [Page 61]In many Prayers the pardon of sins, and the grace of God were asked, in such a stile, of the Saints, as if these had been wholly at their disposal, and as if they had been more merciful than God, or Christ. In former times all that did officiate, were peculiarly habited, and all their Garments were blessed: and these were considered, as a part of the train of the Mass; but on the other hand, white had been the colour of the Priests Vestments, under the Mosaical Law, and was early brought into the Christian Churches: it was a proper expression of Innocence, and it was fit that the wor­ship of God should be in a decent habit. So it was continued, and since the Sacri­fices offered to Idols, were not thereby according to Saint Paul, of their own nature polluted, and every Creature of God was good, it was thought, notwith­standing the former abuse, most reasonable to use these Garments still.

The Morning and Evening Prayers were put almost in the same Method, The new Offices. in which we use them still, only there was no Con­fession nor Absolution. In the Office for the Communion, there was a Commemo­ration of thanksgiving, for the Blessed Virgin, and all departed Saints, and they were commended to God's mercy and peace. In the Consecration, the use of crossing the Elements was retained, but there was no Elevation, which was at first used as an historical Rite, to shew [Page 62]Christ's being lifted up on the Cross; but was afterwards done, to call on the Peo­ple to adore it. No stamp was to be on the Bread, and it was to be thicker than ordinary. It was to be put in the Peo­ples mouths by the Priests, though it had been anciently put in their hands. Some in the Greek Church began to take it in Spoons of Gold, others in a Linnen cloth, called their Dominical: but after the Cor­poral presence was received, the People were not suffered to touch it, and the Priests Thumbs and Fingers were peculi­arly anointed, to qualifie them for that Contact. In Baptism, the Child's head and breast was crost, and an adjuration was made of the Devil, to depart from him: Children were to be thrice dipt, or in case of weakness, water was to be sprinkled on their faces, and then they were to be anointed. The sick might also be anointed, if they desired it. At Fune­rals, the departed Soul was recommended to God's mercy.

The Sacraments were formerly believed, of such vertue, Private Commu­nion. that they conferred Grace, by the very receiving them, ex opere ope­rato: and so Women baptized. The An­cients did send portions of the Eucharist to the sick, but without any Pomp: which came in, when the Corporal Presence was believed. But instead of that, it was now appointed, that the Sacraments should be ministred to the sick, and therefore in case of weakness, Children might be bap­tized [Page 63]in Houses; though it was more suit­able to the design of Baptism, which was the admission of a new Member to the Church, to do it before the whole Con­gregation: But this, which was a provi­sion for weakness, is become since a mark of Vanity, and a piece of affected state. It was also appointed, that the Sacrament should be given to the sick, and not to be sent from the Church, but Consecrated by their Bed-sides: since Christ had said, that where two or three were assembled, in his name, he would be in the midst of them. But it is too gross a Relique of the worst part of Popery, if any imagine, that after an ill life, some sudden sorrow for sin, with a hasty Absolution, and the Sacrament will be a passeport to Heaven, since the mercies of God in Christ are offered in the Gospel, only to those who truly believe, sincerely repent, and do change the course of their Lives.

The Liturgy thus compiled, was publi­shed with a Preface, concerning Ceremo­nies: the same that is still in the Com­mon-Prayer-Book, written with extraor­dinary judgment and temper.

When the Book came into all Mens hands, several things were censured: Censures past on the Com­mon-pray­er-Book. as particularly the frequent use of the Cross and Anointing. The former began to be used, as a badge of a crucified Saviour: but the superstition of it was so much advanced, that Latria was given to the Crosier. The using it was also believed [Page 64]to have a Virtue for driving away evil spirits, and preserving one from dangers: so that a Sacramental vertue was affixed to it, which could not be done, since there is no Institution for it in Scrip­ture: but the using it as a Ceremony, ex­pressing the believing in a crucified Savi­our, could import no superstition, since Ceremonies, that only express our duty or profession, may be used as well as words, these being signs, as the other are sounds, that express our thoughts. The use of Oyl in Confirmation, and recei­ving Penitents, was early brought into the Church: but it was not applied to the sick, till the 10th. Century; for the Ancients did not understand those words of Saint James, to relate to it, but to the extraordinary gift of healing, then in the Church.

While these changes were under Con­sideration, All Preach­ing was for some time restrained. there were great heats every where, and a great contradiction among the Pulpits; some commending all the old customes, and others inveighing as much against them: so the power of granting Licences to preach, was taken from the Bishops, and restrained only to the King and the Archbishops; yet even that did not prove an effectual restraint. So a Proclamation was set out, restraining all Preaching, till the Order, which was then in the hands of the Bishops, should be finished; and instead of hearing Sermons, all were required to apply themselves to [Page 65]Prayer, for a blessing on that which was then a preparing, and to content them­selves in the mean while with the Homi­lies.

The War of Scotland continued: Affairs in Scotland. the Scots received a great supply from France of 6000. Men, under the command of Des­sy. The English had fortified Hadington, which was well situated, and lay in a fruitful Countrey: so the Governour of Scotland joyning an Army of Scots to the French, sat down before it. The Protector saw the inconveniencies of a long War coming on him, both with Scotland and France: so he offered a truce for 10. years, in which time he hoped by presents and practices, to gain, or at least to divide those, who were united by the War. Many of the Scotch Nobility liked the Proposition well: and indeed the inso­lence of the French was such, that in­stead of being Auxiliaries, they considered them as Enemies. But the Clergy were so apprehensive of a Match with England, that they never concluded themselves se­cure, till it were put out of their power: and so did vehemently promote the Pro­position made by the French, of sending their Queen over to France: and this was in conclusion agreed to. So the French Ships that brought over the Auxiliaries, carried back the young Queen. The siege of Hadington went on: a great recruit sent to them from Berwick was intercep­ted, and cut off: but they were well sup­plied [Page 66]with Ammunition and Provisions. Some Castles that the English had, were taken by surprize, and others by Trea­chery: a Fleet was sent to spoil the Coast of Scotland, under the Admirals command, but he made only two des­cents, in both which he had such ill suc­cess, that he lost near 1200. Men in them. The Earl of Shrewsbury led in a good Army to the Relief of Hadington: The Siege was opened, and the place well supplied. But as Dessy marched back to Edenburgh, his Souldiers committed great out rages upon the Scots, so that if Shrewsbury had designed to fight, he had great advantages, since the Scots were now very weary of their imperious friends, the French: but he marched back, having performed that for which he was sent. Dessy followed him, and made a great in­road into England, but would not give the Scots any share of the spoil, and trea­ted them in all things, as a conquered Province: and being in fear of them, he fortified himself in Leith, which before was but an inconsiderable Village. He al­so attacked the Fort which the English had in Inchkeith, and took it. But he was re­called upon the Complaints that were sent to the Court of France, against him. Now the People there began to feel their slavery, and to hate those that had per­swaded the sending their Queen to France, and particularly the Clergy, and were thereby the more disposed to hearken to [Page 67]such Preachers, as discovered their Cor­ruptions and superstition. Monluc Bishop of Valence, a Man celebrated for wisdom, and for so much moderation in matters of Religion, that it drew upon him the suspicion of Heresie, was sent over from France to be Chancellor of Scotland. This was like to give great discontent to the Scot­tish Nobility: so he returned to France. The English were now involved in a War, in which they could promise themselves no good issue, unless they could conquer the Kingdom: for the end they had propo­sed by a Match, was now put out of the power, even of the Scots them­selves.

In Germany, the Emperor, Affairs in Germany. after he had used all possible endeavours to bring the Council back to Trent, but without suc­cess, protested against those at Bologna: and ordered three Divines (one of them was esteemed a Protestant) to draw a Book for reconciling matters of Religi­on, which should take place in that in­terval, till a Council should meet in Ger­many, called from that the Interim. The chief Concessions in favour of the Prote­stants were the Communion in both kinds, and that married Priests might officiate. A Diet was summoned, where Maurice was invested in the Electorate of Saxe, the degraded Elector being made to look on, and see the Ceremony; which he did with his ordinary constancy of mind: and without expressing any concern about it, [Page 68]he returned to his studies, which were chief­ly imployed in the Scriptures. The Book was proposed to the Diet, and the Bi­shop of Mentz, without any Order, thanked the Emperour for it, in their name, and this was published, as the con­sent of the Diet. So slight a thing will pass for a consent of the States, by a Conquerour that looks on himself as a­bove Law. Both Papists and Protestants were offended at it. It was condemned at Rome, where no Heresie was more odi­ous than that the Secular Powers should meddle in points of Faith. The Prote­stants generally refused it: and the impri­son'd Elector could not be wrought on to re­ceive it, neither by the Offers that were made him, nor the severities he was put to, in all which he was always the same. Some contests arose between Melancthon, and the other Lutherans: for he thought the Ceremonies, being things indifferent, might be received; but the others thought these would make way for all the other errors of Popery. The Protestant Reli­gion was now almost ruined in Germany, and this made the Divines turn their eyes to England. Calvin wrote to the Prote­ctor, and prest him to go on to a more compleat Reformation, and that Prayers for the Dead, the Chrism and Extream Un­ction might be laid aside. He desired him to trust in God, and go on, and wished there were more preaching, and in a more lively way, than he heard was then [Page 69]in England: but above all things he pray­ed him to suppress that Impiety and pro­fanity, that, as he heard, abounded in the Nation.

In the end of this Year, A Session of Parlia­ment. a Session of Parliament met, but no Bill was finished before February; the first was concerning the married Clergy, which was finished by the Commons in six days, but lay six Weeks before the Lords: Nine Bishops, and four Temporal Lords protested a­gainst it. It was declared, An Act for the marri­age of the Clergy. that it were better for Priests to live unmarried, free of all worldly cares; yet since the Laws compelling it, had occasioned great filthi­ness, they were all repealed. The pre­tence of Chastity in the Romish Priests, had possessed the World with a high o­pinion of them, and had been a great re­flection on the Reformers, if the World had not clearly seen through it, and been made very sensible of the ill effects of it, by the defilement it brought into their own Beds and Families. Nor was there any point in which the Reformers had enquired more, to remove this prejudice, that lay against them. In the old Testa­ment, all the Priests were not only mar­ried, but the Office descended by Inheri­tance. In the New Testament, Marriage was declared Honourable in all: among the qualifications of Bishops and Deacons, their being the Husbands of one Wife, are reckoned up. Many of the Apostles were married, and carried their Wives about [Page 70]with them, as also Aquila did Priscilla. For­bidding to marry, is reckoned a mark of the Apostasie, that was to follow. Some of the first Hereticks inveighed against Marriage, but the Orthodox justified it, and condemned those Churchmen that put away their Wives: which was confirmed by a General Council, in the fifth Cen­tury: In Trullo. Paphnutius, in the Council of Nice, opposed a motion that was made for it: Hilary of Poictiers was married, Basil and Na­zianzen's Fathers were Bishops. Heliodorus, the first that wrote a Romance, moved that Bi­shops might live singly; but till then eve­ry one did in that as he pleased, and e­ven those who were twice married, if the first was before their Conversion might be Bishops, which Jerome himself, though very partial to celibate, justifies; all the Canons made against the married Clergy, were only positive Laws, which might be re­pealed. The Priests in the Greek Church did still live with their Wives at that time; In the West, the Clergy did gene­rally marry; and in Edgar's time, they were for the most part married in Eng­land. In the Ninth Century P. Nicolas prest the Celibate much, but was oppo­sed by many. In the Eleventh Century, Gregory the 7th. intending to set up a new Ecclesiastical Empire, found that the unmarried Clergy would be the surest to him, since the married gave Pledges to the State, and therefore he proceeded furi­ously in it; and called all the married [Page 71]Priests, Nicolaitans: yet in England, Lan­franc did only impose the Celibate on the Prebendaries, and the Clergy that lived in Towns: Anselm imposed it on all without exception; but both he, Bernard, and Pe­trus Damiani, complain, that Sodomy a­bounded much, even among the Bishops: And not only Panormitan, but Pius the 2d. wished, that the Laws for the Celibate were taken away. So it was clear, that it was not founded on the Laws of God: and it was a sin to force Churchmen to vow that which sometimes was not in their power: and it was found by examining the forms of Ordination, that the Priests in England had made no such vows; and e­ven the vow in the Roman Pontifical to live chastly, did not import a tie not to marry, since a Man might live Chast in a married state. Many lewd stories were published of the Clergy, but none seemed more remarkable, than that of the Pope's Legate, in Henry the second's time, who the very same Night after he had put all the married Clergy from their Benefices, was found a-bed with a Whore. It was also observed that the unmarried Bishops, if they had not Bastards to raise, were as much set on advancing their Nephews and Kindred, as those that were married could be: Nor did any Persons meddle more in secular affairs, than the unmar­ried Clergy: and it might be reasonable to restrain the Clergy, as was done in the Primitive Church, from converting the [Page 72]Goods of the Church, which were entru­sted to their care, to the enriching of their Families. None appeared more zealous for procuring this liberty, than seve­ral Clergy men that never made use of it, in particular Ridley and Redmayn.

Another Act past, An Act confirm­ing the Li­turgy. confirming the Li­turgy, which was now finished, Eight Bishops, and three Temporal Lords only protesting against it. There was a long preamble, setting forth the inconvenience of the former Offices, and the pains that had been taken to reform them; and that diverse Bishops and Divines had, by the aid of the Holy Ghost, with an uniform agreement concluded on the new Book: therefore they Enacted, That by Whit­sunday next, all Divine Offices should be performed according to it, and if any used other Offices, for the first offence they should be imprisoned six months, lose their Benefices for a second, and be imprisoned during life for the third offence. Some cen­sured those words, that the Book was com­posed by the Aid of the Holy Ghost; but this did not import an Inspiration, but a Divine assistance. Many wondred to see the Bishops of Norwich, Hereford, Chiche­ster, and Westminster, protest against the Act, since they had concurred in compo­sing the Book. It does not appear whe­ther they were dissatisfied at any thing in it, or whether they opposed the impo­sing it on such severe penalties; or if they were displeased at a Proviso that was [Page 73]added for the using of Psalms taken out of the Bible, which was intended for the sing­ing Psalms then put in Verse, and much used both in Churches and Houses, by all that loved the Reformation. In the Pri­mitive times the Christians used the Psalter much, and the chief devotion of the Mo­nastick Orders consisted in repeating it often. Apollinarius put it in Verse, and both Nazianzen and Prudentius wrote ma­ny devout Hymns in Verse: Others, though in Prose, were much used, as the Gloria in Excelsis, and the Te Deum: afterwards the greatest part of the Offices was put in Latin Rhimes, and so now some English Poets turned the Psalter into Verse, which was then much esteemed; but both our Language and Poetry, being since that time much improved, this work has now lost its beauty so much, that there is great need of a new Version.

Another Act past about Fasting, An Act for Fasting. decla­ring, ‘That though all days and meats were in themselves alike, yet fasting, be­ing a great help to vertue, and to the subduing the Body to the mind, and a distinction of meats conducing to the advancement of the Fishing trade, it was Enacted, That Lent, and all Fridays and Saturdays, and Ember days should be Fish days, under several penalties, exce­pting the weak, or those that had the Kings Licence.’ Christ had told his Disciples, that when he was taken from them, they should fast: So in the Primi­tive [Page 74]Church they fasted before Easter; but the same number of days was not observed in all places; afterwards other rules and days were set up: but S. Austin complained, that many in his time placed all their Religion in observing them. Fast-days were turned to a mockery in the Church of Rome, in which they both dined, and did eat Fish drest exquisitely, and drank Wine. This made many run to another extream against all Fasts, or distinction of days, which certainly, if rightly managed, and without superstition, is a great means for keeping up a seriousness of mind, which is necessary for maintaining the power of Religion. Other Bills were proposed, but not past, one for making it Treason to marry the Kings Sisters, without the con­sent of the King and Council: But the forfeiture of Succession in that case was thought sufficient. The Bishops did also complain of their want of power to re­press vice, which so much abounded: But the Laity were so apprehensive of coming again under an Ecclesiastical Tyranny, that they would not consent to it. A Proposition was also made for bringing the Common Law into a body, in imita­tion of Justinians Digests: But it fell, being too great a design to be finished under an Infant King.

In this Parliament the Admiral was At­tainted. The Ad­mirals At­tainder. The Queen Dowager died in September last, not without suspicion of Poison; upon that he renewed his Ad­dresses [Page 75]to Lady Elizabeth; but finding it in vain to expect that his Brother and the Council would consent to it, and that her right to the Succession would be cut off if he married her without their consent, he resolved to make sure of the Kings Person, till he made a change in the Go­vernment: He fortified his House, he laid up a Magazine, and made a party among the Nobility. The Protector imployed many to divert him from those desperate designs, but his Ambition being incurable, he was forced to proceed to extremities against him. He sent him Prisoner to the Tower in January, with his Confederate Sharington, who being Vice-Treasurer of the Mint at Bristol, had supplied him with Mo­ney, and had coined much base Money for his use. Many were sent to perswade him to a better mind, and his Brother was willing to be again reconciled to him, if he would retire from the Court and business; but he was intractable. So, many Articles were objected to him, both of his designs against the State, and of his Malversation in his Office, several Pyrates having been entertained by him. Many Witnesses and Letters under his own hand, were brought against him. Almost the whole Council went to the Tower and examined him; but he refused to make any Answers, and said he expected an open Tryal. The whole Council upon this, acquainted the King with it, and desired him to refer the mat­ter to the Parliament, which he granted. [Page 76]Upon that, some Counsellors were again sent to see what they could draw from him, but he was sullen, and after he had answered to three of the Articles, denying some particulars, and excusing others, he refused to go any further. The business was next brought into the House of Lords: The Judges and the Kings Council deli­vered their opinions, That the Articles objected to him were Treason. Then the Evidence was given, upon which the whole House past the Bill, the Protector only withdrawing: They dispatched it in two days. In the House of Commons many argued against Attainders without a Trial, or bringing the party to make his Answers. But a Message was sent from the King, desiring them to proceed as the Lords had begun. So the Lords that had given Evidence against him in their own House, were sent down to the Commons: Upon which they past the Bill; and the Royal Assent was given the fifth of March: And afterwards, the King being prest to it by the Council, gave order for the Execution, which was done the twentieth of March. This was the only cure that his Ambition seemed capable of: Yet it was thought against nature, that one Bro­ther should fall by the hand of another: And the Attainting a man without hearing him, was condemned, as contrary to Natural Justice; so that the Protector suffered al­most as much by his death as he could have done by his life.

The Laity and Clergy both gave the King Subsidies, and so the Parliament was Prorogued. The first thing taken into care was the receiving the Act of Unifor­mity: A new Vi­sitation. Some Complaints were made of the Priests way of officiating, that they did it with such a tone of voice, that the people did not understand what was said, no more than when the Prayers were said in Latine; so this Temper was found: Pray­ers were ordered to be said in Parish Churches in a plain voice, but in Cathe­drals the old way was still kept up, as agreeing better with the Musick used in them: Though this seemed not very de­cent in the Confession of sins, nor in the Litany, where a simple voice, gravely ut­tered, agreed better with those devoti­ons, than those Cadences and unmusical notes do. Others continued to use all the Gesticulations, Crossings and Kneelings, that they had formerly been accustomed to: The people did also continue the use of their Beads, which were brought in by Peter Hermit, in the eleventh Cen­tury, by which the repeating the Angels Salutation to the Virgin, was made a great part of their devotion, and was ten times said for one Pater Noster. Instructions were given to the Visitors to put all these down in a new Visitation, and to enquire if any Priests continued to drive a trade by Trentals or Masses for departed Souls. Order was also given, that there should be no Private Masses at Altars in the cor­ners [Page 78]of Churches, and that there should be but one Communion in a day, unless it were in great Churches, and at high Festivals, in which they were allowed to have one Communion in the morning, and another at noon. The Visitors made their Report, That they found the Book of Common Prayer received universally over all the Kingdom, only Lady Mary conti­nued to have Mass said according to the abrogated forms: Upon this, the Coun­cil wrote to her to conform to the Laws; for the nearer she was to the King in blood, she was so much the more obliged to give a good Example to the rest of the Subjects. She refused to comply with their desires, and sent one to the Empe­rour for his Protection; upon which the Emperour pressed the English Embassadours, and they promised that for some time she should be dispensed with. The Emperour pretended afterwards that they made him an absolute Promise that she should never be more troubled about it, but they said it was only a Temporary Promise. A Match was also proposed for her with the King of Portugal's Brother, but it was let fall soon after. She refused to acknowledge the Laws made when the King was under age, and carried herself very high, for she knew well that the Protector was then afraid of a War with France, and that made the Em­perours Alliance more necessary to England: Yet the Council sent for the Officers of her houshold, and required them to let her [Page 79]know that the Kings Authority was the same when he was a child as at full age; and that it was now lodged in them, and though as they were single persons, they were all inferiour to her, yet as they were the Kings Council, she was bound to obey them, especially when they exe­cuted the Law; which all Subjects of what rank soever were bound to obey. Yet at present they durst go no further for fear of the Emperours displeasure: So it was resolved to connive at her Mass.

The Reformation of the greatest Er­rours in Divine Worship being thus esta­blished; Disputes concern­ing Christs presence in the Sa­crament. Cranmer proceeded next to esta­blish a form of Doctrine: the chief point that hitherto was untouched, was the pre­sence of Christ in the Sacrament, which the Priests magnified as the greatest My­stery of the Christian Religion, and the chief priviledge of Christians; with which the simple and credulous vulgar were mightily affected. The Lutherans received that which had been for some Ages the Doctrine of the Greek Church, that in the Sacraments there was both Bread and Wine, and also the substance of the Body and Blood of Christ. The Helvetians lookt on it only as a Commemoration of the Death of Christ. The Princes of Ger­many were at great pains to have these re­conciled, in which Bucer had laboured with great Industry: But Luther being a man of a harsh temper, did not easily bear contradiction, and was too apt to assume, [Page 80]in effect, that Infallibility to himself, which he condemned in the Pope. Some took a middle way, and asserted a Real Presence, but it was not easie to understand what was meant by that expression, unless it was a real application of Christs death; so that the meaning of Really was Effectu­ally. But though Bucer followed this me­thod, Pet. Martyr did in his Lectures declare plainly for the Helvetians. So Dr. Smith, and some others, intended publickly to oppose and affront him; and challenged him to a dispute about it, which he readily accepted, on these conditions, That the Kings Council should first approve of it, and that it should be managed in Scripture terms: For the strength of those Doctors lay in a nimble managing of those barba­rous and unintelligible terms of the Schools, which though they sounded high, yet re­ally they had no sense under that: So all the Protestants resolved to dispute in Scri­pture terms, which seemed more proper in matters of Divinity, than the Meta­physical language of School men. The Council having appointed Dr. Cox, and some others, to preside in the dispute, Dr. Smith went out of the way, and a lit­tle after fled out of England: But before he went, he wrote a very mean sub­mission to Cranmer: Other Doctors dispu­ted with Peter Martyr concerning Tran­substantiation, but that had the common fate of all publick disputes, for both sides gave out that they had the better. At the [Page 81]same time there were also disputes at Cam­bridge, which were moderated by Ridley, that was sent down thither by the Coun­cil. He had fallen on Bertrams Book of the Sacrament, and wondred much to find so celebrated a Writer in the ninth Century, engage so plainly against the Corporal Presence: This disposed him to think that at that time it was not the received be­lief of the Church: He communicated the matter to Cranmer, and they together made great Collections out of the Fathers on this head, and both wrote concern­ing it.

The substance of their Arguments was, Argu­ments a­gainst the Corporal Presence. That as Christ called the Cup the Fruit of the Vine, so S. Paul called the other Ele­ment Bread, after the Consecration; which shews that their natures were not changed. Christ speaking to Jews, and substituting the Eucharist in the room of the Paschal Lamb, used such expressions as had been customary among the Jews on that occasi­on; who called the Lamb the Lords Passe­over, which could not be meant literally, since the Passeover was the Angels passing by their Houses, when the first born of the Egyptians were killed: So it being a commemoration of that, was called the Lords Passeover; and in the same sense did Christ call the Bread his Body: Figu­rative expressions being ordinary in Scri­pture, and not improper in Sacraments, which may be called Figurative actions. It was also appointed for a Remembrance [Page 82]of Christ, and that supposes absence: The Elements were also called by Christ his Body broken, and his Blood shed; so it is plain, they were his Body, not as it is glorified in Heaven, but as it suffered on the Cross: And since the Scriptures speak of Christs continuance in Heaven till the last day, from thence they infer­red, that he was not Corporally present. And it was shewed, that the eating Christs Flesh, mentioned by S. John, was not to be understood of the Sacrament, since of every one that did eat, it is said that he has Eternal life in him. So that was to be understood only of receiving Christs do­ctrine, and he himself shewed it was to be meant so, when he said, that the Flesh profited nothing, but his words were Spirit and Life. So that all this was according to Christs ordinary way of teaching in Para­bles. Many other Arguments were brought from the nature of a body, to prove that it could not be in more places than one at once, and that it was not in a place after the manner of a Spirit, but was always ex­tended. They found also that the Fathers had taught, that the Elements were still Bread and Wine, and were the Types, the Signs and Figures of Christs Body, not only according to Tertullian, and S. Austin, but to the Ancient Liturgies, both in the Greek and Roman Churches. But that on which they built most, was that Chrysostome, Gelasius, and Theodoret, arguing against those who said that the [Page 83]humane nature in Christ was swallow­ed up by its Union to his Godhead, They illustrated the contrary thus; as in the Sacrament, the Elements are united to the Body of Christ, and yet continue to be the same that they were formerly, both in Substance, Nature, and Figure; So the Humanity was not destroy­ed by its Union with the Word. From which it appeared that it was then the received opinion, that the Elements were not changed; and therefore all those high expressions in Chrysostome, or others, were only strains and figures of Eloquence, to raise the devotion of the people higher in that holy action. But upon those expres­sions the following Ages built that opinion, which agreeing so well with the Designs of the Priests, for establishing the authority of that Order, which by its Character was qua­lified for the greatest performance that ever was; no wonder they took all imaginable pains to infuse it into the belief of the world, and those dark ages were disposed to believe every thing so much the rather the more incredible that it appeared to be. In the ninth Century many of the greatest men of that Age wrote against it, and none of them were for that condemn­ed as Hereticks: The contrary opinion was then received in England, as appeared by one of the Saxon Homilies that was read on Easter-day, in which many of Bertrams words were put. But it was ge­nerally received in the eleventh and twelfth [Page 84]Century, and fully established in the fourth Council in the Lateran. At first it was be­lieved that the whole Loaf was turned into one entire Body, so that in the distributi­on every one had a Joint given him; and ac­cording to that conceit, it was given out that it did often bleed, and was turned into pieces of Flesh. But this seemed an undecent way of handling Christs glorified Body, so the School-men did invent a more seemly notion, That a Body might be in a place after the manner of a Spirit, so that in every crumb there was an entire Christ; which though it appeared very hard to be conceived, yet it generally pre­vailed, and then the Miracles fitted for the former opinion were no more heard of, but new ones agreeing to this hypothesis were set up in their stead. So dextrously did the Priests deceive the World; and because a mouthful of Bread, or a draught of Wine, would have been shrewd tem­ptations to make the people think it was really Bread and Wine that they got, therefore as the Cup was taken away, so instead of Bread, a thin wafer was given, to make the People more easily imagine, that it was only the accidents of Bread, that were received by them. Upon these grounds did Cranmer and Ridley go in this matter.

There were some Anabaptists at this time in England, Anabap­tists in England. that were come over out of Ger­many: of them there were two sorts, some only objected to the baptizing of [Page 85]Children, and to the manner of it by sprinkling, and not by dipping: others held many opinions, that had been anci­ently condemned as Heresies: they had raised a cruel War in Germany, and set up a new King at Munster, but all these carried the name Anabaptists from that of Infant-baptism, though it was one of the mildest Opinions that they held. Some of these came over to England, so a Commission was granted to some Bishops and others, to search them out, and to proceed a­gainst them. Several Persons were brought before them, and did abjure their errors, which were, ‘That there was not a Tri­nity of Persons, that Christ was not God, and took not flesh of the Virgin, and that a Regenerate man could not sin.’ Two were burnt. One Joan Bocher, called Joan of Kent, de­nied that Christ took flesh of the sub­stance of his Mother; she was out of measure vain and conceited of her noti­ons, and rejected all the Instruction that was offered her with scorn: so she was condemned as an obstinate Heretick, and delivered to the secular Arm. But it was very hard to perswade the King to sign the Warrant for her Execution; he thought it was an Instance of the same spirit of cruelty, for which the Reformers condem­ned the Papists: It was hard to condemn one to be burnt for some wild Opinions, especially when they seemed to flow from a disturbed brain; but Cranmer perswaded him, that he being Gods Lieutenant, was [Page 86]bound in the first place to punish those offences committed against God: He also alledged the Laws of Moses, for punishing blasphemers: and he thought errors that struck immediately against the Apostles Creed, ought to be capitally punished. These things did rather silence than fa­tisfie the young King: he signed the War­rant with tears in his eyes, and said to Cranmer, that since he resigned up himself in that matter to his judgment, if he sin­ned in it, it should lie at his door. This struck the Archbishop: and both he, and Ridley took her into their Houses, and tried what reason, joyned with gentleness, could do. But she was still more and more Insolent, so at last she was burnt, and ended her life very indecently, break­ing out often in jeers, and reproaches, and was looked on as a person fitter for Bedlam, than a Stake. Some time af­ter that, a Dutchman, George van Parre, was also condemned and burnt, for deny­ing the Divinity of Christ, and saying, that the Father only was God. He had led a very Exemplary life, both for fasting, devotion, and a good conversation, and suffer'd with extraordinary composedness of mind. These things cast a great blemish on the Reformers: It was said, they only condemned cruelty, when it was exercised on themselves, but were ready to practise it, when they had power. The Papists made great use of this afterwards in Queen Maries time, and what Cranmer and Ridley [Page 87]suffered in her time, was thought a just retaliation on them from that wise Provi­dence, that dispenses all things justly to all Men. For the other sort of Anabaptists, no severities were used against them, but several Books were written to justifie In­fant-baptism; and the Practice of the Church so early begun, and so universally spread, was thought a good Plea, especi­ally being grounded on such Arguments in Scripture, as did demonstrate, at least, the lawfulness of it.

Another sort of People was much com­plained of, The Do­ctrine of Predesti­nation a­bused. who built so much on the re­ceived Opinion of Predestination, that they thought they might live as they plea­sed; since nothing could resist an absolute Decree: nor did those who had advanced that Opinion, know well how to hinder People, from making such Inferences from it; all they did, was to warn them, not to pry too much into those secrets: but if the Opinion was true, there was no need of much prying to make such con­clusions from it. This had a very ill ef­fect on the Lives of many, who thought they were set loose from all obligations: and that was indeed the greatest scandal of the Reformation. The Preachers were aware of it, and apprehensive of the judg­ments of God, that would follow on it: of which they gave the Nation free warning.

At this time a sort of Contagion of rage run over all the Commons of Eng­land. Tumults in several parts of England. The Nobility and Gentry finding [Page 88]more advantage by the Trade of Wool, than by their Corn, did generally inclose their Grounds, and turn them to Pasture: and so kept but few Servants, and took large Portions of their Estates into their own hands: and yet the numbers of the People increased, Marriage being allowed to all; the abrogation of many Holy-days, and the putting down of Pilgrimages, gave them also more time to work. So the Commons feared to be reduced to great slavery. Some proposed an Aggra­rian Law, for regulating this, and the King himself wrote a Discourse about it, that there might be some equality in the division of the soyl among the Tenants. The Protector was a great friend to the Commons, and complained much of the Oppression of the Landlords. There was a Commission issued out, to enquire con­cerning Inclosures and Farms, and whe­ther those who purchased the Abbey Lands, and were obliged to keep up Hospitality, performed it, or not? and what encou­ragement they gave to Husbandry? but this turned to nothing. So the Commons rose every where, yet in most of the In­land Counties, they were easily dispersed; and it was promised that their grievan­ces should be redressed. The Protector against the Councils mind, set out a Pro­clamation against all new Inclosures, and for indemnifying the People, for what was past. Commissioners were also sent every where, to hear and determine all Com­plaints, [Page 89]but the power that was given to them, was so arbitrary, that the Landlords cal­led it an Invasion of Property, when their Rights were thus subjected to the plea­sure of such Men. The Commons under­standing that the Protector was so favou­rable to them, were thereby the more encouraged: and it was afterwards obje­cted to him, that the Convulsions England fell in, soon after, was chiefly occasioned by his ill Conduct; in which he was the more blamed, because he acted against the mind of the greatest part of the Council. The Rebel­lion in Devonshire. June 10. In Devonshire, the Insurrection was more formidable; the superstition of the Priests joining with the rage of the Commons, so they became quickly 10000. strong. The Lord Russel was sent against them with a small force, and was ordered to try, if the matter could be composed without blood: but Arundel, a Man of Quality, commanding the Rebels, they were not a loose body of People, easily dissipated. They sent their Demands to Court, ‘That the old Service and Cere­monies might be set up again, that the Act of the six Articles, and the Decrees of General Councils might be again in force: that the Bible in English should be called in, that Preachers should pray for the Souls in Purgatory, that Cardinal Pool should be restored, that the half of the Abbey Lands should be restored, to found two Abbeys in every County, and that Gentlemen of 100. Marks a Year, [Page 90]might have but one Servant:’ and they desired a safe Conduct for their Chief Leaders, in order to the Redress of their particular Grievances: afterwards they moderated their desires, only to points of Religion. Cranmer writ a large Answer to these, shewing the Novelty and Super­stition of those Rites and Ceremonies, and of that whole way of worship, of which they were so fond: and that the amendments and changes had been made, according to the Scriptures, and the Cu­stomes of the Primitive Church: and that their being fond of a Worship, which they understood not, and being desirous to be kept still in ignorance, without the Scri­ptures, shewed their Priests had greater power over them, than the common rea­son of all Mankind had: as for the six Articles, that Act had never past, if the King had not gone in Person to the Par­liament, and argued for it: yet he soon saw his error, and was slack in executing it. After that there was a high threat­ning Answer sent them in the King's name, charging them for their Rebellion, and blind obedience to their Priests. In it the King's authority, under Age, was largely set forth, for by the pretence of the Kings Minority, the People generally were made believe, that their rising in Arms, was not Rebellion. In Conclusion, they were earnestly invited to submit to the Kings mercy, as others had done, whom the King had not only pardoned, [Page 91]but had redressed their just Grievances. At the same time the like spirit of rage inflamed the Commons in Norfolk; they pretended nothing of Religion, And in Norfolk. but only to destroy the Gentry, and put new Coun­sellors about the King: they were led by one Ket a Tanner, and in a few days grew to be 20000. They encamped near Norwich, and committed great out-rages: Parker, afterwards Archbishop of Canter­bury, went in among them, and with great freedom inveighed against their Re­bellion and Cruelty, and warned them of the Judgments of God that would fall on them, for which he was in great dan­ger of his life. Ket was now their Prince, and in imitation of the ancient Druids, he did Justice upon complaints brought before him, under an Oak called from thence the Oak of Reformation. The Mar­quess of Northampton was sent against them, with Orders to keep at a distance, and cut off their provisions. There was at the same time a rising likewise in York­shire, where the Commons being incoura­ged by some pretended Prophecies run to­gether, and committed acts of great bar­barity on some Gentlemen. The French begin a War. The French King hearing of all this, resolved to take his advantage, and regain Bulloigne: three days before he marched with his Army, the English Embassadour pressing him up­on the Intimations that were given him of his designs, he assured him on the faith of a Gentleman, that he would not begin a [Page 92]War, till he first gave warning. But ma­ny Princes reckon it a part of their Pre­rogative, to be exempted from such ties, by which only poor Subjects ought to be fettered. All these things falling upon the Government at once; it may be easily imagined, they were under no small con­sternation. A Fast was proclaimed at Court, where Cranmer preached with great freedom and vehemence: he laid out be­fore them their vitious and ill lives, par­ticularly of those who pretended a love to the Gospel; and set before them the Judgments of God that they might look for, and inlarged on the fresh example of the Calamities of Germany; and inti­mated the sad apprehensions he had of some terrible stroke, if they did not re­pent and amend their lives.

The Rebels in Devonshire besieged Exe­ter: The Re­bels eve­ry where routed. the Citizens resisted their assaults, but could not so easily resist the assaults that hunger made on them, for they were not provided for a Siege. They were re­duced at last to great extremities, which made the Lord Russel, after he had got such supplies, as he judged necessary, re­solve to fall upon them. They possessed themselves of a Bridge behind him, both to inclose him, and to hinder others from joyning with him; but he marched back, and did quickly beat them from it, with the loss of 600. of their Men: and by that essay he perceived how easie a work it would be to disperse them: he upon [Page 93]that marched forward to Exeter; and beat the Rebels from a Bridge, that o­pened his way to their Camp, killing a 1000. of them: upon which they raised the Siege, and retired in great disorder to Lanceston: he pursued them, as long as they kept in a body, and great num­bers of them were killed, some of their Leaders and Priests were taken and hang­ed. So happily was that Rebellion subdu­ed, without any loss on the Kings side. But the Marquess of Northampton was not so successful in Norfolk: he marched into Norwich. The Rebels having a great Party in the Town, which was a place of no strength, fell in upon him next day, and drove him out of it: 100. of his Men were killed, and thirty taken Prisoners. Upon this they were much lifted up, but the Earl of Warwick coming thither with 6000. Men, that were prepared to be sent to Scotland, they, after some skirmishes with him, were forced to retire, for they had wasted all the Countrey about, so, that their Provisions failed them: but Warwick followed them close, and killed great numbers, and dispersed them. Ket, and some of their Leaders were taken, and hanged in Chains. The news of this going to Yorkshire, the Rebels there that had not exceeded 3000. accepted the offer of pardon, that was sent them; and some of the more factious, that were ani­mating them, to make new commotions, were taken and hanged. On the 21. of [Page 94] August, the Protector published a General Pardon, in the Kings name, of all that had been done before that day. Many of the Council opposed this, and judged it better to keep the Commons under the lash; but the Protector thought, that as long as such Members continued in such fears, it would be easie to raise new dis­orders: so he resolved, though without the Majority of the Council, to go through with it. This disgusted the Council ex­treamly, who thought he took too much upon him.

A Visitation of Cambridge followed soon after this. A Visitati­on of Cambridge. Ridley was the chief of the Visitors: When he found that a design was laid to suppress some Colledges, under pretence of uniting them to others, and to convert some Fellowships that were provided for Divines, to the study of the Ci­vil Law, he refused to go along in that with the other Visitors; and particularly op­posed the suppression of Clare Hall, which they began with. He said, the Church was already too much robbed, and yet some Mens ravenousness was not satisfied. It seemed the design was laid, to drive both Religion and Learning out of the Land; therefore he desired leave to be gone. The Visitors complained of him to the Protector, and imputed his con­cern for Clare-Hall to his partiality for the North, where he was born, that be­ing a House for the Northern Counties. Upon that, the Protector wrote him a chi­ding [Page 95]Letter, but he answered it with the freedom that became a Bishop, who was resolved to suffer all things, rather than sin against his Conscience: and the Pro­tector was so well satisfied with him, that the Colledge was preserved. There was at this time an end put to a very foolish Controversie, that had occasioned some heat, concerning the pronunciation of the Greek Tongue; which many used more suitably to an English than a Greek accent. Cheek being the Professor of Greek, had taught the truer Rules of Pronun­ciation, but Gardiner was an Enemy to every thing that was new, and so he op­posed it much in King Henry's time: and Cheek was made leave the Chair: but both he, and Sir Tho. Smith wrote in Vin­dication of his Rules, with so much Lear­ning, that all People wondred to see so much brought out upon so slight an oc­casion; but Gardiner was not a Man to be wrought on by reason. Now the matter was setled, and the new way of pronun­ciation took place, and that the rather, because the Patrons of it were in such power, the one being the King's Tutor, and the other made Secretary of State: and that Gardiner, who opposed it, was now in the Tower. So great an Influence has Greatness, in supporting the most spe­culative and indifferent things.

Bonner was now brought in trouble: Bonners Process. It was not easie to know how to deal with him, for he obeyed every Order that was [Page 96]sent him; and yet it was known that he secretly hated and condemned all that was done; and as often as he could declare that safely, he was not wanting by such ways to preserve his interest with the Pa­pists: And though he obeyed the Orders of Council, yet he did it in so remiss a manner, that it was visible that it went against the grain. August. So he was called before the Council, and charged with several particulars, That whereas he used to offi­ciate himself on the great Festivals, he had not done it since the New Service was set out; that he took no care to repress Adul­tery, and that he never Preached. So they ordered him to officiate every Festival, to Preach once a quarter, and to begin with­in three weeks, and Preach at S. Pauls; and to be present at every Sermon when he was in health, and to proceed severely against those who withdrew from the new Service, and against Adulterers. They required him to set forth the heinousness of Rebellion, and the nature of true Re­ligion, and the indifference of outward Ceremonies, and particularly to declare that the Kings Authority was the same, and as much to be obeyed before he was of age as after. On the first of September he Preacht; he said nothing of the power of Kings under Age, and spoke but little to the other points; but enlarged much on the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament. Hooper, and W. Latimer, two of his hear­ers, informed against him. So a Commis­sion [Page 97]was granted to Cranmer, Ridley, the two Secretaries of State, and May, Dean of S. Pauls, to examine that matter, and to imprison, or deprive him, as they should see cause for it: They were also authorized to proceed in the summary way of the Spi­ritual Courts. He was summoned to Lam­beth, where he carried himself with great disrespect and disingenuity towards the Delegates; and gave the Insormers very soul language; and in his whole discourse he behaved himself like one that was disturb­ed in his Brain. When the Commission was read, he made a Protestation against it, reserving to himself power to except to diverse things in it. He said the Infor­mers were Hereticks, and only prosecuted him because he had taught the presence of Christ in the Sacrament. At the next meeting Secretary Smith was there, who was not present at the first: So upon that account, Bonner protested against him, he also charged Heresie on his Accusers, who were thereby under Excommunication, and so not capable to appear in any Court. He denied that any Injunctions had been given him under the Kings hand or Signet; he said he had preached against the late Rebels, which implied that the Kings power was compleat, though he was un­der age. It was answered to this, that the Court might proceed ex Officio, with­out Informers: And that the Injunctions, concerning the heads of which he was re­quired to treat in his Sermon, were read [Page 98]to him by one of the Secretaries, and were gi­ven him by the Protector, and they were af­terwards called for, and that Article about the Kings power under age was, by Order of Council, added; and the Paper was deli­vered to him by Secretary Smith. At a third appearance the Informers offered to vindicate themselves of the charge of He­resie; but after some scurrilous language given them by Bonner, he was called upon to answer to the main business, which was, his saying nothing of the Kings power un­der age; to this he said, he had prepared notes about it, both from the Instances in Scripture, of Solomon, Joash and Manasses, of Josiah and Joakim, that reigned under age; as also several instances in the En­glish story, as Henry the Third, Edward the Third, Richard the Second, Henry the Sixth, and Edward the Fifth; but he pretend­ed these things had escaped his memory; and a long account of the defeat of the Rebels being sent to him by the Council, with an Order to read it, had put him in some confusion, and that the Book in which he had put his Notes, fell from him; for which he appealed to his Chap­lains, whom he had imployed to gather for him the names of those Kings who had reigned before they were of age. But this did not satisfie the Court, so they proceeded to examine Witnesses, whom Bonner intangled all he could with Interro­gatories, and the niceties of the Canon Law. Bonner built his main defence on [Page 99]this, that in the Paper which the Protector gave him, that Article concerning the Kings age was not mentioned, but was after­wards added by Smith; so that he was not bound to obey it: But it was proved that the whole Council ordered that addition to be made. Smith had treated him some­what sharply, for his carriage was very provoking; upon that, he renewed his former Protestation against him, and re­fused to look on him as his Judge, since he had declared himself so partial against him: He complained, that Smith had compared him to Thieves and Traytors. Smith said it was visible he acted as they did: To which Bonner answered, that as he was Secretary of State he honoured him, but as he was Sir Thomas Smith, he lied, and he defied him. And being threat­ned with Imprisonment, he seemed not much concerned at it; he said he had a few Goods, a poor Carkass, and a Soul; the two former were in their power, but he would take care of the latter. And upon that he appealed to the King, and would not answer any more, unless Smith should withdraw: For that contempt he was sent to the Marshalsea; but as he was car­ried away, he broke out into great passion both against Smith and Cranmer. Being called again before them, he adhered to his former Appeal, and some new matter being brought against him, he refused to answer. Great endeavours were used to perswade him to submit, and promises [Page 100]were made him of gentler usage for the fu­ture, but he continued obstinate, and in­stead of retracting, he renewed his Ap­peal. And de­privation. So on the first of October, Cran­mer, Ridley, Smith and May, pronounced sentence of deprivation, because he had not obeyed the Orders of the Protector and Council, nor declared the Kings power while he was under age. He was sent back to prison till the King should give further Order, and a large Record was made of his whole deportment during the Process, and put in the Register of the See of Lon­don, which he took no care to deface when he was afterwards restored. This was much censured, as at best a great stretch of Law, if not plainly contrary to it. Some complained that Lay-men concurred in such a Sentence: But it was said this was no Spiritual Censure, for he was not de­graded, but only deprived of his Bishop­rick; and he had taken a Commission for holding it during the Kings pleasure, and so those that were Commissioned by the King might well deprive him, since he held it so precariously. It was also said that Con­stantine had appointed Triers for hearing the Complaints made of some Bishops; and they examined the business of Cecilian and the Donatists, upon an Appeal from some Synods, that had before judged that mat­ter. That same Emperour did also by his own authority, turn out the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, and the Bishop of Constantinople: And though the Ortho­dox [Page 101]party complained of his doing it upon the false suggestions of the Arians, yet they did not deny his authority in such cases: And it was ordinary for the Emperours to ap­point the Bishops that followed their Court to judge some other Bishops, which was not done Canonically, but by the Empe­rours authority. But to the matter of the Sentence, it was also said that it was hard to deprive Bonner for an omission, that might be only a defect of his memory, as he pretended it was, though few believed that. Upon the whole matter, it was vi­sible that it had been resolved to turn him out on the first occasion that could be found, and that they took hold of him on this disadvantage, and that the fault was ra­ther aggravated for his sake, than he de­prived for the fault, which would have been more gently past over in another; but he had been fierce and cruel, and so was much hated, and little pitied. He re­mained a Prisoner till Queen Mary's Reign, but continued to behave himself more like a Glutton than a Divine; for he sent about to his Friends to furnish him well with Puddings and Pears, and gave them all to the Devil that did not supply him liberally: Such Curses were strange acts of Episcopal Jurisdiction; yet they were mild, compared to those he gave out when he was again restored to his See in the next Reign, by which he condemned so many In­nocents to the fire.

The English affairs in Foreign parts went very unsuccessfully this year, Ill success of the En­glish. for when they [Page 102]were so distracted at home, no wonder if both the French and Scots took advantage from thence. Most of the Forts about Bul­loigne were taken by the French, but though those that commanded them, did for their own excuse, pretend they were ill provided, yet the French Writers publish­ed that they were well stored. From these they came and sat down before Bulloigne, and though the Plague broke into the French Camp, yet the Siege was not rai­sed: The King left the Army under the Command of Coligny, the famous Admiral of France. He found the sure way to take it, was to cut it off from Sea, and so to keep out all Supplies: But the several at­tempts he made to do that proved unsuccess­ful. The Winter that came on, forced him to raise the Siege; but he lodged a great part of his Army in the Forts about, so that it was in danger of being lost next year. In Scotland there was also a great turn; the Castle of Broughty was taken by the Scots, and the Garrison almost wholly cut off. The English took care to provide Hading­ton well, expecting a Siege; but upon that the Scots let it alone; yet the charge of keeping it was so great, and the Countrey about it was so wasted, that all their pro­visions were to be sent from Berwick, so that the Protector thought it more advisable to abandon it; and upon that, sent orders to the Garrison to slight the works, and come back to England. So that now the English had no place beyond the Borders, except Lander: and Thermes the French [Page 103]General sat down before it, and if a Peace had not come, it had fallen into his hands. The Protector had now no Foreign Ally to depend on but the Emperour; and little was to be expected from him, for he was so dissatisfied with the changes that had been made in the matters of Religion, that they found his assistance was not to be trust­ed to. At this time the Emperour brought his Son to the Netherlands, that he might put him in possession of those Provinces; though the secret considerations that made him do it so early, in those places where the Prince was not Elective, is not visi­ble. It was thought they enclined to shake off his yoke, and that if the Emperour should have then died, they would have put themselves under Maximilian, Ferdi­nand's Son, afterwards Emperour. It was some such apprehension that moved Charles to make them swear obedience so early to his Son; and settle not only many limita­tions on him in the matter of imposing Taxes, and of not putting strangers in places of trust, not governing them by a Military power, but make a special pro­vision, that in case his Son should break those rules, the Provinces should not be bound to obey him any longer: Which was the chief ground both in Law and Conscience, upon which they afterwards justified their shaking off his yoke. Charles, that was born in those parts, had a pecu­liar tenderness for them, and did perhaps fear that the rigid Councils of the Spani­ards [Page 104]might prevail too much on his Son, which made him so careful to secure their liberties; a rare instance of a Princes love for his people, by which he took such care of their rights, as to make their tye of obe­dience to his Son, to depend on his main­taining them inviolably. The Princes of Germany were now at the Emperours mercy, and saw no way to recover their liberty but by the help of the French King: So there were applications made to him, which he cheerfully entertained, only he was resolved first to make himself master of Bulloigne, and then to turn his whole force towards Germany. Advertise­ments were given of this to the Prote­ctor, upon which he entred into a deep consultation with his Friends what was fit to be done in so critical a con­juncture; whether it was better to de­liver up Bulloigne to the French by a Trea­ty, or to engage in a War to preserve it; which being on the French side, would prove a much more chargeable War to the English than to the French; and this was of very dangerous consequence when af­fairs were in so unsetled a condition at home; ill success, which was like to be the event of such a War, would turn on him that had the chief administration of affairs: so both regard to the publick, and to the esta­blishing his private fortune, which could not be done in time of War, without drawing much envy on him, inclined him to deliver up Bulloigne. But his Enemies saw that the [Page 105]continuance of the War was like to ruine him, whereas a General Peace would put the Nation wholly in his hands, and there­fore they who were the majority in the Council, set themselves against all motions for a Treaty; and said it would be a la­sting reproach on the Government if such a place as Bulloigne were sold.

Paget gave his opinion in Writing, Several expedients proposed. in which, after he had with great Judgement ballanced the affairs of Europe, he conclu­ded that the restoring the liberty of Germa­ny, and the bearing down the Emperours greatness, was at present to be preferred to all other things, and that could not be done without a conjunction with France; and that was to be pursued by the media­tion of the Venetians. Thomas, a Clerk of the Council, and much imployed in foreign affairs, was of another mind: He thought it was very dishonourable to deliver up the late Conquests in France, therefore he proposed their casting themselves on the Emperour, that so some time might be gained: They knew the Emperour would not be hearty, unless they would promise to return to the Roman Religion; but he thought that was to be done in such an ex­tremity of affairs; and when the present difficulty was over, they might turn to other Councils. There was great danger in this, it would very much dishearten the few Towns that refused to bear the Em­perours yoke in Germany, and it would provoke the Emperour more against them [Page 106]afterwards, if he should find that he had been deceived by them: he also proposed that in order to the imbroiling of Scotland, some should be imployed to perswade the Governour to aspire to the Crown, and that he should be assured of the assistance of England, for this would separate that Nation from the Interests of France.

The issue of these Consultations, The Em­peror re­fuses his assistance. was, first, the sending over Paget to the Emperor, to try what might be expected from him: His publick Instructions were to obtain an explanation of some ambiguous words in the former Treaty, and a ratification of it by Prince Philip, and to adjust some dif­ferences in the matter of Trade: but his secret Instructions were to see, if the Em­peror would include Bulloign in the League defensive, and so protect it: or, if that could not be obtained, he was ordered to try, whether the Emperour would take Bulloign into his hands, and what recom­pence he would give for it; but this he was ordered to propose as a motion of his own. The Emperour shifted him off for some time by delays, and pretended that the carrying his Son about from Town to Town, making them swear o­bedience, took him up so, that till that was over, he could not receive his Pro­positions. But the Progress of the French about Bulloign, made Paget impatient, so the Bishop of Arras, and the Emperour's other Ministers were appointed to treat with him. They at first treated of some [Page 107]differences between the Courts of Admi­ralty of both sides, and proposed some Expedients for adjusting them: for the Confirmation of the Treaty, it was offer­ed, that the Prince should do it, but Pa­get moved likewise, that it might be con­firmed by the States. It was answered, that the Emperor would never sue to his Subjects to confirm his Treaties: he had fifteen or sixteen Parliaments, and would be in a very uneasie condition, if all these must know the secrets of his Negotiati­ons: But since the King of England was under Age, it was more reasonable for them to demand a ratification from his Parliament. Paget answered, the King's power was the same at all Ages, and a ratification under the Great Seal did ob­lige him, as much, as if he had made the Treaty himself: and objected, that their last Treaty with France, was ratified by the Assembly of the States. To this they answered, that the Prerogative of the Kings of France was so limited, that they could not alienate any thing, which belonged to the Crown, without consent of the Parliament of Paris, and of the States; but the Emperor had a more un­limited power in making Treaties. As for the business of Bulloign, the Bishop of Arras said, it was taken after the Empe­ror's Treaty with England, and so was not included in it, nor could the Empe­ror comprehend it within it, without breach of his Faith and Treaties with France, [Page 108]which was so contrary to the Emperor's honour, that it could not be done. For the honour of a Prince is a good excuse, when he has no mind to engage in a de­ceitful or unjust War, but it is often for­gotten, when the Circumstances are more favourable. Paget, after several other Con­ferences, found there was nothing more to be expected of the Emperor: so he returned back to England. It was upon that proposed in Council, whether since by the Treaty with France, Bulloign was to be delivered up within a few Years, it were not better to prevent a new War and a Siege, the issue of which was like to prove very dangerous, and to en­ter into a Treaty for doing it presently; and if at the same time it were not more advisable to make an end of the War in Scotland, since there was no possibility of compassing the Marriage, for which it was first begun.

Upon this, A Faction against the Protector. all the Protector's Enemies took off the Mask, and declared them­selves against it. The Earl of Southampton, and the Earl of Warwick were the chief sticklers: the one hated him for turning him out of his Office, and the other ho­ped to be the chief Man in business, if he should fall. Many things concurred to raise the Protector many Enemies, his par­tiality to the Commons provoked the Gentry, his cutting off his Brothers head, and building a Magnificent Palace in the Strand, upon the ruines of some Bishops [Page 109]Houses and Churches, and that in a time both of War and Plague, disgusted the People. The Clergy hated him, not only for his promoting the changes made in Religion, but for his possessing himself of so many of the Bishops best Mannors: his entertaining foreign Troops, both Ger­mans and Italians, though done by the consent of Council, yet gave a general distast: and that great advancement he was raised to, wrought much, both on himself and others; for it raised his pride, as much as it provoked the envy of o­thers: The Privy Counsellors com­plained, that he was become so Arbitra­ry in his proceedings, that he little re­garded the opposition that was made by the Majority of the Council, to any of his designs. All these things concurred, to beget him many Enemies: and except Cranmer, who never forsook his friend, and Paget and Smith, all turned against him: so they violently opposed the pro­position, for a Treaty with France: they also complained, that the Places about Bulloign were lost by his carelesness, and by his not providing them well, and that he had recalled the Garrison out of Hading­ton; and they put him in mind of the conditions, upon which he was first made Protector, by which he was limited to do nothing, but by their advice; though he had since that, taken out a Patent, which cloathed him with a far greater power. Upon Pagets return, when it [Page 110]was visible, that nothing could be expe­cted from the Emperor, he prest them much to consent to a Treaty with France, but it was said, that he had secretly di­rected Paget to procure no better answer, that so he might be furnished with an excuse, for so dishonourable an Action, therefore they would not give way to it.

The Protector carried the King to Hampton Court, Which turns to a publick breach. October. and put many of his own Creatures about him, which increased the Jealousies, so Nine of the Privy Council met at Ely-House, and assumed to them­selves the Authority of the Council; and Secretary Petre being sent by the King, to ask an account of their meeting, in­stead of returning, joyned himself to them. They made a large Declaration of the Protector's ill government and bad de­signs, and of his engaging the King to set his hand to Letters, for raising Men, and for dispersing Seditious Papers; therefore they resolved to see to the safety of the King and Kingdom. Both the City of London, and the Lieutenant of the Tower declared for them: They also sent Let­ters all over England, desiring the assist­ance of the Nobility and Gentry. Seven more Privy Counsellors came and joyned with them. They wrote to the King, complaining of the Protector's obstinacy, and his refusing to hearken to their Counsels, though the late King had left the Govern­ment of his Person and Kingdom to them [Page 111]in common, and the Protector was ad­vanced to that dignity by them, upon conditions which he had little regarded; therefore they desired the King would construct well of their Intentions and pro­ceedings. The Protector had removed the King from Hampton Court, as being an open place, to Windsor, which had some more defence about it; and had armed some of his own Servants, and set them about the King's Person, which heightned the Jealousies of him; yet seeing himself aban­doned by all friends, except a few, and finding the Party against him, was form­ed to such a strength, that it would be in vain to struggle any longer, he offered to submit himself to the Council: So a Pro­position of a Treaty was set on foot; and the Lords at London were desired to send two of their number with their Pro­positions, and a Passeport was sent them for their safety. Cranmer, and the other two writ to the Council, to dispose them to an agreement, and not to follow Cru­el Counsels. Many false reports, as is usu­al on such occasions, were carried of the Protector, as if he had threatned, that if they intended to put him to death, the King should dye first, which served to increase the prejudices against him. The Council writ to Cranmer, and Paget charging them to look well to the Kings Person, that he should not be removed from Windsor, and that the Duke of So­merset's Servants might be put from him, [Page 112]and his own sworn Servants admitted to wait: they also protested that they would proceed with all the moderation and fa­vour towards the Duke of Somerset, that was possible. The Council understanding that all things were prepared, as they had desired, sent first three of their num­ber, to see that the Duke of Somerset, and some of his Creatures, Smith, Stanhop, Thynne, Wolf and Cecil should be confined to their Lodgings; and on the 12th. of October, the whole Council went to Windsor, and made great protestations of their duty to the King, which he received favourably, and assured them he took all that they had done in good part.

The Duke of Somerset, with the rest of his friends, The Prote­ctor's fall. except Cecil, who was pre­sently inlarged, were sent to the Tower, and many Articles were objected to him, That he being made Protector, with this condition, that he should do nothing, but by the consent of the other Executors, had treated with Ambassadours apart, had made Bishops and Lord-Lieutenants with­out their knowledge, had held a Court of Requests in his House, had embased the Coin, had neglected the Places the King had in France, had encouraged the Com­mons in their late Insurrections, and had given out Commissions, and proclaimed a Pardon without their consent: that he had animated the King against the rest of the Council, and had proclaimed them Traitors, & had put his own Servants armed [Page 113]about the King's Person. By these, it ap­pears, the Crimes against him were the effects of his sudden exaltation, that had made him too much forget that he was a subject, but that he had carried his great­ness with much Innocence, since no acts of Cruelty, Rapine, or Bribery, were ob­jected to him: for they were rather er­rours and weaknesses than Crimes. His em­basing the Coin was done upon a common mistake of weak Governments, who flye to that as their last refuge, in the ne­cessity of their affairs. In his Imprison­ment, he set himself to the study of Mo­ral Philosophy and Divinity, and writ a Preface to a Book of Patience, which had made great Impressions on him. His fall was a great affliction to all that loved the Reformation, and that was increased, because they had no reason to trust much to the two chief Men of the party against him, Southampton and Warwick: the one was a known Papist, and the other was lookt on as a Man of no Religion: and both at the Emperor's Court, and in France, it was expected, that upon this revolution, matters of Religion would be again set back, into the posture, in which King Henry had left them. The Duke of Nor­folk and Gardiner hoped to be discharged, and Bonner lookt to be re-established in his Bishoprick again, and all People be­gan to fall off much from the new ser­vice: but the Earl of Warwick finding the King was zealously addicted to the [Page 114]Reformation, quickly forsook the Popish party, and seemed to be a mighty promo­ter of that work. A Court of Civilians was appointed to examine Bonner's Ap­peal, and upon their report the Council rejected it, and confirmed the Sentence that was past upon him.

But next, The Em­peror will not assist them. foreign affairs come under their care. They suspected that Paget had not dealt effectually with the Emperour, to assist them in the preservation of Bul­loign; so they sent over Sir Tho. Cheyney, to try what might be expected from him: they took also care of the Garrison, and both encreased it, and supplied it well. Cheyney found the same reception with the Emperour, and had the same answer that Paget got. The Emperor prest him much, that matters of Religion might be again considered, and confest, that till that were done, he could not assist them so effectu­ally, as otherwise he would do: so now the Council found it necessary to apply to the Court of France for a Peace. The Earl of Southampton left the Court in great discontent, he was neither restored to his Office of Chancellour, nor was he made one of the six Lords, that were appoint­ed to have the charge of the King's Per­son; this touched him so much, that he died not long after of grief, as was be­lieved.

In November, A Session of Parlia­ment. a Session of Parliament met: in which an Act was past, declaring it Treason to call any to the number of [Page 115]Twelve together, about any matter of State, if being required, they did not dis­perse themselves: other Riotous Assem­blies were also declared felonious, the gi­ving out of Prophecies concerning the King, or Council, was also made Penal. Another Law was made against Vaga­bonds, the former Statute was repealed, as too severe, and Provisions were made for the relief of the Sick and Impotent, and Imploying such as could work. The Bishops made a heavy complaint of the growth of Vice and Impiety, and that their power was so much abridged, that they could not repress it: so a Bill was read, enlarging their Authority, but it was thought, that it gave them too much power; yet it was so moderated, that the Lords past it. But the Commons reject­ed it: and instead of it, sent up a Bill, that impowered XXXII. who were to be named by the King, the one half of the Temporalty, and the other of Spiritualty, to compile a body of Ecclesiastical Laws within three years, and that these, not be­ing contrary to the Common or Statute Law, and approved of by the King, should have the force of Ecclesiastical Laws: of the 32. Four were to be Bishops, and as many to be Common Lawyers.

Six Bishops and six Divines were im­powered to prepare a new form of Or­dination, 1550 which being confirmed under the Great Seal, should take place after April [Page 116]next. Articles were also put in against the Duke of Somerset, with a Confession signed by him. But some objected, that they ought not to proceed, The Duke of Somer­set fined, but resto­red to fa­vour. till they knew whether he had signed it voluntarily, or not; and some were sent to examine him, he acknowledged he had done it freely, but protested that his errours had flowed rather from Indiscretion than Malice, and denied all treasonable designs against the King, or the Realm: he was fined in 2000 l. a year in Land, and in the loss of all his Goods and Offices. He complained of the heaviness of this Censure, and de­sired earnestly to be restored to the Kings favour, and promised to carry himself so humbly and obediently, that he should make amends for his past follies, which was thought a sign of too abject a mind; others excused it, since the power and malice of his Enemies was such, that he was not safe as long as he continued in Prison: he was discharged in the begin­ning of February: soon after he had his pardon, and did so manage his interest in the King, that he was again brought both to the Court and Council in April. But if these submissions gained him some fa­vour at Court, they sunk him as much in the esteem of the World.

The Reformation was now, A Progress in the Re­formation. after this confusion was over, carried on again with vigour. The Council sent Orders over England, to require all to conform them­selves to the new service, and to call in [Page 117]all the Books of the old Offices. An Act past in Parliament to the same effect; one Earl, six Bishops, and four Lords only dissenting: all the old Books and Images were appointed to be defaced, and all prayers to Saints were to be struck out of the Primers published by the late King. A Subsidy was granted, and the King gave a General Pardon, out of which all Prisoners on the account of the State, and Anabaptists were excepted. In this Session the Eldest Sons of Peers were first allowed to sit in the House of Com­mons.

The Committee appointed to prepare the Book of Ordination, finished their work with common consent, only Heath Bishop of Worcester refused to sign it, for which he was called before the Council, and required to do it, but he still refusing, The Book of Ordina­tions put out. was sent to Prison. This was thought hard measure, to punish one for not con­curring in a thing not yet setled by Law. Heath was a Complier, who went along with the changes that were made, but was ready upon the first favourable con­juncture, to return back to the old super­stition. It was found, that in the Anci­ent Church, there was nothing used in Ordinations, but Prayer and Imposition of hands: the Additions of Anointing and giving consecrated Vestments were after­wards brought in. And in the Council of Florence, it was declared that the Rite of Ordaining a Priest, was the delivering [Page 118]the Vessels for the Eucharist, with a pow­er to offer Sacrifices to God for the Dead and Living, which was a Novelty invent­ed to support the belief of Transubstan­tiation. So all these additions were cut off, and Ordination was restored to a greater simplicity, and the form was made almost the same that we still use, only then in ordaining a Priest, the Bishop was to lay one hand on his Head, and with the other to give him a Bible, and a Chalice, and Bread in it. In the Consecration of a Bishop, the form was the same, that we still retain, only then they kept up the custom of giving the Bishop a staff, say­ing these words, Be to the Flock of Christ a Shepherd. In the middle of the sixth Century, the Anointing the Priests hands was begun in France, but was not used in the Roman Church, for two Ages after that. In the eighth Century, the Vestments were given with a special blessing, im­powering Priests to offer Expiatory Sacri­fices; then their Heads were Anointed: and in the tenth Century, the belief of Transubstantiation being received, the Ves­sels for the Sacrament were delivered. It is evident from the several forms of Ordination, that the Church did not be­lieve it self tied to one manner, and that the Prayer, which in some Ages was the Prayer of Consecration, was in other A­ges esteemed only a Prayer preparatory to it. There were some sponsions pro­mised, as a Covenant, to which the Or­dination [Page 119]was a Seal: The first of these was, that the Persons that came to receive Orders, professed that they believed they were inwardly moved to it by the Holy Ghost. If this were well considered, it would no doubt put many that thirst af­ter Sacred Offices to a stand, who, if they examine themselves well, dare not pretend to that, concerning which, perhaps they know nothing, but that they have it not: and if they make the answer prescribed in the Book, without feeling any such mo­tion in their heart, they do publickly lye to God, and against the Holy Ghost, and have no reason to expect a blessing on Orders so obtained. But too many con­sider that only as a Ceremony in Law, ne­cessary to make them capable of some Place of Profit, and not as the Dedica­tion of their Lives and labours to God, and to the gaining of Souls. It were hap­py for the Church, if Bishops would not think it enough barely to put these que­stions, but would use great strictness in examining before hand the motives that set on those, who come to be Ordained. Another sponsion is, that the Priests shall teach the People, committed to their charge, and exhort them both in private and pub­lick, and visit the sick. By this they plight their faith to God, for the care of Souls, to be managed by them in person, and upon that they must find the Pastoral care to be a load indeed: and so will neither desert their Flocks, nor hire them out to [Page 120]weak, and perhaps scandalous Mercena­ries. In which the faultiness of some have brought a blemish on this Church, and gi­ven scandal to many, who could not have been so easily perswaded to divide from it, if it had not been, that they were pre­judiced by such gross and publick abuses.

The Council was now much perplexed with the business of Bulloign, and though they had opposed the delivering it up by the Protector, yet that end being served in pulling him down, they were convinced of the necessity of doing it, and so were indu­ced to listen to the proposition that one Gui­dotti made for a Treaty. He was imploy­ed by the Constable Monmorancy, and gave them assurances that as soon as that was ended, the French King would engage on the behalf of the opprest Princes of the Empire.

At this time Pope Paul the Third died. Pool cho­sen Pope, but lost it. In the Conclave that followed, Cardinal Farnese set up Cardinal Pool, whose wise behaviour at Trent had raised his esteem much; it also appeared that though he was of the Emperours faction, yet he did not serve him blindly. Some loaded him both with the imputations of Lutheranism, and of Incontinence: The last would not have hindred his advancement much, though true, yet he fully cleared himself of it: But the former lay heavier, for in his re­tirement at Viterbo, where he was Legate, he had given himself much to the study of Controversies; and Tranellius, Flaminio, [Page 121]and others suspected of Lutheranism, had lived in his house; and in the Council of Trent he seemed favourable to some of their opinions; but the great sufferings both of himself and Family in England, seemed to set him above all suspicions. When the party for him, had almost gain­ed a sufficient number of Suffrages, he seemed little concerned at it, and did ra­ther decline, than aspire to that dignity: And expressed a pitch of Philosophy on this occasion, that was more suitable to Ancient than Modern patterns. When a full number had agreed, and came to adore him, according to the ordi­nary Ceremony, he received it with his usual coldness; and that being done in the night, he said, God loved light, and therefore advised them to delay it till day came. The Italians, among whom Ambition passes for the Character of a great mind, looked on this as an unsuffer­able piece of dulness; so the Cardinals shrunk from him before day, and chose de Monte Pope, who reigned by the name of Julius the Third. His first promotion was very extraordinary, for he gave his own Hat to a Servant that kept his Mon­key; and being askt the reason of it, he said, He saw as much in his Servant to recommend him to be a Cardinal, as the Conclave saw in him to induce them to chuse him Pope. But others imputed this to an unnatural affection for him.

Embassadours were sent over to France, the Lord Russel, Paget made also a Lord, and some others, to settle the Treaty of Peace: They were ordered in the first place to ask the delivery of the Scottish Queen, A Treaty with France. and payment of the perpetual Pension; but the French would not treat about these, their Master intended to mar­ry the Scottish Queen to the Dauphin, and would not be tributary to another Prince, or pay a perpetual Pension, but they offer­ed a sum of money for Bulloign; things stuck a little at the razing the Fortificati­ons in Aldernay and Sark, two small Islands in the Channel which the French desired, and at the delivering up of Roxburgh and Aymouth to the Scots, then in the hands of the English. The Council ordered their Commissioners to insist on these things, and to offer to break up their Conference rather than yield to them; but if that had no effect on the French, then they were to let them go. In Conclusion, the English after a Protestation, by which they reser­ved to the King all the rights that he had at the beginning of the War, agreed to deliver up Bulloign, and all the places about it, and all the Ordnance in it, except what the English had cast, for which the French were to pay them four hundred thousand Crowns: All the places which the English had in Scotland were to be delivered up, and the Forts razed; and six Hostages were to be given on both sides for the performance, who were the Sons of [Page 123]the men of the greatest quality. So was the Peace fully concluded, and the Ar­ticles were duly performed on both hands: The Council approved of the proceedings of their Plenipotentiaries, only the Earl of Warwick, who had declared himself much against the delivery of Bulloign, pre­tended sickness, and was absent.

At this time the Earl of Warwick order­ed a review to be made of all accounts, and brought in much money, by the Fines of those who were accused for Malversation: The Earl of Arundel was fined in 12000 l. Sir James Thynne in 6000 l. and many others of the Protectors creatures in 3000 l.

In February, Ridley made Bi­shop of London. Ridley was made Bishop of London and Westminster, 1000 l. a year of the Rents of the See were assigned him, with licence to hold two Prebends. Reps, Bishop of Norwich resigned, upon which Therleby, Bishop of Westminster, was re­moved to Norwich; and it was intended to re-unite London and Westminster, but though they still remained different Sees, yet they were now put under one mans care. His Patent was not during pleasure, but during life. It does not appear that there was any design in this Reign to put down Cathedrals; for though Westminster, Gloucester, and Durham were suppressed, the two former being united, one to Lon­don, and another to Worcester; and the latter being to be divided in two, yet in [Page 124]none of these were the Dean and Chapter Lands fallen on.

Gardiner continued still in prison: Du­ring the Protectors Ministry some Privy Counsellors dealt with him, Gardiners Process. to sue to him for mercy, and to declare whether he ap­proved the new Service or not: But he said he had done no fault, and so would not ask Pardon; nor would he declare his opinion while he continued a Prisoner, lest his Enemies might say he did it only to be set at liberty. Upon the Protectors fall, he expected he should have been dis­charged of his Imprisonment, and thought it so near, that he made a farewel Feast to the Officers in the Tower. Some Privy Counsellours were sent to him with Arti­cles, acknowledging former offences, ap­proving the Book of Common Prayer, and asserting the Kings Power when he was under age, and his authority to re­form abuses in the Church, and that the six Articles were justly abrogated. He signed the Paper, only he wrote on the Margin, that he could not confess former offences, for he was not convinced of any fault he had done. Upon this, it was be­lieved that he was to be quickly let out; but another Message was sent him, that he must confess that he had been justly pu­nished: This he plainly refused to do, and said he would never defame himself. Rid­ley was sent to him with a new Paper, in which the confession of his faults was [Page 125]more softly worded; the rest related to the Popes power, the suppressing the Ab­bies and Chantries, Pilgrimages, Masses, Images, the Adoration of the Sacra­ment, Communion in both kinds, the abolishing the old Books of Service, and setting up the new; with the Book of Ordinations, and the lawfulness of a married Clergy: But he said he would sign no more Articles while he continued in Prison; and desired that he might be either tried, or set at liberty; for he asked not Mercy, but Justice. And being called be­fore the Council, and required to sign those Articles, he gave them the same answer: He said some of these points were already setled by Law, others were not so, and in these he was at liberty to do as he pleased. Upon this, his Bishoprick was sequestred, and he was required to conform himself within three months, under pain of depri­vation, and the freedome of the Tower was denied him. All this was much cen­sured, as contrary to Law, and the liber­ties of English men, and it was said that it savoured more of a Court of Inquisition, than of a legal way of proceeding. The Canon Law was not yet rectified, so the King being in the Popes room, this way, ex Officio was excused, as grounded upon the forms of the Spiritual Courts.

There was a discourse on foot, of a Marriage between the King, and a Daugh­ter of France, which grieved the Refor­mers, who rather wisht him to marry Ma­ximilians [Page 126]Daughter, who was believed to favour the Reformation, and was esteem­ed one of the best men of the age. Old Latimer preached at Court, Latimer preaches at Court. and warned the King of the ill effects of bad Marri­ages, which were made up only as bar­gains, without affection between the par­ties; and that they occasioned so much Who­ring, and so many Divorces: He also complained of the luxury and vanity of the Age, and of many called Gospellers, who were concerned for nothing but Abbey and Chantry Lands; he also prest the setting up a Primitive Discipline in the Church. He preached this as his last Sermon, and so used great freedome: He complained that the Kings debts were not paid, and yet his Officers grew vastly rich: He pray­ed the King not to seek his pleasures too much, and charged all about him to be faith­ful to him.

The See of Gloucester fell vacant, Hooper made Bi­shop of Gloucester, has scru­ples con­cerning the Vest­ments. and Hooper was named to it; upon which the heats concerning things indifferent, that have since that time so fatally rent the Church, had their their first rise. He had some scruples about the Episcopal Vest­ments, and thought that all those Gar­ments, having been Consecrated with much superstition, were to be reckoned among the Elements condemned by S. Paul: But Ridley justified the use of them, and said the Elements condemned by S. Paul were only the Jewish Ceremonies; which, though the Apostles condemned, when they were [Page 127]imposed as necessary, for that imported, that the Mosaical Law was not yet abrogated, and that the Messiah was not come; Yet they themselves used them at other times, to gain upon the Jews by that Compli­ance. And if Apostles did such things to gain them, Subjects ought much more to obey the Laws in matters indifferent: And Superstitious Consecrations was as good an Argument for throwing down all the Churches, as for laying aside those Habits. Cranmer desired Bucer's opinion concerning the lawfulness of those Habits, and the obligation lying on Subjects to obey the Laws about them. His opinion was, that every creature of God was good, and that no former abuse could make a thing indifferent in its self, become un­lawful: He thought ancient customes ought not to be lightly changed, and that there might be a good use made of those Gar­ments; that they might well express the purity and candour that became all who ministred in Holy things, and that it was a sin to disobey the Laws in such matters. Yet since those Garments had been abused to Superstition, and were like to become a subject of Contention, he wished they might be taken away by Law; and that Ecclesiastical Discipline, and a more compleat Reformation might be set up, and that a stop might be put to the robbing of Churches; otherwise, they might see in the present State of Germany, a dreadful prospect of that which England [Page 128]ought to look for. He also writ to the same effect to Hooper, and wished that all good men would unite against the greater Corruptions, and then lesser abuses would easily be redressed. Peter Martyr did also deliver his opinion to the same purpose, and was much troubled at Hooper's stiff­ness, and at such contests among the pro­fessors of true Religion. Hooper was suspen­ded from Preaching; but the Earl of War­wick writ to Cranmer to dispense with him in that matter: He answered, That while the Law continued in force, he could not do it without incurring a Praemunire. Up­on that, the King writ to him, allowing him to do it, and dispensing with the Law: Yet this matter was not setled till a year after. John à Lasco, with some Germans of the Helvetian Confession, came this year into England, being driven out of Germany by the Persecution there: They were erected by Letters Patents into a Corporation, and à Lasco was their Super­intendent; he being a stranger, medled too much in English affairs, and wrote both against the Habits, and against kneeling in the Sacrament. Polydore Virgil was this year suffered to go out of England, and still to hold the preferments he had in it. Pomet was made Bishop of Rochester, and Caverdale Co-adjutor to Veysy in Exeter.

There was now a design set on foot, A review of the Common-Prayer-Book. for a review of the Common-Prayer-Book: In order to which Bucer's opinion was ask­ed. He approved the main parts of the [Page 129]former Book, he wished there might be not only a denunciation against scanda­lous persons that came to the Sacrament, but a discipline to exclude them: That the Habits might be laid aside, that no part of the Communion Office might be used, except when there was a Sacrament; that Com­munions might be more frequent, that the Prayers might be said in a plain voice, that the Sacrament might be put in the peoples hands, and that there might be no Prayers for the Dead, which had not been used in Justin Martyr's time: He advised a change of some phrases in the Office of the Communion, that favoured Transub­stantiation too much, and that Baptism might be only in Churches: He thought the hallowing the Water, the Chrisme, and the White garment, were too sceni­cal; nor did he approve of adjuring the Devil, nor of the Godfathers answering in the Childs name: He thought Confir­mation should be delayed till the person was of Age, and came sincerely to renew the Baptismal Covenant. He advised Ca­techizing every Holy-day, both of Chil­dren and the Adult, he disliked private Marriages, Extream Unction, and offering Chrisomes at the Churching of Women: And thought there ought to be greater strictness used in the examining of those who came to receive Orders.

At the same time he understood that the King expected a New-years gift from him, of a Book written particularly for his [Page 130]own use: So he made a Book for him, concerning the Kingdom of Christ: He prest much the setting up a strict discipline, the Sanctification of the Lords day, Bucer of­fers some advices to the King. the appointing many days of Fasting, and that Pluralities and Non-residence might be ef­fectually condemned, that Children might be Catechized, that the Reverence due to Churches might be preserved, that the Pa­storal function might be restored to what it ought to be, that Bishops might throw off Secular affairs, and take care of their Diocesses, and govern them by the advice of their Presbyters; that there might be Rural Bishops over twenty or thirty Pa­rishes, and that Provincial Councils might meet twice a year, that Church-lands should be restored, and that a fourth part should be assigned to the poor; that Mar­riage, without consent of Parents, should be annulled; that a second Marriage might be declared lawful, after a Divorce, for Adultery, and some other Reasons; that care should be taken of the education of youth, and for repressing luxury; that the Law might be reformed, that no Office might be sold, but given to the most de­serving; that none should be put in Pri­son upon slight offences, and that the severity of some Laws, as that which made Theft capital, might be mitiga­ted.

The young King was much pleased with these advices; The Kings great un­derstand­ing. and upon that, began him­self to form a Scheme for amending many [Page 131]things that were amiss in the Government, which he writ with his own hand, and in a stile and manner that had much of a Child in it, though the thoughts were man­ly: It appears by it, that he intended to set up a Church discipline, and settle a me­thod for breeding of youth; but the dis­course is not finished. He also writ a Jour­nal of every thing that past at home, and of the news that came from beyond Sea. It has clear marks of his own Composing, as well as it is written with his own hand. He wrote another discourse in French, being a Collection of all the places of Scripture against Idolatry, with a Preface before it, dedicated to the Pro­tector.

At this time Ridley made his first Visita­tion of his Diocess; Altars put down. the Articles upon which he proceeded, were chiefly relating to the Service and Ceremonies that were abolished, whether any continued to use them or not, and whether there were any Anabaptists, or others, that used private Conventicles. He also carried some Injun­ctions with him, against some remainders of the former superstition, and for ex­horting the people to give Alms, and to come oft to the Sacrament, and that Al­tars might be removed, and Tables put in their room, in the most convenient place of the Chancel. In the Ancient Church their Tables were of Wood: But the Sa­crament being called a Sacrifice, as Pray­ers, Alms, and all Holy Oblations were, [Page 132]they came to be called Altars. This gave the rise to the Opinion of Expiatory Sacri­fice in the Mass, and therefore it was thought fit to take away both the name and form of Altars. Ridley only advised the Curates to do this, but upon some con­tests arising concerning it, the Council in­terposed, and required it to be done; and sent with their Order, a Paper of Reasons justifying it: Shewing that a Ta­ble was more proper than an Altar; espe­cially, since the opinion of an Expiatory Sacrifice was supported by it. Sermons be­gan to be preached in some Churches on working-days, this occasioned great run­ning about, and idleness; and raised emu­lation among the Clergy: upon which the Council ordered them all to be put down. Since that time there has been great con­tention concerning these; they were facti­ously kept up by some, and too violently suppressed by others: But now that matter is quieted, and they are in many places still continued, to the great edification of the people. The Government was now free of all disturbance: the Coyn was reformed, and Trade was encouraged. The faction in the Court seemed also to be extinguisht, by a Marriage between the Earl of War­wick's Son, and the Duke of Somerset's Daughter. The Duke of Lunenburgh made a Proposition of Marriage with Lady Mary, but the Treaty with the Infant of Portugal did still depend, Affairs of Scotland. so it was not entertained.

In Scotland, the Governor, now made Duke [Page 133]of Chastelherault in France, was wholly led by his base Brothers Counsels, who, though he was Arch-bishop of St. Andrews, yet gave himself up, without any disguise, to his pleasures, and kept another mans Wife avowedly; by such means were the peo­ple more easily disposed to hearken to the new Teachers, and prepared for the changes that followed. The Queen Mo­ther went to France, on design to procure the Government of Scotland to be put in her hands.

A Diet was called in Germany; And Ger­many. the Town of Magdeburg was proscribed: But they published a Manifesto, expressing their readiness to obey the Emperour according to Law; and that they only stood to the defence of their liberties, without doing acts of Hostility to others. It was now visible that the design of the late War was to extinguish the Protestant Re­ligion, and to set up Tyranny. It was better to obey God than Man: And they were resolved to put all to hazard, rather than give up their Religion. Tumults were raised in Strasburg and other Towns, when the Mass was again set up; and all Germany was disposed to a Revolt, only they wanted a Head Severe Edicts were also set out in Flanders; but the execution of them was stopt, at the intercession of the English in Antwerp, who were resolved otherwise to remove the Trade to another place. The Emperour prest the Diet to submit to the Council, when it should be [Page 134]brought back to Trent: But Maurice of Saxe, to whom all the Protestants joyned, refused to do it, unless all their former de­crees should be reviewed, and their Di­vines heard, and admitted to Vote; and that the Pope would dispense with the Oath which the Bishops sware to him: Yet he so far insinuated himself into the Em­perours confidence, that he was made Ge­neral of the Empire, for the reduction of Magdeburg, and resolved to manage that matter, so as to draw great advantages from it. The Emperour reckoned that he might well trust him as long as he had John Duke of Saxe, in his hands: But he had provoked him too much in the matter of the Landgrave of Hesse, his Father-in-Law, to repose such consequence in him; so that this proved a fatal errour to him, by which he lost the power he had then in Germany, and Maurice proved too hard for him in dissimulation, in which he was so great a Master.

The Popish Clergy did now generally comply to every Change that was made. 1551 The Popish Clergy comply generally. Oglethorp afterwards Bishop of Carlisle, be­ing informed against, as favouring the old Superstition, did under his hand declare, that he thought the Order of Religion then setled, was nearer the use of the Primitive Church, than that which was formerly received; and that he condem­ned Transubstantiation, as a late Inventi­on, and approved the Communion in both kinds, and the Peoples receiving always [Page 135]with the Priest. Smith, who had written against the Marriage of the Clergy, and was upon some complaints put in Prison, being discharged by Cranmer's Intercession, writ a submission to him, acknowledging the mistakes he had committed in his Book, and the Arch-bishops gentleness to­wards him: and wished he might perish, if he did not write sincerely, and called God a witness against his Soul, if he lied. Day, Bishop of Chichester did also preach a Sermon at Court against Transubstanti­ation. The Principle, by which most of that Party governed themselves, was this, they thought they ought to oppose all the changes, before they were established by Law; yet that being done, that they might af­terwards comply with them. Cranmer was a moderate and prudent Man, and willing to accept of any thing they offered, reck­oning that whether they acted sincerely, or not, yet their compliance would be a means to quiet the Nation; he was also of so compassionate a nature, that he would never drive things to extremities, against Men that were grown old in their errours, and could not be easily weaned from them: only Gardiner and Bonner were such deceitful and cruel Men, that he thought it might be more excusable to make stretches, for ridding the Church of them.

Martin Bucer dyed in the beginning of this Year, of the Stone, Bucer's death. and griping of the Guts. He had great apprehensions of [Page 136]a fatal revolution in England; by reason of the ill lives of the People, occasioned chiefly by the want of Ecclesiastical Disci­pline, and the neglect of the Pastoral charge. Orders were sent from the Court, to Cambridge, to bury him with all the Publick honour to his Memory, that could be devised. Speeches and Sermons were made both by Haddon, the University Orator, and Parker, and Redmayn. The last of these was one of the most extraordinary Men, both for Learning, and a true Judgment of things, that was in that time: he had also in many things differed from Bucer, and yet he acknowledged, that there was none alive, of whom he hoped now to learn so much, as he had done by his conversati­on with him. Bucer was inferior to none of all the Reformers in Learning, but su­perior to most of them, in an excellent temper of mind, and a great zeal for preserving the Unity of the Church: a rare quality in that Age, in which Me­lancthon and he were the most eminent. He had not that nimbleness of disputing, for which Peter Martyr was more admi­red, and the Popish Doctors took advan­tage from that to carry themselves more insolently towards him.

Soon after this, Gardiner's deprivati­on. Gardiner's Process was put to an end: A Commission was issued out to Cranmer, and three Bishops, and some Civilians, to proceed against him, for his contempt, in refusing to sign the Articles offered to him: he complained, [Page 137]that all that was done against him, was out of malice, that he had been long impri­soned, and nothing was objected to him, that he was resolved to obey the Laws and Orders of Council, but that he would acknowledge no fault, not having com­mitted any. The things objected to him, were, that he refused to set out in his Sermon the King's power, when he was under Age, and had affronted the Prea­chers, whom the King had sent to his Di­ocess; that he had been negligent in ex­ecuting the King's Injunctions, and refu­sed to confess his fault, or ask the King pardon; and it was said that the Rebelli­ons raised in England, might have been prevented, if he had timously set forth the King's authority: he answered, that he was not required to do it by any Or­der of Council, but only in a private dis­course; yet Witnesses being examined up­on those particulars, the Delegates pro­ceeded to sentence of deprivation against him, notwithstanding his Appeal to the King in Person: and he was appointed to lie still in the Tower, where he continued till Queen Mary discharged him. Nothing was pretended to excuse the severity of these proceedings, but that he having taken out a Commission for holding his Bishoprick, only during the King's pleasure, he could not complain when that was intimated to him: and if he had been turned out meer­ly upon pleasure, without the Pomp of a Process, the matter might have been bet­ter [Page 138]excused. Poinet was put in his See, and had 2000. Marks in Lands assigned him for his subsistence. Story was put in Rochester, and upon Veysy's resignation Co­verdale was made Bishop of Exeter. The scruples that Hooper made, were now so far satisfied, that he was content both to be consecrated in his Vestments, and to use them when he preached before the King, or in his Cathedral, but he was dispensed with upon other occasions.

By this time the greater number of the Bishops were Men that heartily received the Reformation: The Arti­cles of Religion agreed on. so it was resolved now to proceed to a settlement of the Do­ctrine of the Church: many thought that should have been done in the first place. But Cranmer judged it was better to pro­ceed slowly in that matter: he thought the Corruptions in the Worship were to be begun with, since while they remained, the addresses to God were so defiled, that thereby all People were involved in un­lawful compliances: he thought specula­tive Opinions might come last, since er­rours in them were not of such ill conse­quence: and he judged it necessary to lay these open, in many Treatises and Dis­putes, before they should proceed to make alterations, that so all People might be before-hand satisfied with what should be done. So now they framed a Body of Articles, which contained the Doctrine of the Church of England: they were cast into forty two Articles, and afterwards [Page 139]some few alterations being made in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, they were reduced to XXXIX. which being in all Peoples hands, need not be much in­larged on.

In the Ancient Church, there was at first a great simplicity in their Creeds; but afterwards, upon the breaking out of Heresies, concerning the Person of Christ, equivocal senses being put on the terms formerly used, new ones, that could not be so easily eluded, were invented. A humour of explaining Mysteries by similies and niceties, and of passing Anathema's on all that did not receive these, did much over-run the Church: and though the Council of Ephesus decreed, that no new additions should be made to the Creed, yet that did not restrain those, who loved to make all their own con­ceits be received, as parts of the Faith. The Fathers were carried too far with this curiosity, but the Schoolmen went farther, and spun the Thread much finer, they condemned every thing that differed from their Notions, as Heretical: Many of the Lutherans had retained much of that peremptoriness, and were not easie to those who differed from them. In England great care was taken to frame these Articles in the most comprehensive words, and the greatest simplicity pos­sible. Changes made in the Com­mon-pray­er-book.

When this was setled, they went about the review of the Common-prayer-Book. [Page 140]In the daily service, they added the Con­fession and Absolution, that so the wor­ship of God might begin with a grave and humble Confession conceived in general words, but to which every one ought to joyn a secret confession of his particular sins: after which a solemn declaration of the mercy of God, according to the terms of the Gospel, was to be pronounced by the Priest. This was thought much bet­ter, than the giving Absolution in such formal words, as, I absolve thee, which begat in the undiscerning Vulgar an Opi­nion, that the Priest had authority to par­don sin, and that made them think of no­thing so much, as how to purchase it at his hands: and it proved, as it was ma­naged, the greatest Engine that ever was, for overthrowing the power of Religion. In the Communion-Service, they ordered a recital of the Commandments, with a short devotion between every one of them, judg­ing that till Church-Discipline were resto­red, nothing could more effectually awa­ken such, as came to receive it, to a due seriousness in it, than the hearing the Law of God thus pronounced, with those stops in it, to make the People reflect on their offences against it. The Chrism, the use of the Cross in consecrating the Eucha­rist, Prayers for the Dead, and some ex­pressions that favoured Transubstantiation were laid aside, and the Book was put in the same Order and Method, in which it continues to this day, excepting only some [Page 141]inconsiderable variations, that have been made since. A Rubrick was added to the Office of the Communion, explaining the reason of kneeling in it, that it was only as an expression of due reverence and grati­tude, upon the receiving so particular a mark of the favour of God: but that no adoration was intended by it, and that they did not think Christ was corporally present in it. In Queen Elizabeth's time this was left out, that such as conformed in other things, but still retained the be­lief of the Corporal Presence, might not be offended at such a Declaration: It was again put in the Book, upon his present Majesties Restoration, for remo­ving the Scruples of those who excepted to that posture. Christ did at first in­stitute this Sacrament, in the ordinary Table-gesture. Moses appointed the Pas­chal Lamb to be eaten by the People standing, with staves in their hands, they being then to begin their march; yet that was afterwards changed by the Jews, who did eat it in the posture common at Meals, which our Saviour's practice justifies: so, though Christ in his state of Humiliation did Institute this Ordinance, in so fami­liar a posture, yet it was thought more becoming the reverence due to him in his Exaltation, to celebrate it with greater expressions of humility and devotion. The Ancient Christians received it standing, and bowing their Body downward: Kneel­ing was afterwards used as a higher ex­pression [Page 142]of devout worship: but great dif­ference is to be made, between the adora­tion practised in the Church of Rome, in which, upon lifting up the Host, all fall down and worship, and our being, during the whole action, in one continued po­sture of devotion: and if the Jews, who were more bound up to Ceremonies, made a change in the posture, at the Memorial of their deliverance, without any warrant mentioned in the Old Testament; it must be acknowledged, that the Christian Church, which is more at liberty in such matters, had authority to make the like change of the posture, in this Memorial of Christ's sufferings. At this time six of the most eminent Preachers were appoin­ted to wait on the Court by turns, two at a time, and the other four were sent as Itinerant Preachers, into all the Coun­ties of England, in a Circuit, for supply­ing the defects of the Clergy, who were generally very weak and faulty.

The Mass said in Lady Mary's Chappel, Lady Mary in trouble for having Mass said. was now again challenged. The Court was less afraid of the Emperours displea­sure than formerly, and so would no lon­ger bear with so publick a breach of Law: And the Promise they had made being but Temporary, and never given in Writing, they thought they were not bound by it. But the Emperour assured her, that he had an absolute Promise for that Priviledge to her: This encouraged her so much, that when the Council wrote to her, she said she [Page 143]would follow the Catholick Church, and adhere to her Fathers Religion. Answer was writ in the Kings name, requiring her to obey the Law, and not to pretend that the King was under age, since the late Rebels had justified themselves by that. The way of Worship then established, was also vindicated, as most consonant to the word of God. But she refused to en­gage into any disputes, only she said she would continue in her former courses. And she was thinking of going out of En­gland, insomuch that the Emperour or­dered a Ship to lie near the Coast for her Transportation; which was strange advice, for it is probable, if she had gone beyond Sea, she had been effectually shut out from succeeding to the Crown. The Emperour espoused her quarrel so warmly, that he threatned to make War, if she should be hardly used, and the Merchants having then great effects at Antwerp, it was not thought fit to give him a colour for break­ing with them, and seizing on these; so the Council were willing to let the matter fall, and only advised her to have her Mass privately said: yet the young King could not be easily induced to yield to that, for he said, he ought not to connive at Idola­try. The Council ordered Cranmer, Rid­ley, and Poinet, to satisfie him in it: And they convinced him, that though he ought not to consent to any sin, yet he was not at all times obliged to punish it. He burst out in weeping, lamenting his Sisters ob­stinacy, [Page 144]and his own circumstances, that obliged him to comply with such an im­pious way of Worship. Dr. Wotton was sent over to the Emperour, to convince him that no absolute Promise was ever made: For Paget and Hobbey, whom the Em­perour vouched for it, declared upon Oath, that they made not any but what was Tem­porary; and since the King did not meddle in the concerns of the Emperours Family, it was not reasonable for him to interpose in this. The Emperor pretended, that he had promised to her Mother at her death, to pro­tect her, and so he was bound in honour to take care of her: But now when the Council were not in such fear of the Em­perours displeasure as formerly, they sent to seize on two of her Chaplains, that had said Mass in her House, when she was ab­sent; they kept out of the way, and she writ to the Council to stop the prosecution, and continued to stand upon the Promise made to the Emperour. A long answer was re­turned to her by the Council, in which, af­ter the matter of the Promise was cleared, they urged her with the absurdity of Pray­ers in an unknown tongue, offering the Sacrament for the dead, and worshipping Images: All the Ancients appealed upon all occasions to the Scriptures, by these she might easily discover the errours and cheats of the old Superstition, that were support­ed only by false Miracles and lying Stories. They concluded, that they being trusted with the execution of the Laws, were obli­ged [Page 145]to proceed equally. Mallet, one of the Chaplains, was taken, and she earnest­ly desired that he might be set at liberty, but it was denied her. The Council sent for the chief Officers of her House, and required them to let her know the Kings pleasure, that she must have the new Ser­vice in her Family, and to give the like charge to her Chaplains and Servants. This vexed her much, and did almost cast her into sickness: She said, she would obey the King in every thing in which her Con­science was not touched: But charged them not to deliver the Councils Message to her Servants. Upon that, the Lord Chancel­lour, Petre and Wyngfield, were sent with the same orders to her, and carried to her a Letter from the King, which she received on her knees; but when she read it, she cast the blame of it on Cecyl, then Secretary of State. The Chancellour told her, the whole Council were of one mind, that they could not suffer her to use a form of Worship against Law: And had ordered them to in­timate this both to herself and her Family. She made great protestations of duty to the King; but said, she would die rather than use any form of Worship but that which was left by her Father, only she was afraid she was not worthy to suffer on so good an account. When the King was of age, she would obey his Commands in Re­ligion, and though he now knew many things above his age, yet as they did not think him yet capable of matters of War or [Page 146]Policy, so much less could he judge in points of Divinity. If her Chaplains refused to say Mass, she could have none, but for the new Service she was resolved against it, and if it were forced on her, she would leave her house. She desired her Officers might be sent back to her, whom they had put in the Tower, for not intimating the Councils order to her Servants; which had been strange for them to have done, when she forbid it. She charged them to use her well for her Fathers sake, who had raised them all out of nothing. She was sick by reason of their ill usage, and if she died, she would lay it at their door. She insisted on the Promise made to the Emperour, who writ of it to her, and she believed him more than them all: She gave them a token, to be carried to the King, and so dismist them. When they had laid a charge on her Chap­lains and Servants, to the same effect, and were going away, she called after them, and desired they would send her Comptrol­ler to her, for she was weary of receiving her accounts, and examining how many Loaves were made of a Bushel of Meal. Upon this resolution that she exprest, the Council went no further, only after this, her Mass was said so secretly, that she gave no publick scandal. From Copthall, where this was done, she removed, and lived at Hunsden, and thither Ridley went to see her: She received him very civilly, and ordered her Officers to entertain him at dinner: But when he begged leave to [Page 147]Preach before her, she at first blusht, but being further prest, she said he might Preach in the Parish Church, but neither she nor her Family would be there: He asked her if she refused to hear the word of God: She answered, they did not call that Gods word now, that they had called so in her Fathers days; and that in his time they durst not have said the things which they then Preached: And after some sharp and reproachful discourse, she dismist him. Wharton, one of her Officers, as he con­ducted him out, made him drink a little, but he reflecting on that, blamed himself for it; for he said, when the Word of God was rejected, he ought to have sha­ken off the dust of his Feet, and gone away. The Kings Sister Elizabeth did in all things conform to the Laws; for her Mother at her death recommended her to Dr. Parker's care, who instructed her well in the Principles of Christian Religion.

The Earl of Warwick began now to form great designs of bringing the Crown into his Family: The Earl of War­wick's de­signs. The King was alienated from his Sister Mary, and the Privy Council had imbroiled themselves with her, and so would be easily engaged against her. The pretence against both the Sisters was the same, that they stood illegiti­mated by two Sentences in the Spiri­tual Courts, confirmed in Parliament. So that it would be a disgrace to the Nation to let the Crown devolve on Bastards: And since the fears of the Eldests revenge, [Page 148]made the Council willing to exclude her, the only reason on which they could ground that, must take place against the second likewise. And therefore though the Crown was pro­vided to them, both by Act of Parliament, and the late Kings Will, yet these being founded on an Errour that was indispensa­ble, which was the baseness of their de­scent, they ought not to take place. They being laid aside, the Daughters of the French Queen, by Charles Brandon, stood next in the Act, and yet it was generally believed that they were Bastards: For it was given out that Brandon was secretly married to one Mortimer, at the time that he married the French Queen, and that Mortimer out-lived her, so that the issue by her was Illegitimate. The Sweating Sickness did this year break out in England, with such Contagion that eight hundred died in one week of it in London; those that were taken with it, were inclined much to sleep, and all that slept died, but if they were kept awake a day, they did sweat it out. Charles Brandon's two Sons by his last Wife died within a day one of another. His eldest Daughter by the French Queen was married to the Marquess of Dorset, a good, but weak man, and so he was made Duke of Suffolk: They had no Sons, their eldest Daughter Jane Gray, was thought the won­der of the age. So the Earl of Warwick pro­jected a Match between her and his fourth Son Guilford, his three elder Sons being then married: And because the Lady Elizabeth [Page 149]was like to stand most in the way, care was taken to send her out of England: and a Match was treated for her with the King of Denmark.

A splendid Message was sent to France, A Treaty for a Mar­riage to, the King. with the Order of the Garter. The Mar­quess of Northampton carried it, three Earls, the Bishop of Ely, and five Lords were sent with him, and above two hundred Gentlemen accompanied them. They were to make a Proposition of Marriage for the King with a Daughter of France. The Bishop of Ely made the first Speech, and the Cardinal of Lorrain answered him: it was soon agreed on, yet neither Party was to be bound, either in Honour or Conscience, till the Lady should be of Years to give consent. A noble Embassy was sent in return from France to Eng­land, with the Order of Saint Michael. They desired in their Master's name the continuance of the King's friendship, and that he would not be moved by Rumors, that might be raised to break their Al­liance. The young King answered on the sudden, ‘that Rumours were not always to be believed, nor always to be rejected, for it was no less vain to fear all things, than to doubt of nothing: if any differ­ences hapned to arise, he should be al­ways ready to determine them, rather by reason than by force, so far as his Honour should not be thereby diminished.’ This was thought a very extraordinary [Page 150]answer, to be made by one of Fourteen, on the sudden.

There was at this time a great Crea­tion of Peers. The Duke of Somer­set's fall. Warwick was made Duke of Northumberland, the blood of the Pier­cies being then under an Attainder: Paw­let was made Marquess of Winchester, Her­bert was made Earl of Pembroke, and a little before this, Russel had been made Earl of Bedford, and Darcy was made a Lord. There was none so likely to take the King out of Northumberlands hands, as the Duke of Somerset, who was beginning to form a new Party about the King; so upon some Informations, both the Duke of Somerset & his Dutchess, Sir Ralph Vane, Sir Tho. Palmer, S ^r Tho. Arundel, & several others, of whom, some were Gentlemen of Qua­lity, and others were the Dukes servants, were all committed to the Tower. The com­mitting of Palmer was to delude the World, for he had betrayed the Duke, and was clapt up as a Complice, and then preten­ded to discover a Plot: He said, the Duke intended to have raised the People, and that Northumberland, Northampton and Pembroke, having been invited to dine at the Lord Pagets, he intended to have set on them by the way, or have killed them at Din­ner; that Vane was to have 2000. Men ready; Arundel was to have seized on the Tower, and all the Gendarmoury were to have been killed. All these things were told the young King with such Circum­stances, that he too easily believed them, [Page 151]and so was much alienated from his Un­cle, judging him guilty of so foul a Con­spiracy. It was added by others, that the Duke intended to have raised the City of London, one Crane confirmed Palmers te­stimony, and both the Earl of Arundel, and Paget were also committed as Com­plices. On the first of December, His Trial the Duke was brought to his Trial: The Marquess of Winchester was Lord Steward, and 27. Peers sat to judge him, among whom were the Dukes of Suffolk and Northum­berland, and the Earl of Pembroke. The particulars charged on him were, a design to seize on the King's Person, to impri­son the Duke of Northumberland, and to raise the City of London; it seemed strange to see Northumberland sit a Judge, when the crime objected, was a design against his life: for though by the Law of Eng­land no Peer can be challenged, yet by the Law of Nature no Man can well judge where he is a Party. The Chancellour, though a Peer, was left out, upon suspici­on of a reconciliation, which he was ma­king with the Duke: He was not well skilled in Law, and neither objected to the Indictment, nor desired Councel to plead for him, but only answered to matters of fact: he denied all designs to raise the People, or to kill Northumberland; if he had talked of it, it was in passion with­out any Intention: and it was ridiculous to think, that he with a small Troop, could destroy the Gendarmoury, who [Page 152]were 900. The armed Men he had about him, were only for his own defence, he had done no mischief to his Enemies, though it was once in his power to have done it; and he had rendred himself without ma­king any resistance: He desired the Wit­nesses might be brought face to face, and objected many things to them; chief­ly to Palmer; but that was not done, and their Depositions were only read: The King's Councel pleaded upon the Sta­tute, against unlawful Assemblies, that to contrive the death of Privy Counsellors was Felony, and to have Men about him for his defence, was also Felony. The ma­terial defence was omitted, for by that Statute those Assemblies were not feloni­ous, except being required to disperse themselves, they had refused to do it, and it does not appear that any such Procla­mation had been made in this case. The Proofs of his raising Rebellion were insuf­ficient, so he was acquitted of Treason, which raised a great shout of joy, that was heard as far as Charing-Cross, but he was found guilty of Felony, for intending to imprison Northumberland. He carried himself, during the Trial, with great tem­per, and all the sharpness which the Kings Councel expressed in pleading against him, did not provoke him to any undecent passion. But when Sentence was given, he sunk a little, and asked the three Lords, that were his Enemies, pardon, for his ill designs against them, and made sute for [Page 153]his life, and for his Wife and Children. It was generally thought, that nothing being found against him, but an Intention to imprison a Privy Counsellor, that ne­ver took effect, one so nearly related to the King, would not have been put to death on that account. It was therefore necessary to raise in the King a great A­version to him: so a story was brought to the King, as if in the Tower he had confessed a design to imploy some to As­sassinate those Lords; and the Persons na­med for that wicked service, were also perswaded to take it on them. This be­ing believed by the King, he took no more care to preserve him, assassination being a crime of so barbarous a nature, that it possessed him with a horrour, even to his Uncle, when he thought him guil­ty of it: and therefore he was given up to his Enemies rage. Stanhop, Partridge, Arundel and Vane were tried next, the two first were not much pitied, for they had made a very ill use of their Interest in the Duke, during his greatness: the other two were much lamented. Arundels Jury was shut up a whole Day and a Night, and those that were for the acquittal, yield­ed to the fury of the rest, only that they might save their own Lives, and not be starved. Vane had done great services in the Wars, and carried himself with a Magnanimity, that was thought too extravagant: they were all condemned, and Partridge and he were hanged, the other Two were be­headed.

The Lord Chancellor was become a secret friend to the Duke of Somerset, and that was thus discovered: he went aside once at Council, Rich gives up the Great Seal, and it was given to the Bish. of Ely. and writ a Note, giving the Duke notice of what was then in a­gitation against him, and endorsed it only for the Duke, and sent it to the Tower, but his Servant not having particular di­rections, fansied it was to the Duke of Norfolk, and not to Somerset, and carried it to him. He to make Northumberland his friend, sent this to him; Rich understand­ing the mistake, in which his Servant had fallen, prevented the discovery, and went immediately to the King, and pretending some indisposition, desired to be dischar­ged; and upon that took his Bed, so it seemed too barbarous to do any thing further against him, only the Great Seal was taken from him, and was put in the Bishop of Ely's hands. This was much censured, for all the Reformers had in­veighed severely against the secular im­ployments, and high places, which Bishops had in the Church of Rome, since by these they were taken wholly off from the care of Souls, or those spiritual exercises that might dispose them for it, and assumed only the name and garb of Churchmen, to serve their Ambition and Covetousness; and by this the People were much preju­diced against them, so upon Goodrick's ad­vancement, this was turned against the Reformers: it was said, they only complained of those things, when their Enemies enjoyed [Page 155]them, but changed their minds, as soon as they fell into the hands of their friends: but Goodrick was no Pattern, he complied only with the Reformation, but turned when Queen Mary succeeded. Christ said, Who made me a Judge? St. Paul left it as a Rule, that no Man that warreth, entangleth him­self with the affairs of this life. This Saint Cyprian, and the other Fathers understood, as a perpetual prohibition of Churchmen's medling with secular matters; and con­demned it severely. Many Canons were made against it in Provincial Councils, and a very full one was decreed at Chal­cedon. But as the Bishops of Rome and Alexandria grew rich, and powerful, they establisht a sort of secular principality in the Church: and other Sees, as they en­creased in wealth, affected to imitate them. Charles the Great, raised this much every where, and gave great Territories and Priviledges to the Church; upon which, the Bishop and Abbots, were not only ad­mitted to a share, in the Publick Counsels, by virtue of their Lands, but to all the chief Offices of the State; and then Ec­clesiastical Preferments were given to Courtiers, as Rewards for their services: and by these means the Clergy became very corrupt, Merit and Learning being no more the standards, by which Men were esteemed or promoted: and Bishops were only considered, as a sort of great Men, who went in a peculiar Habit, and on [Page 156]great Festivities were obliged to say Mass, or perform some other Solemnities, but they wholly abandoned the Souls com­mitted to their care, and left the spiri­tual part of their callings, to their Vi­cars and Arch-deacons, who made no o­ther use of it, but to squeeze the Infe­riour Clergy, and to oppress the People: and it was not easie to perswade the world, that those Bishops did much aspire to Hea­ven, who were so indecently thrusting themselves into the Courts of Princes, and medling so much in matters, that did not belong to them, that they neglected those, for which they were to account to God.

On the 22. The Duke of Somer­set's Exe­cution. day of January, the Duke of Somerset was executed at Tower-Hill, the substance of his Speech, was a Vindi­cation of himself, ‘from all ill designs, he confessed his private sins, and ac­knowledged the mercies of God, in grant­ing him time to Repent: he declared that he had acted sincerely in all he did, in matters of Religion, while he was in power: and rejoyced for his being In­strumental in so good a work: he ex­horted the People to live sutably to the doctrine received among them; other­wise they might look for great Judg­ments from God.’ As he was going on, there was an unaccountable Noise heard, which so frighted the People, that many run away. Sir Anthony Brown came up, riding towards the Scaffold, which made [Page 157]the Spectators think, that he brought a Pardon, and this occasioned great shouts of Joy, but they soon saw their mistakes; so the Duke went on in his Speech, ‘He declared his chearful submission to the will of God, and desired them likewise to acquiesce in it; he prayed for the King and his Council, and exhorted the People to continue obedient to them: and asked the forgiveness of all, whom at any time he had offended.’ Then he turned to his private devotions, and fitted himself for the blow, which upon the sig­nal given, severed his Head from his Body.

He was a Man of extraordinary Vir­tues, of great candor, and eminent Piety: he was always a promoter of Justice, and a Patron of the oppressed. He was a bet­ter Captain than a Counsellor, and was too easie and open-hearted, to be so cau­tious, as such times, and such Imploy­ments required. It was generally believed, all this Conspiracy, for which he, and the other Four suffered, was only a for­gery: all the other Complices were quick­ly discharged, and Palmer, the chief Wit­ness, became Northumberlands particular con­fident: and the indiscreet words, which the Duke of Somerset had spoken, and his gathering armed Men about him, was im­puted to Palmer's artifices, who had put him in fear of his life, and so made him do, and say those things, for which he lost it. His four friends did all end their [Page 158]Lives, with the most solemn protestations of their Innocence, and the whole matter was lookt on, as a contrivance of Nor­thumberlands, by which he lost the affecti­ons of the People entirely. Some reflect­ed on the Attainder of the Duke of Nor­folk, and the Earl of Surrey's death, occa­sioned likewise by a Conspiracy of their own Servants, in which it was thought, this Duke was too active. He was also much censured for his Brothers death. He had raised much of his Estate out of the spoils of Bishops Lands, and his Pa­lace out of the Ruines of some Churches; and to this some added a remark, that he did not claim the benefit of his Clergy, which would have saved him, and since he had so spoiled the Church, they im­puted it to a particular Judgment on him, that he forgat it: But in this they were mi­staken, for in the Act by which he was condemned, it was provided that no Cler­gy should purge that Felony.

In Germany, The affairs of Germa­ny. Maurice began this year to form a great design: He enter'd into cor­respondences not only with the Princes of Germany, but also with France and Eng­land; and having given intimations of his de­signs for the liberty of Germany, and the security of the Protestant Religion, to some that had great credit in Magdeburg, he brought that Town to a surrender, and having made himself sure of the Army, he quartered his Troops in the Territories [Page 159]of the Popish Princes, by which they were all much alarmed, only the Emperour did not apprehend the danger till it was too late for him. A quarrel fell in between the Pope and the King of France, about Parma: The Pope threatned, if that King would not restore Parma, he would take France from him. Upon that, the Council being now again opened at Trent, the King of France protested against it, and decla­red that he would call a National Coun­cil in France, and would not obey, nor re­ceive their Decrees. The Emperor still pres­sed the Germans to send Embassadours and Divines to Trent. The Council began with the points about the Eucharist, and it was ordered that these should be han­dled according to the Scriptures and An­cient Authors; the Italians did not like this, and said the bringing many quotati­ons was only an Act of Memory, and that way would give the Lutherans great ad­vantages: The sublime speculations of the Schools, together with their terms, were much safer Weapons to deal with. A Safe-Conduct was demanded from the Council, for the Emperours Conduct was not thought sufficient, since at Constance, John Hus, and Jerome of Prague were burnt, though they had the Emperours Safe-Conduct. The Council of Basil had granted a very full one to the Bohemians; so the Luthe­rans demanded one in the same form, but though one was granted, yet it was in ma­ny things short of that. The Elector of [Page 160] Brandenburg sent an Embassadour to Trent, who made a general Speech of the respect his Master had for them. The Legates answered, and thanked him for submitting to their Decrees, of which the Embassa­dour had not said a word; but when he expostulated about it, the Legates said, they answered him according to that he ought to have said, and not to that he did say. The Council decreed, the manner of Christs presence to be ineffable, and yet ad­ded that Transubstantiation was a fit term for it; for that was a notion as uncon­ceivable as any that could be thought on: Then they decreed the necessity of Auri­cular Confession, that thereby Priests might keep a proportion between Penances and Sins, which was thought a mockery; for the trade of slight Penances, and easie Ab­solutions for the greatest sins, shewed there was no care taken to adjust the one to the other. The Embassadour of the Duke of Wirtemberg came, and moved for a Safe-Conduct to their Divines to come and maintain their Doctrine: The Legates an­swered, they would enter into no disputes with them, but if they came with an hum­ble mind, and proposed their scruples, they would satisfie them. Embassadours from some Towns arrived at Trent, and those sent by the Duke of Saxe were on their way, upon which the Emperour ordered his Agents, to gain time, and hinder the Council to proceed in their decisions till those were heard, but all he could prevail [Page 161]in, was that the Article concerning the Communion in both kinds, was postponed till they should come.

The day after the Duke of Somerset's exe­cution, 1552 a Session of Parliament was assembled. A Session of Parlia­ment. The first Act they past was about the Com­mon-Prayer-Book, as it was now amend­ed: To it only one Earl, two Bishops, and two Lords dissented. The Book was appointed to be every where received after All-hallows next. The Bishops were requi­red to proceed by the censures of the Church, against such as came not to it; they also authorized the Book of Ordinati­ons, and enacted the same Penalties against offendors, that were in the Act for the for­mer Book three years before. The Papists took occasion on the changes now made in the Book, to say, that the new Doctrines and ways of Worship changed as fast as the fashions did. It was answered, That it was no wonder if corruptions, which had been creeping in for a thousand years, were not all discovered, and thrown out at once; and since they had been every age making additions of new Ceremonies, it might be excused, if the Purging them out was done by such easie degrees. The Book was not to be received till All-hallows, be­cause it was hoped that between and then the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws would have been finished: A Bill concerning Treasons past with only one dissent, it was much opposed in the H. of Commons; for [Page 162]the multiplying of Treasons is always lookt on as a severity in the Government. One Bill was rejected, but another was agreed on, ‘If any called the King, or his Suc­cessors, named in the Statute of 35 Hen. 8. Heretick, Tyrant, or other opprobrious words, he was for the first offence to be punished with a forfeiture of Goods and Chattels, for the second with a Praemu­nire, and the third offence was made Treason: but if it was done in printing or writing, the first offence was Trea­son. None were to be prosecuted for words, but within three Months: and two Witnesses were made necessary, who should aver their Depositions to the Par­ties face.’ This seems to relate to the proceedings against the Duke of Somerset, in which the Witnesses did not appear, so that he lost the advantage of cross examining them: and many times Inno­cence and guilt discover themselves, when the Parties are confronted. Another Law past for Holy-days and Fasts. ‘No days were to be esteemed Holy in their own na­ture, but by reason of those Holy duties which ought to be done in them, for which they were dedicated to the service of God. Days were esteemed to be de­dicated only to the honour of God, even those in which the Saints were comme­morated; Sundays, and the other Holy­days were to be religiously observed, and the Bishops were to proceed to Censures against offenders, only Labourers or Fi­sher-men [Page 163]in case of necessity, might work on them: The Eves before them were to be Fasts, and abstinence from Flesh was enacted, both in Lent, and on Fridays and Saturdays.’ This liberty to Trades­men to work on these days, was abused to a publick profanation of them, but the stricter clauses in the Act were little regarded. An Act past, empowering Church­wardens to gather Collections for the poor, and the Bishops to proceed against such as refused to contribute; which though it was a Bill that taxed the people, yet had its first rise in the House of Lords. A Bill was past by the Lords, but rejected by the Commons, for securing the Clergy from falling under the lash of a Praemunire by Ig­norance; and that they ought to be first prohibited by the Kings Writ, and not be sued unless they continued after that, stiff in their disobedience. An Act past for the Marriage of the Clergy, four Earls and six Lords dissenting from it: ‘That where­as the former Act about it was thought on­ly a permission of it, as some other unlaw­ful things were connived at; upon which the Wives and Children of the Clergy were reproachfully used, and the Word of God was not heard with due reverence; therefore their Marriages were declared good and valid.’ The Marquess of Nor­thampton procured an Act, confirming his second Marriage, and that occasioned ano­ther to be proposed in the House of Lords, that no man might put away his Wife and [Page 164]marry another, unless he were first Di­vorced; but it was laid aside by the Commons. 1551 The Bishoprick of Westminster was re-united to London, only the Collegiate Church was still continued.

An Act past concerning Usury, An Act a­gainst Usu­ry. repealing a Law made 37 Hen. 8. ‘That none might take above 20 per Cent. All Usury, or profit for Money lent, was condemned, as contrary to the Word of God, and trans­gressors were to be imprisoned, and fined at pleasure.’ This has been since that time repealed, and several regulations have been made of the gain by lent Money, which is now reduced to 6 per Cent. The prohibitions of Usury by Moses have been thought Moral, others have believed that they were founded only on the equal divi­sion of the Land; and since it was then lawful to take Usury of a stranger, they have inferred that the Law was not Mo­ral, otherwise it must be of perpetual ob­ligation: It was also a great incitement to industry not to lend upon profit, and it made every man lay out his Money in some way of advantage, and their neigh­bourhood to Tyre and Sidon gave them a quick vent of their Manufacture, without which it is not easie to imagine how such vast numbers could have lived in so nar­row a Countrey: So that these Laws seem'd to be only judiciary. It was thought at first suitable to the Brotherly kindness that ought to be among Christians, to lend with­out gain; but at last Canons were made [Page 165]against taking Usury, and it was put among the reserved Cases. Mortgages were an invention to avoid that, 1552 for the use was paid as the Rent of the Land mortgaged, and not of the Money lent. Inventions also were found for those who had no Land to mortgage, to make such bargains that gain was made of the Money, and yet not in the way of Usury. These were tricks only to deceive people, and it is not ea­sie to shew how the making such a gain as holds proportion to the value of Land is immoral in it self; if the rule setled by Law is not exceeded, and men deal not unmercifully with those, who by inevita­ble accidents are disabled from making payment. Another Bill was past against Si­mony, the reserving pensions out of Bene­fices, and granting Advowsons while the Incumbent was yet alive, but it had not the Royal Assent. Simony has been oft complained of, and many Laws and Ca­nons have been made against it, but new contrivances are still found out to elude them all: And it is a disease that will still hang on the Church, as long as Covetous­ness and Ambition ferment so strongly in the minds of Church-men.

A Bill was sent to the House of Com­mons, signed by the King, A Repeal of the set­tlement of the Duke of Somer­set's estate. repealing the settlement of the Duke of Somerset's E­state, 23 Hen. 8. made in favour of his Children, by his second Wife, to exclude the Children by his first, of whom are descended the Seimours of Devonshire, which [Page 166]some imputed to a Jealousie, he had of his first Wife, and others ascribed it to the power his second Wife had over him. But the Commons were very unwilling to void a settlement confirmed in Parliament, and so for Fifteen days it was debated: A new Bill was devised, and that was much altered, and the Bill was not finished till the day before the dissolution of the Par­liament. The Lords added a Proviso, confirming the Duke of Somerset's Attain­der, but that was cast out by the Com­mons. Some Writings had been sealed with relation to a Marriage between the Earl of Hartford, the Dukes Son, and the Earl of Oxford's Daughter, and the Lords sent down a Bill voiding these, but upon a division in the House of Commons, 68. were for it, and 69. were against it; so it was cast out. The House was now thin, when we find but 137. Members in it: but that is one of the effects of a long Parliament: many grow infirm, and many keep out of the way on design, and those who at their first Election were the Repre­sentatives of the People, after they have sat long, become a Cabal of Men, that pursue their own Interests, Tonstall is imprison­ed. more than the Publick Service. Tonstall Bishop of Dur­ham, upon some Informations, was put in Prison in the former year: The Duke of Northumberland intended to erect a great Principality for his Family in the North; and the accession of the Jurisdiction of the County Palatine, which is in that See, [Page 167]seemed so considerable, that he resol­ved to ruine Tonstall, and so make way for that. He complied in all the chan­ges that were made, though he had protested against them in Parliament; he writ also for the Corporal Presence, but with more Eloquence than Learning: He was a can­did and moderate Man, and there was always a good correspondence between Cranmer and him: and now when the Bill was put in against him, he opposed it, and protested against it, by which he ab­solutely lost the Duke of Northumberland: but all the Popish complying Bishops went along with it. There were some Depo­sitions read in the House of Lords to ju­stifie it, but when the Bill with these was sent down to the Commons, they resolved to put a stop to that way of condemning Men without hearing them: so they sent a Mes­sage to the Lords, that he and his Ac­cusers might be heard face to face, and that not being done, they let the Bill fall. By these Indications, it appeared that the House of Commons had little kindness for the Duke of Northumberland. Many of them had been much obliged to the Duke of Somerset; so it was resolved to have a new Parliament, and this which had sat almost five years, was on the 15th. of April dissolved.

The Convocation did confirm the Ar­ticles of Religion, A Refor­mation of Ecclesia­stical Laws prepared. that had been prepared the former year, and thus was the Refor­mation of Worship and Doctrine now [Page 168]brought to such perfection, that since that time there has been very little alte­ration made in these. But another Branch of it was yet unfinished, and was now under consultation, touching the Govern­ment of the Church, and the rules of the Ecclesiastical Courts. Two Acts had pas­sed in the former reign, and one in this, impowering XXXII. to revise all the Laws of the Church, and digest them into a body. King Henry issued out a Commis­sion, and the Persons were named, who made some progress in it, as appears by some of Cranmer's Letters to him. In this Reign it had been begun several times, but the Changes in the Government made it be laid aside. Thirty two were found to be too many for preparing the first draught, so Eight were appointed to make it rea­dy for them: These were Cranmer and Ridley, Cox and Peter Martyr, Traheron and Taylor, and Lucas and Gosnold, two Bi­shops, two Divines, two Civilians, and two Common Lawyers; but it was gene­rally believed, that Cranmer drew it all himself, and the rest only corrected what he designed. Haddon and Cheek were im­ployed to put it in Latine; in which they succeeded so well, and arrived at so true a purity in the Roman stile, that it looks like a work of the best Ages of that State, before their Language was corrup­ted with the mixture of barbarous terms and phrases, with which all the later Wri­tings were filled, but none were more nau­seously [Page 169]rude than the Books of the Canon-Law. The Work was cast into fifty one Titles, perhaps it was designed to bring it near the number of the Books, into which Justinian digested the Roman Law. The Eight finished it, and offered it to the XXXII. who divided themselves into Four Classes, every one was to offer his Corrections, and when it had past through them all, it was to be offered to the King for his Confirmation; but the King died before it was quite finished, nor was it ever after­wards taken up: yet I shall think it no useless part of this work, to give an ac­count of what was intended to be done in this matter, as well as I relate what was done in other things.

The first Title of it was concerning the Catholick Faith: The heads of it. it was made Capital to deny the Christian Religion. The Books of Scripture were reckoned up, and the Apocrypha left out. The four first General Councils were received, but both Councils and Fathers were to be submit­ted to, only as they agreed with the Scri­ptures. The second enumerates and con­demns many Heresies, extracted out of the Opinions of the Church of Rome, and the Tenets of the Anabaptists: and among o­thers, those who excused their lives, by the pretence of Predestination, are reckoned up. 3. The judgment of Heresie was to lye in the Bishops Court, except in ex­empted places. Persons suspected might be required to purge themselves, and those [Page 170]who were convicted, were to abjure and do Penance, but such as were obstinate, were declared Infamous, and not to have the benefit of the Law, or of making Te­staments, and so all Capital proceedings for Heresie were laid aside. 4. Blasphe­my against God was to be punished as obstinate Heresie. 5. The Sacraments, and other parts of the Pastoral Charge, were to be decently performed. 6. All Magick, Idolatry, or Conjuring was to be punished arbitrarily, and in case of obsti­nacy, with Excommunication. 7. Bishops were appointed once a Year to call all their Clergy together, to examine them concerning their Flocks: and Itinerant Preachers were to be often imployed for visiting such Precincts as might be put un­der their care. 8. All Marriages were to be after asking of Banes, and to be an­nulled, if not done according to the Book of Common Prayer. Corrupters of Virgins were to marry them; or if that could not be done, to give them the third part of their Goods, and suffer Corporal punish­ment. Marriages made by force, or with­out consent of Parents, were declared null. Polygamy was forbid, and Mothers were required to suckle their Children. 9. The degrees of Marriage were setled accord­ing to the Levitical Law, but spiritual kindred was to be no barr. 10. A Cler­gy-man guilty of Adultery, was to forfeit his Goods and Estate to his Wife and Children, or to some pious use; and to [Page 171]be banished or Imprisoned during life: a Layman guilty of it, was to forfeit the half, and be banished or Imprisoned du­ring life: Wives that were guilty, were to be punished in the same manner. The Innocent Party might marry again after a Divorce. Desertion, or Mortal Enmity, or the constant perversness of a Husband, might induce a Divorce, but little quar­rels, nor a perpetual Disease might not do it; and the separation from Bed and Board, except during a Trial, was never to be allowed. 11. Patrons were charged to give presentations, without making bar­gains; to choose the fittest persons, and not to make promises till the Livings were vacant. The Bishops were required to use great strictness in the Trial of those, whom they ordained: all Pluralities and Non-residence were condemned, and all that were presented were to purge them­selves of Simony by Oath. The twelfth and thirteenth were concerning the chan­ging of Benefices. The fourteenth was con­cerning the manner of purgation upon common fame: all superstitious Purgati­ons were condemned. Others followed, about Dilapidations, Elections and Colla­tions. The nineteenth was concerning Divine Offices. The Communion was or­dered to be every Sunday in Cathedrals, and a Sermon was to be in them in the afternoon: such as received the Sacrament, were to give notice to the Minister the day be­fore, that he might examine their Con­sciences: [Page 172]The Catechism was appointed to be explained for an Hour in the after­noon on Holy-days: After the Evening Prayer, the Poor were to be taken care of, Penances were to be enjoyned to scan­dalous Persons, and the Minister was to confer with some of the Ancients of the People, concerning the state of the Parish, That admonitions and censures might be applied, as there was occasion given. The twentieth was concerning other Church-Officers. A Rural Dean was to be in every Precinct to watch over the Clergy, according to the Bishops directions: Arch­deacons were to be over them, and the Bishop over all: who was to have yearly Synods, and visit every third Year. His Family was to consist of Clergymen, in imitation of St. Austin, and other ancient Bishops, these he was to train up, for the service of the Church: When Bishops became infirm, they were to have Co-ad­jutors: Arch-bishops were to do the Epi­scopal duties in their Diocess, and to vi­sit their Province. Every Synod was to begin with a Communion, and after that the Ministers were to give an account of their Parishes, and follow such directions as the Bishop should give them. Other heads followed concerning Church-Wardens; Tithes, Universities, Visitations, and seve­ral sorts of Censures. In the thirtieth, a large Scheme was drawn of Excommuni­cation, which was intrusted to Church-men, for keeping the Church pure, and [Page 173]was not to be inflicted, but for obstinacy in some gross fault: all causes upon which it was pronounced, were to be examined before the Minister of the Parish, a Justice of Peace, and some other Church-men. It was to be pronounced and intimated with great seriousness, and all were to be warned not to keep company with the per­son censured, under the like pains, except those of his own Family: Upon his con­tinuing forty days obstinate under it, a Writ was to be issued out for Commit­ment, till the Sentence should be taken off. Such as had the King's Pardon for Capi­tal offences, were yet liable to Church censures. Then followed the Office of absolving Penitents. They were to come to the Church-door, and crave admittance, and the Minister having brought them in, was to read a long discourse concerning Sin, Repentance, and the Mercies of God. Then the Party was to confess his sin, and to ask God, and the Congregation pardon; upon which the Minister was to lay his hands on his Head, and to pro­nounce the Absolution. Then a thanks­giving was to be offered to God, at the Communion Table, for the reclaiming that sinner. The other Heads of this work, relate to the other parts of the Law of those Courts. It is certain, that the aboun­ding of Vice and Impiety, flows in a great measure from the want of that strictness of censure, which was the glory of the Christian Church in the Primitive times: [Page 174]and it is a publick connivance at sin, that there have not been more effectual ways taken for making sinners ashamed, and de­nying them the Priviledges of Christians, till they have changed their ill course of life.

There were at this time also remedies under consideration, The Po­verty of the Cler­gy. for the great misery and poverty the Clergy were generally in: but the Laity were so much concerned to oppose all these, that there was no hope of bringing them to any good effect, till the King should come to be of Age him­self, and endeavour to recover again a competent maintenance, for the Clergy, out of their hands, who had devoured their Revenues. Both Heath and Day, the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester, were this Year deprived of their Bishopricks, by a Court of Delegates, that were all Lay­men. But it does not appear, for what offences they were so censured. The Bi­shopricks of Gloucester and Worcester were both united, and put under Hooper's care; but soon after, the former was made an exempted Archdeaconry, and he was de­clared Bishop only of Worcester. In every See, as it fell vacant, the best Mannors were laid hold on by such hungry Cour­tiers, as had the Interest to procure the Grant of them. It was thought, that the Bishops Sees were so out of Measure en­riched, that they could never be made poor enough: but such hast was made in spoiling them, that they were reduced to [Page 175]so low a condition, that it was hardly possible for a Bishop to subsist in them. If what had been thus taken from them, had been converted to good uses, such as the supplying the Inferiour Clergy, it had been some mitigation of so heinous a rob­bery: But their Lands were snatched up by Laymen, who thought of making no Compensation to the Church for the spoils thus made by them.

This Year the Reformation had some more footing in Ireland than formerly. Affairs in Ireland. Henry the VIII. had assumed to himself, by consent of the Parliament of that King­dom, the Title of King of Ireland: the former Kings of England having only been called Lords of it. The Popes and Em­perours have pretended, that such Titles could be given only by them: The for­mer said, all power in Heaven and Earth was given to Christ, and by consequence to his Vicar. The latter, as carrying the Title of Roman Emperour, pretended, that as they Anciently bestowed those Titles, so that devolved on them, who retained only the name and shadow of that Great Au­thority. But Princes and States have thought that they may bring themselves under what Titles they please. In Ireland, though the Kings of England were well obeyed with­in the English Pale, yet the Irish conti­nued barbarous and uncivilised, and de­pended on the heads of their Names or Tribes, and were obedient, or did rebel as they directed them. In Ʋlster they had [Page 176]a great dependance on Scotland: and there were some risings there, during the War with Scotland, which were quieted, by gi­ving the Leading-men Pensions, and get­ting them to come and live within the English Pale. Monluc, Bishop of Valence, being then in Scotland, went over thither to engage them to raise new Commoti­ons; but that had no effect: while he was there, his lasciviousness came to be disco­vered by an odd accident, for a Whore was brought to him by some English Fri­ars, and secretly kept by him: but she searching among his Clothes, fell on a Glass, full of somewhat, that was very odoriferous, and drank it off; which be­ing discovered by the Bishop, too late, put him in a most violent passion: for it had been given him, as a Present, by Soliman the Magnificent, when he was Am­bassadour at his Court. It was call'd the richest balm of Egypt, and valued at 2000. Crowns. His rage grew so boisterous, that all about him, discovered both his Passion, and Lewdness at once. The Re­formation was set up in the English Pale, but had made a small progress among the Irish. This Year Bale was sent over to labour among them. He was a busie Wri­ter, and was a Learned zealous Man, but did not write with the temper and decency that became a Divine. Goodaker was sent to be Primate of Armagh, and he was to be Bishop of Ossory. Two Irish Men were also promoted with them; who [Page 177]undertook to advance the Reformation there. The Archbishop of Dublin intend­ed to have ordained them by the old Pon­tifical, and all, except Bale, were willing it should be so, but he prevailed that it should be done according to the new book of Ordinations: after that he went into his Diocess, but found all there in dark Popery, and before he could make any Progress, A Change in the Garter. the King's death put an end to his designs. There was a change setled in the Order of the Garter this Year. A Proposition was made the for­mer year, to consider how the Order might be freed from the Superstition, that was supposed to be in it. St. George's fighting with a Dragon, lookt like a Legend for­ged in dark Ages, to support the humour of Chivalry, then very high in the world. The story was neither credible in it self, nor vouched by any good Author: nor was there any of that name mentioned by the Ancients, but George the Arrian Bishop, that was put in Alexandria, when Athanasius was banished. Some Knights were appointed to prepare a Reformati­on of the Order: and the Earl of West­morland, and Sir Andrew Dudley were this Year Installed according to the New Mo­del. It was appointed to be called in all time coming, the Order of the Garter, and no more the Order of St. George; in­stead of the former George, there was to be on the one side of the Jewel, a Man on Horseback, with a Bible on his Swords [Page 178]point: On the Sword was written Prote­ctio, and on the Bible Verbum Dei; and on the Reverse a Shield, and Fides writ­ten upon it: to shew that they would maintain the Word of God, both with offensive and defensive Weapons: but all this was reversed by Queen Mary, and the old Statutes were again revived, which continue to this day.

There was at this time a strict enquiry made into the accounts of all, Northum­berlands severity. who had been imployed in the former part of this Reign; for it was believed, that the Vi­sitors had embezel'd much of the Plate of the Churches: and these were the Crea­tures of the Duke of Somerset, which made Northumberland prosecute them more vehemently: On none did this fall more severely, than on the Lord Paget, who was not only fined in 6000 l. but was degra­ded from the Order of the Garter, with a particular mark of Infamy on his Ex­traction; yet he was afterwards restored to it with as much honour. He had been a constant friend to the Duke of Somerset, and that made his Enemies execute so se­vere a Revenge on him. Northumberland was preparing matters for a Parliament, and being a Man of an Insolent temper, no less abject when he was low, than lift­ed up with prosperity, he thought ex­tream severity was the only way to bring the Nation easily to comply with his ad­ministration of affairs; but this, though [Page 179]it succeeded for some time, yet when he needed it most, it turned violently upon him: for nothing can work on a free People so much, as Justice and Clemency in the Government.

A great design was setled this Year, Trade flourishes much. which proved to be the foundation of all that Wealth and Trade, that has since that time flourished so much in this Na­tion. Henry the III. had been much sup­ported in his Wars, by the assistance he got from the Free-Towns of Germany, in recompence of which he gave them great Priviledges in England. They were for­med here in a Corporation, and lived in the Still Yard near London-Bridge. They had gone sometimes beyond their Char­ters, which were thereupon judged to be forfeited, but by great Presents they pur­chased new ones. They traded in a Bo­dy, and so ruined others by under selling them; and by making Presents at Court, or lending great Summs, they had the Government on their side. Trade was now rising much, Courts began to be more Magnificent, so that there was a greater consumption, particularly of Cloth, than formerly. Antwerp and Hamburgh lying, the one near the mouth of the Rhine, and the other at the mouth of the Elbe, had then the chief Trade in these Parts of the World; and their Factors in the Still-Yard, had all the Markets in England in their hands; and set such Prices, both on [Page 180]what they imported or exported, as they pleased, and broke all other Merchants to such a degree, that the former Year they had shipped 44000. Clothes, and all the other Traders had not shipped above 1100. So the Merchant-adventurers complained of the Still-Yard Men, and after some hearings, it was judged that they had for­feited their Charter, and that their Com­pany was dissolved: nor could all the ap­plications of the Hanse Towns, seconded by the Emperour's Intercession, procure them a new Charter. But a greater de­sign was proposed, after this was setled; which was to open two free Mart Towns in England, and to give them such Privi­ledges, as the free Towns in the Empire had, and by that means to draw the Trade to England: Southampton and Hull were thought the fittest. This was so far en­tertained by the young King, that he writ a large Paper, ballancing the conveniencies and inconveniencies of it, but all that fell with his Life.

This year Cardan, Cardan in England. the great Philosopher of that Age, past through England, as he re­turned from Scotland. The Archbishop of St. Andrews had sent for him out of Italy, to cure him of a Dropsie: in which he had good success; but being much con­versant in Astrology and Magick, he told him he could not change his fate, and that he was to be hanged. He waited on King Edward as he returned, and was [Page 181]so charmed with his great knowledge and rare qualities, that he always spake of him, as the rarest Person he had ever seen: and after his death, when nothing was to be got by flattering, he writ the fol­lowing Character of him.

‘All the Graces were in him: he had many Tongues, when he was yet but a Child; together with the English, his Natural Tongue, he had both Latin and French; nor was he ignorant, as I hear, of the Greek, Italian, and Spanish and perhaps some more; But for the Eng­lish, French and Latin, he was exact in them, and was apt to learn every thing. Nor was he ignorant of Logick, of the Prin­ciples of Natural Philosophy, nor of Musick; The sweetness of his Temper was such as became a Mortal, his Gra­vity becoming the Majesty of a King, and his Disposition was suitable to his high Degree: In sum, that Child was so bred, had such parts, and was of such expectati­on, that he looked like a Miracle of a Man: These things are not spoken Rhe­torically, and beyond the Truth, but are indeed short of it.’ And afterwards he adds, ‘He was a marvellous Boy; when I was with him, he was in the 15th. year of his Age, in which he spake Latin as politely, and as promptly as I did: He asked me, what was the subject of my Book, de Rerum varietate, which I dedi­cated to him? I answered, that in the [Page 182]first Chapter, I gave the true cause of Comets, which had been long enquired into, but was never found out before. What is it, said he? I said, it was the concourse of the Light of wandring Stars. He answered, How can that be, since the Stars move in different moti­ons? How comes it that the Comets are not soon dissipated, or do not move af­ter them, according to their motions. To this I answered, they do move after them, but much quicker than they, by reason of the different aspect, as we see in Crystal, or when a Rain-bow rebounds from a Wall: for a little change makes a great difference of place. But the King said, How can that be, where there is no sub­ject to receive that Light, as the Wall is the subject for the Rain-bow? To this I answered, That this was as in the Mil­ky way, or where many Candles were lighted, the middle place, where their shining met, was white and clear. From this little tast, it may be imagined what he was. And indeed the ingenuity, and sweetness of his Disposition had raised in all good, and learned Men the grea­test expectation of him possible. He be­gan to love the Liberal Arts before he knew them, and to know them before he could use them: and in him there was such an Attempt of Nature, that not only England, but the World hath rea­son to lament his being so early snatcht away. How truly was it said of such [Page 183]extraordinary Persons, that their Lives are short, and seldom do they come to be old? He gave us an Essay of Vertue, though he did not live to give a Pat­tern of it. When the gravity of a King was needful, he carried himself like an old Man, and yet he was always affable, and gentle, as became his Age. He played on the Lute; he medled in affairs of State: and for Bounty, he did in that emulate his Father; though he, even when he en­deavoured to be too good, might appear to have been bad: but there was no ground of suspecting any such thing in the Son, whose mind was cultivated by the study of Philosophy.’

These extraordinary blossoms gave but too good reason to fear, that a fruit which ripened so fast, could not last long.

In Scotland there was a great change in the Government: Affairs in Scotland. the Governor was dealt with, to resign it to the Queen Dowager, who returned this Year from France, and was treated with all that respect that was due to her rank, as she past through En­gland. She brought Letters to the Go­vernour, advising him to resign it to her, but in such terms, that he saw he must either do it, or maintain his power by force: he was a soft Man, and was the more easily wrought on, because his am­bitious Brother was then desperately ill: but when he recovered, and found what [Page 184]he had done, he expressed his displeasure at it in very vehement terms. The young Queen of Scotlands Uncles proposed a Match for her with the Dolphin, which had been long in discourse, and the King of France inclined much to it. Constable Monmo­rancy opposed it: He observed how much Spain suffered, in having so many Territo­ries at a distance: though those were the best Provinces of Europe. So he reckoned the keeping Scotland, would cost France more than ever it could be worth: A Revolt to England would be easie, and the sending Fleets and Armies thither would be a vast charge: He therefore advised the King, rather to marry her to some of the Prin­ces of the Blood, and to send them to Scotland, and so by a small Pension, that Kingdom would be preserved in the In­terests of France. But the Constable was a known Enemy to the House of Guise, and so those wise advices were little con­sidered, and were imputed to the fears he had of so great a strengthning, as this would have given to their Interest at Court. In Scotland there were now two Factions: the one was headed by the Arch­bishop, and all the Clergy were in it, who were jealous of the Queen, as leaning too much to some Lords, who were believed to incline to the Reformation; of whom the Prior of St. Andrews, afterwards the Earl of Murray was the chief: These of­fered to serve the Queen in all her de­signs; in particular, in sending the Matri­monial [Page 185]Crown to France, upon their young Queens Marriage with the Dolphin, if she would defend them from the Violence of the Clergy in matters of Religion, which being made generally subservient to other Interests in all Courts, this was well enter­tained by the Queen, though she was other­wise very zealous in her own Religion.

There was a great and unexpected turn this year, in the affairs of Germany. The affairs in Germany: The Emperour's Ministers began to entertain some jealousie of Maurice, so that the Duke of Alva advised the Emperour to call for him, and so to take him off from the head of the Army; and then make him give an account of some suspicious passa­ges, in his treating with other Princes: but the Bishop of Arras said, he had both his Secretaries in pay, and he knew by their means all his Negotiations, and re­lied so on their Intelligence, that he pre­vailed with the Emperour not to provoke him, by seeming distrustful of him. But Maurice knew all this, and deluded his Secretaries, so that he seemed to open to them all his secretest Negotiations; yet he really let them know nothing, but what he was willing should come to the Emperor's ears, and had managed his Treaties so secretly, that they had not the least su­spicion of them. At last the Emperour was so possest with the Advertisements that were sent him from all parts, that he writ to Maurice to come and clear [Page 186]himself; and then he refined it higher: for he presently left the Army, and took Post, with one of his Secretaries, and a small Retinue: after a Days riding, he com­plained of a pain in his side, so that he could not go on, but sent his Secretary with his excuses: This appearance of con­fidence made the Emperour lay down all his jealousies of him. He had also sent his Ambassadours to Trent, and had or­dered Melancthon, and some Divines to follow them slowly, and as soon as a safe conduct was obtained, to go to Trent. The Emperour's Agents had a hard task, be­tween the Legats and the Lutherans: they dealt with the Legates to hear the other; but they answered, that it was against the rules of the Church, to treat with professed Hereticks. The Lutherans on the other hand, made such high demands, that they had as much to do to moderate them: they prest them not to ask too much at once, and promised, that if they would proceed prudently, the Emperour would concur with them, to pull down the Popes power, and to reform abuses. A Safe-Conduct was demanded, such as had been granted by the Council of Basil, that their Divines might have a decisive voice, and the free exercise of their Religion, and that all things might be examined according to the Scriptures. But the Legates abhorred the name of that Council, that had acted so much against the Papal authority, and had granted such [Page 187]a Conduct, that so they might unite Ger­many, and engage the Empire to joyn with them against the Pope. The Ambassa­dours from the Lutherans were heard in a General Congregation, where they gave the Council a very cold Complement, and desired a Safe-Conduct. The Pope under­stood, that the Emperor was resolved to set on the Spanish Bishops, to bear down the power of the Court of Rome, there­fore he united himself to France, and re­solved to break the Council on the first occasion, upon which he ordered the Legates to proceed to settle the doctrine; hoping the Protestants would upon that despair of favour, and go away. But while these things were in agitation, the War of Germany broke out, and the Legates su­spended the Council for two Years.

After this, An Ac­count of the Coun­cil of Trent. I shall have no occasion to speak more of this Council, so I shall of­fer this remark here, that this Council had been much desired both by Princes and Bishops, in hopes that differences of Religion would have been composed in it, and that the Corruptions of the Court of Rome would have been reformed by it, and that had made the Popes very ap­prehensive of it: but such was the cun­ning of the Legates, the number of Italian Bishops, and the dissensions of the Princes of Europe, that it had effects quite con­trary to what all sides expected. The breach in Religion was put past reconci­ling [Page 188]by the positive decisions they made: the abuses of the Court of Rome were con­firmed by the Proviso's, made in favours of the Priviledges of the Apostolick See: and the World was so cured of their longings for a General Council, that none has been desired since that time. The History of that Council was writ with great exactness and Judgment, by Father Paul of Venice, while the thing was yet fresh in all Mens memories; and though it discovered the whole secret of transa­ctions there, yet none set himself to write against it, for Forty Years after: of late then Pallavicini undertook it, and upon the credit of many Memorials, he in ma­ny things contradicts Father Paul; but as many of these are likely enough to be forged, so in the main of the History, they both agree so far, that it is manifest, things were not fairly carried, and that all matters were managed by Intreagues and secret practices, in which it will be very hard to discern such a particular con­duct of the Holy Ghost, as should induce the World to submit to their authority: and indeed Pallavicini was aware of this, and therefore he lays down this for a foundation; ‘That there must be a Prin­cipality in the Church, supported by great Wealth and Dignity; and many practices are now necessary that are con­trary to what were in the Primitive time, which was the Infancy of the Church, and ought not to be a rule to it now, [Page 189]when it is grown up to its full state.’

Maurice declared for the liberty of Germany, and took Ausburg, The Em­perour's designs are blasted. and several other Towns. The King of France fell also in, upon the Empire, with a great Force, and by surprise made himself Ma­ster of Metz, Toul and Verdun, and thought to have got Strasburg. Maurice sent his demands to the Emperour for the Land­grave's liberty, and for restoring the free­dom of the Empire: and the Emperour being slow in making answer, he marched on to Inspruck, where he surprised a Post, and was within two Miles of him, before he was aware of it, so that the Emperor was forced to fly away by Torch-light: and from thence went to Italy. Thus that very Army and Prince, that had been chiefly Instrumental in the ruine of the Empire, did now again assert its freedom; and all the Emperor's great design on Ger­many was now so blasted, that he could never after this put any life in it: he was forced to discharge his Prisoners, and to call in the Proscriptions, and after some Treaty, at last the Edict of Passaw was made, by which the free exercise of the Protestant Religion was granted to the Princes and Towns: and so did that storm, which had almost overwhelmed the Princes of that Perswasion end, without any other considerable effect, besides the Translation of the Electoral dignity from John to Maurice. The Emperour's mis­fortunes encreased on him, for against all [Page 190]reason he besieged Metz in December, but after he had ruined his Army in it, he was for­ced to raise the Siege. Upon that he re­tired into Flanders, in such discontent, that for some time he would admit none to come to him. Here it was believed, he first formed that design, which some years after he put in execution, of forsaking the World, and exchanging the Pomp of a Court, with the retirement of a Monaste­ry. This strange and unlookt for turn in his affairs, gave a great demonstration of an over-ruling Providence, that governs all humane affairs, and of that particular care that God had of the Reformation, in recovering it, when it seemed to be gone, without all hope, in Germany.

In the beginning of this Year, 1553 there was a regulation made of the Privy Council. Several Committees had proper work as­signed them, and directions given them for their conduct; of which there is an account extant, corrected with King Ed­ward's hand. A new Parliament was cal­led, and sat down the first of March; a motion was made for a Subsidy of two tenths, and two fifteenths to be paid in two years: at the passing of the Bill there was a great debate about it in the House of Commons, which seems to have been concerning the Preamble, for it contained a high accusation of the Duke of Somer­set's administration, and was set on by the Duke of Northumberland's Party, to let the [Page 191]King see how well pleased the Represen­tative of the Nation was with his fall.

The Sons of the Nobility and Gentry had ordinarily Prebends given them, A Bill proposed that Lay­men should not hold Church-dignities. un­der this pretence, that they intended to follow their studies, and make themselves capable of entring into Orders: and this was like to become a great prejudice to the Clergy, when so many of the digni­ties of the Church were in Lay-hands. Upon this the Bishops procured a Bill to be past in the House of Lords, that none might hold these, that was not either Priest or Deacon: but at the third read­ing, the Commons threw it out.

Another Bill past for suppressing the Bishoprick of Durham, An Act suppres­sing the Bishop of Durham. and erecting two new Sees, the one at Durham, and the other at Newcastle; the former was to have 2000. and the latter 1000. Marks Revenue; there was also a Dean and a Chapter to be endowed at Newcastle. Ridley was designed to be made Bishop of Durham. But though the secular Jurisdiction of that See was given to the Duke of Nor­thumberland, yet the King's death stopt the further progress of this affair. Tonstall was deprived, as Heath and Day were, by a Court of Lay-delegates, upon the Infor­mations that had been brought against him of Misprision of Treason, and was kept in the Tower till Queen Mary set him at liberty. The King granted a General [Page 192]Pardon, in which the Commons moved the Lords, that some words might be put, though that is not usual to be done; for Acts of Pardon, are commonly past without any Changes made in them: After the passing these Acts, the Par­liament was dissolved on the last of March. For it seems either the Duke of Northum­berland was not pleased with the proceed­ings in the House of Commons, or he was resolved to call frequent Parliaments, and not continue the same, as the Duke of Somerset had done.

Visitors were sent after this to examine what Plate was in every Church, Another Visitation. and to leave them one or two Chalices of Silver, with Linnen, for the Communion-Table, and for Surplices, and to bring in all other things of value to the Treasurer of the King's Houshold, and to sell the rest, and give it to the Poor. This was a new rifling of Churches, by which it seemed some resolved not to cease, till they had brought them to a Primitive Poverty, as well as the Reformers intended to bring them to a Primitive purity. The King set his hand to these Instructions, from which some have inferred, that he was ill principled in himself, when at such an Age, he joyned his Authority to such pro­ceedings. But he was now so ill, that it is probable, he set his hand to every thing, that the Council sent him, without exa­mining anxiously what it might import.

Skip, Bishop of Hereford, dying, Harley succeeded him, and was the last that was promoted by the Kings Letters Patents; as Barlow was the first, Bishops made by the Kings Patent. being removed by them, from St. Davids to Bath and Wells. The form of the Patent was, ‘That the King appointed such a one to be Bishop during his Natural life, or as long as he behaved himself well: and gave him power to ordain or deprive Ministers, to exercise Ecclesiastical Juris­diction, and perform all the other parts of the Episcopal Function, that by the Word of God were committed to Bi­shops, and this they were to do in the King's Name, and by his Authority.’ Ferrar was put in St. Davids, upon Bar­low's removal: he was an indiscreet Man, and drew upon himself the dislike of his Prebendaries, and many complaints were made of him, which, if true, discovered great weakness in him: at last he was sued in a Premunire, for acting in his own name, and not in the King's, in his Courts; and was put in Prison, where he conti­nued, till Morgan, that was his chief Ac­cuser, being put in his place by Queen Mary, condemned him to the Fire; which turned all former Censures, that he had given occasion for, by his simplicity, into esteem and compassion. By these Patents, the Episcopal Power was still declared to flow from Christ; they were only pre­sentations to Bishopricks, such as other Patrons gave to inferiour Benefices; and [Page 194]such as Christian Princes in France, and other Kingdoms gave in elder times, for Bishopricks. Their Courts were ordered to be held in the King's Name; but all this was repealed by Queen Mary: and when Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown, instead of reviving this, she revived that made in the 25 Hen. 8. by which Bishops were au­thorised to hold their Courts, as they had done formerly: and though Queen Mary's repeal of the Statute of this King, was afterwards taken away, so that this Act seemed thereby to be again in force; yet Queen Flizabeth's reviving that made by her Father, was understood to be, in ef­fect, a Repeal of it: so that in King James's time, when some scruples were started about it, the Judges did not think it necessary to make an Explanatory Act, to clear the matter, for the thing did not seem to admit of any debate. A new and fuller Catechism was this Year com­posed by Poinet, and was published with the Kings approbation.

The state of affairs beyond Sea, Affairs in Germany. was now quite turned, so that the Progress the French had made, set the English Council on mediating a Peace. The Em­perour represented to them the danger the Netherlands were in, since the French were Masters of Metz, and so could in a great measure divide them from the assistance, that they might receive from the Empire; therefore he desired that ac­cording [Page 195]to the Ancient Leagues, between England, and the House of Burgundy, they would now engage against the French. The Council sent over Ambassadours, both to the Emperour, and the French King, to mediate. The Emperour was then indis­posed, but his Ministers complained much, that the French had broken with them perfi­diously, when they were making solemn pro­testations, that they intended to observe the Peace religiously. The Germans pro­posed a League between the Emperour, the King of the Romans, the King of En­gland, and the Princes of the Empire. The Emperour moved that the Nether­lands might be comprehended within the perpetual League of the Empire; but the Princes refused that, since those Provinces were like to be the perpetual Seat of War, when ever it should break out between France and Spain; unless they might have reciprocal advantages, for exposing them­selves to so much danger and charge. The French made extravagant Propositions, by which it appeared, that their King had a mind to carry on the War. They askt the restitution of Millan, Sicily, Naples, and Navarre, and the Soveraignty of the Ne­therlands; and that Metz, Toul and Verdun should continue under the Protection of France. The English would not receive these as Mediators, but took them only as a Paper of News, and so ordered their Ambassadours to communicate them to the Emperour. But the King's death broke off this Negotiation.

He had contracted great Colds by Vi­olent Exercises, which in January setled in a deep Cough: and all Medicines proved ineffectual. The Kings sickness. There was a suspicion taken up, and spred over all Europe, that he was poisoned: but no certain grounds ap­pear, for justifying that. During his sick­ness, Ridley preached before him, and a­mong other things, run out much on works of Charity, and the duty of Men of high condition, to be Eminent in good works. The King was much touched with this; so, after Sermon, he sent for the Bishop, and treated him with such respect, that he made him sit down, and be covered: then he told him, what Impression his Ex­hortation had made on him, and there­fore he desired to be directed by him, how to do his duty in that matter. Rid­ley took a little time to consider of it, and after some consultation with the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London, he brought the King a Scheme of several Foundations, one for the sick and wounded, another for such as were wilfully idle, or were mad, and a third for Orphans: so he endowed St. Bartholomew's Hospital for the first, Bridewell for the second, and Christ's Church near Newgate for the third; and he enlarged the Grant he made the for­mer year, for St. Thomas's Hospital in Southwark. The Statutes and Warrants re­lating to these, were not finished before the 26. of June, though he gave order to make all the hast that was possible: [Page 197]and when he set his hand to them, he blest God that had prolonged his life, till he finished his designs concerning them. These Houses have, by the good Govern­ment, and great Charities of the City of London, continued to be so useful, and grown to be so well-endowed, that now they may be well reckoned among the Noblest in Europe.

The King bore his sickness with great submission to the will of God; The Pa­tents for the succes­sion to the Crown. and seem­ed concerned in nothing so much, as the state that Religion, and the Church would be in, after his death. The Duke of Suf­folk had only three Daughters, the eldest of these was now married to Lord Guil­ford Dudley; the second to the Earl of Pembroke's eldest Son; and the third, that was crooked, to one Keys. The Duke of Northumberland, for strengthning his Fami­ly, married also his own two Daughters, the one to Sir Henry Sidney, and the other to the Earl of Huntington's eldest Son. He grew to be much hated by the People, and the jealousie of the King's being poi­soned, was fastened on him. But he re­garded these things little, and resolved to improve the fears the King was in con­cerning Religion, to the advantage of La­dy Jane. The King was easily perswaded to order the Judges, and his Learned Council to put some Articles, which he had signed, for the succession of the Crown, in the common form of Law. They an­swered, [Page 198]that the Succession being setled by Act of Parliament, could not be ta­ken away, except by Parliament: yet the King required them to do what he com­manded them. But next time they came to the Council, they declared, that it was made Treason to change the Succession by an Act past in this Reign, so they could not meddle with it. Mountague was chief Justice, and spake in the name of the rest. Northumberland fell out in a great passion against him, calling him Traitor, for re­fusing to obey the King's commands: for that is always the language of an Arbitra­ry Minister, when he acts against Law. But the Judges were not shaken by his threatnings; so they were again brought before the King, who sharply rebuked them for their delays, but they said, all that they could do, would be of no force, with­out a Parliament, yet they were required to do it, in the best manner they could: At last Mountague desired they might have a Pardon for what they were to do, & that being gran­ted, all the Judges, except Gosnald and Hales, agreed to the Patent, & deliver'd their Opini­ons, that the Lord Chancellor might put the Seal to it, and that then it would be good in Law; yet the former of these two was at last wrought on, so Hales was the only Man that stood out to the last: who, though he was a zealous Pro­testant, yet would not give his Opinion against his Conscience, upon any conside­ration whatsoever. The Privy Councel­lours [Page 199]were next required to set their hand to it: Cecyl, in a Relation he writ of this transaction, says, that hearing some of the Judges declare so positively, that it was against Law, he refused to set his hand to it, as a Privy Councellour, but signed it only as a Witness to the King's subscri­ption. Cranmer stood out long, he came not to Council when it was past there, and refused to consent to it, when he was prest to it; for he said, he would never have a hand in disinheriting his late Master's Daughters. The young dying King was at last set on him, and by his Importunity prevailed with him to do it, and so the Seal was put to the Patents. The King's distemper continued to en­crease, so that the Physicians despaired of his Recovery. A confident Woman un­dertook his Cure, and he was put in her hands, but she left him worse than she found him; and this heightned the jealou­sie of the Duke of Northumberland, that had introduced her, and put the Physici­ans away. At last, to Crown his designs, he got the King to write to his Sisters, to come and divert him in his sickness: and the matter of the Exclusion had been carried so secretly, that they apprehend­ing no danger, had begun their Journey.

In the 6th. of July, The Kings death and Character. the King felt death approaching, and prepared himself for it, in a most devout manner: He was often heard offering up Prayers and Ejaculations [Page 200]to God: Particularly a few Moments be­fore he died, he prayed earnestly that God would take him out of this wretched life, and committed his Spirit to him, he interce­ded very fervently for his Subjects, that God would preserve England from Popery, and maintain his true Religion among them; soon after that, he breathed out his Inno­cent Soul, being in Sir Henry Sidney's arms. Endeavours were used to conceal his death, for some days, on design to draw his Sisters into the snare, before they should be aware of it, but that could not be done.

Thus died Edward the VI. in the sixteenth Year of his Age. He was counted the won­der of that time: he was not only Learned in the Tongues, and the Liberal Sciences, but knew well the state of his Kingdom. He kept a Table-Book, in which he had writ the Characters of all the eminent Men of the Nation; he studied Fortification, and understood the Mint well: he knew the Har­bours in all his Dominions, with the depth of Water, and way of coming into them. He understood foreign affairs so well, that the Ambassadours that were sent into Eng­land, published very extraordinary things of him, in all the Courts of Europe. He had great quickness of apprehension, but being distrustful of his Memory, he took Notes of every thing he heard, that was considerable, in Greek Characters; that those about him might not understand what he writ, which he afterwards Copied out fair in the Journal that he kept.

His Virtues were wonderful, when he was made believe, that his Unkle was guil­ty of conspiring the death of the other Coun­sellours, he upon that abandoned him. Bar­naby Fitzpatrick was his Favourite, and when he sent him to travel, he writ oft to him, to keep good Company, to avoid excess and Luxury, and to improve himself in those things, that might render him capable of Imployment, at his return. He was after­wards made Lord of Upper Ossory in Ire­land, by Queen Elizabeth, and did answer the hopes that this excellent King had of him. He was very merciful in his nature, which appeared in his unwillingness to sign the Warrant, for burning the Maid of Kent. He took great care to have his debts well paid, reckoning that a Prince who breaks his Faith, and loses his Credit, has thrown up that which he can never recover, and made himself liable to perpetual distrust, and extreme contempt. He took special care of the Petitions, that were given him by poor and opprest People. But his great zeal for Religion crowned all the rest. It was not only an angry heat about it that acted him, but it was a true tenderness of conscience, founded on the love of God, & his Neighbors.

These extraordinary qualities set off with great sweetness and affability, made him be universally beloved by all his People. Some called him their Josias, others Edward the Saint, and others called him the Phoenix that rise out of his Mothers ashes; and all Peo­ple concluded, that the sins of England must [Page 202]have been very great, since they provoked God to deprive the Nation of so signal a blessing, as the rest of his Reign would have, by all appearance, proved. Ridley, and the other good Men of that time, made great lamentations of the Vices, that were grown then so common, that Men had past all shame in them. Luxury, Oppression, and a hatred of Religion had over-run the high­er rank of People, who gave a countenance to the Reformation, meerly to rob the Church, but by that and their other practi­ces, were become a great scandal to so good a work. The inferiour sort were so much in the power of the Priests, who were still, notwithstanding their outward Compliance, Papists in heart, and were so much offended at the spoil they saw made of all good en­dowments, without putting other and more useful ones in their room, that they who understood little of Religion, laboured un­der great prejudices against every thing that was advanced by such tools. And these things, as they provoked God highly, so they disposed the People much to that sad Catastrophe, which is to be the subject of the next Book.

BOOK III. Book III 1553. THE LIFE and REIGN OF Queen MARY.

BY King Edward's death, Qu. Mary succeeds. the Crown devolved, according to Law, on his Eldest Sister Mary, who was within half a days Journey to the Court, when she had notice given her by the Earl of Arundel, of her Brother's death, and of the Patent for Lady Jane's succession, and this prevented her falling in­to the Trap, that was laid for her. Upon that she retired to Framlingham in Suffolk, both to be near the Sea, that she might [Page 204]escape to Flanders, in case of a misfortune; and because the slaughter that was made of Kets People, by Northumberland, begat him the hatred of the People in that Neigh­bourhood. Before she got thither, she wrote on the 9th. of July, to the Council, and let them know she understood, that her Brother was dead, by which she succeeded to the Crown, but wondred that she heard not from them; she knew well what Con­sultations they had engaged in, but she would pardon all that was done, to such as would re­turn to their duty, and proclaim her Title to the Crown. By this it was found, that the Kings death could be no longer kept secret; so some of the Privy Council went to Lady Jane, and acknowledged her their Queen. The news of the King's death af­flicted her much, and her being raised to the Throne, rather encreased, than les­sened her trouble. She was a very extra­ordinary Person, both for Body and Mind. She had learned both the Greek and Latine Tongues, to great perfection; and de­lighted much in study. She read Plato in Greek, and drunk in the Precepts of true Philosophy so early, that as she was not tainted with the levities, not to say Vices of those of her Age and condition, so she seemed to have attained to the practice of the highest notions of Philosophy: for in those sudden turns of her condition, as she was not exalted with the prospect of a Crown, so she was as little cast down, when her Palace was made her Prison. [Page 205]The only passion she shewed, was, that of the Noblest kind, in the concern she ex­prest for her Father and Husband, who fell with her, and seemingly on her ac­count, though really Northumberland's am­bition, and her Father's weakness ruined her. She rejected the offer of the Crown, when it was first made her; she said, she knew, that of right it belonged to the late King's Sisters, and so she could not with a good Conscience assume it; but it was told her, that both the Judges and Privy Councellours had declared, that it fell to her according to Law. This, joyn­ed with the Importunities of her Husband, who had more of his Father's Temper, than of her Philosophy in him, made her submit to it. Upon this XXI. Privy Coun­cellours set their hands to a Letter to Queen Mary, letting her know that Queen Jane was now their Soveraign, and that the Marriage between her Father and Mo­ther was null, so she could not succeed to the Crown: and therefore they required her to lay down her Pretensions, and to submit to the settlement now made: and if she gave a ready obedience to these Com­mands, they promised her much favour.

The day after this they proclaimed Jane. But Lady Jane Gray is pro­claimed. In it they set forth, ‘That the late King had by Patent excluded his Sisters, that both were illegitimated by sentences past in the Ecclesiastical Courts, and confirm­ed in Parliament, and at best they were only his Sisters by the half blood, and so [Page 206]not inheritable by the Law of England. There was also cause to fear, that they might marry strangers, and change the Laws, and subject the Nation to the Ty­ranny of the See of Rome. Next to them, the Crown fell to the Dutchess of Suf­folk; and it was provided, that if she should have no Sons, when the King died, the Crown should devolve on her Daugh­ter, who was born and married in the Kingdom: Upon which they asserted her right, and she promised to maintain the true Religion, and the Laws of the Land.’ This was not received with the shouts ordi­nary on such occasions. A Vintners Boy ex­pressed some scorn, when he heard it, for which he was next day set on a Pillory, and his Ears were nailed to it, to strike terror in the rest.

Many descanted variously on this Pro­clamation. Censures past upon that. Those who thought that the King had his power immediately from God, said, that then it must descend in the way of Inheritance, and since the King's two Sisters were both under sen­tences of illegitimation, they said the next Heir in blood must succeed, and that was the young Queen of Scotland; but she be­ing of the Church of Rome, claimed no­thing upon the sentence against Queen Mary, esteeming it unlawful, and null: yet afterwards she made her claim against Queen Elizabeth. Others said, that though a Prince were named immediately by God, yet upon great reasons he might alter the [Page 207]Succession from its natural course: for so David preferred Solomon to Adonijah. In England, the Kings claimed the Crown by a long Prescription, confirmed by many Laws, and not from a divine designation: and therefore they inferred, that the Act of Parliament for the Succession ought to take place, and that by vertue of it, the two Sisters ought to succeed: and it was said, that as the King could limit the Pre­rogative, so he could likewise limit the succession. It was also said, that Charles Brandon's Issue by the French Queen, was unlawful, because he was then married to one Mortimer; yet this was not declared in any Court, and so could not take place. Others said, if the Right of blood could not be cut off, why was the Scotch Queen cut off? and her being born out of the Kingdom, could not exclude her, as an Alien, for though that held in other ca­ses, yet it was only a Provision of Law, which could not take away a Divine right, and by special Law the King's Children were excepted. It was also urged, that the Dutchess of Suffolk ought to be pre­ferred to her Daughter, who could only claim by her Right: and though Maud the Empress, and Margaret Countess of Richmond had not claimed the Crown, but were satisfied that their Sons, two Henries, the second and seventh, should reign in their right, yet it was never heard that a Mother should quit her right to a Daugh­ter: that of the half blood was said to [Page 208]be only a rule in Law for private Families, and that it did not extend to the Crown. The power of limiting the succession by Patent or Testament, was said to be only a Personal trust lodged in King Henry the Eighth, and that it did not descend to his Heirs, so that King Edward's Patents were thought to be of no force.

The severity against the Vintners Boy in the beginning of a Reign founded on so doubt­ful a Title, Many turn to Queen Mary. was thought a great errour in Policy: and it seemed to be a well groun­ded Maxime, that all Governments ought to begin with acts of Clemency, and affect the love rather than the fear of the Peo­ple. Northumberland's proceeding against the Duke of Somerset, upon so soul a Con­spiracy, and the suspicions that lay on him, as the Author of the late Kings untimely death, begat a great aversion in the Peo­ple to him: and that disposed them to set up Queen Mary. She gathered all in the neighbouring Counties about her. The Men of Suffolk were generally for the Re­formation, yet a great Body of them came to her, and asked her, if she would pro­mise not to alter the Religion set up in King Edward's days, she assured them she would make no changes; but should be content with the private Exercise of her own Religion. Upon that they all vowed that they would live and dye with her. The Earl of Sussex, and several others raised Forces for her, and proclaimed her Queen. When the Council heard this, they sent [Page 209]the Earl of Huntington's Brother to raise Men in Buckinghamshire, and meet the For­ces that should be sent from London at Newmarket.

The Duke of Northumberland was or­dered to Command the Army. Northum­berland marches against her. He was now much distracted in his thoughts. It was of equal Importance to keep London, and the Privy Councellours steady, and to conduct the Army well: A misfortune in either of these was like to be fatal to him. So he could not resolve what to do; there was not a Man of spirit that was firm to him, to be left behind, and yet it was most necessary once to dissipate the Force, that was daily growing about Queen Mary. The Lady Jane and the Council were removed to the Tower, not only for state, but for security; for here the Council were upon the matter Pri­soners. He could do no more, but lay a strict charge on the Council, to be firm to Lady Jane's Interests, and so he march­ed out of London with 2000. Horse, and 6000. Foot, on the 14th. of July: but no acclamations or wishes of success were to be heard, as he past through the Streets The Council gave the Emperor notice of the Lady Jane's succession, and complain­ed of the disturbance that was raised by Queen Mary, and that his Ambassadour had officiously medled in their affairs. But the Emperour would not receive their Letters. Ridley was appointed to preach up Queen Jane's Title, and to animate [Page 210]the People against Queen Mary, which he too rashly obeyed. But Queen Mary's Party encreased every day. Hastings went over to her with 4000. Men out of Buck­inghamshire, and she was proclaimed Queen in many places. And now did the Privy Coun­cil begin to see their danger, and to think how to get out of it. The Earl of A­rundel hated Northumberland. The Mar­quess of Winchester was dextrous in shift­ing sides for his advantage. The Earl of Pembroke's Son had married the Lady Jane's Sister, which made him think it necessary to redeem the danger he was in, by a speedy turn. To these many others were joyned. They pretended it was necessary to give an Audience to the foreign Am­bassadours, who would not have it in the Tower. And the Earl of Pembroke's House was pitched upon, he being least suspect­ed. They also said it was necessary to treat with the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, for sending more Forces to Northumberland, concerning which he had writ very earnestly.

When they got out, they resolved to declare for Queen Mary; The Coun­cil declares for her. and rid them­selves of Northumberland's uneasie Yoke, which they knew they must bear, if he were victorious. They sent for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and easily perswaded them to concur with them, and so they went immediately to Cheapside, and pro­claimed the Queen on the 19th. of July: and from thence they went to St. Paul's, where Te Deum was sung. They sent next [Page 211]to the Tower, requiring the Duke of Suf­folk to quit the Government of that place, and the Lady Jane to lay down the Title of Queen; she submitted with as much greatness of mind, as her Father shewed of abjectness. They sent also Orders to Northumberland to dismiss his Forces, and to obey the Queen; and the Earl of A­rundel, and the Lord Paget were sent to carry these welcome tidings to her. When Northumberland heard of the Turn that was in London, without staying for Orders he discharged his Forces, and went to the Market-place at Cambridge, where he was at that time, and proclaimed the Queen. The Earl of Arundel was sent to appre­hend him, and when he was brought to him, he fell at his Feet to beg his favour: for a mind, that has no ballance in it self, turns insolent or abject, out of measure, with the various changes of fortune. He, and three of his Sons, and Sir Tho. Pal­mer, (that was his wicked Instrument a­gainst the Duke of Somerset) were all sent to the Tower. Now all People went to implore the Queen's favour, and Ridley a­mong the rest, but he was sent to the Tower: for she was both offended with him for his Sermon, and resolved to put Bonner again in the See of London. Some of the Judges, and several Noblemen were also sent thither, among the rest the Duke of Suffolk, but three days after he was set at liberty. He was a weak Man, and could do little harm, so he was pitched on as [Page 212]the first Instance, towards whom the Queen should express her Clemency.

She came to London on the 3d. of Au­gust, She comes to London. and on the way was met by her Si­ster, Lady Elizabeth, with a thousand Horse, whom she had raised to come to the Queen's assistance. When she came to the Tower, she discharged the Duke of Nor­folk, the Dutchess of Somerset, and Gardi­ner, of whose Commitment mention has been formerly made; as also the Lord Courtney, Son to the Marquess of Exeter, who had been kept there ever since his Fathers Attainder, whom she made Earl of Devonshire. And thus was she now peace­ably setled on the Throne; notwithstand­ing that great Combination against her, which had not been so easily broken, if the Head of it had not been a Man so Universally distastful.

She was a Lady of great Vertues, Her for­mer life. she was strict in her Religion to superstition; her Temper was much corrupted by Me­lancholy; and the many cross accidents of her life increased this to a great de­gree. She adhered so resolutely to her Mothers Interests, that it was believed her Father once intended to have taken her Life: upon which her Mother wrote a very de­vout Letter to her, charging her to trust in God, and keep her self pure, and to obey the King in all things, except in matters of Religion: She sent her two Latine Books for her entertainment, Saint Jerome's Epistles, and a Book of the Life [Page 213]of Christ, which was perhaps the famous Book of Thomas à Kempis. The Kings dis­pleasure at her was such, that neither the Duke of Norfolk, nor Gardiner, durst ven­ture to intercede for her. Cranmer was the only Man that hazarded on it, and did it so effectually, that he prevailed with him about it. But after her Mothers death, she hearkned to other Counsels, so that upon Anne Boleyn's fall, she made a full submission to him, as was mentioned be­fore. She did also in many Letters, which she writ both to her Father, and to Crom­well, ‘Protest great sorrow for her former stubornness, and declared that she put her Soul in his hand, and that her Con­science should be always directed by him; and being asked what her Opinion was concerning Pilgrimages, Purgatory, and Reliques; she answered, that she had no Opinion, but such as she received from the King, who had her whole heart in his keeping: and might imprint upon it, in these, and in all other matters, whatever his inestimable Vertue, high Wisdom, and excellent Learning should think con­venient for her.’ So perfectly had she learned the stile, that she knew was most acceptable to her Father. After that, she was in all points obedient to him, and during her Brothers Reign, she set up on that pretence, that she would adhere to that way of Religion, that was setled by her Father.

Two different Schemes were now set before her; Gardiner, and all that had complied in the former times, moved, that at first she should bring things back to the state in which they were, The Coun­sels then laid down. when her Father died: and afterwards by easie and slow steps she might again return to the obedience to the See of Rome. But she her self was more inclined to return to that immediately; she thought she could not be legitimated any other way, and so was like to proceed too quick. Gardi­ner finding that Political Maximes made no great Impression on her, and that he was lookt on by her as a crafty tempo­rising Man, addressed himself to the Em­perour, who understood Government and Mankind better: and undertook, that if he might have the Seals, he would manage matters so, that in a little time he should bring all things about to her mind: and that there was no danger, but in her pre­cipitating things, and being so much go­verned by Italian Counsels: for he under­stood, that she had sent for Cardinal Pool. The People had a great Aversion to the Papal authority, and the Nobility and Gen­try were apprehensive of losing the Abbey Lands; therefore it was necessary to re­move these prejudices by degrees. He also assured the Emperour, that he would serve all his Interests zealously, and shew­ed him how necessary it was to stop Car­dinal Pool, who stood Attainted by Law: In this he was the more earnest, because [Page 215]he knew Pool hated him. The Emperour upon this, writ so effectually to the Queen, to depend on Gardiner's Counsels, that on the 13th. of August, he was made Lord Chancellour, and the conduct of affairs was put in his hands. The Duke of Norfolk being now at liberty, pretended that he was never truly attainted; and that it was no legal Act, that had past against him, and by this he recovered his Estate; all the Grants that had been made out of it, being declared void at Com­mon Law.

He was made Lord Steward for the Trial of the Duke of Northumberland, Northum­berlands Trial, and his Son the Earl of Warwick, and the Marquess of Northampton. All that they pleaded in their own defence, lay in two points; the one was, whether any thing that was acted by Order of Council, and the authority of the Great Seal, could be Treason? The other was, whether those that were as guilty as they were, could sit and judge them? The Judges answer­ed, that the Great Seal, or Privy Council of one, that was not lawful Queen, could give no Authority, nor Indemnity: and that other Peers, if they were not con­victed by Record, might judge them. These Points being determined against them, they pleaded Guilty, and submitted to the Queens Mercy: So Sentence past upon them: and the day after that, Sir John Gates, Sir Tho. Palmer, and some o­thers, were tried and condemned: But of [Page 216]all these, it was resolved, that only Nor­thumberland, Gates and Palmer should suffer.

Heath was appointed to attend on Nor­thumberland, And Exe­cution. and to prepare him for death. He then professed he had been always of the old Religion in his heart, and had complied against his Conscience in the for­mer times, but whether that was true, or whether it was done in hopes of life, as it cannot be certainly known, so it shews, he had little regard to Religion, either in his life, or at his death. But he was a Man of such a temper, that it was re­solved to put him out of a capacity of revenging himself on his Enemies. On the 22. of August, he and the other two were beheaded. There past some expostu­lation between Gates and him: each of them accusing the other as the Author of their ruine. But they were seemingly re­conciled, and professed they forgave one another. He made a long Speech, con­fessing his former ill life, and the Justice of the Sentence against him; ‘He exhor­ted the People to stand to the Religion of their Ancestors, to reject all Novel­ties, and to drive the Preachers of them out of the Nation, and declared he had temporised against his Conscience, and that he was always of the Religion of his Fore-fathers.’ He was an extraordi­nary Man, till he was raised very high: but that transported him out of measure, and he was so strangely changed in the [Page 217]last passages of his life, that it encreased the Jealousies that were raised of his ha­ving hastned King Edward's death: and that the horrors of that Guilt did so haunt him, that both the Judgment and Cou­rage he had expressed in the former parts of his life, seemed now to have left him. Palmer was little pitied, for he was be­lieved the betrayer of his former Master, the Duke of Somerset, and was upon that service taken into Northumberland's confi­dence.

There was no strict enquiry made into King Edward's death: King Ed­wards Funeral. all the honour done his Memory, was, that they allowed him Funeral Rites. On the 8th. of August, he was buried at Westminster, and the Queen had an Exequie, and Masses for him at the Tower. Day was appointed to preach the Sermon: in it he praised the King, but inveighed severely against the admi­nistration of affairs under him. It had been resolved to bury him according to the old Forms, but Cranmer opposed that, and prevailed that he should be buried according to the form then setled by Law: and he himself did officiate, and ended the solemnity with a Communion, all which it may be supposed he did with a very live­ly sorrow, having both loved the King beyond expression, and looking on his Fu­neral, as the Burial of the Reformation, and as a step to his own.

On the 22. of August, the Queen de­clared in Council, ‘That though she was fixed in her own Religion, yet she would not Compel others to it: but would leave that to the motions of God's Spirit, and the labours of good Preachers.’ The day after that, Bonner went to Saint Pauls; and Bourn, that was his Chaplain, preached; he extolled Bonner much, and inveighed against the sufferings he was put to. Up­on this a Tumult was raised, for the Peo­ple could not hear reflections made on King Edward: some flung stones at him, and one threw a Dagger at the Pulpit, with such force, that it stuck fast in the wood. Rogers and Bradford were present, who were in great esteem with the Peo­ple: so they stood up and quieted them, and conveyed Bourn safe home. This was a very welcome Accident to the Papists, and gave them a colour to prohibit prea­ching, by a Publick Inhibition in the Queen's Name: in which she declared, ‘That her Religion was the same that it had been from her Infancy, but that she would compel none of her Subjects in matters of Religion; till publick Or­der should be taken in it by common As­sent. She required her People to live quietly, not to use the terms of Papist, or Heretick, or other reproachful speech­es, and that none should Preach without Licence: she also charged them not to pu­nish any on the account of the late Re­bellion, [Page 219]but as they should be authorised by her. She would be sorry to be dri­ven to execute the severity of the Law; but was resolved not to suffer Rebellious doings to go unpunished.’ This gave great occasion to censure, and was thought a Declaration, not for her Fathers Religion, but for Popery: since it was that which she professed from her Infancy. It was also observed, that she limited her promise of not compelling others, till Publick Or­der should be taken in it: the meaning of which was, till a Parliament could be brought to concur with her. The restraint upon Preaching, without Licence, was ju­stified from what had been done in King Edward's time; though then, at first, all might preach in their own Churches with­out it; It was only necessary, if they prea­ched any where else: Bishops had also the power of Licensing in their Dioceses: and the total restraint that followed afterwards, lasted but a short while. But now all the Pulpits were put under an Interdict, till the Preachers should obtain a Licence from Gardiner: and that he resolved to grant to none, but those that would Preach as he should direct them. The Queen's threat­ning to proceed against such as were guilty of the late Rebellion, struck a ge­neral terrour in the City of London; for the greatest part had been in some mea­sure concerned in it.

In Suffolk the people thought their Ser­vices, and the Queens promises gave them a Title to own their Religion more avow­edly: Severe proceed­ings a­gainst the men of Saffolk, and o­thers. But orders were sent to the Bishop of Norwich to execute the Queens Injuncti­ons, and to see that none should preach that had not obtained a Licence. Upon this, some of those that had merited most, came and put the Queen in mind of her Promise: But she sent them home with a cold Answer; and told them, they must learn to obey her, and not pretend to go­vern her: And one that had spoken more confidently than the rest, was set in a Pillo­ry for it three days, as having said words that tended to defame the Queen. This was a sad Omen of a severe Govern­ment, in which the claiming of Promises went for a crime. Bradford and Rogers were also seized on; and it was pretended, that the authority they shewed in quieting the Tumult, was a sign that they had raised it. Gardiner, Bonner, Tonstal, Heath and Day, were restored to their Bishopricks; they had all Appealed to the King before Sen­tence had past against them; so Commissi­ons were given to some Civilians to exa­mine the grounds of these Appeals, and they made report that they were good, and so that the Sentences against them were null. Gardiner had authority given him to grant Priests Licences to preach in any Church, as he should appoint: By this the Reformed were not only silenced, but their Churches and Pulpits were cast open [Page 221]to such as Gardiner pleased to send among them. They differed in their opinions how far they were bound to obey this Prohibition: Some thought they might forbear publick Preaching, when they were so required: But they made that up by private Confe­rences and Instructions: Others thought that if this had been only a particular hard­ship upon a few, the regard to Peace and Order should have obliged them to submit to it; but since it was general, and done on design to extinguish the light of the Go­spel, that they ought to go on, and preach at their peril; of this last sort several were put in Prison for their disobedience, and among others Hooper and Coverdale.

The people that loved the old Super­stition, began now to set up Images, and the old Rites again in many places: And though this was plainly against Law, yet the Government encouraged it all they could. Particular­ly against Judge Hales. Judge Hales thought his refusing to concur with the rest in excluding the Queen, gave him a more than ordinary priviledge. So when he went the Circuit, he gave the charge in Kent, requiring the Justices to see to the execution of King Edward's Laws, that continued still in force. But upon his return he was committed for this, and removed from Prison to Prison; which, with the threatnings that were made him, terrified him so much, that he cut his Throat, but not mortally: As he recovered he made his submission, and ob­tained his liberty. Yet the disorder he [Page 222]was in, never left him till he drowned him­self. This shewed that former merit was not so much confidered as a readiness to comply in matters of Religion; Judge Bromley, though he made no difficulty in declaring his opinion for the Queens exclu­sion, yet since he profest himself a Papist, was made Lord Chief Justice: and Mon­tague, who had proceeded in it with great aversion, yet because he was for the Refor­mation, was put in Prison, and severely Fined; though he had this merit to pre­tend, that he had sent his Son and twenty men with him, to declare for the Queen; and had this also to recommend him to pi­ty, that he had six Sons, and ten Daugh­ters. Peter Martyr was forced to retire from Oxford: He came to Lambeth, but was not like to find long shelter there.

Cranmer kept himself quiet for some time, Cranmers Imprison­ment. which gave the other party occasion to pub­lish that he was resolved to turn with the Tyde. Bonner writ upon that to a friend of his, that Mr. Canterbury (so he called him in derision) was become very humble; but that would not serve his turn, for he would be sent to the Tower within a very lit­tle while. Some advised him to fly beyond Sea; he answered, That though he could not disswade others to fly from the persecu­tion they saw coming on, yet that was un­becoming a man in his station, that had such a hand in the changes formerly made. He prepared a Writing, which he intend­ed to have published: The substance of [Page 223]it was, ‘That he found the Devil was more than ordinary busie in defaming the Ser­vants of God; and that whereas the cor­ruptions in the Mass had been cast out, and that the Lords Supper was again set up, according to its first Institution; the Devil now, to promote the Mass, which was his invention, set his Instruments on work, who gave it out, that it was now said in Canterbury by his order: Therefore he protested that was false, and that a dissembling Monk (this was Thornton Bi­shop Suffragan of Dover) had done it without his knowledge. He also offered that he and Peter Martyr, with such other four or five as he should name, would be ready to prove the errours of the Mass, and to defend the whole Doctrine and Service set forth by the late King, as most conform to the word of God, and to the practice of the Ancient Church for many Ages.’ Before he had finished this, Scory, that had been Bishop of Chichester, coming to him, he shewed it him and desired his opinion in it. He being a hot man, liked it so well, that he gave Copies of it: and one of these was read publickly in Cheapside. So three days after that he was cited to the Star-Cham­ber to answer for it: he confessed it was his, and that he had intended to have en­larged it in some things, and to have af­fixed it with his Hand and Seal to it, at Saint Pauls, and many other Churches. He was at this time dismist: Gardiner saw the Queen intended to put Cardinal Pool in [Page 224]his room, and that made him endeavour to preserve him. Some moved that a small Pension might be assigned him, and that he should be suffered to live private: for the sweetness of his Temper had procu­red him so Universal a love from all Peo­ple, that it was thought too hardy a step to proceed to extremities with him. O­thers said, he had been the chief Author of all the Heresie that was in the Nation, and that it was not decent for the Queen to shew any favour to him, that had pro­nounced the Sentence of her Mothers di­vorce. Within a Week after this, both Latimer and he, and several other Prea­chers were put in Prison.

Peter Martyr that had come over upon the publick faith, The stran­gers dri­ven out of England. had leave given him to go beyond Sea: so had also à Lasco, and the Germans: and about two hundred of them went away in December: but both in Denmark, where they first landed, and in Lubeck, Wismar and Hamburgh, to which they removed, they were denied admit­tance; because they were of the Helvetian Confession, and in all these places the fierce Lutherans prevailed; who did so far put off all bowels, that they would not so much as suffer these Refuges to stay among them, till the rigours of the Win­ter were over: but at last they found shelter in Friseland. Many of the English foreseeing the storm, resolved to withdraw in time: so the strangers being required [Page 225]to be gone, they went under that Cover in great numbers. But the Council un­derstanding that about a thousand had so conveyed themselves away, gave order that none should be suffered to go as strangers, but those that had a Certificate from the Ambassadour of the Princes, to whom they belonged. With those that fled beyond Sea, divers Eminent Preachers went: a­mong whom were Cox, Sandys, Grindall, and Horn, all afterwards highly advanced by Queen Elizabeth.

These things began to alienate the Peo­ple from the Government, Popular arts used by Gardi­ner. therefore on the other hand great care was taken to sweeten them. The Queen bestowed the chief Offices of the Houshold on those that had assisted her in her extremity; there being no way more effectual to engage all to adhere to the Crown, than the grateful acknowledgment of past services. An unusual honour was done to Ratcliffe Earl of Sussex, he had a Licence granted him under the Great Seal, to cover his Head in her Pre­sence. On the 10th. of October the Queen was Crowned, Gardiner with ten other Bi­shops performing that Ceremony, with the ordinary solemnity. Day being esteemed the best Preacher among them, preached the Sermon. There was a General Par­don proclaimed, and with that, ‘the Queen discharged the Subjects of the two Tenths, two Fifteenths, and a Subsidy that had been granted by the last Parliament: and [Page 226]she also declared that she would pay both her Fathers Debts and her Brothers; and though her Treasure was much ex­hausted, yet she esteeming the love of her People her best Treasure, forgave those Taxes, in lieu of which she desired only the hearts of her Subjects, and that they would serve God sincerely, and pray earnestly for her.’

On the 20th. A Parlia­ment meets, and repeals se­veral Laws. of October, a Parliament met. There had been great violences used in many Elections, and many false Returns were made: some that were known to be zealous for the Reformation were forcibly turned out of the House of Commons; which was afterwards offered as a ground upon which that Parliament, and all Acts made in it, might have been annulled: There came only two of the Reformed Bishops to the House of Lords: The two Arch-bishops, and three Bishops were in Prison: Two others were turned out, the rest stayed at home, so only Taylor and Harley, the Bishops of Lincoln and Here­ford came. When Mass began to be said, they went out, as some report it, but were never suffered to come to their pla­ces again: others say, they refused to joyn in that Worship, and so were violently thrust out. In the House of Commons, some of the more forward moved, that King Edward's Laws might be reviewed, but things were not ripe enough for that. Nowell a Prebendary of Westminster, was [Page 227]returned Burgess for a Town; but the House voted, That the Clergy being re­presented in the lower House of Convo­cation, could not be admitted to sit a­mong the Laity. The Commons sent up a Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, which the Lords sent down amended in two Pro­viso's, and the Commons did not then insist on their Priviledge, that the Lords could not alter a Bill of Money. The only publick Bill that was finished this Session, was a Repeal of all late Statutes, making any Crime, Treason, that was not so by the 25. of Edward the Third; or Felony, that was not so before King Henry the Eighth: excepting from the benefit of this Act, all that were put in Prison before the end of September last, who were also excepted out of the General Pardon. The Marchioness of Exeter, and the Earl of Devonshire her Son, were restored in blood by two private Acts: and then the Parli­ament was prorogued for three days, that it might be said, the first Session under the Queen, was meerly for Acts of Mercy.

At their next Meeting, The Qu.'s Mother's marriage confirm'd. after the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage was past: a Bill past through both Houses in Four days, repealing the Divorce of the Queens Mother: ‘In which they declared the Marriage to have been lawful; and that malicious Persons had possessed the King with scruples concerning it; and had by Corruption procured the Seals of Foreign [Page 228]Universities condemning it, and had by threatnings and sinistrous Arts obtained the like in England: Upon which Cranmer had pronounced the Sentence of Divorce, which had been confirmed in Parliament: They therefore looking on the miseries that had fallen on the Nation, since that time, as Judgments from God for that sen­tence, condemn it, and repeal the Acts con­firming it.’ Gardiner, in this, performed his promise to the Queen, of getting her to be declared Legitimate, without taking notice of the Pope's authority: but he shewed that he was past shame, when he procured such a Re­peal of a Sentence, which he had so ser­vilely promoted: and he particularly knew the falshood of this pretence, that the fo­reign Universities were corrupted. He had also set it on long before Cranmer engaged in it, and sat in Court with him, when it was pronounced. By this Act the Lady Elizabeth was upon the matter again illegitimated, since the ground upon which her Mothers marriage subsisted, was the Divorce of the first Marriage: and it was either upon this pretence, or on old scores, that the Queen, who had hitherto treated her as a Sister, began now to use her more severely. Others suggest that a secret ri­valry was the true spring of it. It was thought the Earl of Devonshire was much in the Queens favour, but he either not presuming so high, or liking Lady Elizabeth better, who was both more beautiful, and was XIX. Years younger than the Queen, [Page 229]made his addresses to her, which provo­ked the Queen so much, that it drew a great deal of trouble on them both.

The next Bill was a Repeal of all the Laws, made in King Edward's reign, King Ed­ward's Laws a­bout Reli­gion re­pealed. con­cerning Religion: it was argued six days in the House of Commons, and carried without a Division: by this, Religion was again put back into the state, in which King Henry had left it: and this was to take place after the 20th. of December next, but till then it was left free to all, either to use the old, or the new Service, as they pleased. Another Act past against all, that should disquiet any Preacher for his Sermons, or interrupt Divine Offices, either such as had been in the last year of King Henry, or such as the Queen should set out: by which she was empowered to restore the service in all things, as it had been, before her Father made the breach with Rome: Offenders were either to be punished by Ecclesiastical Censures, or by an Imprisonment for three Months. And the House of Commons was now so for­ward, that they sent up a Bill, for the Pu­nishing of all such as would not come to Church or Sacraments, after the Old Ser­vice should be again set up: yet the Lords fearing this might alarm the Nation too much, let it fall. Another Law was made, that if any, to the number of Twelve, should meet to alter any thing in Religi­on, or for any Riot, or should by any [Page 230]publick notice, such as Bells or Beacons, gather the People together, and upon Pro­clamation made, should not disperse them­selves; they, and all that assisted them, were declared guilty of Felony: and if any more than two, met for these ends, they should lye a Year in Prison; and all People were required, under severe Penal­ties, to assist the Justices, for repressing such Assemblies. So the favour of the for­mer Act of Repeal, appeared to be a mockery, when so soon after it, so severe a Law made: by which disorders, that might arise upon sudden heats, were de­clared to be Felonies. The Marquess of Northampton's second Marriage was also annulled, but no Declaration was made against Divorces in general, grounded on the Indissolubleness of the Marriage bond; only that particular sentence was con­demned, as pronounced upon false surmi­ses.

An Act also passed, The Duke of Norfolks Attainder repealed. annulling the At­tainder of the Duke of Norfolk: those who had purchased some parts of his Estate from the Crown, opposed it much in the House of Commons: but the Duke came down to the House, and desired them earnestly to pass it, and assured them, that he would refer all differences between him and the Patentees, either to Arbi­ters, or to the Queen: and so it was agreed to ‘It set forth the pretences, that were made use of to Attaint him; as that he used Coats of Arms, which [Page 231]he and his Ancestors had lawfully used. There was a Commission given to some, to declare the Royal assent to it; but that was not signed, but only stamped by the King's mark: and that not at the upper end, as was usual, but beneath; nor did it appear, that the Royal Assent was ever given to it, and they declared, that in all time com­ing, the Royal assent should be given, either by the King in Person, or by a Com­mission under the Great Seal; signed by the King's hand, and publickly declared to both Houses.’ Cranmer, Guilford Dudley, and his Wife the Lady Jane, and two of his Brothers were tryed for Treason; they all confessed their Indictments: only Cran­mer appealed to the Judges, who knew how unwillingly he had consented to the Exclu­sion of the Queen, and that he did it not, till they, whose profession it was to know the Law, had signed it. They were all At­tainted of Treason, for levying War against the Queen, and their Attainders were con­firmed in Parliament; so was Cranmer le­gally divested of his Archbishoprick; but since he was put in it by the Pope's authority, it was resolved to degrade him by the forms of the Canon-Law: and the Queen was wil­ling to pardon his Treason, that it might appear she did not act upon revenge, but Zeal: she was often prevailed with, to par­don Injuries against her self, but was always inexorable in matters of Religion.

But now her Treaty with the Pope be­gan to take vent, which put the Parliament in some disorder. When she came first to the Crown, A Treaty for recon­ciling En­gland to the Pope: the Popes Legate at Brussels sent over Commendone, to see if he could speak with her, and to perswade her to reconcile her Kingdom to the Apostolick See. The management of the matter was left to his discretion, for the Legate would not trust this secret to Gardiner, nor any of the other Bishops. Commendone came over in the dis­guise of a Merchant, and by accident met with one of the Queens Servants, who had lived some years beyond Sea, and was known to him, and by his means he procu­red access to the Queen. She assured him of her firm resolution to return to the obe­dience of that See, but charged him to ma­nage the matter with great prudence; for if it were too early discovered, it might disturb her affairs, and obstruct the design: By him she wrote both to the Pope, and to Cardinal Pool; and instructed Commen­done, in order to the sending over Pool with a Legatine power: She also asked him, whether the Pope might not dispence with Pool to marry, since he was only in Deacons Orders. This was a welcome Message to the Court of Rome, and proved the foundation of Commendone's advance­ment. There was a publick rejoicing for three days, and the Pope said Mass himself upon it; and gave a largess of Indulgences, in which he might be the more liberal, because they were like to come into credit [Page 233]again, and to go off at the old rates. Yet all that Commendone said in the Consistory, was, That he understood from good hands, that the Queen was well disposed to a re­union. Some of the stiffer Cardinals thought it was below the Popes dignity to send a Legate, till an Embassie should come first from the Queen, desiring it: Yet the se­cret was so whispered among them, that it was generally known. It was said, they ought to imitate the Shepherd in the Para­ble, who went to seek the stray Sheep: And therefore Pool was appointed to go Legate, with ample powers. Gardiner was in fear of him, and so advised the Emperour to stop him in his journey; and to touch the Em­perour in a tender part, it is said that he let him know that the Queen had some In­clinations for the Cardinal. And for a Match with the Prince of Spain. The Empe­rour had now proposed a Match with her for his Son, though he was nine years young­er than she was; yet she being but thirty seven, there was reason enough to hope for Children; and the uniting England to the Spanish Monarchy seem'd to be all that was wanting to strengthen it on all hands, so as to ruine the French Kingdom. The Queen saw reasons enough to determine her to entertain it: She found it would be hard to bring the Nation about in matters of Religion, without the assistance of a so­reign power: Yet it is more reasonable to think that Gardiner, who was always governed by his Interests, would have ra­ther promoted the match with Pool, for [Page 234]then he had been Infallibly made Arch-bi­shop of Canterbury, and had got Pool's Hat; and the Government would have been much easier, if the Queen had married a Subject, than it could be under a Stranger, especially one whose greatness made all peo­ple very apprehensive of him.

The restoring the Papal power, Pool's ad­vices to the Queen. and the Match with the Prince of Spain, were things of such uneasie digestion, that it was not fit to adventure on both at once; therefore the Emperour prest the Queen to begin with her Marriage, and by that she would be pow­erfully assisted to carry on her other designs; and at last the Queen her self was perswa­ded to send to Pool, to advise him to stop his Journey for some time. She sent over the Acts of this Parliament, to let him see what progress she was making, and to assure him she would make all convenient haste in the Re-union: But the Parliament had expres­sed so great an aversion to the restoring the Popes power, and were so apprehen­sive of losing the Abbey-Lands, that it would prejudice her affairs much, if he should come over before the peoples minds were better prepared. She also desired him to send her a List of those that were fit to be made Bishops, in the room of those that were turned out. To this he writ a long and tedious answer; he rejoiced at the Acts that were passed, but observed great defects in them: In that concerning her Mothers Marriage, there was no men­tion made of the Popes Bull of Dispensa­tion, [Page 235]by which only it could be a lawful Marriage. The other for setting up the Worship, as it was in the end of her Fa­thers reign, he censured more; for they were then in a state of Schism, and so this established Schism by a Law: And he said, that while the Interdict lay on the Nation, it was a sin to perform Divine Offices. He had been very frankly dispatched by the Pope and the Consistory, with many favourable Instructions; but if these were so despised, and he still stopt, it might provoke him to recal his power. He knew all this flowed from the Emperour, who would perhaps advise her to follow such Political Maximes as himself was governed by, but his ill success in the business of the Interim, might well frighten others from following such Counsels: And he was afraid that Carnal Policy might govern her too much, and that so she would fall from her simplicity in Christ. He desired her to take Courage, and to depend on God; and ad­vised her to go her self to the Parliament, having before-hand prepared some to se­cond her, and to tell them that she was touched in Conscience with a sense of the sin of Schism, and that therefore she desired the Act of Attainder that stood against him might be Repealed, and that he might be invited to come over, and reconcile them to the Apostolick See: And she might assure them that all necessary caution should be used to prevent the Nations being brought under a thraldome to the Papacy. [Page 236]But the Queen was now possest with Gar­diner's Counsels, and look'd on Pool's ad­vices as more candid than prudent. Gardi­ner perswaded her that though he was a good and learned man, yet he understood not the present genius of the Nation; and Pool lookt on Gardiner as a man of no Consci­ence, and that he was more conversant in Intrigues of State, than touched with any sense of Religion: But the Emperour was convinced that Gardiner's Methods were su­rer, and preferred them to Pool's.

When the Treaty of the Queens Marri­age came to be known, The Par­liament opposes the match, and is dis­solved. the House of Com­mons was much alarmed at it; and they sent their Speaker with twenty of their Members, with an Address to her, not to marry a stranger: And they were so infla­med, that the Court judged it necessary to dissolve the Parliament. Gardiner upon this, let the Emperour know that the jea­lousies which were taken up on the account of the Match were such, that except very extraordinary conditions were offered, it would occasion a general Rebellion. He also writ to him that great sums must be sent over both to gratifie the Nobility, and to enable them to carry the Elections to the next Parliament, in opposition to such as would stand against them. As for Con­ditions, it was resolved to grant any that should be demanded; for the Emperour reckoned that if his Son were once married to her, it would be easie for him to govern the Councils as he pleased: And for Money [Page 237]there was 400000 pound ordered to be divided up and down the Nation, at the discretion of Gardiner, and the Emperours Ambassadours: A great part of it was pay­ed in hand, and the rest was brought over with the Prince. This the Emperour bor­rowed from some of the Free Towns of Germany; and when they were pressing him for the re-payment of it about a year after; he for his excuse told them the charge he had been at for his Sons Marriage, but that he hoped to be re-imbursed from England; which was thus bought and sold by a practi­sing Bishop and a corrupted House of Com­mons. Gardiner did also make use of his power, as Chancellour, to force all people to comply with him; for there was no favour nor common Justice shewed in his Court of Chancery to any others.

With the Parliament a Convocation met, Harpsfield preached to them, A Convo­cation meets, and disputes about the Sacra­ment. he flat­tered the Queen, and the Bishops that had been deprived in the late times, with a zeal that shewed how fervently he aspired to preferment: He inveighed against the late times with great sharpness; so that his Sermon was divided between Satyr and Panegyrick. Six of the Reformed Divines were qualified by their dignities to sit in the lower House, being either Deans or Arch-Deacons, Deacons, who were Philpot, Philips, Had­don, Cheyney, Ailmer and Young. They made a vigorous opposition to a motion that was proposed for condemning the Catechism and Common-Prayer-Book that [Page 238]had been set out in King Edward's time, and particularly the Articles against Tran­substantiation: To this all agreed except those six. It was pretended that the Cate­chism was not set out by authority of Convo­cation: To which Philpot answered, That the Convocation had deputed some to compose it, and so it was on the matter, their work. A disputation was proposed concerning the Sa­crament, though all the rest of the Convocati­on subscribed the Conclusion first; which was complained of as a preposterous method. The six desired that Ridley and Rogers, with some others, might be suffered to come and join with them; but that was refused, since they were no members, and were then in Prison.

On the twenty third of October the di­spute began, many of the Nobility, and others, being present; Weston was Prolocu­tor, he opened it with a Protestation, that they went not to dispute, as calling the Truth in question, but only to satisfie the objections of a few. Haddon, Ailmer and Young, foresaw that it was resolved to run them down with numbers & noise, so at first they refused to dispute, and the last of them went away. Cheyney argued from St. Paul's calling the Sacrament Bread, Origen's say­ing that it nourished the Body, and Theo­doret's saying that the Elements did not de­part from their former substance, form, and shape. Moreman answered, that Theodoret's words were to be understood of an acci­dental substance: It was replied, that form [Page 239]and shape belonged to the accidents, but substance belonged to the nature of the Ele­ments. Philpot shewed that the occasion of his using these words was to prove against the Entychians, that there was a true hu­mane nature in Christ, notwithstanding its union with the Godhead; which he pro­ved by this simile, that the Elements in the Eucharist remained in their nature; so this must be understood of the substance of Bread and Wine: But to this no answer was made; and when he seemed to press it too far, he was commanded to be silent. Haddon cited many passages out of the Fathers, to shew that they believed Christ was still in Heaven, and that the Sacrament was a me­morial of him till his second coming: He also asked, whether they thought that Christ did eat his own natural Body; and when that was confessed, he said it was needless to dispute with men who could swallow down such an absurdity. The disputation conti­nued several days: Philpot made a long Speech against the Corporal presence, but was oft interrupted; for they told him that he might propose an Argument, but they would not hear him make Harangues. He undertook to prove before the Queen and her Council, that the Mass, as they had it, was no Sacrament at all, and that the body of Christ was not present in it; and if he failed in it, he would be content to be burnt at the Court Gate. After some short time spent in citing passages out of the Fathers, Philpot was commanded to hold his peace, [Page 240]otherwise they would send him to Prison: He claimed the priviledge of the House for freedome of Speech, but being much cried down, he said they were a company of men who had dissembled with God and the World in the late Reign, and were now met together to set forth false devices, which they were not able to maintain. Theodoret's words were much and often in­sisted on; so Weston answered, if Theodoret should be yielded to them, they had an hun­dred Fathers on the other side. Cheyney shewed out of Hesychius, that the custome of Jerusalem was to burn so much of the Elements as was not consumed: And he asked what it was that was burnt: One answered, it was either the Body of Christ, or the substance of Bread put there by Mi­racle; at which he smiled, and said a re­ply was needless. When much discourse had past, Weston asked if the House were not fully satisfied, to which the Clergy an­swered Yes; but the Spectators cried out No, No; for the doors were opened: then Weston asked the five Disputants if they would answer the Arguments that should be put to them? Ailmer said, they would not enter into such a Disputation, where matters were so indecently carried: They proposed only the Reasons why they could not joyn with the Vote that had been put concerning the Sacrament, but unless they had fairer Judges, they would go no further. Weston broke up all by saying, You have the Word, but we have the Sword; rightly point­ing [Page 241]out that wherein the strength of both fides consisted. It is not to be doubted but that the Popish party pretended they had the Victory, for that always the stron­ger side does upon such occasions: Yet it was visible that this dispute was not so fairly car­ried, as those were in King Edward's days; in which for near a year before any change was made, there were publick disputes in the Universities; which were more proper places for them, than a Town full of noise and business. The question was also here determined first, and then disputed: And the presence and favour of the Privy Coun­cil did as much raise the one party, as it depressed the other. In the end of this year Veysey was again repossessed of the See of Exeter, Coverdale being now a Prisoner in the Tower.

In the beginning of the next year, 1554 a great Embassy came from the Emperour, The Trea­ty of Mar­riage be­gun, to agree the conditions of the Marriage between his Son and the Queen. Gardiner took care to have extraordinary ones granted, both to induce the Parliament more easily to consent to it, and to keep the Spaniards from being admitted to any share in the Government, that so he might keep it in his own hands: But the Emperour was re­solved to grant every thing that should be asked. It was agreed that the Govern­ment should be entirely in the Queen, and that though Pr. Philip was to be named in all Writs, and his Image was to be on the [Page 242]Coin and Seals, yet the Queens hand alone was to give authority to every thing, without his: No Spaniard was to be capa­ble of any Office: No change was to be made in the Law, nor was the Queen to be required to go out of England against her will: Nor might their issue go out of England but by the consent of the Nobili­ty. The Queen was to have of Jointure 40000 l. out of Spain, and 20000 l. out of the Netherlands: If the Queen had a Son, he was to inherit Burgundy and the Nether­lands, as well as England; if Daughters only, they were to succeed to her Crowns, and to have such portions from Spain, as was ordinary to be given to Kings Daughters: The Prince was to have no share in the Go­vernment after her death: And the Queen might keep up her League with France, not­withstanding this Match.

But this did not satisfie the Nation, Which provokes some to rebel. which lookt on these offers only as baits to hook them into slavery. The severities of the Spanish Government in all the Provinces that were united to that Crown, and the mon­strous Cruelties exercised in the West Indies were much talkt of, and it was said England must now preserve it self, or be for ever infla­ved. Carew and Wiat undertook to raise the Countrey, the one in Cornwall, and the other in Kent, and the Duke of Suffolk pro­mised to raise the Midland Counties: for the disposition to rise was general, and might have been fatal to the Queen, if there had been good heads to have led the [Page 243]people. But before it grew ripe, the de­sign was discovered, and upon that Sir Peter Carew fled to France.

Wiat gathered some men about him, Wiat's Re­bellion. and on the twenty fifth of January he made Pro­clamation at Maidstone, that he intended nothing but to preserve the Nation from the yoke of strangers; and assured the peo­ple that all England would rise. The Sheriff of Kent required him, under pain of Treason, to disperse his Company, but he did not obey his Summons: One Knevet raised a body of men about Tunbridge, and marched to­wards him, but was intercepted and rout­ed by a force commanded by the Duke of Norfolk, who was sent with two hundred Horse, and six hundred Londoners to dissi­pate this Insurrection; but some that came over from Wiat as deserters perswaded the Londoners that it was a common cause, in which they were engaged, to maintain the liberty of the Nation: So they all went over to Wiat. Upon this, the Duke of Norfolk retired back to London; and Wiat, who had kept himself under the defence of Rochester-Bridge, advanced towards it. The Duke of Suffolk made a faint attempt to raise the Country, but it did not succeed, and he was taken and brought to the Tower. The Queen sent the offer of a Pardon to Wiat and his men; but that not being received by them, she sent some of her Council to treat with him. He was blown up with his small success, and moved that the Queen would come to the Tower of London, and [Page 244]put the command of it into his hands, till a new Council were setled about her: So it appeared there was no Treaty to be thought on. The Queen went into Lon­don, and made great protestations of her love to her people, and that she would not dispose of herself in Marriage, but for the good of the Nation. Wiat was now four thousand strong, and came to South­wark, but could not force the Bridge of London: He was informed the City would all rise, if he should come to their aid; but he could not find Boats for passing over to Essex, so he was forced to go to the Bridge of Kingston. On the fourth of February he came thither, but found it cut; yet his men mended it, and he got to Hide Park next morning. His men were weary and disheartned, and now not above 500; so that though the Queens forces could have easily dispersed them, yet they let them go forward, that they might cast themselves into their hands: He marched through the Strand, and got to Ludgate, where he hoped to have found the Gate opened; but being disappointed, he turn­ed back, and was forsaken by his men, so that a Herauld without using any force, ap­prehended him at Temple-bar. It was on Ash-Wednesday, and the Queen had shewed such Courage that she would not stir from White­hall, nor would she omit the Devotions of that day; and this success was looked on as a reward from Heaven on her Piety. This raw and ill formed Rebellion was as [Page 245]lucky for the ends of the Court, as if Gardiner had projected it; for in a weak Government an ill digested Insurrection raises the power of the Prince, and adds as much Spirit to his Friends, as it depresses the faction against him; and it also gives a handle to do some things for which it were not easie otherwise to find either Colours or Instruments. The Popish Authors stu­died to cast the blame of this on the Re­formed Preachers: but did not name any one of them, that was in it; so it appears, that what some later Writers have said of Poinet's having been in it, is false; other­wise his name had certainly been put in the number of those, that were Attainted for it.

Upon this it was resolved to proceed against Lady Jane Gray, and her Husband; Lady Jane Grays Exe­cution. she had lived six Months in the daily Me­ditations of Death, so she was not much surprised at it: Fecknam, who was sent to prepare her for Death, acknowledged that he was astonished at her calm behaviour, her great knowledge, and the extraordinary sence she had of Religion. She writ to her Father, to moderate his grief for her death, since it was great matter of joy to her, that she was so near an end of her Miseries, and the enjoyment of Eternal glory. One Harding, that had been her Fathers Chaplain, and a zealous Preacher in King Edward's time, had now changed his Religion: to him she wrote a long and pathetick Letter, setting forth his Aposta­sie, [Page 246]and the Judgments of God, which he might expect upon it. She sent her Greek New Testament to her Sister, with a Let­ter in Greek, recommending the study of that Book to her, and chiefly the follow­ing it in her practice: these were the last exercises of this rare young Person. She was at first much moved, when she saw her Husband led out to his Execution, but re­covered her self, when she considered how soon she was to follow him: and when he desired they might take leave of one ano­ther, she declined it; for she thought it would encrease their Grief, and disorder: and continued so setled in her temper, that she saw his beheaded Body carried to the Chappel in the Tower, without expressing any visible concern about it. She was carried out next to a Scaffold set up within the Tower, to hinder great Crouds from looking on a sight, which was like to raise much com­passion in the Spectators. She confessed her sin, in taking an honour that was due to another, though it was a thing neither procured nor desired by her; and acknowledg­ed her other sins against God, that she had loved her self, and the World too much; and thanked God for making her afflicti­ons a means to her repentance: she decla­red she died a true Christian, trusting on­ly to the Merits of Christ; then she repea­ted the LI. Psalm, and stretched out her Head on the Block, which upon the signal given, was cut off. Her Death was as much lamented, as her Life had been ad­mired. [Page 247]It affected Judge Morgan, that had pronounced the Sentence, so much, that he run mad, and thought she still followed him. The Queen her self was troubled at it; for it was rather reason of State, than private Resentment, that set her on to it.

Her Father was soon after tried by his Peers, and Condemned and Executed. Several o­thers suf­fered. He was the less pitied, because by his means his Daughter was brought to her untimely end. Wiat was brought to his Trial, he begged his Life in a most abject manner, but he was Condemned and Executed, and so were Fifty-eight more: Six hundred of the Rabble were appointed to come with Ropes about their Necks, and beg the Queen's pardon, which was granted them. A slander was cast on the Earl of Devon­shire, and Lady Elizabeth, as if they had set on the rising that was intended in the West. Wiat, in hopes of Life, had accused them, but he did them Justice at his Death; yet they were both put in Prison upon it. Sir Nicolas Throgmorton was accused of the same crime, but after a long Trial, he was acquitted, yet his Jury were hardly used, and severely fined. Sir Jo. Cheek was sought for: so he fled beyond Sea, but both he, and Sir Peter Carew, hoping that Philip would be glad to signalize his first coming to Eng­land with Acts of Grace, rendred themselves to him: After that, Cheek was again taken in Flanders, upon a new suspicion, and to deliver himself out of his trouble, he re­nounced [Page 248]his Religion: But though he got his Liberty upon that, yet he could never recover the quiet of his mind; so he lan­guished for some time and dyed.

There was at this time a base Imposture discovered in London, The Impo­sture of the Spirit In the Wall. one seemed to speak out of a Wall, in a strange tone of Voice. Great numbers flockt about the House, and several things, both relating to Religion, and the State, were uttered by it; but it was found to be one Elizabeth Crofts, who by the help of a Whistle spoke those words through a Hole in the Wall. There was no other Complice found, but one Drake, and they both were made to do Penance for it publickly at S. Pauls.

Injunctions were now given to the Bi­shops, Injuncti­ons sent to the Bishops. to execute such Ecclesiastical Laws, as had been in force in K. Henry's time: That in their Courts they should proceed in their own Names, that the Oath of Su­premacy should be no more exacted: none suspected of Heresie was to be put in Or­ders; they were required to suppress He­resie and Hereticks, and to turn out all married Clergymen, and to separate them from their Wives: If they left their Wives, they might put them in some other Cure, or reserve a Pension for them, out of their Livings: none that had vowed Chastity, was to be suffered to live with his Wife: those that were ordained by the Book, set out in King Edward's time, were to be con­firmed by all the other Rites then left out, [Page 249]and that was declared to be no valid Or­dination.

The Queen gave also a special Commis­sion to Bonner, Gardiner, Tonstall, Day, Many Bi­shops tur­ned out. and Kitchin, to proceed against the Archbishop of York, and the Bishops of St. Davids, Chester and Bristoll, and to deprive them of their Bishopricks, for having contracted Marriage, and thereby having broken their Vows, and defiled their Function. ‘She also authorised them, to call before them the Bishops of Lincoln, Glocester and Hereford, who held their Bishopricks, only during their good behaviour, and since they had done things contrary to the Laws of God, and the Practice of the Universal Church, to declare their Bishopricks void, as they were indeed already void.’ And thus were seven of the Reformed Bishops turned out at a dash. It was much censured, that those who had married according to a Law then in force, which was now only repealed for the future, should be deprived for it: and this was a new severity: for in former times, when the Popes were most set against the Marriage of the Clergy, it was put to their option, whether they would part with their Wives, or with their Benefices: but none were summarily deprived, as was now done. The other Bishops, without any form of Process, or special matter objected to them, were turned out, by an Act of meer Ar­bitrary Government. And all this was done by vertue of the Queens being Head of the Church, which, though she condemned [Page 250]as a sinful and sacrilegious power, yet she now imployed it against those Bishops, whose Sees were quickly filled with Men, in whom the Queen confided. Goodrick died this Year: It seems he complied with the change now made, otherwise he that put the Seal to Lady Jane's Patents, could not have escaped the being questioned for it. He was an ambitious Man, and so no won­der, if earthly considerations prevailed more with him, than a good Conscience. Scory, that was Bishop of Chichester, renounced his Wife, and did Penance for his Marriage, but soon after he fled beyond Sea, and returned in the beginning of Queen Eliza­beth's reign: so that his Compliance was the effect of his weakness and fears. Barlow resigned Bath and Wells, and a Book of re­cantation was published in his name, con­taining severe reflections, both on the Re­formers, and on the Reformation it self; but it is not certain, whether it was writ by him, or was only a forgery, put out in his Name: for if he turned so heartily, as the strain of that Book runs, it is not like­ly, that he would have been put from his Bishoprick: but he fled beyond Sea: yet it seems, both Scory and he, gave great offence by their behaviour; for though they were the only surviving Reformed Bishops, when Queen Elizabeth succeeded, yet they were so far from being promoted, that they were not so much as restored to their former Sees, but put in meaner ones. By all these deprivations and resignations, there were [Page 251]sixteen new Bishops made, which made no small change in the face of the English Church. Now the Old Service was every where set up, in which Bonner made such hast, that before the Royal Assent was given to the Bill for it, he began the Old Service and Processions. The first opening of it was somewhat strange, for it being on Saint Katherine's day, the Quiristers went up to the Steeple, and sung the Anthem there, ac­cording to the Custom for that Day. Great numbers of the Clergy were summarily de­prived for being Married, they were esti­mated by Parker to be 12000. and most of them were judged upon common fame, with­out any Process, but a Citation; and many being then in Prison, yet were Censured, and put out for Contumacy, and held guil­ty. Many Books were written against the Marriage of the Clergy, and the accusing them of Impurity and sensuality on that account, was one of the chief Topicks used by the Popish Clergy, to disgrace the Re­formers, which made some recriminate too indecently, and lay open the filthiness of the Unmarried Clergy, and those that were called Religious, who led most irregular lives; in particular, it was said Bonner had no reason to be a friend to that state, for he was the Bastard of a Bastard, and his Father, though a Priest, begat him in Adul­tery.

On the 2d. of April a Parliament met, A new Par­liament. but the most considerable Members were before-hand corrupted by Gardiner, who [Page 252]gave them Pensions, some 200. and others 100 l. a Year for their Voices. The first Act that past was declaratory, that all the Prerogatives and Limitations, which by Law belonged to the Kings of England were the same, whether the Crown fell into the hands of a Male or a Female. The secret of this was little known, some were afraid there was an ill design in it, and that it being declared that she had all the authority, which any of her Progenitors ever had, it might be inferred from thence, that she might pre­tend to a right of Conquest, A proposi­tion to make the Queen ab­solute. and so seize on the Estates of the English, as William the Conqueror had done. But it was so con­ceived, that the Queen was put under the fame limitations, as well as acknowledged to have the same Prerogatives, with her Progenitors: The secret of this was after­wards discovered. A projecting Man, that had served Cromwell, and loved to meddle much, had been deeply engaged both in Lady Jane's business, and in the late Insur­rection, and was now in danger of his life, so he made application to the Emperour's Am­bassadour, and by his means obtained his Pardon. He offered a Project, that the Queen should declare, that she succeeded to the Crown by the Common-Law, but was not tied by the Statute-Law, which did on­ly bind Kings, and therefore a Queen was not obliged by it, thus she might pretend to be a Conqueror, and rule at pleasure: and by this means might restore both Religion, and the Abbey-Lands, and be un­der [Page 253]no restraint: This the Ambassadour brought to the Queen, and prayed her to keep it very secret. But she disliked it, yet she sent for Gardiner, and charged him to give her his Opinion of it sincerely, as he would answer to God for it, at the Great Day. He read it carefully, and told her it was a most pernicious contrivance, and beg'd her not to listen to such Plat-forms, which might be brought her by base Sycophants: Upon that, she burnt the Paper, and char­ged the Ambassadour not to bring her any more such Projects. This gave Gardiner great apprehensions of the mischiefs that Spanish Counsels might bring on the Nation, and so he procured the Act to be made, by which the Queen was bound by the Law, as much as her Ancestors were. He also got an Act to be past, ratifying the Articles of the Marriage, with strong clauses, for keep­ing the Government entirely in the Queen's hands; that so Philip might not take it on him, as Henry the VII. had done, when he married the Heir of the House of York: for, as he set up a Title in his own Name, and kept the Government in his own hands; so the Spaniards began to reckon a de­scent from John of Gaunt, which made Gar­diner the more cautious: and it must be confessed, that the preserving the Nation out of the hands of the Spaniards, was al­most only owing to his care and wisdom. The Bishoprick of Durham was again resto­red, after a vigorous resistance made by those of Gateside near Newcastle. The At­tainders [Page 254]of the Duke of Suffolk, and Fifty-eight more, for the late Rebellion, were confirmed: The Commons sent up four se­veral Bills against Lollard's, one confirming the Act of the six Articles, and others a­gainst Erroneous Opinions, but they were all laid aside by the Lords: for the corrup­ted Members in the lower House, were offi­cious to shew their Zeal for Spain and Po­pery: Another Bill was sent up by them, that the Bishop of Rome should have no au­thority to trouble any for possessing Ab­bey Lands. But it was said this was prepo­sterous to begin with a limitation of the Pope's authority, before they had acknow­ledged, that he had any power at all in England: and that would come in more properly, after they had reconciled the Nation to him.