I Should very much for­get my self, and those numberless obligations, wherewith your Lordship hath made me wholly yours, should I not at length correspond with your reite­ [...]ated desires, and my re­doubled [Page 2] promises, to give you an account of the affairs and interests of England. A task, I must confesse, none but your Lordship should have wrought on me, to un­dertake: since I could no where else presume to find a Candor and generosity, which might passe by those errours, which in such an undertaking do very com­monly intervene.

And much sooner (my Lord) should I have dis­charged this debt, had not my being so long abroad, so wholly estranged me both from England, and English­men, that (like a fresh come [Page 3] Traveller, who must first learn the language, before he can inform himself of any customes of the Countrey) I was inforced to seek out acquaintance, before I could get any light into the Rea­son of the Government, or Governours of this Nation. Yet had I sooner answered your desires, I should but the sooner have given you occa­sion to desire more; since such have been the changes and mutabilities of State here; that no Government since my arrival, hath con­tinued above five months to­gether in power.

For your Lordship must [Page 4] know that our omnipotent Army here, have an art far beyond that of Proteus: for he could only transform himself into what shape he pleased; but these can con­jure a Protector into a Par­liament; and a Parliament into Nothing.

Your Lordship very well knowes, that I parted from Spain, some time after the newes arrived, of the Extin­ction of that so terribly pro­digious Comet OLIVER CROMWELL, of whose in­fluence, all Europe seemed to stand in fear; and un-imagi­nable indeed was the joy which at his death was con­ceived [Page 5] by most Princes in these parts of the World: but more especially by the United Provinces of the Ne­therlands, who hoped now to take an opportunity of re­venging their former losses, by some disturbances which they, and indeed all the World, expected should in this juncture of affairs hap­pen in England. But their pregnant hopes were fru­strate; for the Army with­out the least stirre or resi­stance, seem to comply in all due obedience, to his Sonne Richard Cromwell, whom in his life time, he had made their General.

But it could not indeed be, nor was it by most under­standing heads expected, that this serene carriage, and complacent submission of the Army to their young Protector, could continue; for there were those, whose en­vy of his Fathers Grandure, though in his time it was depressed by his high & da­ring spirit, yet expected only a fit opportunity, to take up again those cinders which were not quite extinct, but lay only smothered under the ashes of a seeming sub­jection: Which was not at all discerned by the young Protector, (a man of no [Page 7] searching Spirit) but inter­preted to a reall compli­ance, nay he assured him­self of a faithful obedience, imagining their professions corresponded with their hearts: but at last he found in his overthrow; that that envy is most dangerous, which is covered with a seeming love, and that the cruellest Serpents often lie hid under the fairest Flow­ers.

But without doubt the truest reason of their revolt proceeded not so much from their dislike of him, as their fear that the Nation might (by the Parliaments con­currence [Page 8] with him) be brought into such a Settle­ment, as might free it from danger of the Armies arbi­trary invasion at pseasure, and so in time cause them to be laid a side, at least the most factious of them, as persons unnecessary and dangerous to the State.

But to proceed. The Par­liament by him Convened, not giving that content to the Army, which they ex­pected, or they indeed (as I said before) being resolved, not to be content with any thing whatsoever the Par­liament could give, began at first only privately to [Page 9] murmure at their actions, and to sow such seeds a­mongst the Common Soul­diers, as might animate them against the Parlia­ments proceedings, pre­tending they regarded not the Nations good, but would subvert the Army, and find some way for their disband­ing: And indeed the truth of the business was, that some of the Parliament themselves had combined with others of the Army, who thought that they could never sufficiently be rewar­ded for their pretended ser­vices to the Commonwealth, whilst a single person ruled, [Page 10] who took away that share of the Government from them, which their ambitious Spi­rits perswaded them to be due to their merits: So though at first they seem'd to aim only at the Parlia­ment, yet was it with an intent to shoot the Prote­ctor likewise: following herein the footsteps of the Presbiterians, who made the exterpating of Bishops, only a Proeme to the root­ing out of Kingly Govern­ment, according to the vul­gar English Proverb; No Bishop, no King.

Princes ought above all things, not to permit the [Page 11] multitude to inquire into the actions of their great Councels, much lesse to cen­sure them: It either teaches the Councel by complying with the multitude to in­fringe the Princes Preroga­tive; or in case of a non­complyance, irritates, that many headed Monster to the destruction, both of Prince and Councel. But this was an Army, and he that would forbid their cen­sures must command their Swords. And this was nei­ther in the power of Parlia­ment nor Protector: They highten their discontents by degrees, and at length think [Page 12] fit to seem discontented, so they call a Councel of Offi­cers, and consult of their designs, indeavouring by all means to strengthen their faction: whilst the Prote­ctor thought he be dayly in­formed of the intent of their consultations, seems to be incredulous, and thinks him­self secure; without reason believing, that those who had so quietly subjected themselves under the com­mand of the valiant Father, would be content to do the same under the too effimi­nate Son.

There is nothing in the world, that more ruines [Page 13] great actions than security. Doubtlesse had this young Protector had but the tenth part of his Fathers Spirit, he might have prevented their design, nay would he but in time have beleived, that they had a design a­gainst him, he might cer­tainly have found some means to have evaded it: But

God besots those he means to destroy. There wanted not those in the Army who promised to stick close to him; and would have been assisting to him, would he, [Page 14] or durst he have been assist­ing to himself. But Hercu­les helps not the Swain, that lies on his back. He seeing the Stone falling on his Head, chose rather with the little Children amazed in such a case, to stand still and cry, than stirr a foot to prevent the threatning dan­ger.

The Army all this while are hatching their designs, and those Spirits, who could never be content to see others Govern and them­selves sit still, leaving no stone unturn'd which might conduce to their ambitious ends, to take care to possess [Page 15] the Commonalty of the Ar­my with divers imaginary grievances, strongly allea­ging that there could be no way to redresse them, but by abolishing the Prote­ctoral power, as they had formerly done the Kingly. That the yearly mainte­nance of a single person, would very near pay the Ar­rears of the Army: That though they had been con­tented to yield obedience to Oliver, who had done such glorious things for the Nati­on; yet had they no reason to be subject to his Son, who had never drawn his Sword in their quarrel: That to let [Page 16] one man alone Reign, was to deprive others of their due rights; who had ventu­red Lives and Fortunes e­qually with the best: That the old Protector deprived several godly and deserving Officers of the Army of their Commands, and placed his own Creatures in their stead, which should it con­tinue to be done, they should in a short time see o­thers reap the fruits of their Blood and Labours. These and the like principles savo­ring of so general a concern­ment to the Army, were day­ly and cunningly spread a­broad, to draw them from [Page 17] their Obedience to their Pro­tector. And that their de­sign might be the better laid, and be brought to ef­fect with more ease, ru­mours are spread that this Parliament, together with the Protector, would indea­vour nothing more, than the restoring again of the ba­nished King, whereby the Godly (as here they call them: that is those who have raised themselves by the ruines both of Church and State, and all the Se­ctaries, who under a setled Government fear they shall not find a Lawlesse tolera­tion) these Godly men say [Page 18] they would be left open to destruction, and by this pretence they make them­selves sure of the Anabap­tists and the like, who were already discontented with the Protector, for his too much inclining to the Pres­biterians faction. Thus en­deavoured they to bring to their devotion both Army and People.

But the what being resol­ved, 'twas fit to consider the how; they were not igno­rant, that some there were amongst them, who though they seemed to consent to the resolutions of this Councel: Yet were resolved [Page 19] to stand stedfast to the Pro­tector, and did betray their designs to him: and as I have been credibly infor­med, undertook their sur­mizal, ere they could bring any thing to effect, in case Richard would have given his consent; but he both ti­merous and carelesse, mind­ed more his Sports and Hunting, than the preser­vation of his State and Grandeza.

His Brother Henry, was then possessed of Ireland, who was looked upon as a man of a more couragious Spirit, and had doubtlesse­ly proved it, would the Of­ficers [Page 20] of the Army there have stuck close to him, as at first they promised, but they upon second thoughts considering, that the whole or most part of their Estates lay in England, most of their subsistance came from thence; that of themselves they could not maintain themselves, and that if they should own the cause of the King of Scots (for Harry's own, or his Brothers, they esteemed not enough preva­lent) they should (presup­posing a Victory) venture Lives and Fortunes, for a bare pardon of what they had already done, but (sup­pressing [Page 21] the contrary) a losse would deprive them of all: They in a short time after his Brothers ejection, deser­ted him, and so left him uncapable of assisting him­self, or restoring his Bro­ther. But to return to our purpose. The next and greatest impediment they had was General Monk Commander of Scotland, it was incertain how he stood affected to such an alterati­on: him therefore though they could not get openly to declare for them, they win to a tacite complyance, he being resolved, however the Cards were plaid in [Page 22] England, to make his own game sure there, but where they could not draw the su­periour Officers to their par­ty, they find means to intan­gle the inferiour, and so ha­ving made their party as strong as they could, they resolve to proceed to action.

Nor did they long sus­pend the execution: they first seek to perswade the Protector to dissolve the Parliament, that so they might with the lesse odium, and greater security disrobe him: and he, partly forced by threats, and partly by perswasions (contrary to his best friends earnest desires [Page 23] and advice) yields, and by his Proclamation orders their dissolution. So he him­self having devested two of his Estates of their power, they presently dismantle him of the third, and force him to render up his Prote­ctorship, and from a Prince to become a Peasant.

Thus my Lord, the same power, which by violent meanes had enthron'd Oliver, in the Dominion of these three Nations, uses the same meanes to the dethroning of his Son: and those hopes wherewith he died, of lea­ving such ample dominions to his Successors, were bla­sted [Page 24] by that force which was intended for their establish­ment.

Strange! that the Son of that Father; who with so much toile and labour, with so much sweat and bloud, with such invincible courage and valour, had gained the Monarchy of three King­domes, should condescend so low, as to surrender them into the hands of his Fa­thers Subjects, (for I can't well call them his) without so much as daring to draw his sword in their defence! And indeed my Lord, the whole businesse, seems to me a very Romance, and will in [Page 25] my opinion, very hardly find belief in future ages: for who can without wonder consider, that an Army so inconsiderable (it not con­sisting then of above five or six thousand near London: and some of those devoted to the Protectors interest) should in a weeks, or lesse time, overwhelme, and alter the very basis of the Govern­ment of three such potent Kingdomes, and that with­out the least resistance or gainsaying: that they should break up a Parliament, and the only Parliament, which since 1641 had been chosen by the free votes of the peo­ple, [Page 26] and yet the Nation be so stupified as not to resent so grosse an abridgment of their due right and privile­ges: and then that this Ar­my should so soon forget the terrour, wherewith their old GENERAL us'd to ap­pall them, but he scarce cold in his grave, should deprive his Son of those honours and dignities, wherein the Fa­thers prowesse had installed him, is strange: But that this Son, should be content to be deprived, and willing­ly lay down the neck of his honour, upon the block of their ambition, is indeed more strange than all the [Page 27] rest. And doubtlesse if we may credit Salust, his fault was as great in quitting what his Fathers Ambition had gained, as was that of his Fathers Ambition in gaining it; For ‘Non minus est turpe sua relinquere, quam in aliena intrudere injustum & ambitiosum:’ 'Tis no lesse crime basely to quit ones own, than injustly and am­bitiously to invade ano­thers. He wanted the cou­rage of our Hero Henry the 5th. who having hastily ta­ken the Crown from the Pillow of his not yet decea­sed Father, and being by him with a sad sigh told, [Page 28] that God knew how unjust­ly he had gotten it; Reply­ed, that he (his Father) had by his sword attained, and it was now at his death by Gods providence devol­ved on him, and that there­fore his Sword should maintain it as his right, a­gainst all Opposers. But our childish Protector wan­ted both his wit and cou­rage; He having by for tune obtained a Crown, without the spending of either blood or treasure, was loath to draw a Sword for its preser­vation. Men seldom prize, what they never sweat for.

Some there are who strive [Page 29] to excuse the young Prote­ctor, alleaging that his Fa­ther left him as great a task, as himself had gone through, grounding their o­pinion on the old Maxime.

Nay without doubt more excellent by farr is the con­servation, than the conquest of a Kingdom; the first be­ing often produced by fortu­nate force; the other only to be maintained by wisdom and policy. In tumuits & dis­sentions the strongest carry it, but those once composed, [Page 30] the wisest can only retain it. But those that will have his task greater than his Fa­thers, must likewise grant that his honour would so much the more have sur­mounted, had he carried his businesse with a noble Spirit, and if he had failed in his enterprise, yet had he dyed in the bed of Ho­nour and Royalty.

But to goe yet further it was extream unlikely (my Lord) that England should continue under his Govern­ment; for if it be true in Po­liticks, that, whatsoever is acquested by force, must be main­tained by violence: It is hard­ly [Page 31] probable that any, but he who by violent meanes had acquired a Kingdome, to the prejudice of the lawfull heir; should be capable of maintaining it by the same meanes. Very probable in­deed it was, that had Oliver, who by graduate gaining, had learn'd the art of pre­serving, liv'd; he might in a few yeares more, have setled the Kingdome, in a lesse Ty­rannical, and more successe­full way of Government: by finding occasions (which he daily sought) to disable those persons, which ambi­tious spirits were like to prove obstacles to the desi­red [Page 32] succession. But Heaven was pleased to make good the truth of that maxime, Things violent are not perma­nent: like to that of Lucan,

Great things o'rethrow themselves: the Gods above Have set our bounds, past which we cannot move,

But those (my Lord) who had deprived the young Protector of his dominion, are yet so kind, as not to touch his life; but order him to retire into the Country, [Page 33] and allow him divers thou­sands of pounds for his maintenance. But indeed, a wonder it is, my Lord, how they durst at all trust him with either life or estate; they were certainly not ig­norant of that Machiavilian Maxime, ‘Mortui non mordent:’ Dead dogs bite not: but surely they esteemed him of no power to revenge, or thought him too pusillani­mous to dare it. I remember Maluezzi upon Amulius:

Amulius (saith he) was wicked I confesse, but knew not how to make use of his wickednesse; he bereft his Brother of his Kingdome, [Page 34] his Neece of her liberty, but took from neither their lives: I cannot well say, whether he did dispise Nu­mitor's weaknesse, whe­ther he built upon his patience, or whether his po­licy was, to colour his own wickednesse, by making the World see, that he had not sufficient courage to govern a Kingdome, who had so poor a spirit as to live, being depriv'd of one.

I hope your Lordship will pardon my presumption, in giving Political censures on these actions, to a person so perfect in the most true, and absolute State-policy, as [Page 35] your Lordship: whose judg­ment is so clear and perspi­cacious, that it can dive into the very soul, and bosome of the closest Statesman; and can with farr greater ease discern the intricate reasons of our variations here, at that distance, than we, who are more sensible of their ef­fects, are able to search into their original causes.

But, my Lord, I shall pro­ceed. This sudden alteration of the Scene of Government, makes way for Lambert once more to come upon the stage; a person of so large spirit, and undaunted cou­rage, that the Lord Prote­ctor [Page 36] Oliver, being conscious of his great endowments; out of a jealousie, or rather reall fear of him, had de­prived him of all command in the Army; only ma­king him a member of his other house, or pageant house of Lords: and during his reign, he lived as 'twere retired; finding it in vain to struggle against one who had got so settled a power: but diligently waited a fit opportunity to present him­self again upon the Thea­tre: and being unwilling that occasion should shew him the bald part of her head, layes hold on this as [Page 37] the first. So he sits as one of the Council of Officers, the souldiers ancient love to him, maintaining him still in credit, and incorporating him again into that Army, from whence the old Pro­tector had dismembred him.

Well, to be short: the young Protectors (as the Turks say) is manzulled, and his authority again de­scends into the hands of the Army, by whose meanes his father first acquired it. But they considering that it must be matter of the highest dis­content to the people, that they who had all this while pretended to have fought for [Page 38] their Liberty and Freedom, should without any pretext, take upon them to rule by the Sword, the most ar­bitrary and unjust of all Go­vernments: And being at a stand what to do in this juncture of time, wherein they had strangely disobli­ged the best part of the Na­tion; they presently close with the Commonwealth party, and make use of that which me thinks, was of all shifts most base, and al­so dangerous: That old Par­liament (or indeed but the Rump of it) which they had before dissolved to set up their General Cromwell, and [Page 39] had so highly disobliged, they now call again, and desire them, to take the Go­vernment into their hands, making a large and speci­ous Declaration; solemnly protesting their deep sor­row, for their wicked A­postacy, and back-sliding from the Good Old Cause (as they call it) and devia­tion from the way of God which without doubt they never were nor intend to be in) in the year 1653. when they interrupted this Par­liament, which were so grand Asserters of the Peo­ples Liberties; had taken such pains, and acted such [Page 40] glorious things (as they say) for the good (but in­deed inglorious for the bad) of the Nation.

This Parliament being convened some from Goales and some 'tis like from Bawdy Houses; cause the Army in the first place to take Commissions from them, and solemnly swear to stick close to them in all their just proceedings (which whether so or no the Army were resolved to keep the power of determining) and thus by Gods permissi­on that old Government, which was the first cause of Englands ruine, is new [Page 41] vampt and set up again to breed amongst us greater confusions.

My Lord in this trans­action, there are two things to be wondred at: First, how the Parliament durst give any credit to an oath of allegiance from the Army, which they had seen them so often break, not only for­merly to themselves, but likewise so lately to their young Protector: And se­condly, how the Army durst trust, that Parliament they had so grossely abused, with a full power over them to place and displace whom they pleased: certainly they [Page 42] could not imagine that ei­ther such an injury could be forgotten, or hope that the Parliament would not in­deavour to revenge it; such affronts being by most Spi­rits (especially such as some of the Parliament were of) ingraven in brasse, and ne­ver to be blotted out, whilst there can be any hope or opportunity of requital; to which purpose is the Italian Proverb, ‘Chi offende scrive in polvere: & chi è offeso in marmo,’ who offends writes in the Sand: but who offen­ded in Marble. And indeed by the Parliaments after proceedings we have reason [Page 43] to judge; that their intention was no lesse, than to serve the Army as they had for­merly served them, at least, so to depresse, and over-awe them, that in case the Army should dislike their proceed­ings, yet they might keep them from their old shift of dissolving their power; which design of theirs (as you will understand a­non) proved neverthelesse vain and unsuccessfull.

In the mean time, several Members, who because they would not dip their hands in the bloud of their Prince, had been expulsed this house, at the purgation [Page 44] made by the Army in 1648, pretend equal interest with the rest to sie and vote, but are denied: the Army only admitting those who had sate till their dismission in 1653. These are extreamly inraged at their repulse; Mr. Prynne, one of those se­cluded Members, writes strongly against them; pro­ving them by several reasons to be no Parliament, but on­ly a Tyrannical and illegal Authority: they being first dissolved by the death of the King who summoned them, he being Principium, causa & finis Parliamenti. Secondly, they not being the fourth [Page 45] part of that number, which ought to constitute a Parlia­ment, the rest of their fel­low Members being at seve­ral times turned out of the house, according to the plea­sure of the factious Army; so that most Shires and Cor­porations in England being unjustly deprived of their Burgesses, had no power nor interest in the Government of the Nation. Thirdly, their power being again de­volved into the people, who having by their votes chosen another, did disannull the authority of this Represen­tative. But whilst Mr. Prynne and others are thus setting [Page 46] on them with their pens, Sir George Booth, and others are raising of Armes; so that this Parliament is like to be assaulted both wayes, ‘Tam Marti, quam Mercurio.’

The excluded Members not being able to comport the high affront done them, in being forced our of the House, not only now, but al­so at the dissolurion of the free Parliament under Ri­chard, and animated by the Presbyterian party, whose in­terest now lay wholly at the state, and could expect to find no mercy from the now predominant faction of A­nabaptists and Independents; [Page 47] combine together, how they might by force rid the Na­tion from the ruine that threatned them, and the sla­very they now groaned un­der. And this their plot they make almost general over England, ingaging the most powerfull Gentlemen in their several Counties, who on the first of August (the day appointed by this Parliament for the ba­nishing of the Cavaliers out of England) were suddenly to rise in arms in several parts of the Nation, but by the tre­chery of some of the Con­federates, most places of [Page 48] their randevous were disco­vered, and so the design for the most part disappointed. But neverthelesse Sir George Booth, makes good his de­sign, and in Cheshire and Lancashire raises a conside­rable force, all the princi­pal Gentry of both Coun­ties joyning with him; they presently secure Westchester, and some other places; and declare for a Free Parlia­ment, and to maintain the Rights and Privileges of the Nation.

The Parliament imme­diately send out forces to oppose them, and make the Lord Lambert head of the [Page 49] Party. He marches towards them, in ten days arrives at them, Faces, Fights, and overcomes them, and brings back his Victorious Army.

Sir George Booth and his Forces had been by all at London supposed to be in posture both gallant and numerous; insomuch, that when the news of his over­throw arrived, it could scarcely gain credit and be­lief: but it was rather thought, that the Parlia­ment only cryed up a victo­ry, when they had really, received a losse.

But a losse indeed it was, and a total one to Sir George, [Page 50] but to what to attribute it I know not: His Horse were most Gentlemen, and made up a most gallant body; with Foot likewise suffici­ently numerous: insomuch, that some there be, who passe censure on the General, as the cause of their over­throw. I remember Tully prescribes five things as ne­cessary properties of a good General. Scientia, Provi­dentia, Virtus, Authoritas, & Fortuna. Knowledge, Foresight, Valour, Autho­rity, and Fortune. Now whether Sir George were in­dowed with the four first I will not dispute, but it is [Page 51] out of question, that he was not at all favoured by the last.

And though perhaps he might injoy the four first ac­complishments, yet was he not renowned for any of them: and the credit of a General, being that which chiefly gives life to the acti­on, inciting and quickning the Souldiers to fight as it were in emulation of their Commander; from hence perhaps might proceed the mancament: and this might strike terrour into Sir Geor­ges Army; they with an un­skilful, at least unrenown­ed General, being to in­counter [Page 52] a most experienced Army, under the Com­mand of so Famous and Vi­ctorious a Captain.

But some from the easi­ness of the Victory, have imagined that it was only a design of the Parliaments, who made use of some of the chief Complices, as In­struments to draw the Gen­try into Arms; that the sequestring their Estates might both serve to supply their present necessities, and render those, who were most like to offend them in­capable by reason of their want of means, to work them any future prejudice. [Page 53] I dare not give my opinion concerning it, but yet think, that if this be granted, the Parliament did for the set­tlement of themselves, make use of a Trapan both costly and hazardous.

For Sir George Booths cause, and his reasons for raising Armes, they had justice e­nough in them, had the de­sign succeded: it being the successe, which crowns all enterprises, and nothing else to the vulgar proclaims them Lawful. Yet we can­not but yield more right to him, who raised Armes a­gainst the oppression of an usurped Government: than [Page 54] to them who drew their Swords against their Law­ful Soveraign: be it for no­thing else but to make good that old Proverb, ‘Fallere fal­lentem non est fraus.’

But right or wrong his cause, the poor Gentleman with divers his Compart­ners, were made Priso­ners, and clapt up in the Tower of London, there to attend that Doom, which Victors would be pleased to inflict upon them.

The Parliament being puffed up with their success, in token of their gratitude to Lambert for his service, order him four thousand [Page 55] Crowns to buy him a Jew­ell, which Sum (as hath been credibly reported (he frankly bestows amongst the Souldiery; Plausibly telling them, it was a debt to their not his deserts; Which as it was an Act of high Obligation to the Souldiery, so did it render more suspected to the alrea­dy too jealous Parliament.

Whilst these things were doing in the North: The Parliament is taking care and consulting all wayes, as well to render them secure from being supplanted by the Army, as powerful to suppresse the peoples insur­rection. [Page 56] For this purpose they settle the Trained Bands in London, with six Troops of Horse, and the Militia in the respective Counties, and ap­point such Commanders o­ver them, as they believe are of assured fidelity, & change likewise what Governours of Garrisons they think fit, and raise three new Regi­ments composed for the most part of Anabaptists, Quakers, & Fifth Monarchie Men (terms strange per­haps to your Lordships ears, yet equidemical di­seases in the English Nati­on) these they call the con­gregational Brigade, and [Page 57] with these means they hope to strengthen themselves, and be able in due time to curb the pride of the so oft Rebellious Army.

Yet at present they are forced to supply them with monyes, for fear of Muti­nies or worse, for this they lay most heavy burdens on the people, assigning them to pay fifteen Months Tax, off before hand; a thing scarce before heard of in England.

My Lord I have often wondred at the English Commonalty; who made their lawful Soveraigns rai­sing of Ship money, with­out [Page 58] authority of Parlia­ment, one of their chief pleas for their raising Warr against him, and yet have since sat still, and as 'twere willingly yielded to the payment of unheard of du­ties, and have been content with what ever burthens and oppressions have been imposed on them, by those whom they stick not pub­liquely to call extorting un­just and lawlesse Tyrants.

But they may even thank themselves both for their payments and patience: for what at first they so frankly offered to free them from a small oppression, must now [Page 59] as custome be forceably re­quired, to subject them un­der a reall Tyranny.

But to return to our pur­pose, though the Parlia­ment, at their reinstating, had restor'd Lambert to some command in the Army, ma­king him a Collonel both of Horse and Foot; yet there were some amongst them, who supposing the truth, that his Caesarian Spirit would never subject it self to any superiour Power, which he saw any probabi­lity of overturning; did o­penly in the House protest against him that however his plausible, carriage might [Page 60] cause them to suppose him a fit instrument for promoting their interest, yet would he leave no stone unturned till (though with the ruine of them) he had made himself, what formerly Oliver with his assistance had advanced himself to. This counsell though most rationall the Parliament omitted, either out of fear that should they eject him, his interest in the Army might turn to their prejudice, or led into and over weening confidence of his assured fidelity, by his own protestations, or the cunning perswasions of his secret Friends, of whom [Page 61] the most notable, was by the sequel found to be, Sir Henry Vane, a man of most principall authority in the House, and the chief riing­leader of all the frantick Sectarians, upon whose assistance they then chiefly relied.

But because I may give your Lordship the most compleat knowledge of af­faires my poor abilities are able to furnish you with, I humbly conceive it no devo­tion, to give your excellency some character of both these persons, who have been such cardinall instru­ments in all our late trans­actions.

For the first, to wit Lam­bert he is a man for out-side of so qualified a Gravity, so composed a Modesty, as might well conduce to the covering of ambitious de­sires, and to vote him a per­son of the greatest humilitie, and for his in-side, without doubt of so sound a judge­ment, so deliberate a speech and so purely valourous a courage and Spirit, that I really think him wor­thy the greatest admirati­on, and every way fitted for the highest enterpri­zes.

The other Sir Henry Vane I am perswaded if any one, [Page 63] doth aptly verify the Pro­verb,

There is oftimes an agree­ment between Name and Nature. He is a man of a turbulent Spirit, and work­ing Brain; a strange com­position of Choler and Me­lancholy: A Person who having given himself wholy to whmisies in Religion, will still find out Crochets in State too, and indeed the fittest may be to advance any interest to the rnine of a Government, who can but [Page 64] sooth him with the conceit that he is pleased with his Chimaera's. Such an one both Cromwell and Lambert found him, and accor­dingly made him subser­vient to their designs.

Excuse my Lord, this (I hope not unnecessary) di­gression, these two having been without doubt, the chief Designers, as well as principal Maintainers of our next revolution.

The Lord Lambert having finished his work in the North, is now marching his Army back to London. But while they were on their way, they (without [Page 65] doubt by the secret instiga­tion of Lambert though he expresly professed the con­trary) send up a paper to the Lord Fleetwood, to be by him or Col. Cobbet present­ed to the Parliament, un­der the name of the humble Representation of the Forces un­der the command of the Lord Lambert in the late Northern expedition. The Sum of which paper was, that the Lord Fleetwood might be made Captain General of all the Forces in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and Lambert, Desbrow, and Monk, might likewise be made General Officers, that Sir [Page 66] George and the rest of his complies might be brought to speedy Tryal, &c. This paper arriving at the Lord Fleetwoods hands, he calls a Councel of some Officers to Wallingford House, to consi­der of it. He likewise com­municates it to Sir Arthur Haselrig, and Sir Henry Vane, two Members of the House, and desires a meeting from them in order to their con­currence with it. But Ha­selrig instead of meeting acquaints the Parliament with it: Tells them there was some design hatching by the Army, suspects Lam­berts ambition to make him­self [Page 67] a single person, and rashly adviseth his sending to the Tower.

I suppose Fleetwood assured himself of Haselrigs and Vanes fidelity to the Army, when he communicated that paper to them; but doubt­lesse Haselrig had a farther design than so, when he first perswaded the recalling of this Parliament; He him­self being one of them, and one of the chief, could not but equally resent the af­front done them all: and be­ing likewise a person of a Turbulent Spirit, and of the same disposition and incli­nation, of which Tacitus re­presents [Page 68] another to be, ‘Con­silii omnis cujus ipse non author esset inimicus;’ Fleetwood had little reason to trust him; and might easily have ima­gined that he would, being now in power, strive to con­tinue in it as long as he could, and that he would not only discover all means which might hinder his new turning out; but likewise indeavour to revenge the former: and though he and the rest of the Parliament might seem to have forgot past injuries, and to be re­ally appeased with the Ar­my, yet they were not real­ly so, but only out of poli­tick [Page 69] ends dissembled a re­concilement with them; yet the Army could not but easi­ly guesse it (as I think in­deed they did) knowing that saying of Plutarch to be a Maxime. ‘Vt Christalli Frag­menta Sarciri Nullo Modo Pos­sunt. Ita difficilimum eos re­conciliare qui ex arctissima fa­miliaritate in Mutuum odium venerent.’ As 'tis impossible to piece again a broken glasse; So 'tis must difficult to reconcile those, who out of a strict familiarity, are fallen into a mutual hatred.

But indeed (my Lord) the Army had greater rea­son to distrust the Parlia­ment [Page 70] than so, for when Ser­vants have wronged their Masters, especially in so high a degree, their guilty consci­ences feeds ever on a fearful distrust of revenge, though there be no occasion given. ‘Qui post vehementes inimiciti­as in gratiam redeunt multa le­viuscula ac temere accidentia in suspitionem rapiunt: at{que} in universam omnia tanquam Consulto & in malam partem facta ad conceptum ante odium apponunt.’

The Parliament had to their cost seen by former ex­perience how dangerous it was for them to make a Ge­neral over their Armies, [Page 71] who should have full power to give Comissions to their Officers and place and dis­place whom they pleased, they knew that from such a preferment there was but one step to a single person, who must necessarily be­reave them of their authori­ty.

Yet in my opinion (my Lord) there's none but will condemn Sir Arthur Haselrigs rash proceedings, he should have dissembled his anger somewhat longer, rather than let it break out on such a suddain ere the Parlia­ments designs could be ripe, Or fit for so desperate an en­terprize; [Page 72] Such rash Coun­cels are generally obnoxius to all great designs or cir­cumventions, ‘Temeritas prae­terquam quod stulta est etiam infalix;’ Rashnesse, besides the Folly of it is likewise unfortunate saith Livie, and so it prov'd here, for ha­ving vented it's first fury is dead, like a Wasp that hath lost his Sting.

The Parliament imme­diately upon Sir Arthurs in­timation, send to Fleetwood for the Paper, he presen­teth them a Copy of it, but the original he pretends was in Cobbets hands, they send for him, but he was not [Page 73] at home when it should be delivered: however imme­diately the Parliament pass a Vote, that the making of more General Officers was needlesse, chargeable, and dangerous to the Common­wealth.

But though by the Lord Fleetwoods over-weening the Parliament over reach'd the Army, in this year the Ar­my again quit with them, Haselrigs rash Councel is betrayed to them; But they are not so rash as he, they wisely dissemble it, and in­stead of breaking out into sury, represent in an hum­ble Petition, their resolu­tions [Page 74] to be still true and faithfull to them. Notwith­standing whatever theirs, and the enemies of the pub­lick good might suggest a­gainst them, desiring them not to believe that they had any intentions to dissolve their power, or to the set­ting up of a single Person, which they had so solemnly and freely declared against; and in the end, make seve­ral Propositions, which they pretend for the Nations good, and conclude with re­iterated promises of their fidelity.

The Parliament receives their Petition, and with a [Page 75] seeming hearty thanks; but they neither credit them nor follow Haselrigs rash, Counsell, though I believe, they would willingly have done the last, had it consist­ed with their affairs; Bur as cases stood, they thought it best to dissemble with the Dissemblers, and fain a Credulity of the others fained Protestations.

They had all this while been drawing what part of the Army to their adhe­rence they could, and had as they thought, assured them­selves of two Regiments of horse, and one of foot; with which, and the train-bands [Page 76] of the City of London, (on whose help I suppose they presumed) their Congrega­tional Brigade, and the Mi­litia of the several Coun­ties, they hope they shall be able to deal with their dis­contented Army.

But this Counsel which should have been the Ca­binet of State, whose deli­berations, like jewels, should have been lock't up in se­cresie, is nothing lesse; but their whole designes are be­traid to the Army: who not only seek a Prevention of them, but are likewise de­signing against them; and without doubt waited for [Page 77] nothing more than some such occasion to dissolve them, which might likewise afford a fit plea to the peo­ple.

But the Parliament re­solves to prevent their de­sires sooner than they expe­cted it, and though they do nothing else than what the supream power of a Nation (as the Army had made them to be) might warrant, yet the Army think they have thence occasion suffici­ent to break their late Oath of Allegiance to them, and to render those actions of the Parliament, which were unpleasing, to be unjust.

Thus, my Lord, they only promise obedience, that they may rule, fain a subje­ction, that they may com­mand; pretend to maintain the due rights privileges, and freedome of the people, that they may inslave them; making what to them seems necessity of State, a compe­tent apology for all their actions.

The whole businesse was thus; the Parliament had good grounds of some de­sign in the Army against them; and who would not seek to prevent it? they use their utmost endeavours and to those endeavours adde [Page 79] these votes; that it should be treason to raise any mo­ney but by Act of Parlia­ment, &c.

They likewise make void the Commissions of the Lord Fleetwood, Lambert, and seven other Ringleading Of­ficers, and order a Com­mittee for the Government of the Army; and then up­on this, expecting, or fear­ing a dissolution, adjourn to the next day.

My Lord, 'tis necessary to understand all along, that whatever Oaths or Prote­stations this Army make, if once they oppose their in­terest, they are utterly void; [Page 80] they could not have forgot their so late promises of o­bedience, but they would obey in their Commands, not without them; them once offered to be taken a­way, they understand their allegiance unprofitable: so they resolve, that instead of quitting their power to the Parliament, that the Parli­ament shall quit theirs to them, and once will they more from servants turn their Masters.

Well, the designes on both sides are laid; the Par­liament gather about their House what force they can; a Regiment of foot, and four [Page 81] troops of horse appear; they are plac'd in due order, in convenient places adjoyning to it, three troops are sent unto the City, to crave their assistance, but in vain; yet they prevail in Southwark.

Nor are the rest of the Army lesse quick in their Preparations; they assemble what force they can about White Hall, the antient Pa­lace of the Kings; they like­wise send to the City, but are denied; it resolving to stand Newter: the Tower of Lon­don supplies both with am­munition. In the mean time, the Parliaments life guard passing by White-Hall is stopt [Page 82] by Lambert, a Pistoll presen­ted to their Captains brest, forces him to dismount, and another is presently moun­ted in his stead: so their own guard is turned against them; and straight force back their Speaker, whom they meet going to the House; the Congregatio­nal Brigade likewise revolt from the Parliament to the Army.

Yet those who were ga­thered about the house are very hardly brought to com­pound; they seem resolved to be faithfull to the Parlia­ment: but at length seeing their force so small, their [Page 83] souldiers unwilling to fight, and their enemies willing to agree, they yield; and thus is the power of the Par­liament forced from them, and taken into the hands of the feeble headed Army.

They, who but some few months before had with such seeming hearty (though indeed fained) expressions, declared their repentance for their former distur­bance, and their now resolu­tions to be stedfast to them, have thus soon forgot both one and t' other; and in so small a time relap­sed into what they then acknowledged for an er­rour.

The Parliament and Ar­my put forth their severall Declarations or Pleas, accu­sing one the other, and both pleading a due in the Gover­ment, but tis an easy matter for them to dispute their ti­tles one with another, where neither had right; but indeed it relishes somwhat of folly in the Parliament to con­tend with the Army, whose Sword (they might easily imagine) would never yield to words, & whose strength and successe gave them some appearance of justice.

For the action it self, Ile not take upon me to judge it, though most condemn it; [Page 85] every action tends to its end, by which we shall perceive whether it be good or bad, vertuous or dishonest, yet in every action the Actor proposes to himself some good, or at least endeavours to make it seem good, see ‘Arist. in his Eth. lib. 1. [...]’: Every Art or Science every action or purpose seems to desire some good.

But (my Lord) thus far I dare venture to say, and do confidenly believe, upon reasons drawn from their actions, that notwithstand­ing the Armies so fair pre­tences [Page 86] for the establishment of a civil Government in these Nations, their only intents are to continue their arbitrary power and Govern by the Sword.

For what civil Govern­ment can ever be said to be setled, much lesse flourish, whilst their force conti­tinues, which will over­throw all results of such a Government which cor­respond not with their will and interest.

The Officers of those Forces who assisted the Parliament are by the Army suspended from their commands, and reason good: for why should [Page 87] they being a part of the Ar­my, make a breach in it, or be seduced by the fair and golden promises of the Par­liament, to separate from their brethren. Doubtlesse, they expected, and were pro­mised large rewards, had the businesse succeeded, but they might have considered, that such fair and seducing promises are like fish of the Carinesian River, which in the water look like gold, but taken into ones hand, are of their proper colour.

The Army are not content only to have interrupted the Parliaments sitting, and [Page 88] hindred their future meet­ing, but they likewise by their Declaration disannul all those Votes which were displeasing to them; a thing never before heard of, that a Councel of Officers could make void the Votes of a Parliament, or that any but a Parliament could ab­rogate or annul those Laws made by them.

Thus my Lord I have gi­ven you an account of two sad deplorable changes, and caused by the ambition of some in the Army here in lesse than six months time, which I believe are not to be paralel'd by any society [Page 89] of men since the creation.

Let us to these, add those other Governments which they have before subverted, and we shall find the Sum thus. From a King, to a House of Lords and Com­mons, from that to a House of Commons only; this routed they set up a Prote­ctor, then down goes a Pro­tector, and up mounts the old House of Commons a­gain, and now is that Ex­tinct: so many Scenes have their been in the acting of the English Tragedy, which I fear me is not yet half consummate.

Thus much my Lord to [Page 90] the Historical part of our discourse; I hope your Lordship will now excuse the trouble I shall give, in presuming to present to your Judgement, what Go­vernment (supposing the Army should settle a Civil one, as they pretend) would most quadrate with the af­fairs and interests of Eng­land, as they at present stand, without supposing or con­sidering at all the interest of the lawful Heir.

I must needs confesse, that 'tis a task of so much diffi­culty, that it would rather require your Lordships high and noble Capacity, than [Page 91] so weak and unworthy a Pen as mine; Yet neverthe­lesse presuming upon your wonted Candor, I shall make bold freely to lay down my opinion.

But first we must suppose, that into whatever hands the Army shall entrust the Freedom of these Nations, or whatever form or manner of Government they shall think fit to establish, they must either wholly devolve the power into their hands, or resolve on a general dis­banding; for as I said be­fore, 'tis and will ever be inconsistent with a Civil Government, to have their [Page 92] proceedings over-awed by a Military power.

To resolve on a general disbanding whilst any Heir to the Crown is living, will be to lay themselvs open ei­ther to forein invasions, or in­testine force, the Heir being ready at all times to lay hold on all occasions for the regaining of his right, and at least two thirds of the people of England, being still faithful and loyal to that interest.

Their resolutions then to a reall compliance with, and obedience to whatever Civil Government they shall establish being gran­ted, [Page 93] the question will still be, what Government will be most fit and convenient to the present State of af­fairs.

The Interest of England, as to a Government, is at present so obscur'd and clouded, that it's almost impossible to be discern'd, it being now devolved rather into the interest of some particular persons, than in­to the interest of the whole; these particular persons are the prime Officers of the Army, the question then will now be what Govern­ment will most correspond with the interest of these [Page 94] Officers of the Army.

That a Commonwealth in any degree should do so, is impossible; they being then forced to surrender the whole power into their hands, whom they consti­tute Governours of this Commonwealth, it being unjust and unreasonable for them to bear Office both in the State and Army; and to surrender up their whole power to them, will be to yield to that which by so many tricks and shifts they have sought to avoid; and from Masters be content at last to become Servants.

The late example joyn'd [Page 95] with the antient rule, may further assure them, that those who have received a power, are always sus­picious of those that gave it, and never think them­selves secure, whilst they imagine that they are by any means able to deprive them of that authority wherewith they have in­vested them; they are therefore for their own safety bound to that poli­tick piece of ingratitude, to overthrow, or de­presse those who have been the cause of their rise.

This granted, it will [Page 96] easily appear how incon­sistent it will be for the Armies interest to settle the government in the way of a Republick or free State.

It now rests then to prove that the govern­ment by a single Person, whose abilities may ren­der him capable of so high an employment, and who may be elected out of these Principal Officers of the Army, will most comply with their inte­rests; which thus the Ar­mies love to him will con­tinue and maintain him in his power, and those Offi­cers [Page 97] which his suspect may think unfit for mili­tary command, may be employed in civil trusts.

Thus both the Army may be continued in a number convenient to sup­presse forein invasions, or intestine rebellions, and those Officers who arrive not to the supream Digni­ty, be grac'd with secure fortunes, conformable to their several degrees.

I know the late exam­ [...]le of Richard Cromwell may [...]e objected against this, [...]nd some will averre, that [...]here will continually be [...]ch supplanters; but that [Page 98] example may rather teach the next single Person how to provide a remedy for such disturbances.

This likewise will be a means whereby the ho­nour of the Nation will again flourish, and will amplifie the publick traf­fick, and restore England to its former renowne: which can never be done by settlement of a Com­monwealth, where every Member will regard his private profit. Take this from no mean Statist:

The Monarch first propoundeth honour: then the publick good [Page 99] and lastly, proprietary in­terest and profit. But the Popular Estate evermore inverteth this order, for it hath private gain in the first intention, the com­mon good in the second, and honour in the last: which diversity of pro­ceeding ariseth not out of the different formes of their government, but out of their different natures that govern: so great odds there is between a Prince and a Citizen.

I could, 'tis true, my Lord, prescribe what would be more for the be­nefit both of the Army [Page 100] and Nation than either of these, but tis that which every Child know's, viz. that the Army make such propositions to the right Heir as may be both ho­nourable and safe for him and them, & retire them­selvs to live at their Farms in the Country, since they are no better capable to manage State affairs.

I have thus far presum­ed upon your Lordships patience, in giving you this large account of the affairs of miserable and distressed England, whose distractions have (from the most glorious Nation [Page 101] of Europe) rendred her the most ridiculous Nati­on of the whole world, and made her Natives, once so highly respected in forein parts, now asha­med to own her.

But I hope your Lord­ship has yet a good opini­on of her, and does not be­lieve all her Children to be guilty of these her trou­bles; but rather lay the fault (where tis justly due) upon those ambitious tur­bulent Spirits who have indeed been the cause of her ruine, though I know the vulgar will always judge according to the Proverb.

For one mans fault a thousand are defam'd.

Having thus far given your Lordship an account of our State affaires, and their disturbances Please to fix your eye a little upon the Ecclesia­stick distractions, the se­cond spoke in the wheel of our misery; Into so many rents & pieces is our poor Church shattred, that re­ally, my Lord, I hardly know how to piece up a discourse of it: No day [Page 103] but produces its Schism or Heresie; No Cobler but presumes to make him­self the head of a Sect or faction, and presumes to glory in thundring the most holy word of God out of his prophane lips; to whom his she Auditors (for so for the most part they are) listen to, as to an Oracle, and hee presu­ming his confidence to be knowledg, carries himself as proudly as if he were their Ghostly Father.

No Order nor decency in any of their Divine wor­ships, and those accounted [Page 104] most holy who have least, your Comedies in Italy be­ing acted in more decent and comely places than these men worship God in; So ir-religious they are, that I believe, were it not to keep themselves from the weather, they would hardly allow a Church in England, the name of Church being o­dious to many, who ra­ther choose to meet at their irregular Devotions in private Houses, or cor­ners of the Street, where they Gabble out two or three houres together of [Page 105] nonscence, enravel'd with the sacred word of God: Tithes they abhor, so un­willing are they to expend the least upon their soules, wherewith they might Gorge and Glut their bodies, such too is their envy and spleen, to­wards one another, that each preaches Hell and Damnation to those who differ but in the least Tenent from them; In this alone the Church is hap­pier than the State, it does not so often change it's Government; but the reason is because it has none at all.

Surely 'tis the just Judgement of God upon us, which is the cause of all these distractions both in Church and State, for our having first deser­red and cast durt in the face of our true and Mo­ther Church.

Should I (my Lord) give you an account of e­very particular Sect a­mongst us, 'twould take up an age to describe them; Here are Presbiterians, Independents, Anabap­tists, Quakers, Ranters, Adamites, Fift Monar­chy men, and such a rab­ble [Page 107] more, that I want a Dictionary to find out their names; the first have not much fault besides their Pride and Ambiti­on, which is now pretty well quell'd; the rest, though they hold some se­veral Tenents and Here­sies, yet all of them con­clude Church Govern­ment: Men of Sin, and are unwilling to be ruled by any thing but the Spi­rit; like the Welchman, who being accused for theft, would be tryed by none but by Christ and his twelve Apostles.

Yet are the Indepen­dents the mildest of these, though proud enough in Conscience; But the Qua­kers are a sowre generati­on, who desie all learn­ing, of a crabbed disposi­tion, and indeed look ra­ther like Fantasmes, or Spirits sent from Hell to deceive the World, than Christians, yet grow they extream potent, boasting in their Schis­matical opinions, and seducing several poor and ignorant people to their own damnation..

My Lord, I am asha­med [Page 109] thus to lay open to you the disgrace and shame of our Nation, wherein these fanatick Spirits have involved it; But I dare tell you, my Lord, that there are yet some can did Loyal Souls, who still doe, and will ever continue true and faithful to their King and Lawfull Soveraign, and firm to their first principles of Religion, scorning the greatest op­pressions should affright them from these princi­ples, and daring even death it self in their de­fence.

But these my Lord live like Sheep amongst so many Wolves, and are like to do so, till God shall be pleased to send again their Shep­heard amonst them, when their Sheepcoats shall be turned into Palaces, bedeck't with the Skins of their now Ravenous Mur­derers.

This, my Lord, is the sad and distressed estate of the Church of England, whose rents seems uncu­rable; unlesse God of his great mercy lay to his helping hand to restore [Page 111] her breaches, and render her again her primitive lustre and beauty; for which I beg your Lord­ship, (whom I know so great a well-willer to the English Nation) to joyn your Prayers to ours, for her & for the re-settlement of these three distressed Kingdoms in their former splendour, that every man may again enjoy his right, Justice flourish, and Reli­gion prosper; that we might have our Kings as at the first, and our Prin­ces as at the beginning: Which the God of heaven [Page 112] grant, that my next may inform you. In the mean time, I humbly kisse your Lordships hand, and rest,