OUr Adversaries are Our adversaries de cline to answer ou greatest challenge. very unwilling to suffer to appeare, that there is any further debate betwixt them and us, but what is proper unto our Church, & doth arise from the Service Book, Canons, & Episcopacie, which they have pressed upon us with violence, against all Order Ecclesiasticall and Civill: In the mean time, lest they become the sacrifices of the publike hatred of others, in a subtle Sophistication they labour to hide the 〈◊〉 wrongs and assronts which they have done openly to the Reformed Religion, to the Churches of ENGLAND, and all the Reformed Churches in the main and most materiall questions debated against the Papists ever since the reformation: for such as professe themselves our enemies, and are most busie to stirre up our gracious Prince to armes against us, do wilfully dissemble their knowledg of any other controversie betweene them and us, but that which properly concerneth us, and rubbeth not upon any other Church. In this their doing the Judicious may perceive their manifold deceit, whereby they would delude the simple, and many wittie worldlings do deceive themselves: First, they would have the world to think that wee obstinately refuse to obey the Magistrate, in the point of things indifferent, And therefore unnecessarily, and in a foolish precisenesse draw upon ourselves the wrath of the King. Secondly, when in our late Assemblies, the order of our Church is made known, and the seeds of superstition, heresie, idolatrie and antichristian tyranny are discovered in the service Booke and Canons, they wipe their mouth, they say, No such thing is meant; and that wee may upon the like occasion blame the service Booke of England. Thirdly, when by the occasion of the former quarrellings, their palpable Poperie and Arminianisme are set before their eyes, and their perverse intentions, desires, and endeavours, of the change of Religion and lawes are upon other grounds then upon the service Booke and Canons objected against them; they stop their eares, or at least shut their mouths, and answer nothing. This challenge they still decline and misken; they will not let it be heard, let bee to answer to it; And for to make out their tergiversation, for to dash away allutterly this our processe, they have bin long plying their great engine; and at last have wrought their yondmost myne to that perfection, that it is now ready to spring under our wals. By their flattering calumnies they have drawne the Prince againe to arms, for the overthrow of us their challengers, and for the affrighting by the terrour of armies on foot all others elswhere, from commencing any such action against them.

As for us, truly it were the greatest happinesse The scope of the treatise. we do wish for out of Heaven, to live peaceably in all submission and obedience, under the wings of our gracious Soveraigne, and it is to us a bitternesse as gall, as wormwood, as death to be necessitate to any contest, to any contradictory tearms, let be an armed defence, against any whom hee is pleased to defend: Yea certainly, it were the great joy of our hearts, to receive these very men, our mortall enemies, into the arms of our affection, upon any probable signes in them, of their sincere griefe, for the huge wrongs they have intended, and done to their Mother church and Country. But when this felicity is denied, and nothing in them doth yet appeare but induration, and a malicions obstinacie; going on madly through a desperate desire of revenge, to move a very sweet Prince for their cause to shed his own bloud, to rent his own bowels, to cut off his own members, what shall wee doe but complain to GOD, and 〈◊〉 to the Worlds eyes the true cause of our sufferings, the true grounds of this Episcopall warre, or rather not Episcopall but Canterburian broyle? for wee judge sundry Bishops in the Isle to be very free of these mischiefs, and believe that divers of them would gladly demonstrate their innocency, if so be my Lord of Canterbury and his dependants, were in any way to receive from the Kings justice some part of their deserveings.

Howsoever, that wee may give a testimony to the truth of GOD, which wee are like at once to seale with our bloud, wee will offer to the view of all Reformed Churches, and above the rest to our neerest and sibbest sister of England, as it were in a Table, divers of these errours, which our party first by craft and subtilty, but now by extreame violence of fire and sword, are labouring to bring upon us; to the end that our deare brethren understanding our sufferings in the defence of such a cause, may be the more willing at this time to contribute for our assistance from God, the helpe of their earnest Prayers, and for ever hereafter to condole with the more hearty compassion, any misery which possibly may befall us, in such a quarrell.

Albeit truly our hopes are yet greater then our All our 〈◊〉 , but one 〈◊◊〉 . 〈◊〉 , if we could become so happy as once to get our plea but entred before our Prince; for wee can hardly conceive what in reason should hinder our full 〈◊〉 of a favourable decision from that Sacred mouth, whose naturall equity the World knows in all causes whereof he is impartially informed, since our whole action is nought but one formall argument, whereof the Major is the verdict of our judge, the Minor shall be the open and avowed Testimony of our party, need wee feare that either our Judge or party will be so irrationall as to venture upon the deniall of a conclusion, whereof both the premisses is their own open profession?

Our Major is this: Who ever in the Kings Dominions The Major thereof. spreads abroad Popery or any doctrine opposite to the Religion and Laws of the Land, now established, ought not to be countenanced, but severely punished by the King. This Major the King hath made certaine to us in his frequent most solemne asseverations, not only at his Coronation both here and in England, in his Proclamations both here and there, Neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing, whereby any innovation may steale or 〈◊〉 into the Church, 〈◊〉 shall preserve that unitie of doctrine and discipline, established in Queen 〈◊〉 Reigne, whereby the Church of England have stood and flourished, since 〈◊◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of England, 1628. and therefore once for all, we have thought sit to declare, and hereby to assure all our good people, that we neither were, are, nor ever (by the grace of God) shall be stained with Popish superstition, 〈◊〉 by the contrary, are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Religion, already professed within this our ancient Kingdome. We neither intend innovation in Religion or Laws, Proclam. 〈◊〉 8. 1638. 〈◊〉 all our good Subjects of the least suspition of any intention in us, to innovate any thing either in Religion or Laws, and to satisfie not only their desires, but even their doubts. Wee have discharged, &c. Proclam. Septemb. 22. 1638. and to give all his Majesties people full assurance, that hee never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion professed within this Kingdome, and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions, and integrity of the same, his Majesty hath been pleased to require and command all his good Subjects, to subscribe the Confession of Faith, formerly signed by his deare Father, in Anno 1580: and it is his Majesties will that this be insert and registred in the Books of Assembly, as a testimony to posterity, not only of the sincerity of his intertions to the said true Religion, but also of his resolution to mayntain and defend the same, and his Subjects in the profession thereof, Proclam. Decemb. 13. 1638. but also in his late large Declaration, oftimes giving out his resolution to live and die in the reformed Protestant Religion, opposite to all Popery; to maintaine his established Laws; and in nothing to permit the enervating of them: Yea, this resolution of the King is so peremptory, and publikely avowed, that Canterbury himselfe dare not but applaud thereto; If any prelate would labour to bring in the superstitions of the Church of Rome, I doe not only leave him to Gods iudgment, but if his irreligious 〈◊〉 can be discovered, also to shame and severe panishment from the State, and in any just way, no mans hands should be sooner against him then mine. in his Starre-chamber Speech, who can see me more forward then hee for the great equity, to punish condignely all who would but mint to bring in any popery in this Isle, or assay to make any innovation in Religion or Lawes? Wee believe indeed that the man doth but juggle with the World in his faire ambiguous generalities, being content to inveigh as much against popery and innovation as we could wish, upon hopes ever when it comes to any particular of the grossest popery wee can name, by his subtile distinctions and disputations to slide out of our hands: But wee are perswaded what ever may be the juggling of sophisticating Bishops, yet the magnanimous ingenuity, the Royall integrity of our gracious Soveraigne is not compatible with such fraudulent equivocations, as to proclaime his detestation of popery in generals, and not thereby to give us a full assurance of his abhorring every particular, which all the orthodox Preachers of this Isle since the Reformation, by Queene Elisabet and King James allowance have ever condemned as popish errours. Our Major then wee trust may be past as unquestionable.

Wee subjoine our Minor, But so it is that Canterbury The Minor. and his dependars, men raised, and yet maintained by him, have openly in their printed bookes, without any recantation or punishment to this day spread abroad in all the Kings dominions, doctrines opposite to our Religion and lawes, especially the most points of the grossest poperie. In reason all our bickering ought to be here alone. This Minor I offer to instruct, and that by no other middes then the testimony of their own pens. If I doe so to the full satisfaction of all, who know what are the particular heads of the reformed Religion, and what the tenets of Popery opposite thereto, what are the lawes standing in all the three dominions, and what the contrary maximes of the Turkish empire, where with Machiavelists this day every where are labouring to poyson the eares of all Christian Princes, for enervating the laws and liberties of their Kinngdomes: I hope that reason and justice which stand night and day attending on either side of King Charles throne will not fail to perswade the chearfull embracement of the conclusion, which The conclusion. follows by a cleare and naturall necessity, from the forenamed premisses, to wit, that Canterbury and his dependars in all the three dominions ought not to be countenanced by the King, but severely punished: Let be that for their pastime a bloody and hazardous war should be raised in so unseasonable a time, for the undoing of that countrie and Church which God hath honoured with the birth and baptisme, both of his Majesties owne person, and of his renowmed father, and to the which both of them as all their hundreth and six glorious Predecessors, are endebted before God, and the World, all their Prerogatives both of nature, 〈◊〉 , and estate, so much as any Princes were ever to their mother Church and native country.

ARminianisme how great and dangerous an innovation of the reformed Religion it is, 〈◊〉 a great and dangerous innovation of 〈◊〉 we may learne by the late experiences of our neighbours, when that weed began to spread among them. The States of Holland have declared in many passages of their Dordracen Synod, that they found it a more ready meane to overthrow both their Church and State, then all the engines, policies, armes which the Pope, and Spaniard, in any bygone time had used against them. The Church of France the other yeare, when Amirot, and Testard, and some few of their Divines, were but surmised to incline a little towards some small twigs of one article of Arminius, was so affrighted, that they rested not till in a generall Assembly at Alenzon, they did run together for the extinguishing of the first sparkes as it were of a common fire. When P. Baro in Cambridge began to run a little on this rock, how carefull was my Lord of Canterbury and the Bishops then in their meeting at Lambeth for the crushing of that Cockatrice in the 〈◊〉 when that serpent again in the same place began to set np the nose in the writtes of Thomson, how carefull was the Bishops then by the hand of their brother of Salisbury Doctor Abbots to cut of the head of that monster? But what speake wee of the Churches reformed? The very Synagogue of Rome whose conscience is enlarged as the Hell to swallow downe the vilest morsels of the most lewd errours that Antichrist can present, yet did they sticke much at this bone, when the Jesuit Molina began to draw out these dregs of Pelagianisme from the long neglected pits of some obscure Schoolmen, what clamours were raised there, not only by Alvarez and his followers, but also by numbers of Prelats and some great Princes, till the credit of the Jesuits in the Court of Rome, and the wisdome of the Consistory prognosticating a new rent in their Church did procure from the Pope a peremptory injunction of silence to both sides, on all highest paines: hoping if the Dominicans mouthes were once stopped, that the Jesuits by their 〈◊〉 arts, and silent policies would at last worke out their intended point, which indeed since that time, they have wel-neare fully gained.

But to King Charles eye no evidence useth to be King James judgment of 〈◊〉 . so demonstrative, as that which commeth from the learned hand of his blessed Father. Would wee know how gracious a plant Arminianisme and the dressers of it will prove in England, or any where else, advise with King James, who after full tryall and long consultation about this emergent, with the Divines of his Court, especially the late Archbishop Abbots, gave out at last his Decree in print, and that in Latine, not only for a present declaration to the States of Holland, of his minde against Vorstius, and a cleere confession of his Faith in those points to the Christian World, but above all to remayne a perpetuall Register for his Heires and Succ essors, of his faithfull advise, if after his death 〈◊〉 Kingdomes should be ever in danger to be 〈◊〉 with that wicked seed.

In that Treatise, his Majesty doth first Declarat. contra 〈…〉 p. 15. 〈…〉 avow all them to be grosse Lyers, who do not blush to affirme that any of the Arminian Articles, even that most plausible one of the Saints 〈◊〉 are consonant with the Doctrine or Articles of the Church of England. Ibid. p. 12. 〈…〉 He styleth Bertius for such a slander, a very impudent and brazen-faced man. Secondly, Ibid. pag. 18 〈…〉 Hee pronounceth these Doctrines of Arminius to be Heresies lately revived and damnable to the Hels from whence they come. Thirdly, Ibid. pag. 12. 〈…〉 That Bertius for the very title of his booke, The Saints apostasie deserved burning Fourthly, Ibid. pag. 14. 〈…〉 That Arminius and his Scholars were to be reputed pests, enemies to God, proud, 〈◊〉 , hereticall, Atheists. Fifthly, Ibid. pag. 15. 〈…〉 Hee affirmeth that their toleration would not faile to bring upon the heads of their Tolerators let be favourers, Gods malediction, an evill report, slander and infamy with all the Churches abroad, and certaine Schisme, Division and Tumults at home. Shall wee then make any doubt of King Charles full contentment, that wee avow Arminianisme, to be such a dangerous innovation of our Religion as the reformed Churches abroad, and his Father at home hath taught us to count it where ever it is found.

The great increase of Arminians in Scotland, by Canterburies mean.Notwithstanding this bitter root amongst us was setting up the head of late very boldly in all the prime places of our Kingdome, wee have had since the reformation many bickerings about the Church Government and Ceremonies, but in matters of Doctrine neverany Controversie was knowne, till some yeares agoe a favourable aire from the mouth of Doctour Lad at Court began to blow upon these unhappy seeds of Arminius. No sooner was those Southwinds sensible in our climate, but at once in S. Andrews, Edinburg, Aberdeen, and about Glasgow, that weed began to spring amaine. Doctour Wederburn in the new Colledge of Saint Andrews did stuffe his Dictates to the young Students in Divinity with these errours. This man upon the feares of our Churches censure, having fled the Countrey, was very tenderly embraced by his Grace at Court and well rewarded with a faire Benefice in England, for his labours: But to the end his talents should not lye hid, although a man very unmeet either for preaching or government, hee was sent downe tous, without the knowledge of our Church, by Canterburies only favour, to be Bishop of Dumblane, for this purpose mainly, that in the Royall Chappell, whereof that Bishop is alwayes Dean, hee might in despite of all our Presbyteries weave out the web he had begun in Saint Andrews. So quickly there was erected a society of twenty foure Royall Chaplains, who were thought fittest of the whole Clergie of the Kingdome, to be allured with hopes of favour from Court, to preach to the State the Deans Arminian tenets. In Edinburgh, Master Sydserfe did peartly play his part, and for the reward of his boldnesse, had cast in his lap in a trace the Deanry of E. dinburgh, the Bishoprick of Brechen, and last of 〈◊〉 , with full hopes in a short time of an Archbishops cloake. In the North, Doctour Forbes the only Father of the most of those who fell away from the Doctrine of our Church, came too good speed in his evill labours, and for his pains was honoured with the first seate in the new erected Chaire of our principall Citie. Others about Glasgow made their preaching of the Arminian errours the pathway to their assured advancement. In our generall Assembly wee found that this cockle was comming up apace in very many furrows of our field: Some of it we were forced, albeit to our great griefe, to draw up and cast 〈◊〉 the dyke, which at once was received and replanted in England, in too good a soyle.

Wee confesse, that it happened not much beside The Kings name stolne by 〈◊〉 to the defence of 〈◊〉 . our expectation, that our Arminians after the censure of our Church should at Court have beene too graciously received and sheltered in the Sanctuary of his Grace at Lambeth; But, this indeed, did and doth still astonish us all, that any should have been so bold as to have stolne King Charles name to a printed Declaration, wherein not only our generall Assembly is condemned for using any censure at all against any for the crime of Arminianisme: Large Declar. pag. 74. According to their weake and 〈◊〉 power they did determine 〈◊◊〉 Predestination, Universall Grace, irresistibility of Grace, concurrance of Free Will with Grace, totall and finall perseverance in Grace, and other such like intricate points, that some men would be loth to live so long as they could make them understand them. But also Arminius Articles are all-utterly slighted and pronounced to be of so obscure & intricate a nature that both our Assembly was too peart to make any determination about them, and that many of our number were altogether unable by any teaching ever to winne so much as to the understanding of the very questions: P. 16. Some Ministers were deprived for 〈◊〉 , a course never heard of in any place where any rule of justice was observed, that a Minister should bee deprived for holding any Tenet which is not against the Doctrine of that Church wherein hee liveth, and that before it bee prohibited and condemned by that Church. Now there is nothing in the 〈◊〉 of that Church against these Tenets. Yea, those Articles are avowed to be consonant, and in nothing to be opposite to the confession of our Church, and are freely absolved of all poperie. Pag. 303. They could make no answer when it was told them these Tenets could not be counted Popish, concerning which, or the chiese of which as learned Papists as any in the World, the 〈◊〉 and Jesuits did differ as much as the Protestants, and that those which doe adhere to the Augustan Confession did hold that side of those Tenets which the Arminians did hold, and yet they were very farre from being Papists, being the first Protestants, and therefore it was against all sense to condemne that for Popery which was held by many Protestant Churches, and rejected by many learned Papists. Because indeed (for this is the onely reason) some learned papists finde divers of Arminius points to bee so absurd that their stomacks cannot away with them, and some of the Lutheran divines agree with the Arminians in certaine parcels of some of their Articles: They must bee strangers in these questions, who are ignorant in how many things the Dominicans and all Papists agree with Arminius, and in how many the Lutherans disagree from him. However wee were and are amazed to see Canterbury so malapeart, as to proclaime in the Kings name, beside many other strange things, the Articles of Arminius, to bee so far above the capacitie of our generall Assembly, that it deserves a Royall reproofe for minting to determine any thing in them, and that they are no wayes contrarie to the doctrine of onr Church, neither any ways popish, and that for a reason, which will exeeme from the note of Poperie every errour which is so grosly absurd, that some learned Papists are forced to contradict it; or some grosse Lutheran can get his throat extended to swallow it downe.

This boldnesse cannot in any reason be imputed 〈◊〉 is the author of this part of the Declaration to our gracious Soveraigne: For how is it possible that he upon any tolerable information, should ever have suffered himselfe to be induced to write, or speak in such a straine of these thinge, which so lately by his learned Father was declared in print, and that in Latine to be no lesse then heresies worthy of burning; yea, damnable to the very infernall pit whence, as he sayes, they did first come up. Neither is it like that these sentences come from the heart of Doctor Balcanquel the penman of them; for he was a member of Dort Synod, and brought up in the Church of Scotland, the man is not unseene in the Popish Tenets; How is it possible that his conscience should absolve the Arminian errours of all Popery, and all contrarietie to the Scottish confession. May any be so uncharitable, as to suspect his late promotion in Durham, hath altered so soon his minde? Sure not long since, both in England and Scotland, hee did desire to be esteemed by his friends, one of those whom Canterbury did maligne, and hold downe for his certain and known resolutions, and reputed abilities to oppose his Graces Arminian, and Popish innovations. His Majesty being certainly cleer of this imputation, and readily also Balcanquel, the Amanuense, on whom can the fault ly but Canterbury, the directors back? For the world knowes, that on his shoulders for common alone, the King doth devolve the trust of all Bookish and Ecclesiasticall affaires that concerne him, that at his commandement 〈◊〉 hath written in the Kings name that part at the least of the declaration, which patronizeth the Arminian persons and cause, we doe not conjecture but demonstrate by the constant and avowed course of his Graces carriage in advancing Arminianisme at all occasions; in all the Kings Dominions.

That this may appeare, consider his practises, The Irish Church infected with 〈◊〉 by Canterburie. not so much amongst us, and in the Irish Church, where yet his hand is very nimble, to set these ungracious plants, and to nippe off all the overspreading branches of any tree that may overtop them: For who else in a moment, hath advanced Doctor Bramble, not only to the sea of Derrie, but to the Kings 〈◊〉 Generall? Who sent Doctor Chappell first to the University of Dublin, and then to his Episcopall chair? Who holds 〈◊〉 the head of that Orthodox Primat, and of all who kyth any zeale there to the trueth of God; Who caused not onely refuse the confirmation of these Arminian Articles of Ireland, in the last Parliament, but threatned also to burne them by the hand of the Hangman? Whose invention are these privy Articles, which his creature Derry presents to divers, who take Orders from his holy hands? Wee will passe these and such other effects, which the remote rayes of his Graces countenance doe produce in so great a distance; Onely behold! How great an increase that unhappy plant hath made there in England, where his eye is neerer to view, and his hand to water it.

In the 25 yeare, at the very instant of King James The Canterburians in England, teach the first and second Article of Arminianisme. death, Doctor Montague, with Doctor Whites approbation, did put to the Presse all the Articles of Arminius in the same termes, with the same arguments and most injurious calumniations of the Orthodox Doctrine, as Spalato and the Remonstrants had done a little before, but with this difference, that where those had dipped their pens in inke Doct. Montagu doeth write with vinegar and gall, in every other line, casting out the venome of his bitter spirit, on all that commeth in his way, except they be fowles of his own feather; for oft when hee speakes of Jesuites, Cardinals, Popes, hee anoints his lips with the sweetest honey, and perfumes his breath with the most cordiall tablets. If any doe doubt of his full Arminianisme, let them cast up his Appeale and see it cleerely, 〈◊◊〉 , 60 〈◊◊〉 my through and sincere 〈◊〉 from the faction of novellizing 〈◊〉 , but in no point 〈◊〉 then in the 〈◊〉 of desperate Predestination. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 70. I see no reason why any Divines of our 〈◊〉 present at the Syned of 〈◊〉 , should take any 〈◊〉 at my 〈◊〉 , who had no authority that I 〈◊◊〉 to conclude me, 〈◊〉 then I doe at them, 〈◊◊〉 from mee in their 〈◊〉 , 〈◊◊〉 in 〈◊◊〉 . Ibid. pag. 71. I am sure the Church of England never 〈◊◊〉 in her 〈◊〉 . Ibid pag 72, at the Conference of Hampton Court, before his Majesty, by Doctor 〈◊〉 , that doctrine of irrespective Predestination was stiled against the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , then urged by the 〈◊〉 , a desperare doctrine without reproofe or taxation of any. Ibid. 〈◊〉 50. your absolute, necessary, determined, irresistible, irrespective Decree of God to call, save, and 〈◊〉 Saint 〈◊〉 , for 〈◊◊〉 , without any consideration had of, or regard unto his 〈◊〉 , obedience, 〈◊〉 : I say it truly, it is the fancie of some 〈◊〉 men. in the first and second Article of Election and Redemption, hee avoweth his aversenesse from the doctrine of Lambeth and Dort which teacheth, that God from eternity did elect us to grace and salvation, not for any consideration of our faith, workes or any thing in us as causes, respects or conditions antecedent to that decree, but onely of his meere mercy; And that from this Election all our faith, works, and perseverance doe flow as effects. Hee calleth this the private fancie of the Divines of Dort, opposite to the doctrine of the Church of England: For this assertion he 〈◊〉 the Synod of Lambeth, as teachers of desperate doctrine, and would father this foule imputation; but very falsely on the conference at Hampton Court. Ibid. 〈◊〉 61. 64. I shall as I can briefly set downe what I conceive of this act of Gods Decree of Predestination, setting by all execution of purpose: thus far we have gone, and no word yet of Predestination, for how could it be in a paritie? There must be first conceived a disproportion, before there can be conceived 〈◊〉 election or dereliction: God had compassion of men in the masse of perdition, upon 〈◊◊〉 , & genera 〈◊〉 , and out of his mercy in his love motumero, no otherwise 〈◊◊〉 out to them deliverance, in a Mediatour the Man Iesus Christ, and drew them out that took hold of mercy, leaving them there that would none of him. Againe hee avoweth positively that faith goeth before Election, and that to all the lost race of Adam alike, Gods mercy in Christ is propounded till the parties free-will, by believing or mis-believing, make the disproportion antecedent to any divine either election, or reprobation.

One of the reasous why King Iames stiled Arminius Why King Iames styled them Atheists. disciples atheists, was because their first article of conditionall election did draw them by an inevitable necessitie to the maintenance of Vorstian impiety: For make mee once Gods Eternall decree posterior, and dependant from faith, repentance, perseverance, and such works, which they make slow from the free will of changeable men; that Decree of God will be changeable, it will be a separable accident in him; God will bee a composed substance of subject, and true accidents, no more an absolute simple essence, and so no more God. Vorstius ingenuitie in professing this composition is not misliked by the most learned of the Belgick Arminians, who use not as many of the English, to deny the cleare consequences of their doctrine, if they be necessary, though never so absurd. However in this very place Montagu maintaines very Vorstian atheisme as expresly as any can do making the divine essence to be finite, his omni-presence not to be in substance, but in providence, Appeal, pae. 49. the 〈◊〉 among others 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 of old, 〈◊〉 to 〈1 line〉 . They meant it substantially, and so 〈◊〉 : Christians 〈◊◊〉 it too, but disposively in his providence. and so making God to be no God. This thought long agoe by learned Featly objected in print to Montagu, lyes still upon him without any clearing. Certainly our Arminians in Scotland were begun both in word and writ to undertake the dispute for all that Vorstius had printed: I speak what I know, and have felt oft to my great pains.

Arminianisme is a chaine, any one linke whereof, They teach the third and 〈◊〉 Article. but specially the first, will draw all the rest; yet see the other also expressed by Montagu. In the Articles of Grace and Freewill, not only hee goes cleare with the Arminians, teaching that Mans will hath ever a faculty to resist, and oft times according to the doctrine of the Church of England actually doth resist, reject, frustrate, and overcome the most powerfull acts of the spirit and grace of God, even those which are employed about regeneration, sanctification, justification, perseverance. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 89. St. 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 hath the very word antipiptete, you resist, nay, fall crosse with the holy Ghost, not suffering him to 〈◊〉 grace in you. If the Councell meaned it 〈1 line〉 , operante: I thinke no man will deny it, de gratia 〈◊〉 , subsequente, cooperante; there is without question in the naturall will of a regenerate man so much 〈◊〉 concupiscence, as may make him resist and rebell against the law of the Spirit. And if a man justified may fall away from grace, which is the doctrine of the Church of England, then without question, your selves being judges, he may 〈◊〉 the grace of God offered. Not onely doth hee thus far proceed, but also hee avowes that all the difference which is betwixt the Church of England and Rome, in this head of freewill, is in nothing materiall, Ibid. 〈◊〉 95. Thus having with as great diligence as I could examined this question inter partes of Free-will, I doe ingenuously confesse, that I cannot finde any such materiall 〈◊〉 between the 〈◊〉 , at least of better temper, and our Church. and really long agoe to be ended and agreed amongst the most judicious and sober of both the sides.

For the fifth of perseverance hee is as grosse as any Also the fifth. either Remonstrant or Molinean Jesuite, professing, that no man in this life can have more assurance not to fall away both totally and finally from all the grace he gets, then the devils Antigag. p. 161 Man is not likely in the State of grace to be of an higher alloy then Angels were in the state of glory, then Adam was in the state of innocencie: Now i Adam in Paradise, and 〈◊〉 in heaven did fall and lost their originall estate, the one totally, 〈◊〉 and the other eternally, what greater assurance hath any man in the state of proficiencie; not of consummation. had once in Heaven, and Adam once in Paradise.

Behold the Arminian ensigne fairly now displayed Silence by proclamation enjoyned to both sides. in England by the hands of Montagu and White, under the conduct of Doctor Lad Bishop of Saint Davids, even then the President, the chiefe in Ecclesiasticall affaires of the Duke of Buckinghams secret councell. At the first sight of this black banner a number of brave Champions got to their armes; pulpits over all England rang, presses swate against the boldnesse of that but small handfull then of courtizing Divines. Their crafty leader seeing the sloud of opposition, and finding it meet for a little to hold in, and fold up his displayed colours, did by the Duke his patron perswade the expediencie of that policy, which the Jesuites had immediately before, for that same very designe moved the Roman consistory to practice. Hee obtained a Proclamation, commanding silence on both sides, discharging all preaching, all printing in these controversies, astricting to the cleare, plaine and very Grammaticall sense of the Articles of England in these points, without all further deductions. By this meanes his intentions were much promoved, open avowers of Arminianisme were by publique authority so exempted from any censure, a reall libertie was thus proclamed over all the land, for any who pleased to embrace Arminianisme without oppotion.

Hereby in two or three years the infection spread The Arminians in England advanced. so far and broad, that the Parliament was forced in the 28. to make the encrease of Arminianisme their chiefe grievance to his Majestie; But at that time Doctor Lad was growne greater. He had mounted up from the Bath to London, and to make a shew there in Parliament of his power in the eie of all the complainers, he raised up Montagu to the Episcopall Chaire of his own Diocesan, Doctor Carleton, who had lately chastised him in print for his Arminian appeale. D. White his other 〈◊〉 , that all great spirits might be encouraged to run the wayes which Doct. Lad pointed out to them, in despight of these Parliamentarie Remonstrants, was advanced from Bishoprick to Bishoprick, till death at the step of Elie did interrupt the course of his promotion, that to Wren a third violent follower of his Arminian Tenets, way might bee made for to clime up the remaining steps of the ladder of his Honours. Now to the end 〈◊〉 the world may know, that my Lord of Canterbury doth nothing blush at the advancement of such men, heare what a publique testimony of huge worth and deserving, hee causeth his Herauld Peter 〈◊〉 to proclame to that Triumvirat, not onely at his own directions, (for that moderate answer of Heylens is the Iusto volumine which his G. did promise to the world in his Starre-chamber speech) but also in name of authority, if Heylen lie not, who sayes, He writes that book at the commandement of the State: There, after the cryasse of Canterburies owne extraordinary prayses A moderate answer, pag. 78 you will be troubled to finde Canterburies equall in our Church, since King Edwards Reformation, whether yee looke to his publike or private demeanours. the renowme of his three Underleaders, is loudly sounded as of plain Non-suches Ibid pag. 84. White, Montagne, and 〈◊〉 , whom you so abuse, are such, who for their endeavours for this Churches honour, fidelity in their service to the King, full abilities in Learning, have had no equals in this Church, since the Reformation..

All these his graces favours to his followers would Their opposites disgraced and persecuted. have been the more tolerable, if he would have permitted his Orthodox opposites to have had some share in their Princes affection, or at least to have lived in peace in their own places. But behold, all that crosses his way must downe, were they the greatest Bishops in the Dominions. For who else wrought the 〈◊〉 Archbishop so farre out of the Kings Grace, that he remained some yeers before his death well-neere confined to his house at Lambeth? Who hath caused to cage up in the Tower that great and learned Bishop of Lincolne? what ever else may be in the man. What fray makes that worthy Primate Vsher, to foretell oft to his friends his expectation, to be sent over Sea, to die a Pedant teaching boys for his bread, by the persecution of this faction whose ways he avows to many, doth tend to manifest Arminianisme, and Popery. This their resolution to persecute with Albeit to this day fleshly feares have made him to let passe with silence in publike the most wicked of their courses. all extremity, every one who shall mint to print or preach any thing against Arminianisme, they avow it openly not only by deeds (for why else was Master Butter the Stationer cast by Canterbury in the Fleet for printing Bishop Davenants letter to Bishop Hall against some passage of Arminianisme at the Authors direction, as we see it set down by Huntley in his Breviat?) but even in open print, for when Master Burton complains to the King that hee was silenced by Canterbury, for expounding of his ordinary text, Rom. 8 Whom God hath predestinate, those he hath called, and applying it to the present Pelagianisme and Popery of the Arminians, Christopher Dow Chr. Dow. Answer to Master Burton, M. Burton did preach on the highest point of Predestination in a cōtroverted way with disputes and clamorous invectives against those who dissented from him in opinion, his questioning and suspending for this cause, was nothing contrary to his Majestics Declarations. ibid pag. 40. Be it so that the doctrine of election, effectuall vocation, assurance of 〈◊〉 , are by the Declaration suppressed, rather then the peace of the Church should bee disturbed, wee might truly say of that time when his 〈◊〉 Declaration was published, that men were uncapable of these doctrines, when men began to chide, and to count each other 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 it was with our neighbours, it began to be with us, was it not time to enjoyne both sides silence? By this meanes you say, there is no Minister, not one among a thousand that dare clearly preach of these most comfortable doctrines, and so soundly confute the 〈◊〉 heresie. Blessed be God, that there are so few who dare, and I with those few who dare, had shewed more obedience to his Majesty. approved by Canterburies Chaplain, and Peter Helyn directed to speak by Canterbury himselfe doth not stand to affirme, that this was a cause well deserving all the sufferings hee complained of.

Could any here but expect of his Graces wisedome Canterbury and his 〈◊〉 contrary to the Proclamation goe on still to print, let be to preach their Tenets. and loyalty, when his solicitude appeareth to disgrace and punish, without respect of persons, all who in contempt, as he saith, of the Kings Proclamation will not desist from the publike oppugning of Arminianisme, that on the other hand the Preachers and Printers for Arminianisme according to that same Proclamation should be put to some order? yet this is so farre neglected, that all who are so affected, Cousins, Colines, Beal in CAMBRIDGE, Potter and Jackson in OXFORD, and many more prime Doctours in both Universities, in the Citie, in the Court, and over all the Land, boldly give out their mind to all they meet with for the advancement of the new way; yea boldnesse in running those paths hath beene knowne to have beene the high way in all the three Dominions these yeeres bygone to certain promotion in many men, who to the Worlds eyes had no other singular eminencie of any good parts.

But that his Graces tramping upon the Kings Proclamation may bee yet the more evident, behold how hee doth daily dispense both with his owne pen and those also of his Friends to write and print for Arminianisme, what they please. White being taxed by Master Burton for his subscription to Montagues Appeale, is so farre from the least retractation, that the fift Article of Apostasie and uncertainty of salvation which Master Burton did single out of all Montagues errours as most opposite to Christian comfort, hee maintaines it in his owne Answer to the Dialogue; but as the custome now is under the covert of some Fathers name, at great length with much bitternesse, and casts out without provocation in his Treatise of the Sabbath, the first and second Article: Pag 82. The benefit of redemption by the antecedent will of Christ is intended to all men living, though all men by reason of their own demerits doe not actually receive the fruit of it. Volūtas antecedens est voluntas 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 Dei ex ejus nativa 〈◊〉 existens, 〈◊〉 sumens occasionem ex nobis. Master Dow and Schelfoord use the same plainnesse. Yea, in the one and thirtieth yeare that Faction was so malepeart as to set out the Historicall Narration by one Aileward wherein all the Articles of Arminius at length with these false and bitter Calumniations of our Doctrine, which are usually chanted and rechanted by the Remonstrants are not onely set downe as truths, but also fathered upon the first reformers and Martyrs of England. That Booke when it had beene out a while was called in, not because the doctrines were false, not because the story was forged, as that learned Knight Sir Vmphrey Lyne by the ocular inspection of that originall manuscript did since demonstrate, but the onely reason of the calling of it backe, as his Grace makes Heylen declare to us, was, the dinne and clamour which Mr. Burton, then one of the Ministers of London, made against it. Moderate answer, pag. 121. The historicall narration was called in also for your pleasure.

Conterbury himselfe is nothing afraid to lend his owne hand to pull downe any thing that seemes crosse to Arminianisme. The certainty of Salvation, the assurance of Election, is such an eye-sore, that to have it away, hee stands not with his owne hand to cut and mangle the very Liturgie of the Church, otherwise a sacred peace, and a noli me tangere in England in the smallest points, were they never so much by any censured of errour: yet if any clause crosse Arminianisme or Poperie, his grace doth not spare without dinne to expurge it, did it stand in the most eminent places thereof in the very morning prayers for the Kings person. Here was this clause fixed since the reformation (who are the Father of thine elect and their seed) this seemed to bee a publike profession that it was not unlawfull for King Charles to avow his certainty and perswasion that God was his Father, and hee his adopted Childe elected to salvation. His grace could not endure any longer such a scandalous speech to bee uttered, but with his own hand scrapeth it out. Being challenged for it by Master Burton, and the out-cryes of the people, he confesseth the fact; only for excuse, bringeth three reasons of which you may judge: Star-chamber, speech, p. 28. It was delet at the King, direction in my Predecessors time, when theKing had no children First, he saith, It was done in his Predecessours time: Doth not this make his presumption the more intolerable, that any inferiour Bishop living at the very eare of the Archbishop, should mint to expurge the Liturgie? Secondly, Hee pretends the Kings command for his doing. Doth not this encrease his guiltinesse, that hee and his followers are become so wicked and irrespective, as to make it an ordinary pranke, to cast their owne misdeeds upon the broad back of the Prince? Dare hee say, that the King commanded any such thing motu proprio? Did hee command that expunction without any information, without any mans advise? Did any King of England ever assay to expurge the publike Bookes of the Church, without the advise of his Clergie? Did ever King Charles meddle in any Church matter of far lesse importance without Doctour Lads counsell? The third excuse, That the King then had no seed: How is this pertinent? May not a childlesse man say in his prayers, that God is the Father of the Elect, and of their seed, though himselfe as yet have no seed? But the true cause of his anger against this passage of the Liturgie, seemeth to have been none other then this Arminian conclusion; that all faith of election in particular, of personall adoption or salvation, is nought but presumption. That this is his Graces faith, may appear by his Chaplains hand, at that base and false story of Ap-Evan by Studley, wherein are bitter invectives against all such perswasions as puritanick delusions, Satan like an Angell of light stirring up in the heart of immort fied persons, a spirituall pride in a high conceit of their 〈◊〉 , the assurance of their election, illumination, conversion, imaginary sense of their adoption, &c. yea, hee is contented that Chouneus should print over and over again his unworthy collections, not onely subscribed by his chaplain, but dedicated to himself, wherein salvation is avowed to be a thing unknown, and whereof no man can have any further, or should wish for any more then a good hope. Pag. 82. Salus 〈◊〉 satis certa quā vis ipsis ignota, ex gratia & 〈◊〉 sua misericordia det Deus 〈◊◊〉 suavissimam & 〈◊〉 spei 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 non expectamus. And if any desire a cleare confession, behold himselfe in those opuscula posthuma of Andrewes, which hee setteth out to the world after the mans death, and dedicates to the King; avowing that the Church of England doth maintaine no personall perswasion of predestination, which Tenet Cardinall Peroun had objected as presumption. Stricturae, wee thinke it not safe for any man peremptorily to presume himselfe predestinate. White also in his answer to the dialogue, makes mans election a mysterie, which God hath so hid in his secret counsell that no man can in this life come to any knowledge, let bee assurance of it, at great length from the ninety seventh page to the hundred and third, and that most plainly.

But to close this Chapter passing a number of evidences, A demonstration of Canterburies Arminianisme in the highest degree. I bring but one more which readily may bee demonstrative, though all other were laid aside. By the Lawes and practises of England, a Chaplains licencing of a booke for the presse is taken for his Lord the Bishops deed: So Heylen approven by Canterbury teacheth in his Antidotum, Pag. 3. 〈◊〉 if you bee so 〈◊〉 as not to apprehend that, yet must the publishing of this libell 〈◊〉 in conclusion, on my Lord high treasurer the Bishop of London, at whose house the booke was licentiat, which is so high a language against authority, against the practice of this Realme, for licentiating of bookes against the honour of the Star-chamber on whose decree that practice is founded, &c. and for this there is reason, for the Lawes give authority of licencing to no chaplaine, but to their Lords alone, who are to be answerable for that which their servant doth in their name. Also the chaplaine at the licencing receives the principall subscribed copie, which hee delivereth to his Lord, to bee laid up in his episcopall Register. William Bray, one of Canterburies Chaplaines, subscribed 〈◊〉 collectiones 〈◊〉 , as consonant to the doctrine of the Church of England & meet for the presse. The authour dedicated the treatise to my L. of Canterbury, it was printed at London 1636. into this booke, the first article, which by the confession of all sides, draws with it all the rest, is set downe in more plain and foul tearmes then Molina or any Jesuite; sure I am then Arminius, Vorstius, or any their followers ever did deliver, Pag. 18. Non video 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 quare cum quae est ex Deo per 〈◊〉 eandem que actionem bonitatis à seipso emanantem, recta 〈◊〉 fidei in Christum resipiscentiae, obedientiae, perseverantiae, sit causa salvationis, perversa quae 〈◊〉 hominibus est damnationis, in eadem unitatis ratione, electinis & reprobationis 〈◊〉 causae 〈◊〉 . teaching in one These those three grosse errours. 1. That mens faith, repentance, perseverance, are the true causes of their Salvation; as Misbeleefe, Impenitencie, Apostasie are of Damnation: Doth Bellarmine goe so farre in his Doctrine of justification and merit? 2. That those sinnes are no lesse the true causes of reprobation then of damnation. 3. That mens faith, repentance, perseverance are no lesse the true causes of their eternall election, then misbeliefe or other sinnes of their temporall damnation. Let charity suppone that his grace in the midst of his numerous and weightie imployments hath been forced to neglect the reading of a booke of this nature, though dedicate to himselfe, albeit it is well known that his watchfull eye is fixed upon nothing more then Pamphlets which passes the presse upon Doctrines now controverted, yet his grace being publikly upbraided, for countenancing of this book by Doctor Bastwick in the face of the Starre-chamber, and being advertised of its dedication to himselfe, of the errours contained in it, yea of injuries against the King of the deepest staine, as these which strooke at the very roote of his supremacie, and that in favour of Bishops. When in such a place Canterbury was taxed for letting his name stand before a Booke that wounded the Kings Monarchicall government at the very heart, and did transferre from the Crowne to the Miter one of its fairest diamonds which the King and his Father before him did ever love most dearely, no Charity will longer permit us to believe, but his Grace would without further delay lend some two or three spare howers to the viewing of such a piece which did concerne the King and himselfe so neerely. Having therefore without all doubt both seen & most narrowly sifted all the corners of that small Treatise, and yet been so farre from reproving the Authour, from censuring the licencer, his Chaplain, from calling in the booke, from expurging any one jot that was in it, that the Treatise the second time is put to the presse at London with the same licence, the same dedication, no letter of the points in question altered: May wee not conclude with the favour of all reasonable men, that it is my Lord of Canterburies expresse minde to have his owne name prefixed, and his chaplaines hand subjoined to the grossest errours of Arminius, and so to professe openly his contempt of the Kings Proclamation, for the pretended violation where, of he causeth stigmatize, mutilat, fine excessively, imprison for time of life, very vertuous gentle-men, both Divines, Lawyers, Physitians, & of other faculties.

What there can be said for his graces apologie Arminianisme is consonant to the Articles of England, and not contrary to the Proclamation. nothing commeth in my mind, except one alledgeance, that the point in hand crosseth not the proclamation, discharging toproceed in those questions beyond the Grammaticall construction and literall sense of the articles of England. The Authour indeed in the Epistle dedicatory avowes to his grace that the These alledged, and all the rest of his Booke doth perfectly agree with the English Articles, in the very first and literall sense, whereof the Proclamation speaketh, Nec videantur sensum articulorum 〈◊◊〉 in literali & grammaticali nedum in 〈◊〉 verborum sensu transgredi. And to this assertion the Licencers hand is relative as to the rest of the booke: but of this miserable apologie, which yet is the onely one which I can imagine possible, this will be the necessary issue, that the grosse lie, which good King James put upon the bold brow of impudent Bertius, for his affirming that one article of the Saints apostasie, let bee other more vile Arminian Tenets, was consonant with the Articles of England, must bee throwne back from Bertius on the Kings face, and that in as disgracefull a way as it was first given: Montague and White, with his graces permission, did give that venerable Prince long agoe the lie at home in English, affirming the perfect agreeance of the Arminian apostasie with the Doctrine of England. But this afront contents not his Grace except the barbarous medicine, under the shelter of his Archiepiscopall name belie his Majesty over sea, and over the whole world, where the Latine is understood. Beside this shamefull inconvenience, another dangerous evill will necessarily follow from this apologie, to wit, that the Arminian doctrine may not onely be tollerat in England, which yet if King James bee trusted, cannot faile to draw downe upon England a curse from God, shame from abroad, horrible schisme at home, but also since their grossest Articles are declared in print and in Latine, under the shadow of Canterburies name, to be fully consonant to the very literall sense of the Articles of England, all the members of that Church may bee compelled presently without more delay to embrace those doctrines; and that any manis permitted in England, to believe in peace the Antiarminian Articles, wherein Queene Elisabet and King James did live and die, it is of meere favour and the Princes mercy, who readily by the Arch-bishops intercession is diverted from pressing the profession of those articles; according to the first and most literall sense, which now is clearly avowed to be after Arminius; yea, Molina his mind.

IN the Church of Rome, the Canterburians use to professe corruptions of two kinds, errours and Few of all Romes superstitions are against their stomack. superstitions; as for heresies or Idolatries, they are loath that any such crimes should be laid to the charge of their mother church, how many, and how grievous errors they finde Rome guilty of, they had need to declare; for in the most of those wherein the protestants place the chief of the Romish errours, you have heard them plainly take their part, readily it will prove no otherwise when wee come downe to trie them in the particular heads, wherein papists are reputed most superstitious.

The superstitions which in papists are most remarked in their private carriage are these four: In their frequent saining of themselves with the signe of the crosse: In wearing about their neck a crucifix or some such toy of an image or relique: In saying their praiers on their beads: In abstaining from flesh on friday, wednesday, lent, or some great festivalls Eave; Our men are farre from disproving of any of these practises. For the first, they avow that saining with the signe of the crosse at rising or lying down, at going out or comming in, at lighting of candles, closing of windowes, or any such action is not only a pious and profitable ceremony, but a very Apostolicke tradition. Samuel Hoards Sermon, pag. 15: Reckons out among his traditions the crossing of themselves when they went out, or when they came in, when they went to bed, or 〈◊〉 they rose, 〈◊〉 they sat down to meat, or lighted candles, or had any businesse of moment to doe. Montag. apeal. p. 268. What hinders but that I may signe my self with the 〈◊〉 of the crosse in any part of my body, at any time when I goe to bed, in the morning when I rise, at my going out, at my returning home, the ancient Church so used it, and so may we (for ought I know) without just scandall or superstition. 2. They avow expressely the carrying of these holy trincats about their neck, in cases of silver or gold. Montag. antid. p. 17. Ego certe illas 〈◊〉 fasciis involvam; 〈◊◊◊〉 , admovebo labiis ac collo suspensas 〈◊〉 oculisque 〈◊◊〉 as 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 pag. 24. Imagines praesertim 〈◊◊〉 diligenter & cum cura: sunt apud nos per fenestras, 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 . 3. The saying of their prayers; yea, their Ave Maries upon their beeds is to them an holy 〈◊〉 worthy of praise and imitation. Female glory, pag. 148. Among the other praises of his holy Nuns, this is one, You who ply your sacred Arithmetick, and have your thoughts cold and cleare as the crystall beeds you pray by: And in his proemials, 〈◊〉 terra revibrat ave. 4. Wednesday, Friday, and Lent-fasts, are to them not only lawdable practises of the ancient Church, but also traditions come from Christ and the Apostles, which for Religions cause all are obliged to embrace. Montag. antid. pag. 164. Quadragesimale jejunium libenter ego concesserim ab Apostolis constitutum, & apud vetustissimos 〈◊〉 proceres usurpatum. Ibid. p. 9. Doceatur esse aliquid ab ipsis Apostolis institutum, utpote jejunium quadragesimale; Causam non dicam quin haereseos accuser, si non ut ab Apostolica authoritate sancitumpropugnavero. William Wats sermon, p. 50. Most precise and severe observers were they of Lentfast, which the whole primitive Church did believe to be of Apostolicall institution, so that they had their Saviours and his Apostles example for that strictnesse. I passe their observation of Wednesdayes and Fridayes fast weekly, which Epiphanius among many others assureth to be of Apostolicall 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 devotion: It hath also beene an ancient and religious custome, to fast all the Fridayes in the yeare, except those which fall within the twelve dayes of Christmasse. The Lent which now is, and ever hath beene reputed an Apostolicall constitution, and wee adde out of Chrysologus that it is not an humane invention, as they call it, but it comes from divine authoritie that we fast our fourtie dayes in Lent, pag 221.

The popish publick superstitions are very many, They embrace the grossest not only of their private, but also of their publick 〈◊〉 , but of these which that whole Church doth allow, very few comes to my minde which stand much against the stomack of our men: Those that come first to my thoughts are all pleasantly digested; Protestants wont to deride the popish conceats of their holy ground, of their consecrate walls, and the sanctuarie of their Chancels, their turnings towards the East, their manifold toyes in Baptisme, and the Lords supper joyned with the sacramentall Elements, their gesticulations in time of publicke service, their hallowing above the Sabboth a multitude of Festivals, their pilgrimages, their processions, and many such their practises. In this behold the minde of our men, they tell us first that Kirkyards by prayers, and conspersion of holy water must be made holy ground; that before these episcopall consecrations, no Christian buriall may bee made therein, but after that the Bishop hath used the pontificall ceremonies thereupon, no Heretick, no Schismaticke, no Excommunicate person may bee brought there, no worldly, no common action there performed without the profanation of the holy place. Laurence sermon p 9. Christians distinguished their oratories into an atrium, a Church yard, a sanctum, a Church a sanctum sanctorum, a Chancell, they did conceive a greater degree of 〈◊〉 in one of them, than in another, and in one place of them than another, Churchyards they thought profaned by sports, the whole circuit both before and after Christ was 〈◊〉 ledged for refuge, none out of the communion of the Kirk permitted to 〈◊〉 there, any 〈◊〉 ground 〈◊〉 for interment before that which was not 〈◊〉 , and that in an higher esteem which was in a higher degree of consecration, and that in the highest which was neerest the altar. Halls sermon at the consecration of a buriall place, p. 38. Out of the consideration of the holy designation of these peculiar places came both the title and practice of consecration of 〈◊〉 , which they say is no lesse ancient than the dayes of Calixtus the first who dedicated the first Cemiteries, albeit it was decreed by the Councel of Arles, that if any Church were consecrated, the Churchyard of it should require no other hallowing but by simple conspersion, p. 40. It is meet & necessary that those places should be set aside to this holy use by a due & religious dedication, by praiers & holy actions tending therunto, if the Jews used these dedications, how much more we Ib. in the preface, an act worthy both of this common celebration & of that episcopall service of mine. Again they shew us that the church by the bishops anointing some stones thereof with oyl and sprinkling others with water, and using from the Roman pontificall some mo prayers, some mo ceremonies upon it, becomes a ground more holy: That before these consecrations though the people of God for many yeares have met into a Church for divine service, yet it is no more holy than a 〈◊〉 , a 〈◊〉 , a tolbooth; but after these consecrations there is such holinesse in the walls, that even when there is no divine service, men at their comming in, and going out must adore and all the time of their presence stand discovered, and never so much as sit downe were the service never so long, except upon great infirmitie. Tedders sermon, p. 8. It is the consecration that makes them holy & makes God esteem them so, which though they be not capable of grace, yet receive by their consecration a spiritual power, wherby they are made fit for divine service, and being consecrate, there is no danger in ascribing holinesse unto them, if we beleeve S. Bernard, quis parietes istos sanctos dicere vereatur, quos manus sacratae Pontificū 〈◊〉 sanctificavere mysteriis. When we come to Church, say the holy Fathers of the devotion of those primitive times, corpora humi 〈◊〉 , they that shewed the least devotion did bow, all the time that they were there none presumed so much as to sit, as being too 〈◊〉 & lazie a posture in Gods house, but only for infirmitie or some other cause were 〈◊〉 with. There were some that would not have their shooes on their feet in the temple, a shame to them that have their hats on in Gods house. Shelf p. 51. Some profane Gods house by going out with headscovered, as if God were not present, & it were not his house when service was ended. Pokling. 〈◊〉 . p. 141. hurches when they were made they were consecrate, for a man may as lawfully and Christianly administer the sacrament in a barn or town hal as in any place that is not consecrate to such holy uses, Queen scoole p. 223. S. Giles Church in the fields being newly repaired after two years service, sermon & sacraments in it in D. Montary B. of Londons time, was required to be consecrate by his successor D. Laud, the parochin refusing, the Bishop caused sequester, & 〈◊〉 up the house for a month, & forces the parish after 50 pound fine to put up a 〈◊〉 upon the East window, & receive the other orders of consecration. The foundatiō stons of there air of Pauls were solemnly blessed by the Bishop, his main reason for urging of the visitation of Cambridge was, that two chappels there was not yet consecrate, notwithstanding of divine service in them for some score of years past. 3. That the Chancell and the Altar must not onely bee dedicate with prayers and unctious, but with lighted Candles, burning Incense, and many other such toyes; that it must bee divided from the Church with vailes to keep not only the bodies, but the eyes of the Laicks from beholding the arke and throne wherein the body of the Sonne of God doth sit, as in a chaire of state, that none but Priests must enter there, & that with their triple low adorations at their approaching: That it is a favor for the King or the Emperour to win near that place for the short time of his offering. Pokl alt p. 141. Was not the altar the chiefest place which with most ceremony & devotion was hallowed? was there not a feast annuall kept in joyfull remembrance of the dedication of every Church. Doth not S. Austine say, Novit sanctitas vestra fratres, corsecrationem altaris celebrareus in quo unctus vel benedictus est lapis, as he cites the place in his Sunday. Quenscoole, p. 198. In the collegiat Church of Wolverhampton in the countrey of Stafford, the altar & cloaths therof were consecrate 11. Octob. 1635. As soon as the Priests come to the Church, each of them made a low congie at their first entring in at the church door, & after that three congies a peece towards the altar, so they went unto the chancell, where a bason with water & a towel was provided for the Priests to wash in, where also was incense burning; after they returned making three 〈◊〉 a peece. After the sermon every one of them had a paper in his hand, which they tearmed a censer, & so they went up again to the altar: as they went they made 〈◊〉 congies a peece, the Communion being ended they washed their hands, and returned giving three congies as before. Ib. 220. There are divers high 〈◊〉 solemnly dedicated of late in divers 〈◊〉 of Cambridge and Oxford, adorned with tapers, candlesticks, Crucifixes, basons, crosses, rich altar-clothes, crimson cushions, rich hangings. Pokl. alt. p. 24. Optatus saith that Erant Ecclesiae ex auro & argento quam plurtma ornamenta. ib p 80. At the upper end of the Chancell was a place railed in, whereunto none were permitted to enter but the Priests. The Canon is cleare, Nulli omnium qui sit in Laicorum numeroliceat intra sacram altare ingredi. A dispensation indeed there was for the Emperor to enter inhither when he would Creatori dona afferre, but stay there he might not. Laurence, p. 10. Beyond these railes duo cancelli, which distinguished the body of the Church from the Oracle, none out of orders came. A more awfull reverence was commanded to this part being barred from common view. Ib. p 29 We have the Grecians triple prostrations from their Liturgies, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ib. p. 12. The same God is thorow all the parts of the Church, but not in the same manner thorow all the parts therof, for as they are different degrees of sanctitie in them, so is there a different dispensation of his presence in them. Ib. p. 15. This followes upon the consecration, as there was a greater communication of the divine presence in those places than in others, so was there a greater communication of the same presence in some part of the temple of Solomon than in others. And as that distinction in holy places continued after Christ, so did the reason of that distinction too. The whole indeed is the house of God, for albeit the Lord be without these wals, yet is he more within, as we are not presumed to be so much abroad as at home, though the Church conceived him to be present in all parts of this house, yet it concerved him to be present more in one part of it than another, in respect of that 〈◊〉 dispensation of his presence to that place of the Church, as of old to that place of the temple which was within the 〈◊〉 , we having an altar here answerable to a mercy 〈◊〉 there, as also in respect of that union 〈◊〉 this place and 〈◊〉 humane nature. 〈◊〉 . Star-Chamber speech, p. 47. The altar is the greatest place of Gods residence upon 〈◊〉 , I say the greatest, 〈◊〉 greater than the pulpit, for 〈◊〉 it is hoc est corpus meum, but in the pulpit is is 〈◊〉 hoc est verbum meum, and a greater reverence no doubt is due to the body than to the word, and so in 〈◊〉 answerable to the 〈◊〉 where his body is usually 〈◊〉 then to the seat whence his word uses to be proclaimed. 4. That none of the ceremonies of the popish baptism, neither their salt, their spitle, nor exsufflation are superstitious. Vide supra cap. 5. ( 〈◊〉 ) 5. That a number 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 of the Masse toyes, which yet are not in practise in England, yea all the guises of the Masse, which can be proven to be ancient are all to be embraced. 〈…〉 I was shewed a Latine determination 〈◊〉 in one of our universities 〈◊〉 to prove, that looke what ceremonies were used about the altar before the reformation by power and force of any generall custome, though past over in deep silence by our Liturgie, are notwithstanding commanded us by a kind of impli •• 〈◊〉 , even unto us, that live under the discipline of the English Liturgie. 〈◊〉 authour therein, onely leaves him as a man most able to justifie that writ. 〈◊〉 are his words, as for your Sally on the author of the latin determination, I leave him to himselfe: He is of age to do you reason in this, as well as in that other quarrell you have against him. 6. That who ever in the publick prayers hath their face toward the North, South, and West, must be publickly called upon to turne themselves ever towards the East. Vide supra, cap. 5. B. 7. That in the Church not onely in the time of prayer, but at the reading of the ten commands, all must fal on their knees, but when the creed is read all must stand upright on their feet, when the epistle commeth, all may sit downe, but when the gospell beginneth, all must again arise, during the time of sermon all must stand discovered. That to these and all such pious practises we are oblidged by the sole example of the bishops or some sew of them, even before the inacting of any Law, either of church or state. 〈◊〉 Bughen, serm. pag. 9 We 〈◊〉 not think 〈◊〉 enough that we stand at the 〈◊〉 , except wee say it also with the 〈◊◊〉 with a loud voice, nor is it enough 〈◊〉 us to stand up at the gospel, but 〈1 line〉 at the name of Jesus, not as if we were ashamed of what we did, but 〈1 line〉 , neither is it 〈◊〉 to be bare in time of divine service, 〈1 line〉 kneell on our 〈◊◊〉 commands & letanie are 〈◊〉 . Shelfoord, pag. 20. Let us learne of our Cathedrall Churches, for there our reverend Fathers, the prelats, maketheir reverence to God in this wise, both at their entry and their returne, wherefore to follow their good & holy patterne, we are to do the like, both at our comming into Gods house, and at our going out. Ib. p. 22 The fifth office of holinesse is to rise up from our seats when the articles of our faith are read, wee also doe more reverently to stand up at the reading of the Psalmes, before, after, and behind the holy Lessons. We are also to stand at the reading of the Gospel. The reason that the old Lyturgick writers gives of this superstitious standing at the Creed & Gospel more than at the reading of the lessons & Epistles is, because these Epistles among which they put the Revelation, the Pentateuch, and sundry other parts of the old restament, contains more base doctrine than the Gospel which comes behind them, as the Master comes after his servant which goes before to make way. 8. That the conscience is oblidged not only to keep religiously the greater festivities of Yule, pasch, pentecost, and the rest which are immediately referred to the honour of the Trinitie, but also a number of the festivals of the blessed Virgin, of the Saints and Angels: Those must not bee polluted with any worke or secular affaire, as wee desire to bee helped by these glorified persons intercession. Couzins devotions, they offend against the fifth command that obeyes not the precepts of the ecclesiastick Governors. The precepts of the Church are first to observe the festivals and holy dayes appointed in the Church calendar, vide supra cap. Yet Christs Sunday must bee no Sabboth; bowling, balling, and other such games may well consist with all the holinesse it hath; yea, no law of God, no ancient Canon of the Church doth discharge shearing of Corne, taking of fish, or much other husband labour upon that day; but by the contrary acts both of church & State do warrand such labour; yea, there is so great Jewish superstition in the Land about Christs Sunday, that all preachers must bee obliged in their very pulpits to proclame the new book of sports, for incouragement of the people to their gamings, when the short houre of divine service is ended, and that under no lesse paine than ejection from the Ministerie. Whits examinat. p. 118. The injunction maketh no difference betwixt Sunday and the other holy dayes concerning working in harvest, no speciall priviledge is given it more than the 〈◊〉 . For King Edwards statute repeated by Queen Elizabeth saith, It shall be law full to every husband-man, labourer, fisher-man, &c. upon the holy dayes aforesaid in harvest, or at any other time of the yeare when necessity shall require, to labour, ride, fish, or work any kind of work at their free wils and pleasure. Ib. on the Sabbath. p. 217. In the new testament we read of no prohibition concerning abstinence from secular actions upon the Lords day more than upon other dayes, Et quod non prohibetur ultro permissum est. The Catholike Church for more than 600 yeares after Christ, gave licence to many Christian people to work upon the Lords day at such houres as they were not commanded to be present at the publike service by the precept of the Church. In S. Jeroms dayes the devoutest Christians did ordinarily work upon the Lords day. In Gregory the Greats time it was reputed antichristian doctrine to make it a sin to work on the Lords day. Helenes answer, p. 111. His Majestie having published his declaration about lawfull pastimes on the Sunday, gives order to his Bishops that publication thereof be made in all their severall Diocesses, the Bishops hereupon appoint the Incumbent of every Church to read the declaration to the people, and finding opposition to the said appointment, presse them to the performance of it by vertue of that Canonicall obedience, which by their severall oaths they were bound to yeeld unto their Ordinaries; but seeing nothing but contempt upon contempt, after much patience and long suffering, some of the most perverse have been suspended, as well 〈◊〉 beneficio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for an example to the rest. 9. Pilgrimages to Saints Reliques, and bare-footed processions to their Churches are preached and printed. Vide supra caput 5. w. Those Throats which are so wide as to swallow downe all these it seemes they will not make great bones in all the other trash which in the Romish Church we challenge as superstitious.

ONe of the great causes of Protestants separation from Rome, is the tyranny of the Romish Clergie, whereby they presse upon the verie conscience of their people, a multitude of their own devices, with the most extreame and rigorous censures which can be inflicted either upon bodies or soules. And for the more facilitating of their purposes, they advance the secular power of Princes, and of all Soveraigne Estates above all, that themselves either crave or desire: alone for this end, that their Clerks may ride upon the shoulders of Soveraignty, to tread under the feet of their domination; first the Subjects, and then the Soveraignes themselves.

How much our men are behinde the greatest tyrants The tyrannous 〈◊〉 of the Canterburians, are as many and 〈◊〉 as these of the 〈◊〉 Clergie. that ever were in Rome, let any pronounce, when they have considered these their following maximes: They tell us, first, that the making of all Ecclesiastick constitutions doth belong alone to the Bishop of the Diocesse, no lesse out of Synod than in Synod: That some of the inferiour Clergy may be called (if the Bishops please) to give their advice, and deliberative voyce; That the Prince may lend his power, for confirming and executing of the constitutions made; but for the worke of their making, it is the Bishops priviledge, belonging to them alone by Divine right. Samuel Hoards Sermon, pag 7. By the Church I meane the Churches Pilots, who sit at the sterne; Heads and members divide al bodies Ecclesiasticall and civill, what ever is to bee done in matters of direction and government, hath alwayes beene, and must bee the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies, unlesse we will have all Common-wealths and Churches broken in peeces. Ibid. pag. 8. The key of jurisdiction, which is a power of binding and loosing men, in foro exteriori, in the courts of justice, and of making lawes and orders, for the government of Gods house, is peculiar to the heads and Bishops of the Church. Ibid. p. 31. What was Ignatius and Ambrose, if we look at their authoritie, more than other Bishops of the Church: That libertie therfore which they had to make new orders, when they saw 〈◊〉 , have all other Prelates in their Churches. Edward Boughanes Serm. pag. 17. Submit your selves to those that are put in authoritie by Kings, so then to Bishops, because they are put in authoritie by Kings, if they had no other claime. But blessed be God, they hold not only by this, but by an higher tenure, since all powers are of God, from him they have their spirituall jurisdiction what ever it be. S. Paul therefore you see assumes this power unto himselfe, of setting things in order in the Kirk, before any Prince become Christian, 1 Cor. 11. 34. The like power hee acknowledgeth to be in 〈◊〉 . 1. 5. and in all Bishops, Heb. 15. 17. Ibid. pag. 18. Kings make lawes, and Bishops make canons. This indeed it was of necessitie in the beginning of Christianitie, Kings made lawes for the State, and Bishops for the Kirk, because then there was no Christians Kings, either to authorize them to make such laws, or who would countenance the when they were made. But after that Kings became nourishing sathers to the Church in these pious & regular times, Bishops made no Canons, without the assent & confirmation of Christians Kings, & such are our Canons, so made, so confirmed, Chounei collect. p. 53. Reges membra 〈◊〉 & filios Ecclesiae se esse habitos, rejecisse, contempsisse non 〈◊〉 audivimus; obediunt, simulque regnant: Jura quibus gubernari se permittunt, sua sunt, vitalitatem nativam ex praepositis Ecclesiae, tanquam ex corde recipiunts & 〈◊〉 ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant. Sam. Hoards p. 9. Nor did they exercise this power, when they were in Counsell only, but when they were asunder also: speaking of Apostles as they are paterns to all Bishops. 2. That in a whole kingdome, the Bishops alone, without the privatie of any of the Clergie, of any of the Laity, may abolish all the Ecclesiasticall judicatories, which the standing and unrepealed lawes, which the constant customes, ever since the reformation had setled, and put in their roomenew forraigne Courts, which the kingdome had never knowne, scarce so much as by their name. Our Church Sessions, our weekly Presbyteries, our yearly generall Assemblies, whereof by our standing lawes we have been in possession, are close put downe by our book of Canons, and in their roome Church-Wardens, officiall Courts, Synods for Episcopall visitation, and generall Assemblies to bee called when they will, to be constitute of what members they please to name, are put in their place. That at one stroke they may annull all the Acts of three or fourescore Nationall Assemblies, and set up in their roome a Book of Canons of their owne devising. So is their booke entituled, Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall ga hered, and put in forme, for the government of the Church of Scotland, and ordained to bee observed by the Clergie, and all others whom they concerne. That they may abolish all the formes used in the worship of God, without any question for threescore yeeres and above, both in the publicke prayers, in the administration of the Sacraments, in singing of Psalmes, in preaching the Word, in celebrating of marriage, in visiting the sicke, and in ordination of Ministers: neither this alone, but that it is in their hand to impose in place of these accustomed formes, foure new Bookes of their owne; of Service, of Psalmes, of Ordination, of Homilies. All this our Bishops in Scotland have done, and to this day, not any of them to our knowledge can bee moved to confesse in that deed, any faile against the rules either of equity or justice, what ever slips of imprudence there may bee therein. And all this they have done at my Lord of Canterburies direction, as we shall make good by his owne hand, if ever we shall bee so happy as to be permitted to produce his owne authentick autographs, before the Parliament of England, or any other Judicatorie that his Majestie will command to cognosce upon this our allegeance. Readily Rome it selfe cannot be able in any one age to parallell this work which our faction did bring forth in one yeare. It is a bundle of so many, so various, and so heavie acts of tyrannie. Certainly, England was never acquaint with the like; we see what great trouble it hath cost his Grace, to get thorow there one poore Ceremonie of setting the Communion Table Altar wayes; for there themselves dare not denie, that it is repugnant to the established Lawes of their Church and state for any Bishop; yea, for all the Bishops being joyned, to make the poorest Canon without the voyces of their Convocation house, or nationall Assembly; yea, without the Parliaments good pleasure. Whites Examination of the dialogue, pag. 22. By the Lawes of our Kingdome, & Canons of our Church, many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto Bishops, & in our nationall Synods, in which al weightie matters concerning religion are determined, nothing is, or may be concluded, but by the common vote and counsell of the major part of the convocation which consisteth of many other learned Divines, besides Bishops. Andrews Sermon of Trumpets, dedicated to the King by Canterburie. As for the Churches Lawes, which we call Canons or rules, made to restraine or redresse abuses, they have alwayes been made at Church Assemblies, and in her owne Councels, not elsewhere. Heylens antid. pag 29. I trow you are not ignorant that the Kirk makes Canons, it is the work of 〈◊〉 men in their Convocations, having his Majesties leave for their conveening, and approbation of their doings. His Majestie in the Declaration before the articles hath resolved it so, and the late practice in King James his raigne, what time the book of Canons was composed in the Convocation, hath declared it so too. 3. They avow that all their injunctions though so many and so new, yet they are so holy and so just, that the whole kingdome in conscience mustembrace them all as the commands of God. Whites Examination, pag. 20. telleth us as it were from Eusebius, Quicquid in Sanctis Episcoporum 〈◊〉 decernitur, id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui. And from Bernard, Sive Deus, five homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit, pari profectò obsequendum est oura, pari reverentia suscipiendum: ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecepit homo. That whoever will be so peart as to affirme in any one of them, the least contrariety to the Word of God, he must have no lesse censure then the great excommunication, from which he must never be relaxed but by the Bishops own mouth, after his publick repentance and revocation of so vile an errour. Book of Canons, pag. 8. Whosoever shall hereafter affirm, that the forme of worship contained in the booke of Common Prayer, that the rites and ceremonies of the Church, that the government of the Church by Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and others, that the forme of consecrating Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, as they are now established under his Majesties authoritie, doe containe in them any thing repugnant to the Scriptures, or are corrupt, superstitious, or unlawfull in the service and worship of God, let him bee excommunicate, and not restored, but by the Bishop of the place, or Arch-Bishop of the Province, after his repentance, and publike revocation of such his wicked errours. That his bodily and pecuniall penaltie shall be at the free-will and discretion of the Bishop. Book of Canons, pa. 37. In all this book of Canons, wheresoever there is no penaltie 〈◊〉 set downe, it is to bee understood, that, 〈◊〉 the crime or offence be proved, the punishment shall bee arbitrary, as the Ordinary shall think fittest. That the worthiest men of any liberall profession get favour to lose but their eares, to have their nosesslit, and cheeks burnt for contradicting their innovations. Canterhuries Starre Chamber speech in his 〈◊〉 to the King, I shall rather magnifie your elemencie, that proceeded with those offenders, Burton, Bastwick, Prinne, in a Court of Mercie, as well as Justice; since as the reverend Judges then declared, yee might have justly called the offenders into another Court; and put them to it in a way that might have exacted their lives. That the furthest banishments for tearme of life, is a priviledge which their indulgence may grant but to few. The world 〈◊〉 , that numbers who have beene flying from Episcopall tyrannie out of England, to the very new found lands, never to returne, have been by violence kept back, and cast in their prisons: and we see daily, that numbers not onely of men, but even of silly women are drawne back in Ireland from their flight out of the Kingdome, to close prisons. That the vilest dungeons, irons, whippings, bread and water, chaining to posts without all company, day or night in the coldest and longest winters, is but a part of their opposers deserving. Huntly in his Breviate reports, as a known case among many other, this one also, that M. John Hayden, a poor Devonshire Minister, for preaching at Norwich a Sermon, wherin he let fall some passages against setting up of images, and bowing at the name of Jesus, was apprehended like a Traytour, with the Constables bils and halberds by D. Harsnet then Bishop, and brought manacled to him like a Felon, and committed to the common Jayle close prisoner, above thirteene weeks, where he was like to starve; the Bishop having taken from him his horse, papers, and all, thereafter he was sent by a Pursevant to London, and kept two full Terms. At last, by the high Commission he was deprived of his orders, therafter the high Commissioners imprisoned him in the Gate house common dungeon, & Canterbury sent him to be whipt to Bridewell, and there kept him all the long extreme cold winter in a dark cold dungeon, without fire or candle-light, chained to a post in the midst of the roome, with heavie 〈◊〉 on his hands and feet, allowing him onely bread and water, with a pad of straw to lye on: And since on his reliefe hath caused him to take an 〈◊〉 , and give band to preach no more, and to depart the Kingdome within three weeks, without returning; and all this for preaching after his first unjust deprivation, though 〈◊〉 exception was taken against his doctrine. Thu much in the Breviate is printed of Hayden: if the man be roguish, as some indeed say he is, I am utterly ignorant of his manners: but hereof no man is ignorant, that the Episcopall censures lets slip in men who loves their cause, manners of the most vile villains, as appears well this day in many a black be presented to the Committee of Parliament for scandalous Ministers: also that the cruelty of Bishops hath crusht to the verie death, with povertie, banishment, cold and famine in prisons, many whose lives were never spotted with the allegeance of any crime, but opposition to their ungratious Lordships; the Remonstrants can make it appeare by too too many examples. That the greatest Nobles of the Land, ought in Law to forfeit their Life and Estate, if they be so bold as to put their hand to a supplication unto their gratious Prince against their practices. Sundry of our prime Earles and Lords did present a supplication to our King, after his Coronation, wherein the matter of their greatest complaint was, so far as ever wee heard, their challenging of the Bishops for what they had done, and were likely to doe. The double of this privie supplication being privily convoyed by an unfriend, some two or three yeares thereafter, out of my Lord Balmerinochs chamber, was a ditty for which he was condemned to dye, for an example to all other Noble Men to beware of the like rashnesse, especially his Fellow-supplicants, who are all declared to have deserved by that fault the same sentence of death. Large Declaration, pag. 14. Nor could they have found the least blemish in our justice, if we should have given warrant both 〈◊〉 his sentence and execution, whose life was now legally devolved into our hands. Ibid. p. 13. We were graciously pleased, that the feare and example might reach to all, but the punishment only to one of them, to passe by many, who undoubtedly had been concluded, and involved by our Lawes in the same sentence, if we had proceeded against them. That all this is but just severity, and the very expedient meane to advance their cause, which they glory hath well neere already close undone their opposites, Studley about the end of his wicked story avowes, that since by severe punishment the number of the unconformists have decayed, that their cause cannot be from God and which they boast shall still bee used. Canterburie in his Epistle to the King before the Star-Chamber speech, having magnified the Kings mercie, for saving the life of Burton and his companions, is bold to advise the King not alwayes to be so mercifull, in these words, Yet this I shall be bold to say, that your Majestie may consider of it in your wisdome, that one way of government is not alwayes either fit or safe, when the humours of the people are in a continuall change, especially when such men as those shall work upon your people, and labour to infuse into them such malignant principles, to introduce a paritie in the Church or Common-wealth. 〈◊〉 non satis sua sponte 〈◊〉 instigare. Heylen in his moderate answer, pag. 187. 〈◊〉 many reasons and examples, to prove that Bourton and his like deserved no lesse than publike execution: And yet these men are so gentle to Papists, that they glorie in their meeknesse towards them, professing that to the bitterest of the Jesuites they have never given so much as a course word. So Canterburie in his Epistle the other yeare to the King, before the relation of the conference, God forbid that I should ever offer to perswade a persecution in any kind against the Jesuites, or practise it in the least, for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as 〈◊〉 language. But alas it is gone now beyond boasts, when they are the second time upon the very poynt to kill millions of the Kings best Subjects, to dash together all his dominions in a bloody warre, as pitchers one upon another, for the confirmation of their intollerable tyranny, where long it hath beene tottering, and the reerection of it where its owne unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall.

As for the power of Princes, the most of those King Charles hates all tyranny. this day who are Christians, and especially our gracious Soveraigne, are very well content to bee limited within the bounds of the lawes which themselves and their predecessors have setled in the Church and State of their dominions, to make the preservation of those Lawes and of their subjects liberties Ecclesiastick and Civill, according to them, the greatest glory of their prerogative Royall. His Majesties speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The peoples liberties strengthen the Kings prerogative, and the Kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties. To give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old, or bring in any new act, either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments. Proclamation at York, April 25. 1639. We heartily declare and faithfully promise, that although wee bee now in armes, they shall be no wayes used either to force upon that our native Kingdome any innovation of religion, or to infringe any of the civill liberties, or the lawes thereof, accounting it our glorie to preserve libertie and freedome among them, according to their Lawes. Therefore wee 〈◊〉 once againe by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of Religion and Lawes, and this we doe in all sinceritie of heart, we take God the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse, that as we are Defenders of the true Protestant Religion, which we from our heart professe; so we trust, we shall by his goodnesse continue in the same, and never shall permit any innovation to 〈◊〉 in this, or any other of our Kingdomes. One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this: We are further graciously pleased, that according to the Petitioners humble 〈◊〉 , all matters Ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church, and matters 〈◊〉 by the Parliament, and other inferiour Judicatories established by Law, which accordingly shall be kept once a yeare, or so oft as the affaires of the Church and Kingdome shall require. Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their Commissioners in Parliament, Cant. relat. p. 112. In some Kingdomes there are divers 〈◊〉 of greatest consequence, which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered, but in and by Parliament; and particularly the Statute Lawes, which must bind all the Subjects, cannot bee made or ratified but there, the supreme Magistrate in the civill State may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament, thogh hee may cispense with the penaltie of the Law quoad hic & nunc. the extending of the prerogative to the making of new lawes, or abolishing of old, to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament, our Prince doth so farre abhorre, that he condemned a certaine writ for importing his Majesties entertainment of such motions; yea, his Majestie by his Attourney generall called the Earle of Bedford and other noble personages to censure, for keeping such a writ wherein did lye so pernicious positions. The which seditious discourse and writing, the authors therof intended should bee dispersed, as if the same had beene entertained by your 〈◊〉 , with purpose to put it in execution, and to alter the ancient Laws of this Kingdom, and to draw all things to your Majesties absolute will and pleasure, and to dispose of your Subjects goods without their consent, and to make and repeale Lawes by your Majesties Proclamation only, without consent of Parliament, which if it should be beleeved by your people, could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them, the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesties person, and to the whole frame of the Kingdome. Where some Princes misled through passion and mis-information have deviat so far from the path of justice, as to intend by violence and armes the overthrow of the true religion and ancient liberties of their subjects, the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince, our gracious Soveraigne hath been so farre ever from counting of it rebellion, of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont alway to absolve it, Bilson of Subjection, p. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be Rebels: Cases may fall out even in Christian Kingdomes, where people may plead their right against the Prince, and not be charged with rebellion: As for example, if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdome to a forraine Realme, or change the forme of the Common-Wealth from Emperie to Tyranny, or neglect the Lawes established by common consent of Prince and people, to execute his owne pleasure; in those and other cases which might be named, if the Nobles and Commons joyne 〈◊〉 , to defend their ancient and accustomed libertie, regiment, and lawes, they may not well be counted Rebels. Ib. By superiour powers ordained of God, we do not meane the Princes private will against his lawes, but his precepts derived from his lawes, and agreeing with his lawes; which though it be wicked, yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence; but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force, and despise all lawes to practise their lusts, not any private man may take the sword to redresse the Prince; but if the lawes of the land appoint the Nobles, as next to the King, to assist him in doing right, and withhold him 〈◊〉 doing wrong, then bee they licenced by mans law, & so not prohibited by Gods Law for to interposethemselves for the safeguard of equitie and innocencie, and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the Prince to bee reformed, but in no case to deprive him where the Scepter is inherited. Ibid. pag. 94. Spoiles, massacres, conspiracies, treasons, even to the destruction and murther of Princes by their owne servants, if a Priest say the word, you count in your selves to bee just, honourable, and godly war: if others do but 〈◊〉 on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies, seeking to put whole townes and provinces to the sword, against all law and reason, and to disturb Kingdomes in the minoritie of the right Governours, or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties, covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves, and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded. If in either of these two cases the Godly require their right, and offer no wrong, neither impugne their Princes, but onely save their owne lives, you crie rebellious Hereticks, rebellious Calvinists, surie, frenzie, mutinie, and I know not what, yee may pursue, depose, murther Princes when the B. of Rome bids you, and that without breach of duty, law, or conscience to God or man; as you vant. And that when neither life nor limme of you is touched, we may not so much as beseech Princes that we may be used like subjects, not like slaves, like men, not like beasts, that we may be convented by lawes before Judges, not murthered by Inquisitors in corners, but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise. that his Majestie hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father, and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth, to give his countenance, aid, and powerfull assistance to them all, when their just grievances and feares were laid out before his Throne. If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars in France of the protestants against their king, the present wars of Holland, and of the high Dutches against the Spaniard and Emperour an unlawfull defence, let be a trayterous insurrection of Subjects against their Soveraignes; Weepresuppone his Majesties justice would have beene loath ever to have defiled his Scepter by supporting them all with men and moneyes, as oft he hath done, and yet doth avow the deed.

While our gracious prince is so farre inflamed with The Canterburians flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take: And 〈◊〉 him without advice of the Clergy, to doe in the Church what he pleaseth. hatred against all tyranny, yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they goe about by all the meanes they can, to draw his royall mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhorre: For they tell us first, that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate, that for any man to reason what they may not, is a crime no lesse than treason; that they are far above all Law. H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer, p. 28. What spirit leads you that you are 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Power, which men of better understanding than you, have given to Princes. Ib. p. 32. Princes are Gods deputes, of whom should they be limited? if ye say by the Laws of the land, those themselves have made, a prince in 〈◊◊〉 is above the lawes, though in concreto, a just prince will not breake the lawes which himselfe hath promised to observe, otherwise wee say of princes: Principi lex non est posita, that they doe not governe onely by the 〈◊〉 , but are above it, that he is sure and hath an absolute authority. Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 . I will be bold to tell you that as it is a kind of Atheisme to dispute pro & contra, what God can doe, and what he cannot, though such disputes are raised sometimes by unquiet 〈◊〉 ; so it is a 〈◊〉 of disobedience and disloyalty to determine what a King can, and what he cannot. 〈◊〉 p. 3. Hence it is, that princes being Legislators are above their Laws, and dispence with them as they thinke expedient. A prince is not bound to his owne Lawes, because no man can impose a law upon himselfe. Aberdeen duplyes p. 22. The King is above the Law as both the author and giver of strength thereto. 2. That the Oath which a Prince makes to keepe the Lawes is but a personall deed, which cannot oblige his successor, that his Oath and promise at his Coronation to keepe the Lawes, is to be exponed of his resolution to make his lawes to be keeped by others: That all the oathes and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his meere free-will and arbitrement, that by them all no true covenant or paction can bee inferred betwixt the King and his subjects. Dominus Joannes Wemius de Craigtoun, a man advanced by our Bishops to be a Lord both of Councell and Session in his booke de primatu Regis printed at Edinburgh 1623. And going among them to this day with applause p. 18. Sed quid si princeps leges statuat adhibito etiam jurisjurandi sacramento, velin sua inauguratione promittat, se leges non 〈◊〉 absque populi ordinumque non modo consilio, sedetiam consensu ac determinante sententia, fiquidem non suerit haec in prima regni constitutione conditio & 〈◊◊〉 ac 〈◊〉 regni 〈◊〉 non sit (quo casu dicerem non proprie esse regnum, sed 〈◊〉 ocratiam, vel democratiam) sed post regni constitutionem pactum 〈◊〉 sit Regis 〈◊◊〉 , etiam si forsan pollicentem 〈◊〉 obliget, quoniam praestanda est fides data 〈◊〉 sine fide licet, non fine 〈◊〉 regnet: successores tamen in regno quomodo constringet vix intell gimus, 〈◊〉 si 〈◊〉 a quoque sit ut ait 〈◊〉 , & 〈◊〉 omn is ea pactio quae inter patrem & filium, maritum & 〈◊〉 . dominum & 〈◊〉 regem & 〈◊〉 celebratur, quod 〈◊◊〉 hos audientes esse. lb. p. 39. Audemus dicere in 〈◊◊〉 supra leges esse 〈◊◊◊〉 , nemo enim fibi Legislator, virdex aut 〈◊〉 , d stinctio non probanda principem quoad vim legum 〈◊◊〉 coactivam legibus subditum esse, non enim mag is dirigere quam cogere seipsum 〈◊〉 quis, 〈◊〉 actio omnis sit inter agens & patiens. lb. 41. Si 〈◊〉 suas se observaturum 〈◊〉 obligaverit princeps, quod raroaut nunquam fit, eriamsi soleat princeps quisque legum suarum observationem hoc sensu promittere, id est, 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 observentur se effecturum, ad earum observationem teneri eum 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 religion is potius quam justitiae legalis observatione. 3. That the prince alone is the Law-giver, both in Church and State. 〈◊〉 Wemius, p. 26. Legum latio pr 〈◊〉 est supremae dominationis ac majestat is caput. lb. p 74. Legum ecclesiasticarum principes latores sunt, nec differunt à civilibus ecclesiastica ratione causae efficient is. 4. That in matters Ecclesiasticall they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergie may lawfully make what Canons they please, and compell their Clergie to embrace them. Iohannes Wemius, p. 59. Potestatem in ecclesiasticis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 posse a principibus jure suo extra concilia exerceri decent, quas ita tulerunt leges 〈◊〉 atque 〈◊〉 Regis legibus ecclesiasticis quae legi divinae non repugnant, nequit quis bona cum conscientia obedientiam detrectare, quam vis non 〈◊〉 ad 〈◊〉 constitutionem Pastorum Ecclesiae corsensus. Ib. p. 93. Etiamfi extra concilia jubendi autoritatem habeat Princeps, tamen libentius obsequuntur 〈◊〉 principum statut is, quibus past orum in conciliis honorantur judicia. 5. That it is a part of the Kings prerogative to have power to impose upon all his Subjects such Confessions of Faith, such Liturgies, such Canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any Church Assembly. Large Declaration, p. 222. Did not we and our Councell by equall authoritie command these innovations of Canons and Liturgie? Was not then the Prelates practice of them as well warranted as this confession of faith, and the band annexed, which were never brought in by Acts of Parliament, or Assembly; but meerely by our royall Fathers 〈◊〉 , and put in execution by the authoritie of his Councell? 6. When it is his pleasure to call an Assembly, the members of that Ecclesiastick Court are onely such as hee is pleased to call, whether of the Clergie or of the Laity. Iohannes Wemius, pag. 66. Laicos saepè a principilius advocatos in Concilia videre est; quibus non modo consultivam, sed & difinitiv im 〈◊〉 permitterent. Iste fuit electionis mittendorum ad Conciliae modus, ut 〈◊〉 praesulibus quos 〈◊〉 mittendi liberam plerumque potestatem permitteret princeps, quod illis exploratius quam sibi esset qui ad eam 〈◊〉 aptiores: Non quod princ pi penitus neganda sit, quod autumant nonnulli, particular is personarum quae 〈◊〉 eum Leges Ecclesiasticas laturum adjuvent designatio. 〈◊〉 ud enim esset principum juri detrahere. Ex singulis 〈◊〉 moderatus 〈◊〉 numerus eruditorum ac prudentiorum Presbyterorum, Diaconorum, & Laicorum a Principe aut Metropolita Principis delegato 〈◊〉 . 7. That when they are called onely the Princes voyce is decisive, the voyce of all the rest at most but consultive, or if any of them become decisive, it is by the Princes favour, or at least permission. Iohannes Wemius, p. 89. 〈◊〉 habent vocem Pasto 〈◊〉 tanqu im juris divini consulti, desinitivam princeps ut judex; dante illis consilii, his judicii potestatem legislatore Deo, penes quem solum summa in spiritualibus imperii residet. lb. p. 70. Vocem habere qui congregartur Presbyteros non qua Presbyteri, 〈◊〉 qua ecclesiarū sunt legati a principe vocati. Ibid. pag. 74. Definitiva 〈◊〉 dictio corum est, qui a principe summo moderatore cos corsulente, vocemque 〈◊〉 dante vocantur. lb. Asserimus non agitata in conciliis fuisse saltem quae majoris momenti essent negotia, nisi quaterus ca princeps per legatos proponeret, aut patribus descripta 〈◊〉 . 8. That Church Assemblies are onely politick Conventions, not grounded upon any Divine right, and so to bee used, or disused as the prince shall thinke expedient. Iohannes Wemius, p. 126. 〈◊〉 in Scriptura mandato 〈◊〉 concilia celebrandi mos; sed a principibus 〈◊〉 curam 〈◊〉 bus, & cum non essent principes, a pastoribus ipsis volentibus ortum habuit. 9. That it is in the power of all Soveraignes, whether Monarchick, Aristocratick, or Democratick, to appoynt for the government of the Church in their dominions such Officers and Spirituall Courts, as they finde most meet, and agreeable to their temporall estates, to erect Bishops, and put downe Presbyteries, to erect Presbyteries, and put downe Bishops. Iohannes Wemius, p. 78. & 79. Officiorum Ecclesiae modus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 est, & a principe pastores Ecclesiae non corsulente 〈◊〉 posse affirmamus, 〈◊〉 cum serenissimo nostro 〈◊〉 sammis quibusque imperitantibus concessum esse externam in ecclesiasticis regiminis formam suis pra scribere, quae ad civilis administrationis modum quam proxime accedat, dummodo a fide veraeque religionis fundamentis ne tantillum abscedat. 10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastick affaire which can bee subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiasticall Synod doth belong alike to all Soveraignes, whether Turkish, Iewish, Pagan, Hereticall, or Christian and Orthodox. Iohannes Wemius, p 124. 〈◊〉 confertur 〈◊〉 jurisdictionis potest as per regium quod a Deo habet 〈◊◊〉 Regi tantum Christiano aptitudo eâ recte utendi Christi gratia donetur. Tametsi primatus 〈◊〉 administret Rex 〈◊〉 : Primatus tamen jus, officii seu vecatioris, 〈◊〉 facultatis aut exercitii ratione Rex obtinet. Quae Regi supervenit gratia regiam in 〈◊◊◊〉 , non facit potestatem, non 〈◊〉 , nec expellit gratiae internae, nedum professionis externae defectus.

Concerning the Kings power in matter of State, They give to the 〈◊〉 power to do in the State what ever he will, 〈◊〉 the advice of his parliament. they teach first, that a Parliament is but his arbitrarie Councell, which in making or annulling of his Lawes hee may use or not use as hee pleaseth. 〈◊〉 Wemius, page 17. 〈◊◊〉 putandum est, quia solet 〈◊〉 ex modesta & prudenti virium suarum dissidentia non nisi de or dinum 〈◊〉 leges ferre, absolutam ideo ei imponiejusque successoribus necessitatem illorum 〈◊〉 corsersus, ac si nullo modo 〈◊〉 perse, sine corundē 〈◊〉 , bonas edere 〈◊◊〉 , quibus qua quaeso conscientia non parebunt omnes, 〈◊〉 pag. 19. In Monarchia 〈◊◊〉 voluntas de substantialegis est: praevia cum populo 〈◊◊〉 , & si utilis imò 〈◊〉 sit, 〈◊〉 tamen non est. 〈◊〉 cum imperatore 〈◊◊〉 dicendum videtur; explosis ridiculosis ambiguitatibus, verum conditorem & interpretem legum esse solum 〈◊〉 , & ligem legislatoris, non 〈◊〉 , non ex vi con sensus & 〈◊〉 , sed ex regia 〈◊〉 viobligantem. 〈◊〉 . pag. 8. Non 〈◊〉 Juristarum 〈◊〉 , qui 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ron obligare legem nisi à 〈◊〉 acceptetur, cum mon 〈◊〉 fit legislator, & lex 〈◊〉 qua lex obliget, 〈◊〉 ut ad eam 〈◊〉 , dam, cogendi fint 〈◊〉 post legis à 〈◊◊〉 publicationem, temporisque quoad populi notitiam 〈◊〉 sufficientis lapsum, potest 〈◊◊◊〉 publica legis observatio praecise ingeri Heylens 〈◊〉 . p. 66. The declaration of his 〈◊〉 pleasure in the case of S. Gregorie is to bee extended to 〈◊〉 other cases of the same nature. It is a maxime in the civill law, Sententia Principis, jus dubium declarans, jus sacit quoad omnes. Item Quodcunque imperator per 〈◊〉 constituit, vel 〈◊〉 decrevit, legem esse constat. Id in his moderate answer pag. 29. Onely these commands of the King are to be refused, which are directly against Scripture, or include marifest impiety. He learned this from his opposite the Lincolneshire Minister, pag. 68. I say that al commands of the King that are not upon the clear and immediate inference without all prosyllogismes, contrary to acleare passage of the word of God, or to an evident Sun-beame of the law of nature, are precisely to bee obeyed; nor is it enough to finde a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue. 2. When hee is pleased to call a Parliament, it is his due right by his letter to ordaine such Barons to be Commissioners for the Shires, and such Citizens to bee Commissioners for Burrowes as hee shall bee pleased to name. 〈◊〉 Wemius page 23. 〈◊〉 ut & civium ad Comitia delegatos, non ita absolutè à Baronum vel Civium 〈◊〉 pendere volumus, ut non possit Rex, quos 〈◊〉 maxime idoneos censuerit eligendos 〈◊〉 , praesertim 〈◊〉 pro legibus ferendis 〈◊〉 quae administrationis 〈◊〉 publicae statuendis 〈◊◊〉 sunt, in quibus liberum denegare regi 〈◊〉 quos 〈◊◊〉 quibuscum deliberet sibi in 〈◊◊〉 , esset ex Rege non 〈◊◊◊〉 , statuumque voluntati ad Regiae depressionem eminentiae nimis 〈◊〉 . 3. That hee may lawsully exact when he hath to doe what portion of his subjects goods hee thinks meet, and by himselfe alone, may make such Lawes for exactions in times to come, as seemes to him best. Joannes Wemius page 19 Omnia fatemur 〈◊〉 in regno sunt regis esse, quarex est, 〈◊〉 est, qua 〈◊〉 regui dominus, adeoque qua 〈◊〉 ipsius qua rex est, aut publica regni conditio, posse regem de 〈◊〉 bonis disponere, praesertim ubi omnes in regno terrae in feuda concessae fuerint à rege, aliquod penes se dominium retinente. Id. p. 17. Licet non de jure omnium bona exigendo, tamen dejure in omnes leges ferendo, sine omnium consenso statuere potest. Montag. orig. p. 320 Omni lege, divina, naturali, nationali, vel politica licite semper reges & principes suis subditu tributa & 〈◊〉 , & licitè quoque exegerunt, cum ad patriae, & reipublicae defensionem, tum ad ipsorum & familiae honest amprocurationem. Hanc doctrinam accurate tuetur ecclesia 〈◊◊〉 in qua sacerdotes licet magis gaudere & soleant, & debeant, immunitatibus tamen & frequentius, & exuberantius, & libentius, quam 〈◊〉 dec marum decimas, subsid a, annatas primitias 〈◊〉 . 4. That no subject of his Kingdome can have any hereditarie jurisdiction, but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobilitie, or any other Magistrate or Officer possesseth, they have it alone during his pleasure; that at his presence, the power of all others must cease, and at his death evanish, and be quite extinguished, till by his successors by new gift it bee renewed. Joannes Wemius, page 136. Cum regis sit insuo regno judices, & Magistratus constituere, qui ipsius sint in judicando, & jubendo vicarii, potest rex 〈◊〉 judicandique jus ac Mag stratus judicesque constituendt potestatem 〈◊◊〉 prout regno utile esse visum ei fuerit abutent 〈◊〉 us auferre, & nulla 〈◊〉 est sub Rege patr monialis & haereditaria jur sdictio, Rege solo jurisdictionem tanquim propriam habente, aliisque quibus eam non dat, sed communicat, tanquam depositam 〈◊〉 . Igitur non ut terras, ita & jurisdictionem simpliciter, & ut loquuntur privative, Rex alienare potest, nisi Rex esse 〈◊〉 . Ibid. page 157. Siiudices sint principum vicarii, 〈◊〉 est eorum principe praesente potest as, cum solius absentis teneat 〈◊◊〉 & si quae est alicubi, & 〈◊◊〉 , ron nisi jus est, judicium regium volente Rege declarandi; ut ita ex jud 〈◊〉 ore proferatur Regis sententia. Ibid. page 17. In 〈◊◊〉 non tam 〈◊◊〉 psis quam ass stent bus imperium exercet Rex, quandoquidem praesente 〈◊◊〉 , 〈◊◊〉 omnium 〈◊〉 derivata, ut fluviorum 〈◊〉 nomen & potestas, cum in mare 〈◊〉 Ibid. pag. 143. Principis occasu 〈◊◊◊〉 omnium tam 〈◊◊〉 quam delagatorum jus. Negari non potest tam apud Romanos quam altos in usu suisse, ut qui in demortuorum succederent locum reges, 〈◊〉 regnorum guberracula capesserent, 〈◊〉 iudicumque 〈◊◊〉 , ut ostenderetur 〈◊〉 regibus nullam esse inferiorum authoritatem, 〈◊◊◊◊〉 , 〈◊◊〉 tacitè 〈◊〉 . 5. That Scotland is a subdued Nation, that Fergus our first King did conquer us by the sword, and establish an absolute Monarchie for himselfe and his heires, giving to us what Lawes he thought meetest. Corbet, p. 45. There was no law in the Kingdome of Scotland before 〈◊〉 gave it: for 〈◊〉 Fergus his 〈◊〉 wee were 〈◊〉 hominum agreste, sine legibus, 〈◊〉 imperio. Hee and his Successors gave lawes. ibid. 〈◊◊〉 did conquer us. 6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the Kings propertie, and what thereof hath beene given out for service, yet remaines his owne by a manifold right. Corbet, p. 25. Fergus & his Successours divided the whole land which was their owne, and distinguished the orders of men, & did establish a 〈◊〉 t: This is cleare ex 〈◊〉 regiis, ubi satis constal regem esse dominum omnium 〈◊〉 directum, omnes subditos esse ejus vassallos, qui latifundia sua ipsi domino referant accepta, sui 〈◊〉 obsequii, & servitii praemia. 7. That to denie any of the named parts of this power to the King, is to destroy his Monarchike government, to dethrone him and make him no King, to subject him to his people, and make them his Masters, or at least Collegues in the Empire. Ioannes Wemius, p. 18. Quo casu dicerem nonpreprie esse regnum, sed ar stocratiam vel democratiam. Ibid. p. 23. Hoc esset ex rege non regem cum facere. Ibid. p. 38. Quodsi alicubi non habeat rex potestatem leges ferendi, nisi ex 〈◊〉 comitiis consensu, & sic fundamentaliter limitata, proprie Rex non est, ac non tam acceptans est populus quam cum Rege, 〈◊〉 collega legem ferens. Ibid. p. 53. Non est imperium illud vere 〈◊〉 , sed principatus quidam, & imperans ille, non Monarcha aut. Rex, sed tantum Princeps, & ut Venetorum Dux residente in opt matibus, aut populo 〈◊〉 summa. But thankes be to God that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himselfe to bee farre from all such thoughts; yea, that my Lord of Canterburie himselfe, is forced whiles to let drop from his fingers cleane contrarie maximes. Relat. of the Conference, pag. The Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects, cannot be made but in, and by Parliament: the supreme Magistrate in the civill state, may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament. Ibid. pag. 158. Tiberius himselfe, in the cause of Silanus, when Dolabella would have flattered him into more power than in wisdome he thought 〈◊〉 then to take to himselfe, he put him off thus: No, the Lawes grow lesse when such power enlargeth, nor is absolute power to bee used, where there may be an orderly proceeding by Law.

Lastly, they teach us in the matter of resistance, In no imaginable case, 〈◊〉 wil have Tyrants resisted. first, that doe the Prince what hee will, he may never be resisted by any or all his Subjects, that not onely a private man must give over all defence, though most innocent of his owne life against the prince his unjust violence; Ioannes Wemius, pag. 21. Teneri videtur subditus seipsum fame 〈◊〉 , ut principem salvaret, propter conservationem boni publici. singulis adempta est adversus principem quae naturalis dicitur iuris defensio, scu iniuriae depulsio. but the whole State can doe nought without rebellion against GOD, but flee or suffer, when the prince, whether by himselfe or his Officers doth destroy the true religion established by all Lawes, and the liberties of the Land, deare bought of old, and peaceably brooked in many ages, also the lives of many thousands of the best Subjects, without the pretence or colour of any just cause. Canterb, relat. p. 205. Where the foundations of the faith are shaken by Princes, there there ought to be prayer and patience, but no opposition by force. Aberdeens Duplys, pag. 25. The way for all Christian Subiects to conquer Tyrants, and the remedy provided in the New Testament against all persecutions, is not to resist powers which God hath ordained, lest we be damned, but with all 〈◊〉 to suffer that we may be crowned. It is evident by Scripture, that it is unlawfull for Subiects in a Monarchicall estate, to take armes for religion, or for any other pretence, without warrant from the Prince. The renow ned Thebaean Legion of 6666 Christian Souldiers, without making resistance as they had strength to have done, suffered themselves rather to be slaine for their Christian profession by the Officers of Maximinian, the Emperours executors of his cruell commandements against them. Corbet, p. 42. For your examples from reformed Churches, since we live not by examples but by 〈◊〉 , I will not stand upon them, from facts to prove the lawfulnesse of resisting is ridiculous; none of those by resisting, gained so much as by suffering, as experience too late doth thew. Againe, that all this subjection must be used, not onely to our native King, but to any forraine usurper who can get footing among us, and it were the Kings of Spaine, as their predecessors the hereticall Gothish Kings got footing in the Roman Empire. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pag 29. Such was the doctrine and practice of many other great lights, which shined in the 〈◊〉 of Iulian the Apostate, and in the dayes of the Arrian 〈◊〉 , and Gothick Arrian Kings. That even against them, the States of a Land with a good conscience could use no defence, though before their eyes, they should see them execute the cruell tyrannies of Nebuchadnezzar, put out the eyes of the King, kill 〈◊〉 Children, lead himselfe and his Nobles away to a far land in fetters: Though with Nero, Corbet, pag. 26. Qui 〈◊〉 , Caio 〈◊〉 , qui Augusto, ipse & 〈◊〉 , qui 〈◊〉 , vel patri, vel filio, 〈◊◊◊〉 ; & ne per 〈◊〉 ire 〈◊◊〉 , qui Constantino Christiano, ipse & apostatae Iuliano. Ibid. pag. 36. If the Iewes in the dayes of Assuerus had beene of this new Scottish humour, when an utter extirpation was intended by Haman, both of themselves and theirreligion, they would have taken armes: but their prayers and teares were their defence in their greatest 〈◊〉 . for their mere pleasure they should set the royallcitie in a faire fire, or execute the plot of 〈◊〉 by murthering all the seed of the Iewes, all zealous protestants up and downe the land in one day. Such maximes exceedingly opposite to the honour of God, the safetie of the Kings person and Crowne, the welfare of the people, these men cause to bee printed and let them goe athort without any censure at these times, when by royall decreets, they have pulled into their hands the full commandement of all the presses, and the absolute jurisdiction over all the Book-sellers shops in the Kingdome, and 〈◊〉 frequently theirzeale against any bookes that give but the least touch to their mitres, by inflicting no lesse censure than fire upon the books, pilloring and nose-slitting on the Authors, and whipping thorow the streets on the carriers.

All these extraordinarie prerogatives, whereby What they give to Kings, is not for any respect they have to Maiestie, but for their owne ambitious and 〈◊〉 ends. the faction advanceth supreme Magistrates so neere unto God, and their favourites so far above the skies, Ioannes We 〈◊〉 in his preface to the Duke of Buckingham, Reges in 〈◊〉 sortem transcripti, cute & 〈◊〉 tenus homines, reipsa boni genii censendi sunt, in quos ut bumanos Ioves divini honoris 〈◊〉 pene & consortes, oculos animosque nostros desigi convenit. Tu Heros nobilissime coruscas, velut inter ignes Luna minores, quem in 〈◊〉 augustioris gloriae 〈◊〉 divina prorsus virgula constitutum nemo potest dissiteri. seeme to flow not from any love they carrie either to their crowns or the royall heads that beare them, but meerely out of their selfe-respect to their owne ambition and greed, that Soveraignty being advanced to an unmeasurable height, may be a statelier horse for them to ride upon, in their glorious triumphings above all that is called God. For otherwise, yee may see how farre they depresse all Soveraignes when they are layed in the ballance with themselves; they tell us that the King can bee no more the head of the Church, than the boy that rubs their horse heeles. Smart Sermon, pag. 1. M. Couzins uttered these trayterous speeches in an open and affirmative manner, that the Kings Highnesse is no more supreme head of the Church of England, than the boy that rubs his horse heeles, and this as we are credibly informed, hath beene proved against him by the 〈◊〉 of two sufficient witnesses. 2. That the heart whence the native life and vigour of the Ecclesiastick Lawes doth flow, is alone the Bishops, and not the King. 〈◊◊〉 . supra cap. ult. A. 3. That Kings and Emperours ought to reverence; yea, to adore Bishops, and to pay them tributes. 〈◊〉 . supra cap. 3. O. 4. That everie Bishop is a Prince and a Monarch, as farre in dignitie above the greatest secular Prince, as the soule above the body, or God above man. Montag. supra cap. tertio. (z)