CHAP. I. The excellency of these Arts. Why they were concealed by the Ancients. The Authours that have treated of them.

ALL those various studies a­bout which the sons of men doe busie their endevours, may be generally comprised under these three kinds:

• Divine.
• Naturall.
• Artificiall.

[Page 2]To the first of these, is reducible, not onely the speculation of Theolo­gicall truths, but also the practise of those virtues, which may advantage our minds, in the enquiry after their proper happinesse. And these arts a­lone may truly be styled liberall, Quae liberum faciunt hominem, Sen. Ep. 88. quibus curae virtus est, (saith the divine Sto­ick) which set a man at liberty from his lusts and passions.

To the second may be referred all that knowledge, which concerns the frame of this great Universe, or the usuall course of providence in the government of these created things.

To the last doe belong all those inventions, whereby nature is any way quickned or advanced in her de­fects: These artificiall experiments being (as it were) but so many Essays, whereby men doe naturally attempt to restore themselves from the first generall curse inflicted upon their labours.

This following Discourse, does properly appertain to this latter kind.

[Page 3]Now Art may be said, either to imitate nature, as in limming and pi­ctures; or to help nature, as in medi­cine; or to overcome, and advance na­ture, as in these Mechanicall disci­plines, which in this respect are by so much to be preferred before the other, by how much their end and power is more excellent. Nor are they therefore to bee esteemed lesse noble, because more practicall, since our best and most divine knowledge is intended for action, and those may justly be counted barren studies, which doe not conduce to practise as their proper end.

But so apt are we to contemn eve­ry thing which is common, that the ancient Philosophers esteemed it a great part of wisdome to conceale their learning from vulgar apprehen­sion or use, thereby the better to maintain it, in its due honour and respect. And therefore did they ge­nerally vail all their Arts and Scien­ces, under such mysticall expressions, as might excite the peoples wonder [Page 4] and reverence, fearing lest a more easie and familiar discovery, might expose them to contempt. Sic ipsa mysteria fabularum cuniculis operiuntur, summatibus tantum viris, Macrobius Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 2. sapientia in­terprete, veri arcani consciis; Contenti sint reliqui, ad venerationem, figuris defendentibus à vilitate secretum, saith a Platonick.

Hence was it, that the ancient Ma­thematicians did place all their learn­ing in abstracted speculations, refusing to debase the principles of that noble profession unto Mechanicall experi­ments. Insomuch, that those very Authors amongst them, who were most eminent for their inventions of this kind, and were willing by their own practise, to manifest unto the world, those artificiall wonders, that might be wrought by these arts, as Daedalus, Archytas, Archimedes, &c. were notwithstanding so much infe­cted with this blind superstition, as not to leave any thing in writing, con­cerning the grounds and manner of these operations.

[Page 5] Quintilian speaking to this pur­pose of Archimedes, saith thus. Quint. l. 1. c. 10. Quam­vis tantum tamque singularem Geome­triae usum, Archimedes, singularibus ex­emplis, & admirandis operibus ostende­rit, propter quae non humanae sed divi­nae scientiae laudem sit adeptus, haesit ta­men in illa Platonis persuasione, nec ul­lam Mechanicam literam prodere voluit.

By which means, posterity hath unhappily lost, not onely the benefit of those particular discoveries, but also the proficiency of those arts in generall. For when once the learn­ed men did forbid the reducing of them to particular use, and vulgar experiment▪ others did thereupon re­fuse these studies themselves, as be­ing but empty and uselesse speculati­ons. Whence it came to passe that the science of Geometry was, Pet. Ram. Schol. Ma­them. l. 1. so uni­versally neglected, receiving little or no addition for many hundred years together.

Amongst these Ancients, the di­vine Plato is observed to be one of the greatest sticklers for this fond [Page 6] opinion, severely dehorting all his followers from prostituting Mathe­maticall principles, unto common apprehension or practise. Like the envious Emperour Tiberius, Plin. Nat. l. 36. c. 26. who is reported to have killed an Artificer for making glasse malleable, fearing lest thereby the price of metals might be debased. So he, in his superstition to Philosophy, would rather chuse to deprive the world of all those usefull and excellent inventions, which might be thence contrived, then to expose that profession unto the contempt of the ignorant vulgar.

But his Scholar Aristotle, (as in ma­ny other particulars, so likewise in this) did justly oppose him, Arist. Quaest. Mechan. and be­came himself one of the first Au­thours, that hath writ any methodi­call Discourse concerning these arts, chusing rather a certain and generall benefit, before the hazzard that might accrue from the vain and groundlesse dis-respects of some ignorant persons. Being so far from esteeming Geo­metry dishonoured by the applicati­on [Page 7] of it to Mechanicall practises, that he rather thought it to be thereby adorned, as with curious variety, and to be exalted unto its naturall end. And whereas the Mathematicians of those former ages, did possesse all their learning, as covetous men doe their wealth, only in thought and no­tion; the judicious Aristotle, like a wise Steward, did lay it out to par­ticular use and improvement, rightly preferring the reality and substance of publike benefit, before the sha­dows of some retired speculation, or vulgar opinion.

Since him there have been divers other Authors, who have been emi­nent for their writings of this na­ture. Such were Hero Alexandrinus, Hero Mechanicus, Pappus Alexandri­nus, Proclus Mathematicus, Vitruvius, Guidus Vbaldus, Henricus Monantho­lius, Galileus, Guevara, Mersennus, Bet­tinus, &c. Besides many others, that have treated largely of severall en­gines, as Augustine Ramelli, Vittorio Zoncha, Iacobus Bessonius, Vegeti­us, Lipsius.

[Page 8]Most of which Authours I have perused, and shall willingly acknow­ledge my self a debtor to them for many things in this following Dis­course.

CAP. II. Concerning the name of this Art. That it may properly be styled liberall. The subject and nature of it.

THe word Mechanick is thought to be derived [...], Lypsius. Polyorcet. l. 1. Dia­log 3. mul­tum ascendere, pertingere: intimating the efficacy and force of such inven­tions. That's a senslesse absurd E­tymology imposed by some, Quia intellectus in eis moe­cbatur, as if these arts did prosti­tute and a­dulterate the under­standing. Or else [...], (saith Eustathius) quia hiscere non sinit, be­cause these arts are so full of plea­sant variety, that they admit not ei­ther of sloth or wearinesse.

According to ordinary significati­on, the word is used in opposition to the liberall arts: whereas in propri­ety of speech those employments a­lone may be styled illiberall, which re­quire onely some bodily exercise, as manufactures, trades, &c. And on the [Page 9] contrary that discipline, which dis­covers the generall causes, effects, and properties of things, may truly be e­steemed as a species of Philosophy.

But here it should be noted, that this art is usually distinguished into a twofold kind:

• 1. Rationall.
  Pappus Prooem. in Collect. Mathem. l. 8.
• 2. Cheirurgicall.

The Rationall is that which treats of those principles, and fundamentall notions, which may concern these Mechanicall practises.

The Cheirurgicall or Manuall, doth refer to the making of these instru­ments, and the exercising of such par­ticular experiments. As in the works of Architecture, Fortifications, and the like.

The first of these, is the subject of this discourse, and may properly be styled liberall, as justly deserving the prosecution of an ingenuous minde. For if we consider it according to its birth and originall, we shall finde it to spring from honourable parentage, being produced by Geometry on the [Page 10] one side, and naturall Philosophy on the other. If according to its use and benefit, we may then discern that to this should be referred all those arts and professions, so necessary for hu­mane society, whereby nature is not onely directed in her usuall course, but sometimes also commanded a­gainst her own law. The particulars that concern Architecture, Navigati­on, Husbandry, Military affairs, &c. are most of them reducible to this art, both for their invention and use.

Those other disciplines of Logick, Rhetorick, &c. doe not more protect and adorn the mind, then these Me­chanicall powers doe the body.

And therefore are they well wor­thy to be entertained with greater industry and respect, then they com­monly meet with in these times; wherein there be very many that pretend to be masters in all the libe­rall arts, who scarce understand any thing in these particulars.

The subject of this art is concern­ing the heavinesse of severall bodies, [Page 11] or the proportion that is required betwixt any weight in relation to the power which may be able to move it. And so it refers likewise to violent and artificiall motion, as Philosophy doth to that which is na­turall.

The proper end for which this art is intended, is to teach how by un­derstanding the true difference be­twixt the weight and the power, a man may adde such a fitting supplement to the strength of the power, that it shall be able to move any conceiva­ble weight, though it should never so much exceed that force, which the power is naturally endowed with.

The art it self may be thus descri­bed, to be a Mathematicall discipline, which by the help of Geometricall principles doth teach to contrive se­verall weights and powers, unto any kind, either of motion or rest, accor­ding as the Artificer shall determine.

If it be doubted how this may be esteemed a species of Mathematicks, Dav. Ri­valtus praef. in lib. Archim. de centro gravitatis. when as it treats of weights, and not [Page 12] of quantity; For satisfaction to this, there are two particulars considerable.

1. Mathematicks in its latitude is u­sually divided into pure and mixed. And though the pure doe handle on­ly abstract quantity in the generall, as Geometry, Arithmetick: yet that which is mixed doth consider the quantity of some particular determinate subject. So Astronomy handles the quantity of heavenly motions, Musick of sounds, and Mechanicks of weights & powers.

2. Heavinesse or weight is not here considered, as being such a naturall quality, whereby condensed bodies do of themselves tend downwards; but rather as being an affection, whereby they may be measured. And in this sense Aristotle himselfe referres it amongst the other species of quantity, Metaph. l. 10. c. 2. as having the same proper essence, which is to be compounded of inte­grall parts. So a pound doth consist of ounces, drams, scruples. Whence it is evident, that there is not any such repugnancy in the subject of this art, as may hinder it from being a true spe­cies of Mathematicks.

CAP. III. Of the first Mechanical faculty, the Bal­lance.

THe Mechanicall faculties, by which the experiments of this nature must be contrived, are usual­ly reckoned to be these six:

1. Libra.

1. The Ballance.

2. Vectis.

2. The Leaver.

3. Axis in Peritrochio.

3. The Wheel.

4. Trochlea.

4. The Pulley.

5. Cuneus.

5. The Wedge.

6. Cochlea.

6. The Screw.

Unto some of which, the force of all Mechanicall inventions must ne­cessarily be reduced. I shall speak of them severally and in this order.

First, concerning the Ballance; this, & the Leaver are usually confounded together, as being but one faculty, be­cause the generall grounds & propor­tions of eithers force is so exactly the same. But for better distinctiō, & more [Page 14] clear discovery of their natures, I shall treat of them severally.

The first invention of the ballance is commonly attributed to Astrea, who is therefore deified for the god­desse of justice; and that instrument it self advanced amongst the celesti­all signs.

The particulars concerning it are so commonly known, and of such ea­sie experiment, that they will not need any large explication. The chief end and purpose of it, is for the di­stinction of severall ponderosities; For the understanding of which, we must note, that if the length of the sides in the Ballance, and the weights at the ends of them be both mutual­ly equall, then the Beam will be in a horizontall situation. But on the contrary, if either the weights alone be equall, and not their distances, or the distances alone, and not the weights, then the Beam will accor­dingly decline.

As in this following diagram.

[Page 15]

Suppose an equall weight at C, unto that at B, (which points are both equally distant from the center A,) it is evident that then the beam BF, will hang horizontally. But if the weight supposed at C, be unequall to that at B, or if there be an equall weight at DE, or any of the other unequall distances; the Beam must then necessarily decline.

With this kinde of Ballance, it is usuall by the help onely of one weight, Cardan. Subtil. l. 1. to measure sundry different gravities, whether more or lesse, then that by which they are measured. As by the example here described, a man may with one pound alone, weigh any other body within ten pounds, be­cause the heavinesse of any weight [Page 16] doth increase proportionably to its distance from the Center. Thus one pound at D, will equiponderate unto two pounds at B, because the distance AD, is double unto AB. And for the same reason, one pound at E, will e­quiponderate to three pound at B, and one pound at F, unto ten at B, because there is still the same disproportion betwixt their severall distances.

This kind of Ballance is usually styled Romana, statera. It seems to be of ancient use, Mechan. ca. 21. and is mentioned by Aristotle under the name of [...].

Hence it is easie to apprehend, how that false ballance may be composed so often condemned by the wise man, as being an abomination to the Lord. Prov. 11.1 ca. 16.11. Item, cap. 20.10.23. If the sides of the Beam be not e­qually divided, as suppose one have 10 parts, and the other 11, then any two weights that differ according to this proportion, Pappus. Collect. Mathem. l. 8. (the heavier being placed on the shorter side, and the lighter on the longer) will equi­ponderate. And yet both the scoles being empty, shall hang in aequilibrio, [Page 17] as if they were exactly just and true, as in this description.

Suppose AC, to have 11 such parts, whereof AB, has but 10, and yet both of them to be in themselves of equall weight; it is certain, that whether the scoles be empty, or whether in the scole D, we put 11 pound, and at E, 10 pound, yet both of them shall equi­ponderate, because there is just such a disproportion in the length of the sides AC, being unto AB, as 11 to 10.

The frequency of such cousenages in these days, may be evident from common experience: and that they were used also in former ages, may [Page 18] appear from Aristotles testimony con­cerning the Merchants in his time. Quaestion. Mechan. c. 2. Budaeus. Hence the proverb Zygostatica fides. For the remedying of such abuses the Ancients did appoint divers officers, styled [...], who were to overlook the common measures.

So great care was there amongst the Jews for the preservation of commutative justice from all abuse and falsification in this kind, that the publike standards and originals, by which all other measures were to be tryed and allowed, were with much religion preserved in the sanctuary, the care of them being committed to the Priests and Levites, whose office it was to look unto all manner of mea­sures and size. 1 Chron. 23.29. Hence is that frequent expression, According to the shekel of the Sanctuary, Exod. 30.13. and that Law, All thy estimations shall bee according to the shekel of the Sanctuary, Lev. 27.25 which doth not refer to any weight or coin, di­stinct from, and more then the vul­gar, (as some fondly conceive) but doth onely oblige men in their dea­ling and traffique to make use of such [Page 19] just measures, as were agreeable unto the publike standards that were kept in the Sanctuary.

The manner how such deceitfull ballances may be discovered, is by changing the weights into each other scole, and then the inequality will be manifest.

From the former grounds rightly apprehended, it is easie to conceive how a man may finde out the just proportion of a weight, which in any point given, shall equiponderate to severall weights given, hanging in severall places of the Beam.

Some of these ballances are made so exact, (those especially which the refiners use) as to be sensibly turn­ed with the eightieth part of a grain: which (though it may seeme very strange) is nothing to what De pon­deribus & nummis l. 1. Capel­lus relates of one at Sedan, Master Greaves Romane foot. that would turne with the four hundredth part of a grain.

There are severall contrivances to make use of these in measuring the weight of blows, the force of powder, [Page 20] the strength of strings, or other ob­long substances, condensed air, the di­stinct proportion of severall metals mixed together, the different gravity of divers bodies in the water, from what they have in the open air, with divers the like ingenuous inquiries.

CAP. IV. Concerning the second Mechanick fa­culty, the Leaver.

THe second Mechanicall faculty, is the Leaver; the first invention of it is usually ascribed to Neptune, and represented by his Trident, which in the Greek are both called by one name, [...]. Aristotle Quaest. Mechan. cap. 4. Archime­des, de Ae­quiponde­rant. l. 1. prop. 7. Vitruvius Architect. l. 10. c. 8. and are not very unlike in form, being both of them somewhat broa­der at one end, then in the other parts.

There is one main principle con­cerning it, which is (as it were) the very sum and epitome of this whole art. The meaning of it is thus expres­sed by Aristotle, [...]. That [Page 21] is, as the weight is to an equivalent power, so is the distance betwixt the weight and the center, unto the di­stance betwixt the center and the power, and so reciprocally. Or thus, the power that doth equiponderate with any weight, must have the same proportion unto it, as there is betwixt their severall distances from the cen­ter or fulciment: as in this following figure.

Where suppose the Leaver to bee represented by the length AB, the center or This Ari­stotle cals [...]. Vitruvius, Pressio. Vbaldus Fulcimen­tum. Dan. Barbarus, Scabellum. prop at the point C, the weight to bee sustained D, the power that doth uphold it E.

Now the meaning of the foresaid principle doth import thus much; that the power at E, must bear the [Page 22] same proportion to the weight D, as the distance CA, doth to the other CB; which, because it is octuple in the present example, therefore it will follow that one pound at B, or E, will equiponderate to eight pounds at A, or D, as is expressed in the fi­gure. The ground of which maxime is this, because the point C, is sup­posed to be the center of gravity, on either side of which, the parts are of equall weight.

And this kind of proportion is not onely to be observed when the power doth presse downwards, (as in the former example) but also in the other species of violent motion, as lifting, drawing, and the like. Thus if the prop or fulciment were supposed to be at the extremity of the Leaver,

[Page 23] As in this Diagram at A, then the weight B, would require such a diffe­rence in the strengths or powers that did sustain it, as there is betwixt the severall distances AC, and BC. For as the distance AB, is unto AC, The right understan­ding of this doth much conduce to the expli­cation of the Pulley. so is the power at C, to the weight at B; that is, the power at A, must bee double to that at C, because the di­stance BC, is twice as much as BA. From whence it is easie to conceive, how any burden carried betwixt two persons, may be proportioned accor­ding to their different strengths. If the weight were imagined to hang at the number 2, then the power at C, would sustain but two of those parts, whereof that at A, did uphold 16. If it be supposed at the figure (3) then the strength at C, to that at A, would be but as three to fifteen. But if it were situated at the figure (9) then each of the extremities would participate of it alike, because that being the middle, both the distances are equall. If at the number (12) then the strength at C, is required to be [Page 24] double unto that at A. And in the like manner are we to conceive of the other intermediate divisions.

Thus also must it be, if we suppose the power to be placed betwixt the fulciment and the weight, as in this example.

Where, as AC, is to AB, so is the power at B, to the weight at C.

Hence likewise may we conceive the reason why it is much harder to carry any long substance, either on the shoulders, or in the hand, if it be held by either of the extreams, then if it be sustained by the middle of it. The strength that must equiponde­rate at the nearer end, sometimes in­creasing the weight almost double to what it is in it self.

[Page 25]

Imagine the point A, to bee the place where any long substance (as suppose a Pike) is sustained; it is evident from the former principle, that the strength at B, (which makes it lye levell) must be equall to all the length AC, which is almost the whole Pike.

And as it is in the depressing, or elevating, so likewise is it in the draw­ing of any weight, as a Coach, Plow, or the like.

[Page 26]

Let the line DB, represent the Pole or Carriage on which the burden is sustained, and the line AC, the crosse barre; at each of its extremities, there is a severall spring-tree GH, and IK, to which either horses or oxen may be fastned. Now because A, and C, are equally distant from the middle B, therefore in this case the strength must be equall on both sides; but if we suppose one of these spring-trees to bee fastned unto the points E, or F, then the strength re­quired to draw on that side, will be so much more, as the distance EB, or FB, is lesse then that of AB; that is, either as three to four, as EB, to [Page 27] BA, or as one to two, as FB, to BA. So that the beast fastned at A, will not draw so much by a quarter, as the other at E, and but half as much as one at F.

Whence it is easie to conceive how a husbandman ( cum inaequales veniunt ad aratra juvenci) may pro­portion the labour of drawing ac­cording to the severall strength of his oxen.

Unto this Mechanicall faculty should bee reduced sundry other in­struments in common use. Arist. Me­chan. c. 5, 6, 7. Vide Gue­var. Com­ment. Thus the oares, stearn, masts, &c. according to their force, whereby they give mo­tion to the ship, are to be conceived under this head.

Thus likewise for that engine, Mechan. c. 29. Pet. Crini­nitus, de honesta Disciplina l. 19. c. 2. cals it cor­ruptly Tel­lenon. whereby Brewers and Dyers doe commonly draw water, which Ari­stotle cals [...], and others Tollenon. This being the same kind of instru­ment, by which Archimedes drew up the ships of Marcellus.

CAP. V. How the naturall motion of living creatures is conformable to these arti­ficiall rules.

THe former principle being alrea­dy explained, concerning artifi­ciall and dead motions, it will not be altogether impertinent, if in the next place, wee apply it unto those that are naturall in living bodies, and examine whether these also are not governed by the same kinde of proportions.

In all perfect living creatures, there is a twofold kind of motive instru­ments:

• 1. Primary, the muscles.
• 2. Secondary, the members.

The muscles are naturally fitted to be instruments of motion, by the manner of their frame and compo­sure; consisting of flesh as their chief materiall, and besides of Nervs, Li­gatures, Veins, Arteries, and Mem­branes.

[Page 29]The Nervs serve for the convey­ance of the motive faculty from the brain. The Ligatures for the strength­ning of them, that they may not flag and languish in their motions. The Veins for their nourishment. The Ar­teries for the supplying of them with spirit, and naturall vigor. The Mem­branes for the comprehension or in­closure of all these together, and for the distinction of one muscle from another. There are besides divers fibrae or hairy substances, which na­ture hath bestowed for the farther corroborating of their motions; these being dispersed through every muscle, do so joyn together in the end of them, as to make intire nervous bo­dies, which are called Tendones, al­most like the grisles. Now this (saith Galen) may fitly be compared to the broader part of the Leaver, De Placit. Hippoc. & Platon. l. 1. ca. 10. that is put under the weight, which, as it ought to be so much the stronger, by how much it is put to a greater force; so likewise by this, doth na­ture inable the muscles and nervs [Page 30] for those motions, which otherwise would be too difficult for them.

Whence it may evidently appear, that according to the opinion of that eminent Physitian, these natu­rall motions are regulated by the like grounds with the artificiall.

2. Thus also is it in those secon­dary instruments of motion, the members: amongst which, the hand is [...], De usu par­tiū l. 1. c. 2. the instrument of in­struments, (as Galen styles it;) and as the soul of man doth bear in it the image of the divine wisdome and providence, so this part of the body seems in some sort to represent the omnipotency of God, whilest it is able to perform such various and wonderfull effects by the help of this art. But now for its own proper naturall strength, in the lifting any great weight; this is always propor­tioned according to its extension from the body, being of least force when it is fully stretched out, or at arms end, (as we say) because then the shoulder joynt is as the center of [Page 31] its motion, from which, the hand in that posture, being very remote, the weight of any thing it holds must be accordingly augmented. Whereas the arm being drawn in, the elbow joynt doth then become its center, which will diminish the weight pro­portionably, as that part is neerer unto it then the other.

To this purpose also, there is a­nother subtle probleme proposed by Aristotle, Mechan. c. 31. concerning the postures of sitting and rising up. The quaere is this, Why a man cannot rise up from his seat, unlesse he first, either bend his body forward, or thrust his feet backward.

In the posture of sitting, our legs are supposed to make a right angle with our thighs, and they with our backs, as in this figure.

[Page 32]

Where let AB, represent the back, BC, the thighs, CD, the legs. Now it is evident, that a man cannot rise from this posture, unlesse either the back AB, do first incline unto F, to make an acute angle with the thighs BC; or else that the legs CD, do in­cline towards E, which may also make an acute angle with the thighs BC; or lastly, unlesse both of them do decline to the points GH, where they may be included in the same perpendicular.

[Page 33]For the resolution of which, the Philosopher proposes these two par­ticulars.

1. A right angle (saith he) is a kind of equality, & that being natural­ly the cause of rest, must needs be an impediment to the motion of rising.

2. Because when either of the parts are brought into an acute an­gle, the head being removed over the feet, or they under the head; in such a posture the whole man is much neerer disposed to the form of standing, wherein all these parts are in one streight perpendicular line; then he is by the other of right an­gles, in which the back and legs are two parallels; or that of turning these streight angles into obtuse, which would not make an erect po­sture but declining.

But neither of these particulars (as I conceive) doe fully satisfie the pre­sent quaere, neither doe the Com­mentators, Monantholius, or Guevara, better resolve it. Rather suppose BC, to be as a Vectis or Leaver, to­wards [Page 34] the middle of which is the place of the fulciment, AB, as the weight, CD, the power that is to raise it.

Now the body being situate in this rectangular forme, the weight AB, must needs be augmented pro­portionably to its distance from the fulciment, which is about halfe the thighs; whereas if we suppose either the weight to be inclined unto F, or the power to E, or both of them to GH, then there is nothing to bee lifted up but the bare weight it self, which in this situation is not at all increased with any addition by di­stance.

For in these conclusions concern­ing the Leaver, we must always i­magine that point which is touched by a perpendicular from the center of gravity, to be one of the tearms. So that the diverse elevation or de­pression of the instrument, will in­ferre a great alteration in the weight it self, as may more elearly be dis­cerned by this following Diagram.

[Page 35]

Where A, is supposed to be the place of the prop or fulciment, BC, a Leaver which stands horizontally, the power and the weight belonging unto it, being equall both in them­selves, and also in their distances from the prop.

But now suppose this instrument to be altered according to the situa­tion DE, then the weight D, will be diminished, by so much, as the perpendicular from its center of gra­vity [Page 36] HI, doth fall nearer to the prop or fulciment at A. And the power at E, will be so much augmented, as the perpendicular frō its center (KE) does fall farther from the point at A. And so on the contrary in that other situation of the Leaver FG; whence it is easie to conceive the true reason, why the inclining of the body, or the putting back of the leg, should so much con­duce to the facility of rising.

From these grounds likewise may we understand, Sir Fran: Bacons Nat. Hist. Exp. 731. why the knees should be most weary in ascending, and the thighs in descending, which is, be­cause the weight of the body doth bear most upon the knee-joynts, in raising it self up, and most upon the muscles of the thighs when it stays it self in comming down.

There are divers other naturall problemes to this purpose, which I forbear to recite. We doe not so much as goe, or sit, or rise, without the use of this Mechanicall Geome­try.

CAP. VI. Concerning the Wheel.

THe third Mechanicall faculty is commonly styled axis in peritro­chio. Called likewise [...]. Arist. Mechan. c. 14. It consists of an axis or cylin­der, having a rundle about it, where­in there are fastned divers spokes, by which the whole may bee turned round; according to this figure.

[Page 38]Where BC, does represent the Cy­linder which is supposed to move up­on a smaller Axis at E, (this being all one in comparison to the severall proportions, as if it were a meere Mathematicall line) LG, is the run­dle or wheel, HFIK, severall spokes or handles that are fastned in it; D, the place where the cord is fastned for the drawing or lifting up of any weight.

The force of this instrument doth consist in that dis-proportion of di­stance, which there is betwixt the Semidiameter of the Cylinder AB, and the Semidiameter of the rundle with the spokes FA. For let us con­ceive the line FB, to be as a Leaver, wherein A, is the center or fulciment, B, the place of the weight, and F, of the power. Now it is evident from the former principles, that by how much the distance FA, is greater then AB, by so much lesse need the power be at F, in respect of the weight at B. Suppose AB, to be as the tenth part of AF, then that pow­er [Page 39] or strength, which is but as a hun­dred pound at F, will be equall to a thousand pound at B.

For the clearer explication of this faculty, it will not be amisse to con­sider the form of it, as it will appear being more fully exposed to the view. As in this other Diagram.

Suppose AB, for the Semidiame­ter of the Axis or Cylinder, and AC, for the Semidiameter of the rundle, with the spokes; then the power [Page 40] at C, which will be able to support the weight D, must bear the same proportion unto it, as AB, doth to AC: so that by how much shorter the distance AB, is in comparison to the distance AC, by so much lesse need the pow [...]r be at C, which may be able to support the weight D, hanging at B.

And so likewise is it for the other spokes or handles EFGH, at either of which, if we conceive any power, which shall move according to the same circumference wherin these han­dles are placed, then the strength of this power will be all one, as if it were at C. But now supposing a dead weight hanging at any of them, (as at E,) then the disproportion will vary. The power being so much lesse then that at C, by how much the line AC, is longer then AI. The weight K, being of the same force at E, as if it were hung at I, in which point the perpendicular of its gravity doth cut the Diameter.

The chief advantage which this [Page 41] instrument doth bestow, above that of the Leaver, doth consist in this particular. In a Leaver, the motion can bee continued onely for so short a space, as may be answerable to that little distance betwixt the fulciment and the weight: which is always by so much lesser, as the disproportion betwixt the weight and the power is greater, and the motion it self more easie: But now in this invention, that inconvenience is remedied; for by a frequent rotation of the axis, the weight may be moved for any height or length, as occasion shall require.

Unto this faculty may we referre the force of all those engines which consist of wheels with teeth in them.

Hence also may wee discerne the reason why sundry instruments in common use, are framed after the like form with these following fi­gures.

[Page 42]

All which are but severall kinds of this third Mechanicall faculty. In which the points ABC, doe represent the places of the power, the fulci­ment, and the weight. The power being in the same proportion unto the weight, as BC is unto BA.

CAP. VII. Concerning the Pulley.

THat which is reckoned for the fourth faculty, is the Pulley: which is of such ordinary use, that it needs not any particular descripti­on. The chief parts of it are divers litle rundles, that are moveable about their proper axes. Arist. Me­chan. c. 19. These are usually divided according to their severall situations, into the upper and lower. If an engine have two of these run­dles above, and two below, it is usu­ally called [...], if three, [...], if many, [...].

The lower Pulleys onely doe give force to the motion. If we suppose a weight to hang upon any of the up­per rundles, it will then require a power, that in it selfe shall be fully equall for the sustaining of it.

[Page 44]

The Diameter AC, being as the beam of a ballance, of which B is the prop or center. Now the parts A, and C, being equally distant from this center, therefore the power at E, must be equall to the weight at D, it being all one as if the power and the weight were fastned by two severall strings at the ends of the ballance FG.

Now all the upper Pulleys being of the same nature, it must necessari­ly follow, that none of them doe in themselves conduce to the easing of the power, or lightning the weight, but onely for the greater convenien­cy [Page 45] of the motion, the cords by this means running more easily moved then otherwise they would.

But now suppose the weight to be sustained above the Pulley, as it is in all those of the lower sort: and then the power w ^ch supports it, need be but half as much as the weight it self.

Let AC, represent the Diameter of a lower Pulley, on whose center at B, the weight is fastned, one end of the cord being tyed to a hook at D. Now it is evident, that halfe the weight is sustained at D, so that there is but the other half left to be [Page 46] sustained by the power at E. It be­ing all one as if the weight were ty­ed unto the middle of the ballance FG, whose ends were upheld by two severall strings, FH, and GI.

And this same subduple proporti­on will still remain, though we sup­pose an upper Pulley joyned to the lower, as in these two other figures.

[Page 47]Where the power at A, is equall to the weight at B: Now the weight at B, being but half the ponderosity C, therefore the power at A, notwith­standing the addition of the upper rundle, must be equivalent to half the weight; and as the upper Pulley alone, doth not abate anything of the weight, so neither being joyned with the lower, & the same subduple difference betwixt the power and the weight, which is caused by the lower Pulley alone, doth still remain unaltered, though there be an upper Pulley ad­ded unto it.

Now as one of these under Pul­leys doth abate halfe of that heavi­nesse which the weight hath in it self, and cause the power to be in a sub­duple proportion unto it, so two of them doe abate halfe of that which remains, and cause a subquadruple proportion betwixt the weight and the power; three of them a subsex­tuple, four a suboctuple: and so for five, six, or as many as shall be re­quired, they will all of them diminish [Page 48] the weight according to this pro­portion.

Suppose the weight in it self to be 1200 pound, the applying unto it one of these lower Pulleys, wil make it but as 600, two of them as 300, three of them as 150, &c.

But now, if we conceive the first part of the string to be fastned unto the lower Pulley, as in this other fi­gure at F; [Page 49]

then the power at A, will be in a sub­triple proportion to the weight E, because the heavinesse would be then equally divided unto the three points of the lower Diameter B, C, D, each [Page 50] of them supporting a like share of the burden. If unto this lower Pul­ley there were added another, then the power would be unto the weight in a subquintuple proportion. If a third, a subseptuple, and so of the rest. For we must note, that the cords in this instrument are as so many pow­ers, and the rundles as so many lea­vers, or ballances.

Hence it is easie to conceive, how the strength of the power may bee proportioned according to any such degree, as shall be required; and how any weight given, may be moved by any power given.

'Tis not materiall to the force of this instrument, whether the rundles of it be big or little, if they be made equall to one another in their severall orders; But it is most convenient, that the upper should each of them increase as they are higher, and the other as they are lower, because by this means the cords will bee kept from tangling.

These Pulleys may be multiplyed [Page 51] according to sundry different situati­ons, not onely when they are subordi­nate, as in the former examples, but al­so when they are placed collaterally.

From the former grounds it is easie to contrive a ladder, by which a man may pull himself up unto any height. For the performance of this, there is required onely an upper and a lower rundle:

[Page 52] To the uppermost of these at A, there should be fastned a sharp graple or cramp of iron, which may be apt to take hold of any place where it lights. This part being first cast up and fastned, and the staffe DE, at the nether end, being put betwixt the legs, so that a man may sit upon the other BC, and take hold of the cord at F. it is evident that the weight of the person at E, will be but e­quall to half so much strength at F; so that a man may easily pull himself up to the place required, by lean­ing but little more then half of his own weight on the string F. Or if the Pulleys be multiplyed, this ex­periment may then be wrought with lesse labour.

CAP. VIII. Of the Wedge.

THe fift Mechanicall faculty is the Wedge, which is a known instru­ment, commonly used in the clea­ving [Page 53] of wood. The efficacy and great strength of it may be resolved unto these two particulars:

• 1. The form of it.
• 2. The manner whereby the pow­er is impressed upon it, which is by the force of blows.

1. The form of it represents (as it were) two Leavers.

Each side AD, and AE, being one, the points BC, being in stead of se­verall props or fulciments; the weight to be moved at A, and the power that should move it, being applyed to the top DE, by the force of some stroake or blow: Mechan. c. 18. as Aristotle hath explained the severall parts of this faculty. But now, because this instrument may be so used that the [Page 54] point of it shall not touch the body to be moved, as in these other fi­gures;

Therefore Vbaldus hath more ex­actly applyed the severall parts of it according to this form, that the point A, should be as the common fulci­ment, in which both the sides doe meet, and (as it were) uphold one another; the points B, and C, repre­senting that part of the Leavers where the weight is placed.

It is a generall rule, that the more acute the angles of these wedges are, by so much more easie will their mo­tion be; the force being more easi­ly impressed, and the space wherein the body is moved, being so much the lesse.

[Page 55]The second particular whereby this faculty hath its force, is the man­ner whereby the power is imprest upon it, which is by a stroak or blow; the efficacy of which doth much ex­ceed any other strength. For though we suppose a wedge being laid on a piece of timber, to be pressed down with never so great a weight; nay, though we should apply unto it the power of those other Mechanicall engines, the Pulley, Screw, &c. yet the effect would be scarce consi­derable in comparison to that of a blow. The true reason of which, is one of the greatest subtilties in na­ture, nor is it fully rendred by any of those who have undertaken the resolution of it. Mechan. c. 10. Subtil. l. 17 Exercit. 331. Aristotle, Cardan, and Scaliger, doe generally ascribe it unto the swiftnesse of that motion; But there seems to be something more in the matter then so; for o­therwise it would follow that the quick stroak of a light hammer, should be of greater efficacy, then any softer and more gentle striking of a great [Page 56] sledge. Or according to this, how should it come to passe, that the force of an arrow or bullet discharged near at hand (when the impression of that violence, whereby they are carried, is most fresh, and so in probability the motion at its swiftest) is yet not­withstanding much lesse then it would be at a greater distance. There is therefore further considerable, the quality of that instrument by which this motion is given, and also the conveniency of distance through which it passes.

Unto this faculty is usually redu­ced the force of files, saws, hatchets, &c. which are as it were but so ma­ny wedges fastned unto a Vectis or Leaver.

CAP. IX. Of the Screw.

THat which is usually recited for the sixth and last Mechanick fa­culty, is the Screw, which is described to be a kind of wedge that is multi­plyed, [Page 57] or continued by a helicall re­volution about a Cylinder, Pappus Collect. Mathe­mat. l. 8. receiving its motion not from any stroak, but from a Vectis at one end of it. It is usually distinguished into two seve­rall kinds: the male, which is meant in the former description, and the female, which is of a concave super­ficies.

The former is noted in the figure with the letter A, the other with F.

Aristotle himself doth not so much as mention this instrument, which yet notwithstanding is of greater force and subtilty, then any of the rest. It is chiefly applied to the squee­zing or pressing of things downe­wards, [Page 58] as in the Presses for printing, for wine, oyl, and extracting the juice from other fruits. In the performance of which, the strength of one man may bee of greater force, then the weight of a heavy mountain▪ It is likewise used for the elevating or lifting up of weights.

The advantage of this faculty a­bove the rest, doth mainly consist in this: the other instruments doe re­quire so much strength for the sup­porting of the weight to be moved, as may be equall unto it, besides that other superadded power whereby it is out-weighed and moved; so that in the operations by these, a man does always spend himself in a con­tinued labour.

Thus (for example) a weight that is lifted up by a Wheel or Pulley, will of it self descend, if there bee not an equall power to sustain it. But now in the composure of a Screw, this inconvenience is perfectly reme­died; for so much force as is com­municated unto this faculty, from the [Page 59] power that is applied unto it, is still retained by the very frame and na­ture of the instrument it self; since the motion of it cannot possibly re­turn, but from the very same place where it first began. Whence it comes to passe, that any weight lifted up, with the assistance of this engine, may likewise be sustained by it, without the help of any externall power, and cannot again descend un­to its former place, unlesse the han­dle of the Screw (where the motion first began) be turned back: so that all the strength of the power, may be imployed in the motion of the weight, and none spent in the su­staining of it.

The chief inconvenience of this instrument is, that in a short space it will be screwed unto its full length, and then it cannot be of any fur­ther use for the continuance of the motion, unlesse it be returned back, and undone again as at the first. But this is usually remedied by another invention, commonly styled a perpe­tuall [Page 60] screw, which hath the motion of a wheel, and the force of a screw, being both infinite.

For the composure of which, in­stead of the female, or concave screw, there must be a little wheel, with some notches in it, equivalent to teeth, It is used in some Watches. by which the other may take hold of it, and turn it round, as in these other figures.

This latter engine does so far ex­ceed all other contrivances to this purpose, that it may justly seem a wonder why it is not of as common [Page 61] use in these times and places, as any of the rest.

CAP. X. An enquiry into the magnificent works of the Ancients, which much excee­ding our latter times, may seeme to inferre a decay in these Mechanicall Arts.

THus have I briefly treated con­cerning the generall principles of Mechanicks, together with the di­stinct proportions betwixt the weight and the power in each severall facul­ty of it; Whence it is easie to con­ceive the truth and ground of those famous ancient monuments, which seem almost incredible to these fol­lowing ages. And because many of them recorded by Antiquity, were of such vast labour and magnifi­cence, and so mightily disproporti­onable to humane strength, it shall not therefore be impertinent unto the purpose I aim at, for to specifie some [Page 62] of the most remarkable amongst them, and to inquire into the means and occasion upon which they were first attempted.

Amongst the Aegyptians, we read of divers Pyramids, of so vast a mag­nitude, as time it self in the space of so many hundred years hath not yet devoured. Li. 2. c. 175 Herodotus mentions one of them, erected by Cleopes an Egyptian King, wherein there was not any one stone lesse then 30 foot long, all of them being fetched from Arabia. And not much after, the same Authour relates, how Amasis another Aegypti­an, made himself a house of one en­tire stone, which was 21 cubits long, 14 broad, and 8 cubits high. The same Amasis is reported to have made the statue of a Sphinx, Plin. l. 36. ca. 12. or Egyptian cat, all of one single stone, whose length was 143 foot, its height 62 foot, the compasse of this statues head containing 102 foot. In one of the Egyptian temples consecrated to Iupiter, there is related to be an Obelisk, Plin. l. 37. cap. 5. consisting of 4 Smaragds [Page 63] or Emeralds; the whole is 40 cubits high, 4 cubits broad at the bottome, and two at the top. Diodor. Si­cul. Bibli­oth l. 1. Sect. 2. Sesostris the King of Aegypt in a Temple at Memphis, de­dicated to Vulcan, is reported to have erected two statues; one for himself, the other for his wife, both consist­ing of two severall stones, each of which were 30 cubits high.

Amongst the Jews we read in sa­cred Writ of Solomons Temple, which for its state and magnificence, might have been justly reckoned amongst the other wonders of the world, wherein besides the great riches of the materials, there were works too of as great labour. 1 Kings 7.15. cap. 5. v. 17 Pillars of brasse 18 cubits high, and 12 cubits round, great and costly stones for the foun­dation of it. Iosephus tels us that some of them were 40 cubits, De bello Iuda. l. 6. c. 6. others 45 cubits long. And in the same chapter he mentions the three famous Towres built by Herod, wherein e­very stone being of white marble, was 20 cubits long, 10 broad, and 5 high. And which was the greatest [Page 64] wonder, the old wall it self was si­tuated on a steep rising ground, and yet the hils upon it, on the tops of w ^ch these Towers were placed, were about 30 cubits high, that 'tis scarce imaginable by what strength so many stones of such great magnitude should be conveyed to so high a place.

Amongst the Grecians we read of the Ephesian Temple dedicated to Diana, Plin. l. 36. c. 14. Panciroll. Deperd. Tit. 32. wherein there were 127 co­lumnes made of so many severall stones, each of them 60 foot high, being all taken out of the quarries in Asia. 'Tis storied also of the bra­zen Colossus, or great statue in the Island of Rhodes, that it was 70 cu­bits high. The thumbs of it being so big that no man could grasp one of them about with both his arms; Plin. l. 34. c. 3. when it stood upright, a ship might have passed betwixt the legs of it, with all its sails fully displayed; being thrown down by an earth-quake, the brasse of it did load 900 Camels. But above all ancient designs to this pur­pose, that would have been most [Page 65] wonderfull, which a Grecian Archi­tect did propound unto Alexander, Vitruv. Archit. l. 2. to cut the mountain Athos into the forme of a statue, which in his right hand should hold a Town capable of ten thousand men, and in his left a Ves­sell to receive all the water that flow­ed from the severall springs in the mountain. But whether Alexander in his ambition did feare that such an Idoll should have more honour then he himself, or whether in his good husbandry, hee thought that such a Microcosme (if I may so style it) would have cost him almost as much as the conque­ring of this great world, or what ever else was the reason, he refused to at­tempt it.

Amongst the Romanes we read of a brazen Colossus, Suet. Ner. made at the command and charges of Nero, which was 120 foot high; Martiall cals it Sydereus, or starry.

Hic ubi Sydereus propius videt astra Colossus. And it is storied of M. Curio, Pancirol. Deperd. Tit. 18. that he erected two Theaters suffici­ently [Page 66] capacious of people, contrived moveable upon certain hinges; Some­times there were severall playes and shows in each of thē, neither being a­ny disturbance to the other; & some­times they were both turned about, with the people in them, and the ends meeting together, did make a perfect Amphitheater: so that the spectators which were in either of them, might joyntly behold the same spectacles.

There were besides at Rome sundry Obelisks, Idē Tit. 31. made of so many intire stones, some of them 40, some 80, and others 90 cubits high. The chief of them were brought out of Aegypt, where they were dug out of divers quarries, & being wrought into form, were afterwards (not without incredi­ble labour, and infinite charges) con­veyed unto Rome. In the year 1586, there was erected an old Obelisk, which had been formerly dedicated unto the memory of Iulius Caesar. It was one solid stone, being an Ophite or kind of spotted Marble. The height of it was 107 foot, the breadth of it [Page 67] at the bottome was 12 foot, at the top 8. Its whole weight is reckoned to be 956148 pounds, besides the heavinesse of all those instruments that were used about it, which (as it is thought) could not amount to lesse then 1042824 pounds. It was trans­placed at the charges of Pope Sixtus the fifth, from the left side of the Vatican, unto a more eminent place a­bout a hundred foot off, where now it stands. The moving of this Obelisk is celebrated by the writings of above 56 severall Authours, (saith Monan­tholius) all of them mentioning it, Comment. in Mechan. Arist. c. 19. not without much wonder and praise. Now if it seem so strange and glori­ous an attempt to move this Obelisk for so little a space, what then may we think of the carriage of it out of Aegypt, and divers other far greater works performed by Antiquity? This may seem to infer, that these Mecha­nicall arts are now lost, and decayed a­mongst the many other ruines of time: which yet notwithstanding cannot be granted, without much ingrati­tude [Page 68] to those learned men, whose la­bours in this kind we enjoy, and may justly boast of. And therefore for our better understanding of these par­ticulars, it will not be amisse to en­quire both why, and how, such works should be performed in those former and ruder ages, which are not, and (as it should seem) cannot be effected in these later and more learned times. In the examination of which, wee shall finde that it is not the want of art that disables us for them, since these Mechanicall discoveries are al­together as perfect, and (I think) much more exact now, then they were here­tofore; but it is, because we have not either the same motives, to attempt such works, or the same means to effect them as the Ancients had.

CAP. XI. That the Ancients had divers motives and means for such vast magnificent works, which we have not.

THe motives by which they were excited to such magnificent at­tempts, we may conceive to be chief­ly three:

• Religion.
• Policy.
• Ambition.

1. Religion. Hence was it that most of these stately buildings were intended for some sacred use, being either Temples or As Pyra­mids, Obe­lisks. Tombes, all of them dedicated to some of their Dei­ties. It was an in-bred principle in those ancient Heathen, that they could not chuse but merit very much by be­ing liberall in their outward services. And therefore we read of Croesus, that being overcome in a battell, Herodot. l. 1. and taken by Cyrus, he did revile the gods of in­gratitude, because they had no better care of him, who had so frequently [Page 70] adored them with costly oblations. And as they did conceive themselves bound to part with their lives in de­fence of their religion: so likewise to employ their utmost power and estate, about any such design, which might promote or advance it. Where­as now, the generality of men, espe­cially the wisest sort amongst them, are in this respect of another opini­on, counting such great and immense labours, to be at the best but glorious vanities. The Temple of Solomon in­deed was to be a type, and therefore it was necessary that it should be so extraordinarily magnificent, other­wise perhaps a much cheaper structure might have been as commendable and serviceable.

2. Policy, that by this means they might find out imployment for the people, who of themselves being not much civilized, might by idlenesse quickly grow to such a rudenesse and barbarisme, as not to be bounded within any laws of governmēt. Plin. l. 6. c. 12. Again, by this means the riches of the king­dome [Page 71] did not lye idly in their kings treasuries, but was always in motion, which could not but be a great ad­vantage, and improvement to the Common-wealth. And perhaps some of them feared lest if they should leave too much money unto their suc­cessors, it might be an occasion to in­snare them in such idle and vain cour­ses, as would ruine their kingdomes. Whereas in these later ages, none of all these politick incitements can be of any force, because now there is imployment enough for all, and mo­ny little enough for every one.

3. Ambition to be known unto po­sterity; and hence likewise arose that incredible labour and care they be­stowed, to leave such monuments be­hinde them, as might Psal. 49.11. continue for e­ver, and make them famous unto all after ages. This was the reason of Absalons pillar, spoken of in Scrip­ture, to keep his name in remembrance. 2 Sam. 18.18. And doubtlesse this too was the end which many other of the Ancients have aimed at, in those (as they [Page 72] thought) everlasting buildings.

But now these later ages are much more active and stirring: so that eve­ry ambitious man may finde so much businesse for the present, that he shall scarce have any leisure to trouble himself about the future. And there­fore in all these respects, there is a great disproportion betwixt the in­citements of those former and these later times unto such magnificent at­tempts.

Again, as they differ much in their motives unto them, so likewise in the meanes of effecting them.

There was formerly more leisure and opportunity, both for the great men to undertake such works, and for the people to perfect them. Those past ages were more quiet and peaceable, the Princes rather wanting imployment, then being over-prest with it, and therefore were willing to make choice of such great designs, about which to busie themselves: whereas now the world is growne more politick, and therefore more [Page 73] troublesome, every great man having other private and necessary businesse about which to imploy both his time and means. And so likewise for the common people, who then living more wildly without being confined to particular trades and professions, might be more easily collected about such famous imployments; whereas now, if a Prince have any occasion for an Army, it is very hard for him to raise so great a multitude, as were usually imployed about these magnifi­cent buildings. We read of 360000 men that were busied for twenty years in making one of the Aegyptian Pyra­mids. Lib. 2. And Herodotus tels us of 1000000 men who were as long in building another of them. About the carri­age of one stone for Amasis the distance of twenty days journy, there was for three years together imployed 2000 chosen men, Governours, besides many other under-labourers. 'Twas the opinion of Antiq. l. 2. c. 5. Iosephus and Nazi­enzen, that these Pyramids were built by Ioseph for granaries against the [Page 74] years of famine. Others think that the brick made by the children of Israel, was imployed about the fra­ming of them, because we read that the Tower of Babel did consist of brick or artificiall stone, Gen. 11.3. And if these were the labourers that were busied about them, 'tis no wonder though they were of so vast a mag­nitude; for we read that the children of Israel at their comming out of Ae­gypt, were numbred to be six hundred thousand, and three thousand, and five hundred and fifty men, Numb. 1.46. so many handfuls of earth would almost make a mountain, and there­fore wee may easily beleeve that so great a multitude in so long a space as their bondage lasted, for above four hundred years, might well e­nough accomplish such vast designs.

In the building of Solomons Tem­ple, there were threescore and ten thousand that bare burdens, and four­score thousand hewers in the moun­tains, 1 Kings 5.15.

The Ephesian Temple was built by [Page 75] all Asia joyning together, the 127 pillars were made by so many kings, according to their severall successi­ons, the whole work being not fini­shed under the space of two hundred and fifteen years. Whereas the trans­placing of that Obelisk at Rome by Sixtus the fift, (spoken of before) was done in some few days by five or six hundred men; and as the work was much lesse then many other re­corded by Antiquity: so the means by which it was wrought, was yet far lesse in this respect then what is related of them.

2. The abundance of wealth, which was then ingrossed in the possession of some few particular persōs, being now diffused amongst a far greater number. There is now a greater equality a­mongst mankind, and the flourishing of arts and sciences, hath so stirred up the sparks of mens naturall nobi­lity, and made them of such active and industrious spirits, as to free themselves in a great measure from that slavery, which those former and [Page 76] wilder Nations were subjected unto.

In building one of the Pyramids, there was expended for the mainte­nance of the labourers, with Radish and Onyons, no lesse then eighteen hundred talents, which is reckoned to amount unto 1880000 crowns, or thereabouts. And considering the cheapnesse of these things in those times and places, so much money might go farther then a summe ten times greater could doe in the main­tenance of so many now.

In Solomons Temple we know how the extraordinary riches of that King, the generall flourishing of the whole State, and the liberality of the people did joyntly concur to the building of the Temple. De bell. Iud. l. 6. ca. 6. Pecuniarum copia & po­puli largitas, majora dictu conabatur, (saith Iosephus.) The Rhodian Colossus is reported to have cost three hun­dred talents the making. And so were all those other famous monuments of proportionable expence.

Pancirollus speaking of those Thea­ters that were erected at the charges [Page 77] of some private Romane Citizens, saith thus: Deperd. Tit. 18. Nostro hoc saeculo vel Rex satis haberet quod ageret aedificio ejus­modi erigendo; and a little after upon the like occasion, Res mehercule mira­culosa, quae nostris temporibus vix à po­tentissimo aliquo rege possit exhiberi.

3. Adde unto the two former con­siderations that exact care and inde­fatigable industry which they bestow­ed in the raising of those structures: These being the chief and only de­signs on which many of them did im­ploy all their best thoughts and ut­most endevours. Cleopes an Aegypti­an King is reported to have been so desirous to finish one of the Pyramids, that having spent all about it he was worth, or could possibly procure, he was forced at last to prostitute his own daughter for necessary maintenance. And we read of Ramises another King of Aegypt, Plin. l. 36. c. 9. how that he was so careful to erect an Obelisk, about w ^ch he had imployed 20000 men, that when he feared lest through the negligence of the artificers, or weaknesse of the en­gine, [Page 78] the stone might fall and break, he tyed his own son to the top of it, that so the care of his safety might make the workmen more circumspect in their businesse. And what strange matters may be effected by the meer diligence and labour of great multi­tudes, we may easily discern from the wilde Indians, who having not the art or advantage of Engines, did yet by their unwearied industry remove stones of an incredible greatnesse. A­costa relates that he himself measured one at Tiaguanaco, Histor. Ind. l. 6. c. 14. which was thirty eight foot long, eighteen broad, and six thick, and he affirms that in their stateliest aedifices, there were many other of much vaster magnitude.

From all which considerations it may appear, that the strangenesse of those ancient monuments above any that are now effected, does not neces­sarily infer any defect of art in these later ages. And I conceive, it were as easie to demonstrate the Mechani­call Arts in these times to be so farre beyond the knowledge of former [Page 79] ages, that had we but the same means as the Ancients had, we might effect far greater matters then any they at­tempted, and that too in a shorter space, and with lesse labour.

CAP. XII. Concerning the force of the Mechanick faculties, particularly the Ballance and Leaver. How they may be contrived to move the whole world, or any other conceivable weight.

ALL these magnificent works of the Ancients before specified, are scarce considerable in respect of art, if we compare them with the famous speeches and acts of Archimedes: Of whom it is reported that he was fre­quently wont to say, how that he could move, Datum pondus cum datâ potentiâ, The greatest conceivable weight with the least conceivable power: and that if he did but know where to stand and fasten his instru­ment, he could move the world, all [Page 80] this great globe of sea and land; which promises, though they were altogether above the vulgar appre­hension or belief, yet because his acts were somewhat answerable thereun­to, therefore the King of Syracuse did enact a law whereby every man was bound to beleeve, what ever Archi­medes would affirm.

'Tis easie to demonstrate the Geo­metricall truth of those strange asser­tions, by examining them according to each of the forenamed Mechanick faculties, every one of which is of infinite power.

To begin with the two first of them, the Ballance and the Leaver, (which I here joyn together, because the pro­portions of both are wholly alike) 'tis certain, though there should bee the greatest imaginable weight, and the least imaginable power, (suppose the whole world, & the strength of one man or infant) yet if we conceive the same dis-proportion betwixt their se­verall distances in the former faculties from the fulciment or center of gra­vity, [Page 81] they would both equiponde­rate. And if the distance of the power from the center, in comparison to the distance of the weight, were but any thing more then the heavinesse of the weight is in respect of the power, it may then be evident from the former principles, that the power would be of greater force then the weight, and consequently able to move it.

Thus if we suppose this great globe at A, to [Page 82] cōtain 2400000000000000000000000 pounds, allowing a hundred pound for each cubicall foot in it, Static. l. 3. prop 10. (as Stevinius hath calculated) yet a man or childe at D, whose strength perhaps is but equivalent to one hundred, or tenne pounds weight, may be able to out­weigh and move it, if there be but a little greater disproportion betwixt the two distances CD, and CB, then there is betwixt the heavinesse of the weight, and the strength of the pow­er, that is, if the distance CD, unto the other distance CB, be any thing more thē 2400000000000000000000000 unto 100 or 10, every ordinary in­strument doth include all these parts really, though not sensibly distingui­shed.

Under this latter faculty I did be­fore mention that engine by which Archemedes drew up the Roman ships, Lipsius Po­liorcet. l. 1. Dialog. 6. at the siege of Syracuse. This is usu­ally styled Tollenon, being of the same form with that which is commonly used by Brewers, and Dyers, for the drawing of water. It consists of two [Page 83] posts, the one fastned perpendicularly in the ground, the other being join­ted on crosse to the top of it. At the end he fastned a strong hook or grap­ple of iron, which being let over the wall to the river, he would thereby take hold of the ships, as they passed under; and afterwards by applying some weight, or perhaps the force of Screwes to the other end, hee would thereby lift them into the open air, where having swinged them up and down till he had shaked out the men and goods that were in them, he would then dash the Vessels a­gainst the rocks, or drown them in their sudden fall: insomuch that Mar­cellus the Roman Generall was wont to say, Plutach. in his life. [...], That Archimedes made use of his ships in stead of Buckets, to draw water with.

This faculty will be of the same force, not only when it is continued in one, but also when it is multiplied in divers instruments, as may be con­ceived in this other form, which I [Page 84] doe not mention, as if it could be ser­viceable for any motion (since the space by which the weight would be moved, will be so little as not to fall under sense) but only for the better explication of this Mechanick prin­ciple, and for the right understan­ding of that force arising from mul­tiplication in the other faculties, which doe all depend upon this. The Wheel, and Pulley, and Screw, be­ing but as so many Leavers of a cir­cular form and motion, whose strength may therefore be continued to a grea­ter space.

Imagine the weight A, to be a hun­dred thousand pounds, and the di­stance of that point, wherein every Leaver touches either the weight or one another from the point where they touch the prop, to be but one [Page 85] such part, whereof the remainder contains ten, then according to the former grounds 10000 at B, will e­quiponderate to A, which is 100000, so that the second Leaver hath but 10000 pounds to move. Now be­cause this observes the same propor­tions with the other in the distances of its severall points, therefore 1000 pounds at C, will be of equall weight to the former. And the weight at C, being but as a thousand pound, that which is but as a hundred at D, will be answerable unto it; and so still in the same proportion, that which is but 10 at E, will be equall to 100 at D; and that which is but one pound at F, will also be equall to ten at E. Whence it is manifest, that 1 pound at F, is equall to 100000 at A; and the weight must always be dimini­shed in the same proportion as ten to one, because in the multiplication of these Leavers, the distance of the point, where the instrument touches the weight, from that where it tou­ches the prop, is but as one such [Page 86] part, whereof the remainder contains ten. But now if wee imagine it to be as the thousandth part, then must the weight be diminished according to this proportion; and then in the same multiplication of leavers, 1 l. will be equall to 1000000000000000 pounds: so that though we suppose the weight to be never so heavy, yet let the disproportion of distances be greater, or the Leavers more, and any little power may move it.

CAP. XIII. Of the Wheel, by multiplication of which it is easie to move any imaginable weight.

THe Wheel or axis in peritrochio, was before demonstrated to bee of equivalent force with the former faculties. If we conceive the same difference betwixt the Semidiameter of the wheels or spokes AC, See the fi­gure cap. 6▪ pa. 3 [...]. and the Semidiameter of the axis AB, as there is betwixt the weight of the world, [Page 87] and the strength of a man, it may then be evident, that this strength of one man, by the help of such an instrument, will equiponderate to the weight of the whole world. And if the Semidia­meter of the wheel AC, be but any thing more in respect of the Semidi­ameter of the axis AB, then the weight of the world supposed at D, is in comparison to the strength of a man at C; it may then be manifest from the same grounds that this strength will be of so much greater force then the weight, and conse­quently able to move it.

The force of this faculty may be more conveniently understood and u­sed by the multiplication of severall wheels, An engine of many wheels is is com­monly cal­led Glosso­comus. together with nuts belong­ing unto each of them; as it may be ea­sily experimented in the ordinary Jacks that are used for the roasting of meat, which commonly consist but of three wheels, How to pull a man above ground with a sin­gle hair▪ and yet if we sup­pose a man tyed in the place of the weight, it were easie by a single hair fastned unto the fly or ballance of the [Page 88] Jack, to draw him up from the ground, as will be evident from this follow­ing figure.

[Page 89]Where suppose the length of the fly or ballance in comparison to the breadth of its axis, to be as 10 to one, and so for the three other wheels in respect of the nuts that be­long unto thē; (though this difference be oftentimes lesse, as we may well al­low it to be) withall suppose the weight (or a man tyed in the place of it) to be a hundred pounds: I say according to this supposition, it is evident that the power at the ballance, which shall be equall to the weight, need be but as 1 to 10000. For the first axis is conceived to be but as the tenth part of its wheel, and therefore though the weight in it self be as 10000, yet unto a power that hath this advantage, it is but as 1000, and therefore this thousand unto the like power at the second wheel, will be but as 100, and this 100 at the third but as 10; and lastly, this ten at the ballance but as one. But the weight was before supposed to be 100, which to the first wheel will be but 10, to the second as one, to the third as a deci­mall, [Page 90] or one tenth, to the sails as one hundreth part: so that if the hair be but strong enough to lift 1/10000 that is, one ten thousandth part of a man, or (which is all one) one hundreth part of a pound, it may as well serve by the help of this instrument for the drawing of him up. And though there be not altogether so great a dis­proportion betwixt the severall parts of a Jack, (as in many perhaps there is not;) and though a man may be heavier then is here supposed, yet 'tis withall considerable that the strength of a hair is able to bear much more then the hundreth part of a pound.

Upon this ground Mersennus tels us out of Solomon de Cavet, Comment. in Gen. c. 1. v. 10. art. 6 De viribus motricibus Theor. 16. that if there were an engine of 12 wheels, each of them with teeth, as also the axes or nuts that belong unto them, if the Diameter of these wheels were unto each axis, as a hundred to one: and if we suppose these wheels to be so placed, that the teeth of the one might take hold of the axis that be­longs unto the next, and that the axis [Page 91] of the handle may turn the first wheel, and the weight be tyed unto the axis of the last, with such an engine as this, saith he, a child (if he could stand a­ny where without this earth) might with much ease move it towards him.

For according to the former sup­position, that this globe of sea and land, did contain as many hundred pounds; as it doth cubicall feet, viz. 2400000000000000000000000, it may be evident that any strength, whose force is but equivalent to 3 pounds, will by such an engine bee able to move it.

Of this kinde was that engine so highly extolled by Stevinus, which he cals Pancration, or Omnipotent, De Staticae praxi. pre­ferring it before the inventions of Archimedes. It consisted of wheeles and nuts, as that before specified is supposed. Hither also should be re­ferred the force of racks, which serve for bending of the strongest bows, Ramelli Fig. 160. as also that little pocket engine where­with a man may break or wrench o­pen [Page 92] any dore, together with divers the like instruments in common use.

CAP. XIV. Concerning the infinite strength of Wheels, Pulleys, & Screws. That it is possible by the multiplication of these, to pull up any Oak by the roots with a hair, lift it up with a straw, or blow it up with ones breath, or to perform the greatest labour with the least power.

FRom what hath been before deli­vered concerning the nature of the Pulley, it is easie to understand, how this faculty also may be proportio­ned betwixt any weight, and any power, as being likewise of infinite strength.

'Tis reported of Archimedes, that with an engine of Pulleys, to which he applyed onely his left hand, he lifted up 7000 saith Zetzes Chiliad. 2. Hist. 35. 5000 bushels of corn at once, and drew a ship with all its la­ding [Page 93] upon dry land. This engine Ze­tzes cals Trispatum, or Trispastum, which signifies only a threefold Pulley; But herein he doth evidently mistake, for 'tis not possible that this alone should serve for the motion of so great a weight, because such an engine can but make a subsextuple, or at most a subseptuple proportion betwixt the weight and power, which is much too little, to reconcile the strength of a man unto so much heavinesse. There­fore Vbaldus doth more properly style it Polyspaston, Praef. ad Mechan. or an instrument of ma­ny Pulleys: How many, were easie to find out, if we did exactly know the weight of those ancient measures; supposing them to be the same with our bushell in England, which con­tains 64 pintes or pounds, the whole would amount to 320000 pounds, half of which would be lightned by the help of one Pulley, three quar­ters by two Pulleys, and so onward, according to this subduple, subqua­druple, and subsextuple proportion: So that if we conceive the strength [Page 94] of the left hand to be equivalent unto 20 or 40 pounds, it is easie to finde out how many Pulleys are required to inable it for the motion of so great a weight.

Upon this ground Mersennus tels us, Comment. in Gen. c. 1. v. 10. art. 6. that any little childe with an en­gine of an hundred double Pulleys, might easily move this great globe of earth, though it were much heavier then it is. And in reference to this kind of engine (saith Monantholius) are we to understand that assertion of Archimedes (as he more immediately intended it) concerning the possibility of moving the world. Praef. ad Mechan. Aristotle.

The wedge was before demonstra­ted to be as a double Vectis or Lea­ver, and therefore it would be need­lesse to explain particularly how this likewise may be contrived of infinite force.

The Screw is capable of multipli­cation, as well as any of the other fa­culties, and may perhaps be more serviceable for such great weights, then any of the rest. Archimedes his [Page 95] engine of greatest strength, called Charistion, Stevin. de Static. prax. See Besson. is by some thought to con­sist of these. Axes habebat cum infini­tis cochleis. And that other engine of his called Helix (mentioned by Deipnoso­phist. li. 5. Oper. exter. Archimed. A­thenaeus) wherewith he lifted Hiero's great ship into the sea, without any other help, is most likely to be fra­med of perpetuall screws, saith Ri­valtus.)

Whence it may evidently appear, that each of these Mechanick facul­ties are of infinite power, and may be contrived proportionable unto any conceivable weight. And that no naturall strength is any way com­parable unto these artificiall inven­tions.

'Tis reported of Sampson, that he he could carry the gates of a city upon his shoulders, Judg. 15. and that the strongest bonds were unto him but as flax burnt with fire, and yet his hair being sha­ved off, all his strength departed from him. We A. Gell. Noct. Att. l. 15. c. 16. read of Milo, that he could carry an Oxe upon his back, and yet when he tried to tear an Oak asun­der [Page 96] that was somewhat riven before, having drawn it to its utmost, it suddenly joined together again, catch­ing his hands in the cleft, and so strongly manackled him, that he be­came a prey to the wilde beasts.

But now by these Mechanicall con­trivances, it were easie to have made one of Sampsons hairs that was sha­ved off, to have been of more strength, then all of them when they were on. By the help of these arts it is possible (as I shall demonstrate) for any man to lift up the greatest Oak by the roots with a straw, to pull it up with a hair, or to blow it up with his breath.

Suppose the roots of an Oak to ex­tend a thousand foot square, (which is almost a quarter of a mile) and forty foot deep, each cubicall foot being a hundred pound weight; which though it be much beyond the extēsi­on of any tree, or the weight of earth, the compasse of the roots in the ground (according to common opinion) not extending further then the branches of it in the air, and the [Page 97] depth of it not above ten foot, beyond which the greatest rain doth not pe­netrate (saith Nat. Qu. l. 3. c. 7. Seneca.) Ego vinearum diligens fossor affirmo nullam pluviam esse tam magnam, quae terram ultra de­cem pedes in altitudinem madefaciat. And because the root must receive its nourishment from the help of show­ers, therefore it is probable that it doth not goe below them. So that (I say) though the proportions sup­posed doe much exceed the reall truth, yet it is considerable that some great overplus must be allowed for that labour which there will be in the forcible divulsion or separation of the parts of the earth which are con­tinued.

According to this supposition, the work of forcing up the Oak by the roots, will be equivalent to the lift­ing up of 4000000000 pound weight, which by the aduantage of such an engine, as is here described, may be easily performed with the least con­ceivable power.

[Page 98]

[Page 99]The whole force of this engine doth consist in two double Pulleys, twelve wheels, and a sail. One of these Pulleys at the bottome will diminish half of the weight, so that it shall be but as 2000000000, and the other Pulley will abate ¾ three quar­ters of it: so that it shall be but as 1000000000. And because the be­ginning of the string being fastned unto the lower Pulley, makes the power to be in a subquintuple pro­portion unto the weight, See cha. 7. therefore a power that shall be as 1000000000, that is, a subquadruple, will be so much stronger then the weight, and consequently able to move it. Now suppose the breadth of all the axes and nuts, to be unto the Diameters of the wheel as ten to one; and it will then be evident, that to a pow­er at the first wheel, the weight is but as 100000000. To the second as 10000000. To the third as 1000000. To the fourth as 100000. To the fifth as 10000. To the sixth as 1000. To the seventh as 100. To the eighth [Page 100] as 10. To the ninth as 1. To the tenth as 1/10, one decimall. To the ele­venth as 1/100. To the twelfth as 1/1000. And to the sails yet lesse. So that if the strength of the straw, or hair, or breath, be but equall to the weight of one thousandth part of a pound, it may be of sufficient force to pull up the Oak.

If in this engine we suppose the disproportion betwixt the wheeles and nuts, to be as a hundred to one, then it is very evident that the same strength of breath, or a hair, or a straw, would be able to move the whole world, as will be easily found by cal­culation. Let this great globe of sea and land bee imagined (as before) to weigh so many hundred pounds as it contains cubicall feet; namely, 2400000000000000000000000 pounds. This will bee to the first Pulley, 1200000000000000000000000. To the se­cond lesse thē 600000000000000000000000. But for more easie and convenient reckoning, let it be supposed to be somewhat more, viz. 100000000000000000000000 [Page 101] This to the first wheel will be but as

 

10000000000000000000000.

To the second as

100000000000000000000.

To the third as

1000000000000000000.

To the fourth as

10000000000000000.

To the fifth

100000000000000.

To the sixth

1000000000000.

To the seventh

10000000000.

To the eighth

100000000.

To the ninth

1000000.

To the tenth

10000.

To the eleventh

100.

To the twelfth

1.

To the sails as

1/100.

So that a power which is much lesse then the hundredth part of a pound will bee able to move the world.

It were needlesse to set down any particular explication, how such Me­chanicall strength may be applyed un­to all the kinds of locall motion; since this, in it self is so facill and obvious, that every ordinary artificer doth sufficiently understand it.

The species of locall violent mo­tion are by Aristotle reckoned to bee these four:

• [Page 102] Pulsio.
• Phys. l. 7. c. 3.
  Tractio.
• Vectio.
• Vertigo.

Thrusting, Drawing, Carrying, Turning. Unto some of which all these artificiall operations must ne­cessarily be reduced, the strength of any power being equally applyable unto all of them; So that there is no work impossible to these contrivan­ces, but there may be as much acted by this art, as can be fancied by ima­gination.

CAP. XV. Concerning the proportion of slownesse and swiftnesse in Mechanicall motions.

HAving already discoursed con­cerning the strength of these Me­chanicall faculties: it remains for the more perfect discovery of their na­tures, that we treat somewhat con­cerning those two differences of ar­tificiall motion:

• [Page 103]Slownesse,
• and Swiftnesse.

Without the right understanding of which, a man shall be exposed to many absurd mistakes, in attempting of those things, which are either in themselves impossible, or else not to be performed with such means as are applyed unto them. I may safely af­firm, that many, if not most mistakes in these Mechanicall designs, doe a­rise from a mis-apprehension of that difference, which there will be be­twixt the slownesse or swiftnesse of the weight and power, in comparison to the proportion of their severall strengths.

Hence it is, that so many engines invented for mines and water-works doe so often fail in the performance of that for which they were inten­ded, because the artificers many times doe forget to allow so much time for the working of their engine, as may be proportionable to the difference betwixt the weight and power that [Page 104] belong unto them: whereas he that rightly understands the grounds of this art, may as easily find out the difference of space and time, required to the motion of the weight and power, as he may their different strengths; and not only tell how any power may move any weight, but al­so in what a space of time it may move it any space or distance.

If it were possible to contrive such an invention, whereby any conceiva­ble weight may be moved by any conceivable power, both with the same quicknesse and speed (as it is in those things which are immediately stirred by the hand, without the help of any other instrument) the works of nature would be then too much subjected to the power of art: and men might be thereby incouraged (with the builders of Babell, or the rebell Gyants) to such bold designes as would not become a created be­ing. And therefore the wisdome of providence hath so confined these hu­mane arts, that what any invention [Page 105] hath in the strength of its motion, is abated in the slowness of it: and what it hath in the extraordinary quickness of its motion, must be allowed for in the great strength that is required unto it.

For it is to be observed as a gene­rall rule, that the space of time or place, in which the weight is moved, in comparison to that, in which the power doth move, is in the same proportion as they themselves are unto one another.

So that if there be any great diffe­rence betwixt the strength of the weight and the power, the same kind of differences will there be in the spaces of their motion.

To illustrate this by an example: [Page 106]

Let the line GAB, represent a bal­lance or leaver, the weight being supposed at the point G, the fulci­ment at A, and the power sustaining the weight at B. Suppose the point G, unto which the weight is fastned, to be elevated unto F, and the oppo­site point B, to be depressed unto C; 'tis evident that the arch FG, or (which is all one) DE, doth shew the space of the weight, and the arch BC, the motion of the power. Now [Page 107] both these arches have the same pro­portion unto one another, as there is betwixt the weight and the power, or (which is all one) as there is be­twixt their severall distances from the fulciment. Suppose AG, unto AB, to be as one unto four, it may then be evident that FG, or DE, will be in the same proportion unto BC. For as any two Semidiameters are un­to one another, so are the severall cir­cumferences described by them, as also any proportionall parts of the same circumferences.

And as the weight and power doe thus differ in the spaces of their mo­tions, so likewise in the slownesse of it; the one moving the whole di­stance BC, in the same time, where­in the other passes onely GF. So that the motion of the power from B to C, is four times swifter then that of the weight from G to F. And thus will it be, if we suppose the dispro­portions to be far greater, whether or no we conceive it, either by a conti­nuation of the same instrument and [Page 108] faculty, as in the former example, or by a multiplication of divers, as in Pul­leys, Wheels, &c. By how much the power is in it selfe lesse then the weight, by so much will the motion of the weight be slower, then that of the power.

To this purpose I shall briefly touch at one of the Diagrams expres­sed before in the twelfth Chapter, concerning the multiplication of Lea­vers.

In which, as each instrument doth diminish the weight according to a decuple proportion, so also doe they diminish the space and slownesse of its motion. For if we should conceive the first Leaver B, to be depressed unto its lowest, suppose ten foot, yet the weight A, would not be rai­sed [Page 109] above one foot; but now the se­cond Leaver at its utmost could move but a tenth part of the first, and the third Leaver but a tenth part of the second, and so of the rest. So that the last Leaver F, being depressed, will passe a space 100000 greater, and by a motion, 100000 swifter then the weight at A.

Thus are we to conceive of all the other faculties, wherein there is con­stantly the same disproportiō betwixt the weight and power, in respect of the spaces and slownesse of their mo­tions, as there is betwixt their seve­rall gravities. If the power be unto the weight, but as one unto a hun­dred, then the space through which the weight moves, will be a hundred times lesse, and consequently the mo­tion of the weight a hundred times slower then that of the power.

So that it is but a vain and impos­sible fancy for any one to think that he can move a great weight with a litle power in a litle space; but in all these Mechanicall attempts, that ad­vantage [Page 110] which is gotten in the strength of the motion, must be still allowed for in the slownesse of it.

Though these contrivances doe so extreamly increase the power, yet they doe proportionably protract the time. That which by such helps one man may doe in a hundred days, may be done by the immediate strength of a hundred men in one day.

CAP. XVI. That it is possible to contrive such an artificiall motion, as shall bee of a slownesse proportionable to the swift­nesse of the heavens.

IT were a pretty subtilty to inquire after, whether or no it be not pos­sible to contrive such an artificiall motion, that should be in such a pro­portion slow, as the heavens are sup­posed to be swift.

For the exact resolution of which, it would be requisite that we should first pitch upon some medium, or in­different [Page 111] motion, by the distance from which, we may judge of the proportions on either side, whether slownesse or swiftnesse. Now because there is not any such naturall medium, which may be absolutely styled an indifferent motion, but that the swift­nesse and slownesse of every thing, is still proportioned either to the quan­tity of bodies, in which they are, or some other particular end for which they are designed; therefore we must take liberty to suppose such a moti­on, and this we may conceive to be about 1000 paces, or a mile in an hower.

The starry heaven, or 8 ^th sphere is thought to move 42398437 miles in the same space: So that if it may be demonstrated that it is possible to contrive such a motion, which going on in a constant direct course, shall passe but the 42398437 part of a mile in an hower, it will then be evident, that an artificiall motion may bee slow, in the same proportion as the heavens are swift.

[Page 112]Now it was before manifested that according to the difference betwixt the weight and power, so will the difference be betwixt the slownesse or swiftnesse of their motions; whence it will follow, that in such an en­gine, wherein the weight shall bee 42398437 pounds, and the power that doth equiponderate it, but the 42398437 part of a pound (which is easie to contrive) in this engine the power being supposed to move with such a swiftnesse, as may be answe­rable to a mile an hower, the weight will passe but the 42398437 part of a mile in the same space, and so con­sequently will be proportionably slow unto the swiftnesse of the heavens.

It is related by our Country-man I. Dee, that he and Cardan being both together in their travels, Preface to Euclid. they did see an instrument which was at first sold for 20 talents of gold, wherein there was one wheel, which constantly moving round amongst the rest, did not finish one revolution under the space of seven thousand years.

[Page 113]But if we farther consider such an instrument of wheels as was mentio­ned before in the 14 chapter, with which the whole world might bee easily moved, we shall then find that the motion of the weight by that, must be much more slow, then the heavens are swift. For though wee suppose (saith Stevinus) the handle of such an engine with 12 wheels to be turned about 4000 times in an how­er, De stat. pract. (which is as often as a mans pulse doth beat) yet in ten years space the weight by this would not be moved above 10512/2400 0000000000000000 parts of one foot, which is nothing near so much as a hairs breadth. And it could not passe an inch in 1000000 years, saith Mersennus. Phaenom. Mechan prop. 11.

The truth of which we may more easily conceive, if we consider the frame and manner of this 12 wheeld engine. Suppose that in each axis or nut, there were ten teeth, and on each wheel a thousand: then the sails of this engine must be turned a hundred times, before the first wheel, (recko­ning [Page 114] downward) could bee moved round once, and ten thousand times before the second wheel can finish one revolution, and so through the 12 wheels, according to this multiply­ed proportion.

So that besides the wonder w ^ch there is in the force of these Mechanical mo­tions, the extream slownesse of them is no lesse admirable. If a man con­sider that a body should remaine in such a constant direct motion, that there could not bee one minute of time, wherein it did not rid some space, and passe on further, and yet that this body in many years toge­ther, should not move so far as a hairs breadth.

Which notwithstanding may evi­dently appear from the former in­stance. For since it is a naturall princi­ple, that there can be no penetration of bodies, and since it is supposed, that each of the parts in this engine doe touch one another in their su­perficies, therefore it must necessarily follow, that the weight does begin [Page 115] and continue to move with the pow­er: and (however it is insensible) yet it is certain there must be such a mo­tion so extreamly slow, as is here spe­cified. So full is this art of rate and incredible subtilties.

I know it is the assertion of Car­dan, Motus valde tardi, De varieta­te rerum l. 9. c. 47. necessario quie­tes habent intermedias. Extream slow motions have necessarily some inter­mediate stops and rests: But this is onely said, not proved, and he speaks it from sensible experiments, which in this case are fallible. Our senses being very incompetent judges of the severall proportions, whether greatnesse or littlenesse, slownesse or swiftnesse, which there may bee a­mongst things in nature. For ought we know, there may be some Orga­nicall bodies, as much lesse then ours, as the earth is bigger. We see what strange discoveries of extream minute bodies, (as lice, wheal-worms, mites, and the like) are made by the Micro­scope, wherein their severall parts (which are altogether invisible to the [Page 116] bare eye) will distinctly appear: and perhaps there may be other insects that live upon them as they doe upon us. 'Tis certain that our senses are extreamly disproportioned for com­prehending the whole compasse and latitude of things. And because there may be such difference in the motion as vvell as in the magnitude of bo­dies; therefore, though such extream slownesse may seem altogether impos­sible to sense and common apprehen­sion, yet this can be no sufficient ar­gument against the reality of it.

CAP. XVII. Of swiftnesse: how it may be increased to any kind of proportion. Concerning the great force of Archimedes his Engines. Of the Ballista.

BY that which hath been already explained concerning the slowness of motion, we may the better under­stand the nature of swiftnesse, both of them (as is the nature of oppo­sites) [Page 117] being produced by contrary cau­ses. As the greatnesse of the weight in respect of the power, and the great distance of the power from the fulci­ment, in comparison to that of the weight, does cause a slow motion: So the greatnesse of the power above the vveight, and the greater distance of the vveight from the center, in com­parison to that of the power does cause a swift motion. And as it is possible to contrive a motion unto any kind of slownesse, by finding out an an­swerable disproportion betwixt the weight and power: so likewise unto any kind of swiftnesse. For so much as the weight does exceed the pow­er, by so much will the motion of the weight be slower, and so much as the power does exceed the weight, by so much vvill the motion of the weight be swifter.

[Page 118]

In the Diagram set down before, if we suppose F, to be the place of the power, and C of the weight, the point A, being the fulciment or center, then in the same space of time, vvherein the power does move from F, to G, the weight will passe from C, to B. These distances having the same dis­proportion unto one another, as there is betwixt AF, and AC, which is supposed to be quadruple. So that in this example, the weight vvill move [Page 119] four times swifter then the power. And according as the power does ex­ceed the vveight in any greater dis­proportion, so will the swiftnesse of the weight be augmented.

Hence may vve conceive the rea­son of that great force vvhich there is in Slings, vvhich have so much a greater swiftnesse, then a stone thrown from the hand, by how much the end of the Sling is farther off from the shoulder-joynt, vvhich is the center of motion. The sacred history con­cerning Davids victory over Goliah, 1 Sam. 17.49. may sufficiently evidence the force of these. Lipsius Po­lio. l. 4. Dialog. 2. Vegetius relates that it vvas u­suall this vvay to strike a man dead, & beat the soul out of his body, vvith­out so much as breaking his armour or fetching blood. Membris integris laethale tamen vulnus important, & si­ne invidia▪ sanguinis, hostis lapidis ictu intereat.

In the use of these, many of the An­cients have been of very exquisite and admirable skill. We read of seven hun­dred Benjamites left-handed, Judges 20.16. that could [Page 120] sling a stone at a hairs breadth, and not misse. And there is the like storied of a whole Nation amongst the Indians, vvho from their excellency in this art were styled Baleares. [...]. Diodor. Si­cul. Bibli­oth l. 5. L. Florus Hist. l. 3. cap. 8. Io: Boemus Aubanus de moribus gentium l. 3. c. 26. They vvere so strict in teaching this art unto their young ones; Vt cibum puer à matre non accipit, nisi quem ipsâ monstrante percussit, That the mother vvould not give any meat to her child, till (being set at some distance) he could hit it with slinging.

For the farther illustration of this subject, concerning the swiftnesse of motion, I shall briefly specifie some particulars concerning the engines of vvar used by the Ancients. Amongst these, the most famous and admira­ble vvere those invented by Archi­medes, by which he did perform such strange exploits, as (vvere they not related by so many and such judici­ous Authours) vvould scarce seeme credible even to these more learned ages. The acts of that famous Engi­neer, are largely set down by Histor. l. 4 Polybi­us, Histor. Obilius 2. histor. 55. Tzetzes, Li. 2. c. 3. Proclus, Marcel­lus. Plutarch, Histor. l. 24. Li­vy, [Page 121] and divers others. From the first of vvhom alone, vve may have suffi­cient evidence for the truth of those relations. For besides that he is an Authour noted to be very grave and serious in his discourse; and does solemnly promise in one place that he will relate nothing, Histor. l. 4. juxta ini­tium. but what either he himself was an eye-witnesse of, or else what hee had received from those that were so; I say, besides all this, it is considerable, that he him­self was born not above thirty years after the siege of Syracuse. And after­wards having occasion to tarry some weeks in that City, when he travelled vvith Scipio, he might there perhaps see those engines himself, or at least take his information from such as were eye-vvitnesses of their force: So that there can bee no colourable pre­tence for any one to distrust the par­ticulars related of them.

In brief, the sum of their reports is this: When the Romane forces un­der the conduct of Marcellus, had laid siege unto that famous City, (of [Page 122] which, both by their former succes­ses, and their present strength, they could not chuse but promise them­selves a speedy victory;) yet the arts of this one Mathematician, notwith­standing all their policies and reso­lutions, did stil beat them back to their great disadvantage. Whether they were neer the wall or farther from it, they were still exposed to the force of his engines, [...]. From the multitude of those stones and arrows, which he shot against them, was he styled [...], Cael: Rhod: Ant: lect: l. 2. c. 16. Pluteus Testudo. or Briareus. Those defen­sive engines that were made by the Romanes in the form of Pent-houses for to cover the assailants from the weapons of the besieged, these would he presently batter in pieces vvith great stones and blocks. Those high towers erected in some of the ships, out of which the Romanes might more conveniently fight with the de­fendants on the wall, these also were [Page 123] so broken by his engines, that no Cannon or other instrument of Gun-powder, Sir Walt: Raleigh hi­stor. l. 5. c. 3. § 16. (saith a learned man) had they beene then in use, could have done greater mischief. In brief, hee did so molest them with his frequent and prodigious batteries, that the common soldiers were utterly dis­couraged from any hopes of successe.

What was the particular frame and manner of these engines cannot cer­tainly be determined, but to contrive such as may perform the like strange effects, were not very difficult to any one who is thoroughly versed in the grounds of this art. Though perhaps those of Archimedes in respect of di­vers circumstances, vvere much more exact and proper for the purposes to vvhich they vvere intended, then the invention of others could be; He himself being so extraordinarily sub­tle and ingenious above the common sort of men.

'Tis probable that the generall kind of these engines, were the same vvith those that vvere used after­wards [Page 124] amongst the Romanes and o­ther Nations. These were common­ly divided into two sorts: styled

• Ballistae.
• Catapultae.

Both vvhich names are sometimes used promiscuously; Vid. Nau­daeum de Stud. Mi­litar. l. 2. but according to their propriety [...], called also [...]. Fundi­balus. Pe­traria. Ballista does sig­nifie an engine for the shooting of stones, and Catapulta for darts or arrows.

The former of these was fitted ei­ther to carry divers lesser stones, or else one greatest one. Some of these engines made for great stones, have been proportioned to so vast and im­mense a weight, as may seem almost incredible: which occasioned that in Lucan,

With these, they could easily bat­ter down the vvals and Towers of any Fort: So Ovid. ‘ [Page 125] Quam grave ballistae moenia pulsat onus.’ And Statius—

The stones that were cast from these, were of any form, Lipsius Po­liorcet. l. 3. Dial. 3. Enormes & sepul­chrales, Milstones or Tombe-stones. Sometimes for the farther annoy­ance and terror of any besieged place, they would by these throw into it dead bodies, either of men or horses, and sometimes only parts of them as mens heads.

Athenaeus mentions one of these Ballistae that was proportioned unto a stone of three talents vveight, Deipno­soph. l. 5. each talent being 120 pounds (saith Vi­truvius) so that the vvhole vvill a­mount to 360 pounds. Archit. l. 10. c. ult. [...]. Plut. Mar­cell. But it is sto­ried of Archimedes, that he cast a stone into one of Marcellus his ships, which was found to weight ten talents. There is some difference amongst▪ Dav. Ri­valtus Cō ­men. in Ar­chim. Oper. Ext. Authors, concerning what kind of talent this should be understood, but it is certain [Page 126] that in Plutarchs time, (from whō we have this relatiō) one talēt did amount to 120 pounds (saith Suidas: Naudaeus de studio. Milit. l. 2.) according to vvhich account, the stone it self was of no lesse then twelve hundred pound weight. A weapon (one would think) big enough for those rebell Gyants that fought against the gods. Now the greatest Cannon in use, does not carry above 64 pound vveight, which is far short of the strength in these Mathematicall contrivances. A­mongst the Turks indeed, there have been sometimes used such powder in­struments, as may equall the force of those invented by Archimedes. Gab. Naudaeus tels us of one bullet shot from them at the siege of Constanti­nople, De Stud. Mil. l. 2. which was of above 1200 pound vveight; This he affirms from the relation of an Archbishop, who was then present and did see it; the piece could not be drawn by lesse then a hundred and fifty yoak of oxen, vvhich might almost have served to draw away the Town it selfe. But though there hath been perhaps some [Page 127] one or two Cannons of such a prodi­gious magnitude, yet it is certain that the biggest in common use, does come far short of that strength, which was ordinarily in these Mechanical engins.

There are divers figures of these Ballistae, set out by Vegetius, Lipsius, See Rob: Valteuri­us dere Milit. l. 10. c. 4. and others; but being without any explication, it is not very facil to dis­cover in what their forces did consist.

I have here expressed one of them most easie to be apprehended, from the understanding of which, you may the better ghesse at the nature of the rest.

[Page 128]

That great box or cavity at Ai, is supposed to be full of some heavy weight, and is forced up by the tur­ning [Page 129] of the axis and spokes BC. The stone or bullet to be discharged being in a kind of sling at D, which when the greater weight A, descends, will be violently whirled upwards, till that end of the sling at E, coming to the top will flye off, and discharge the stone as the skilfull Artist should di­rect it.

CAP. XVIII. Concerning the Catapultae, or Engines for Arrows.

THe other kind of engine was cal­led Catapulta, [...], In Greek [...]. Athenaeus. Deipnos. l. 5. which signifies a spear or dart, because it was used for the shooting of such weapons: some of these were propor­tioned unto spears of twelve cubits long; they did carry with so great a force, Lib. 23. ut interdum nimio ardore scintil­lant, Lipsius Po­liorcet. l. 3. Dial. 2. (saith Ammianus) that the wea­pons discharged from them were sometimes (if you can beleeve it) set on fire by the swiftnesse of their mo­tion.

[Page 130] Diod. Sicul. Biblioth. l. 14. Sardus de Invent. Re­rum. l. 2.The first invention of these is com­monly ascribed to Dionysius the yon­ger, who is said to have made them amongst his other preparations a­gainst Carthage. But we have good reason to think them of more anci­ent use, because we read in Scripture that Vzziah made in Ierusalem en­gines invented by cunning men to shoot arrows and great stones withall, 2 Chron. 26.15. though it is likely these inventions vvere much bettered by the experience of after ages.

The usuall form of these Catapul­tae, was much after the manner of great Bows placed on Carriages, and wound up by the strength of seve­rall persons. And from that great force which we find in lesser Bows, we may easily ghesse at the greater power of these other engines. Sir Fran: Bacon Nat. Hist. Exp. 704. 'Tis related of the Turkish Bow, that it can strike an arrow through a peece of steel or brasse two inches thick, and being headed onely with wood, it pierces Timber of eight inches. Which though it may seem incredi­ble, [Page 131] yet it is attested by the experience of divers unquestionable witnesses: Barclay in his Icon animorum, a man of sufficient credit, affirms that he was an eye-witnesse, how one of these Bows with a little arrow did pierce through a piece of steel three fingers thick. And yet these Bows being somewhat like the long Bows in use amongst us, were bent only by a mans immediate strength, without the help of any bender or rack that are used to others.

Some Turkish Bows are of that strength, as to pierce a plank of sixe inches in thicknesse, (I speak what I have seen) saith M. Io: Greaves in his Pyramodographia. How much greater force then may we conceive to be im­pressed by the Catapultae?

These were sometimes framed for the discharging of two or three ar­rows together, so that each of them might bee directed unto a severall aim. But it were as easie to contrive thē after the like manner for the carriage of twenty arrows, or more, as in this figure.

[Page 132]

Both these kinds of engines when they were used at the siege of any City, were commonly carried in a great wooden Turret (first invented by Who was therefore styled Po­liorcetes. This kind of Turret was first u­sed at the siege of Cyprus, & is thus de­scribed by Diodorus Sicul. Bib­lioth. l. 20. Demetrius.) It was driven upon four wheels at the bottome, each of its sides being forty five cubits, its height ninety. The whole was divi­ded in nine severall partitions, every one of which did contain divers en­gines for battery: from its use in the battering and taking of Cities it is [Page 133] styled by the name of Helepolis.

He that would be informed in the nature of Bows, let him consult Mer­sennus De Ballistica & Acontismologia, where there are divers subtle inqui­ries and demonstrations, concerning the strength required to the bending of them to any distance. The force they have in the discharge according to severall bents, the strength requi­red to be in the string of them, the severall proportions of swiftnesse and distance in an arrow shot vertically, or horizontally, or transversally.

Those strange effects of the Tur­kish Bow (mentioned before) so much exceeding the force of others, which yet require far greater strength for the bending of them, may probably be ascribed either to the naturall cause of attraction by similitude of sub­stance (as the Lord Bacon conjectures.) For in these experiments the head of the arrow should be of the same substance (whether steel or wood) with that which it pierces: Or else to that just proportion betwixt the [Page 134] weight of the arrow, and the strength of the bow, which must needs much conduce to the force of it, and may perhaps be more exactly discovered in these, then it is commonly in o­thers.

CAP. XIX. A comparison betwixt these ancient en­gines, and the Gun-powder instru­ments now in use.

IT shal not be altogether impertinent to inquire somewhat concerning the advantages and disadvantages betwixt those Military offensive engines, used amongst the Ancients, and those of these later ages.

In which inquiry there are two particulars to be chiefly examined:

1. The force of these severall con­trivances, or the utmost that may be done by them.

2. Their price, or the greatnesse of the charges required unto them.

1. As for the force of these anci­ent [Page 135] inventions, it may sufficiently ap­pear from those many credible relati­ons mentioned before; De bello Iudaico. l. 3. c. 9. to which may be added that in Iosephus, which he sets down from his own eye-sight, being himself a chief Captain at the siege of Iotapata, where these events happened. He tels us that besides the multitude of persons, who were slain by these Romane Engines, being not able to avoid their force, by reason they were placed so far off, and out of sight; Besides this, they did also carry such great stones, with so great a violence, that they did therewith batter down their wals and Towers. A great bellied woman walking a­bout the City in the day time, had her child struck out of her wombe, and carried half a furlong from her. A soldier standing by his Captain Iosephus, on the wall, had his head struck off by another stone sent from these Romane Engines, and his brains carried three furlongs off.

To this purpose Cardan relates out of Ammianus Marcellinus. De variet. l. 12. c. 58. Tanto [Page 136] impetu fertur lapis ut uno viso lapide quamvis intacti barbari fuerint ab eo, destiterunt à pugnâ & abierunt. Many forain people being so amazed at the strange force of these Engines, that they durst not contest with those who were masters of such inventions. 'Tis frequently asserted, that bullets have been melted in the air, by that extremity of violent motion imprest from these slings.

So Lucan, speaking of the same En­gines.

Which relations, though they may seem somewhat poeticall and impro­bable, yet Aristotle himself ( De coelo lib. 2. c. 7.) doth suppose them as un­questionable. From whence it may be inferred, that the force of these En­gines [Page 137] does rather exceed then come short of our Gun-powder inventions.

Add to this that opinion of a lear­ned man (which I cited before) that Archimedes in the siege of Syracuse, Sir Walt. Raleigh. Hist. l. 5. c. 3. § 16. See Lipsius de militiâ Romanâ. l. 5. did more mischief with his Engines, then could have been wrought by a­ny Cannons, had they been then in use.

In this perhaps there may be some disadvantage, because these Mathe­maticall Engines cannot be so easily and speedily wound up, and so cer­tainly levelled as the other may.

2. As for the price or charges of both these, it may be considered un­der three particulars:

• 1. Their making.
• 2. Their carriage or conveyance.
• 3. Their charge and discharging.

In all which respects, the Cannons now in use, are of much greater cost then these other inventions.

1. The making or price of these Gun-powder instruments is extreamly ex­pensive, as may be easily judged by the weight of their materials. A whole [Page 138] Cannō weighing commonly 8000 l. a half Cannon 5000, a Culverin 4500, a Demiculverin 3000; which whether it be in iron or brasse, must needs be very costly, only for the matter of them; besides the farther charges re­quired for the form and making of them, which in the whole must needs amount to severall hundred pounds. Whereas these Mathematicall inven­tions consisting chiefly of Timber, and cords, may be much more cheap­ly made; The severall degrees of them which shall answer in propor­tion to the strength of those other, being at the least ten times cheaper; that is, ten Engines that shall be of equal force either to a Cannon or De­micannon, Culverin or Demiculverin, may be framed at the same price that one of these will amount to: So that in this respect there is a great inequa­lity.

2. As for their carriage or convey­ance; a whole Cannon does require at the least 90 men, or 16 horses, for the draught of it; a half Cannon 56 [Page 139] men, or 9 horses; a Culverin 50 men, or 8 horses; a Demiculverin 36 men, or 7 horses; Supposing the way to be hard and plain, in which notwith­standing the motion wil be very slow. But if the passage prove rising and steep, or rotten and dirty, then they will require a much greater strength and charge for the conveyance of them. Whereas these other inventi­ons are in themselves more light (if there be occasion for the draught of them) being easily taken asunder into severall parts. And besides, their ma­terials are to be found every where, so that they need not be carried up and down at all, but may be easily made in the place where they are to be used.

3. The materials required to the charging of these Gun-powder in­struments, are very costly. A whole Cannon requiring for every charge 40 pound of powder, and a bullet of 64 pounds; a half Cannon 18 pound of powder, and a bullet of 24 pounds; a Culverin 16 pounds of powder, and [Page 140] a bullet of 19 pounds; a Demicul­verin 9 pounds of powder, and a bul­let of 12 pounds: whereas those other Engines may be charged only with stones, or (which may serve for terrour) with dead bodies, or any such materials as every place will af­ford without any cost.

So then, put all these together: If it be so that those ancient inventi­ons did not come short of these other in regard of force, and if they doe so much excell them in divers other respects; It should seem then, that they are much more commodious then these later inventions, and should be preferred before them. But this inquiry cannot be fully determined without particular experience of both.

CAP. XX. That it is possible to contrive such an artificiall motion, as may be equally swift with the supposed motion of the heavens.

FOr the conclusion of this Dis­course, I shall briefly examine (as before concerning slownesse) whether it be possible to contrive such an artifi­ciall motion, as may be equall unto the supposed swiftnesse of the hea­vens. This question hath been for­merly proposed and answered by Car­dan, De Variet. Rerum l. 9. c. 47. where he applies it unto the swift­nesse of the moons orb; but that orb being the lowest of all, and conse­quently of a dull and sluggish moti­on, in comparison to the rest; there­fore it will perhaps be more conve­nient to understand the question con­cerning the eight sphere or starry hea­ven.

For the true resolution of this, it should be first observed, that a mate­riall substance is altogether incapa­ble [Page 142] of so great a celerity, as is usual­ly ascribed to the celestiall orbs. (as I have proved elsewhere) And there­fore the quaere is not to be understood of any reall and experimentall, The earth a planet, prop. 9. but only notionall, and Geometrical con­trivance.

Now that the swiftnesse of moti­on may be thus increased, according to any conceivable proportion, will be manifest from what hath been formerly delivered, concerning the grounds and nature of slownesse and swiftnesse. For according as we shall suppose the power to exceed the weight: so may the motion of the weight be swifter then that of the power.

But to answer more particularly: Let us imagine every wheel in this following figure to have a hundred teeth in it, and every nut ten: [Page 143]

It may then bee evident, that one revolution of the first wheel, will turn the nut, and consequently the second wheel on the same axis ten times, the [Page 144] third wheel a hundred times, the fourth 1000 times, the fifth 10000 the sixth a hundred thousand times, the seventh 1000000 times, the eight 10000000 times the ninth 100000000 times, the sailes 1000000000 times: So that if we suppose the compasse of these sails to be 5 foot, or one pace: and that the first wheel is turned about after the rate of one thousand times in an hower: It wil thē be evident, that the sails shall be turned 1000000000000. times, and consequently shall passe 100000000 miles in the same space. Whereas a star in the Aequator (ac­cording to common Hypothesis) does move but 42398437 miles in an how­er, and therefore it is evident that 'tis possible Geometrically to contrive such an artificiall motion, as shall be of greater swiftnesse, then the sup­posed revolutions of the heavens.

CHAP. I. The divers kinds of Automata, or Self-movers. Of Mils, and the contrivance of severall motions by rarefied air. A brief digressiō concerning wind-guns.

AMongst the variety of artifi­ciall motions, those are of most use and pleasure, in which, by the application of some continued strength, there is bestowed a regular and lasting motion.

These we call the [...], or self-movers: which name in its utmost la­titude, is sometimes ascribed unto those motions, that are contrived from the strength of living creatures, as Chariots, Carts, &c. But in its strictnesse & propriety, it is onely ap­pliable unto such inventions, wherein the motiō is caused either by somthing that belongs unto its own frame, or [Page 146] else by some external inanimate agent.

Whence these [...] are easily di­stinguishable into two sorts:

1. Those that are moved by some­thing which is extrinsecall unto their own frame, as Mils by water or wind.

2. Those that receive their motion from something that does belong to the frame it self, as clocks, watches, by weights, springs, or the like.

Of both which sorts, there have been many excellent inventions: In the recitall of them, I shall insist chiefly on such as are most eminent for their rarity and subtilty.

Amongst the [...] that receive their motion frō some externall agent, those of more common use are Mils.

And first, the Water-mils, which are thought to be before the other, though neither the first Author, nor so much as the time wherein they were inven­ted is fully known. And therefore Polydor Virgil refers them amongst other fatherlesse inventions. De invent. Rerum, l. 3. c. 18. Nat. Hist. l. 18. c. 10. Pliny in­deed doth mention them, as being commonly used in his time: and yet [Page 147] others affirm, that Bellisarius in the reign of Iustinian, did first invent them; De Repert. Tit. 22. Whence Pancirollus concludes that it is likely their use was for some space intermitted, and being after­wards renued again, they were then thought to be first discovered.

However 'tis certain, that this in­vention hath much abridged and ad­vantaged the labours of men, who were before condemned unto this slavery, as now unto the Galleys. Ad Pistri­num. And as the force of waters hath been usefull for this, so likewise may it be contrived to divers other purposes. Herein doth the skill of an artificer chiefly consist, in the application of these common motions unto various and beneficiall ends, making them serviceable not only for the grinding of corn, but for the preparing of iron or other oare, the making of paper, the elevating of water or the like.

To this purpose also are the Mils that are driven by wind, which are so much more convenient then the other, by how much their situations [Page 148] may be more easie and common. The motions of these may likewise be ac­commodated to as various uses as the other, there being scarce any la­bour, to the performance of which, an ingenious artificer cannot apply them. To the sawing of Timber, the plowing of land, or any other the like service, which cannot be dispatched the ordinary way, without much toil and tediousnesse. And it is a wonder­full thing to consider, how much mens labours might be eased and contracted in sundry particulars, if such as were well skilled in the prin­ples and practises of these Mechani­call experiments, would but thorough­ly apply their studies unto the inlarge­ment of such inventions.

There are some other motions by wind or air, which (though they are not so common as the other, yet) may prove of excellent curiosity, and singular use. Such was that musicall instrument invented by Cornelius Dre­ble, Marcell. Vrankhein. Epist. ad Ioh. Erne­stum. which being set in the sun-shine, would of it self render a soft and [Page 149] pleasant harmony, but being remo­ved into the shade, Like that statue of Memnon in Aegypt, which makes a strange noise when ever the sun begins to shine upon it. Tacit. A­nal. 2. Strabo af­firms that he had both seen and heard it. would presently become silent. The reason of it was this: the warmth of the sun, working upon some moisture within it, and rarifying the inward air unto so great an extension, that it must needs seek for vent or issue, did therby give severall motions unto the instrument.

Somewhat of this nature are the Aeolipiles, which are concave vessels, consisting of some such materiall as may indure the fire, having a small hole, at which they are filled with water, and out of which (when the Vessels are heated) the air doth issue forth with a strong and lasting vio­lence. These are frequently used for the exciting and contracting of heat in the melting of glasses or metals. They may also be contrived to be ser­viceable for sundry other pleasant u­ses, as for the moving of sails in a chimney corner, the motion of which sails may be applied to the turning of a spit, or the like.

But there is a better invention to [Page 150] this purpose mentioned in Cardan, De Varies▪ Rerū l. 12. c. 58. whereby a spit may be turned (with­out the help of weights) by the mo­tion of the air that ascends the Chim­ney; and it may be usefull for the roasting of many or great joints: for as the fire must be increased according to the quantity of meat, so the force of the instrument will be augmented proportionably to the fire. In which contrivance there are these conveni­ences above the Jacks of ordinary use.

1. It makes little or no noise in the motion.

2. It needs no winding up, but will constantly move of it self, while there is any fire to rarifie the air.

3. It is much cheaper then the other instruments that are commonly used to this purpose. There being required unto it onely a paire of sails, which must bee placed in that part of the chimnie where it begins to be straight­ned, and one wheel to the axis of which the spit line must be fastned, according to this following Diagram.

[Page]

The motion of these sails may like­wise be serviceable for sundry other purposes, besides the turning of a spit; for the chiming of bels or other musicall devices; and there cannot be any more pleasant contrivance for [Page 152] continuall & cheap musick. It may be usefull also for the reeling of yarn, the rocking of a cradle, with divers the like domestick occasions. For (as was said before) any constant motion being given, it is easie for an ingenious ar­tificer to apply it unto various services.

These sails will always move both day and night, if there is but any fire under them, and sometimes though there bee none. For if the air without be much colder then that within the room, then must this which is more warm and rarified, naturally ascend through the chim­ney, to give place unto the more con­densed and heavy, which does usu­ally blow in at every chink or cran­ny, as experience shews.

Unto this kind of motion may be reduced all those representations of living creatures, whether birds, or beasts, invented by Ctesibius, which were for the most part performed by the motion of air, being forced up either by rarefaction, with fire, or else by compression, through the fall [Page 153] of some heavier body, as water, which by possessing the place of the aire, did thereby drive it to seek for some other vent.

I cannot here omit (though it bee not altogether so pertinent) to men­tion that late ingenious invention of the winde-gun, which is charged by the forcible compression of air, being injected through a Syringe; the strife and distention of the imprisoned air serving by the help of little fals or shuts within, to stop and keep close the vents by which it was admitted. The force of it in the discharge is almost equall to our powder-guns. I have found upon frequent trials (saith Mersennus) that a leaden bullet shot from one of these gunnes against a stone wall, Phaenome­na pneu­matica, prop. 32. the space of 24 paces from it, will be beaten into a thinne plate. It would be a considerable addition to this experiment which the same Authour mentions a little after, wher­by he will make the same charge of air to serve for the discharge of se­verall arrows or bullets after one a­nother, [Page 154] by giving the air onely so much roome, as may immediately serve to impresse a violence in sending away the arrow or bullet, and then screwing it downe again to its for­mer confinement, to fit it for another shooting. But against this there may be many considerable doubts, which I cannot stand to discusse.

CAP. II. Of a sailing Chariot, that may without hor­ses be driven on the land by the wind as ships are on the sea.

THe force of wind in the motion of sails may be applied also to the driving of a Chariot, by which a man may sail on the land as well as by a ship on the water. The labour of hor­ses or other beasts, which are usually applied to this purpose, being artificial­ly supplied by the strength of winds.

That such Chariots are commonly used in the Champion plains of China, is frequently affirmed by divers credi­ble Authours. De incre­mento Vr­bium l. 1. c. 10. Boterus mentions that they have beene tried also in Spaine, [Page 155] though with what success he doth not specifie. But above al other experimēts to this purpose, that sailing Chariot at Sceveling in Holland, is more eminent­ly remarkable. It was made by the di­rection of Stephinus, & is celebrated by many Authors. Fabula­rum docas, Fab. 9. Walchius affirms it to be of so great a swiftnesse for its motion, and yet of so great a capacity for its burden, Vt in medio freto secundis ventis commissas naves, velocitate mul­tis parasangis post se relinquat, & pancarū horarum spatio, viginti aut triginta milli­aria Germanica continuo cursu emetiatur, concreditos (que) sibi plus minus vectores sex aut decē, inpetitū locū trāsferat, facillime illius ad clavū qui sedet nutu, quaqua ver­sum minimo labore velis commissum, mi­rabile hoc continenti currus navigiū diri­gentis. That it did far exceed the speed of any ship, though we should suppose it to be carried in the open sea with never so prosperous wind: and that in some few howers space it would con­vey 6 or 10 persons, 20 or 30 German miles, and all this with very little la­bour of him that sitteth at the Stearn, [Page 156] who may easily guide the course of it as he pleaseth.

That eminent inquisitive man Pei­reskius, having travelled to Sceveling for the sight & experience of this cha­riot, would frequently after with much wonder mention the extream swiftnes of its motion. Commemorare solebat stu­porē quo correptus fuerat cum vento tran­slatus citatissimo non persentiscere tamen, Pet. Gassendus. Vi­ta Peires­kii, l. 2. nempe tā citus erat quā ventus. Though the wind were in it self very swift and strong, yet to passengers in this Chariot, it would not be at all discer­nable, because they did goe with an equall swiftnesse to the wind it selfe. Men that ran before it seeming to goe backwards, things which seeme at a great distance being presently overta­ken and left behind. In two howers space it would passe from Sceveling to Putten, which are distant from one a­nother above 14 Horaria milliaria, (saith the same Authour) that is more then two and forty miles.

Grotius is very copious and elegant in the celebrating of this invention, and [Page 157] the Authour of it in divers Epigrams.

And in another place

These relations did at the first seem un­to me, (and perhaps they will so to o­thers) somewhat strange & incredible. But upon farther enquiry I have heard them frequently attested from the par­ticular eye-sight & experience of such eminent persons, whose names I dare not cite in a businesse of this nature, which in those parts is so very com­mon, and little observed.

I have not met with any Authour who doth treat particularly concerning the manner of framing this Chariot, though Grotius mentions an elegant description of it in copper by one Geynius: Epig. 20. & 21. and Hondius in one of his large maps of Asia, does give another conjecturall description of the like Chariots used in China.

The form of it is related to be very simple & plain, after this manner.

[Page 158]

[Page 159]The body of it being somewhat like a boat, moving upon 4 wheels of an e­quall bignes, with two sails like those in a ship; there being some cōtrivance to turn & steer it by moving a rudder w ^ch is placed beyōd the two hindmost wheels: and for the stopping of it, this must be done either by letting downe the sail or turning it from the wind.

Of this kind they have frequently in Holland other little Vessels for one or two persons to go upon the ice, having sledges instead of wheels, being driven with a saile; the bodies of them like little boats, that if the ice should break, they might yet safely carry a man upon the water, where the sail would be still usefull for the motion of it.

I have often thought that it would be worth the experiment to enquire, whe­ther or no such a sailing chariot might not be more conveniently framed w ^th movable sails, whose force may be im­prest from their motion, equivalent to those in a wind-mill. Their formost wheels (as in other Chariots) for the greater facility, being somewhat lower then the other, answerable to this figure.

[Page]

[Page 161]In which the sails are so contrived, that the wind from any Coast will have a force upon them to turn them about, and the motion of these sails must needs turn the wheels, and con­sequently carry on the Chariot it self to any place (though fully against the wind) whither it shall be directed.

The chief doubt will be, whether in such a contrivance every little rug­gednesse or unevennes of the ground, will not cause such a jolting of the Chariot as to hinder the motion of its sails. But this perhaps (if it should prove so) is capable of severall reme­dies.

I have often wondred, why none of our Gentry who live near great Plaines, and smooth Champions, have attempted any thing to this purpose. The experiments of this kind being very pleasant, and not costly: what could be more delightfull or better husbandry, then to make use of the wind (which costs nothing, and eats nothing) in stead of horses ▪ This be­ing very easie to be effected by those, [Page 162] the convenience of whose habitati­ons doth accommodate them for such experiments.

CAP. III. Concerning the fixed Automata, Clocks, Spheres, representing the heavenly motions: The severall excellencies that are most commendable in such kind of contrivances.

THe second kind of [...] were described to be such Engines, as did receive a regular and lasting mo­tion from something belonging to their own frame, whether weights, or springs, &c.

They are usually distinguished into [...]

• [...], fixed and stationary.
• [...], moveable and transient.

1. The fixed are such as move on­ly according to their severall parts, and not according to their whole frame; In which, though each wheel hath a distinct rotation, yet the whole doth still remain unmoved. The chiefest [Page 163] kind of these are the clocks & watch­es in ordinary use, the framing of which is so commonly known by e­very Mechanick, that I shall not trou­ble the Reader with any explication of it. He that desires fuller satisfacti­on, may see them particularly descri­bed by De Vari­et Rer. l. 9. c 47. Cardan, Tract. 2. part 7 l. 1. cap. 4. Repert. Tit. 10. Architect. l. 10. c. 14. D. Flood, and o­thers.

The first invention of these (saith Pancirollus) was taken from that ex­periment in the multiplication of wheels mentioned in Vitruvius, where he speaks of an instrument whereby a man may know how many miles or paces he doth goe in any space of time, whether or no he doe passe by water in a boat or ship, or by land in a chariot or coach: they have been contrived also into little pocket instruments, by which after a man hath walked a whole day together, he may easily know how many steps he hath taken. I forbear to enter up­on a larger explication of these kind of Engines, because they are imper­tinent unto the chief businesse that [Page 164] I have proposed for this discourse. The Reader may see them more par­ticularly described in the above cited place of Vitruvius, in Subtil. l. 18. Cardan, Theatrum instrumen­torum. Wecker de secretu. l. 15. c. 32. Bes­sonius, and others; I have here only mentioned them, as being the first oc­casion of the chiefest [...] that are now in use.

Of the same kind with our clocks and watches (though perhaps more elaborate and subtle) was that sphere invented by Archimedes, Mentio­ned by Ci­cero. Tus­cul. Quaest. l. 1. item De Nat. Deorū l. 2. which did represent the heavenly motions: the diurnall and annuall courses of the sun, the changes and aspects of the Moon, &c. This is frequently cele­brated in the writings of the Anci­ents, particularly in that known Epi­gram of Claudian:

But that this Engine should be made of glasse, is scarce credible, Instit. l. 2. c. 5. Lactantius mentioning the relation of it, affirms it to consist of brasse, which is more likely. It may be the outside or case was glasse, and the frame it self of brasse. Coelius Rhodoginus, Antiq. lect. l 2. c. 16. speaking of the wondrous art in the contrivance [Page 166] of this sphere, breaks out into this quaere. Guid. V­baldus praef. ad Mechan. Nonne igitur miraculorum om­nium, maximum miraculum est homo? He might have said Mathematicus: and another to this purpose, Sic ma­nus ejus naturam▪ Collect. Mathem. Prooem. ad l. 8. ut natura ipsa manum imitata putetur. Pappus tels us, that Ar­chimedes writ a Book de Sphaeropoeia, cō ­cerning the manner of framing such Engines, and after him Posidonius com­posed another discourse on the same subject, though now either the ig­norance or the envy of time hath de­prived us of both those works. And yet the art it self is not quite perished, for we read of divers the like contrivā ­ces in these latter times. De vanit. Sciet. c. 22. Schol. Ma­them. l. 1. So Cardan too, l. 17. Monanth. in Mecha. Arist. Com. c. 1. Dr Hack­well, Apol. l. [...]. c. 10. sect. 1. Agrippa af­firms that he himself had seen such a sphere, & Ramus tels us how he beheld two of them in Paris, the one brought thither amongst other spoiles from Sicily, and the other out of Germany. And it is commonly reported, that there is yet such a sphere at Stras­burg in Germany. De vitâ Archime­dis. Rivaltus relates how Marinus Burgesius a Norman made two of them in France for the King. [Page 167] And perhaps these latter (saith he) were more exact then the former, be­cause the heavenly revolutions are now much better understood then be­fore. And besides it is questionable, whether the use of steel springs was known in those ancient times; the application of which unto these kind of spheres, must needs be much more convenient then weights.

'Tis related also of the Consull Boethius, that amongst other Mathe­maticall contrivances, Cassiodor. Chron. Pet. Bertius praef. ad Consolat. Philos. (for which he was famous) he made a sphere to re­present the Suns motion, which was so much admired, and talked of in those times, that Gundibaldus King of Burgundy, did purposely send over Embassadors to Theodoricus the Em­perour, with intreaties that he would be a means to procure one of these spheres from Boethius; the Emperor thinking hereby to make his kingdom more famous and terrible unto forain Nations, doth write an Epistle to Boethius, perswading him to send this instrument. Quoties non sunt credituri [Page 168] quod viderint? Quoties hanc verita­tem lusoria somnia putabunt? Et quan­do fuerint à stupore conversi, non aude­debunt se aequales nobis dicere, apud quos sciunt sapientes talia cogitasse. So much were all these kind of inventions ad­mired in those ruder & darker times: whereas the instruments that are now in use amongst us (though not so much extolled) yet doe altogether equall (if not exceed) the other, both in usefulnesse and subtilty. The chie­fest of these former Engines receiving their motion from weights, and not from springs, (which as I said before) are of later and more excellent inven­tion. Polyd. Vir­gil. de In­vent. rerum l 2 c. 5. Cardan Subtil. l. 17.

The particular circumstances for which the Automata of this kind, are most eminent, may be reduced to these four.

1. The lastingnesse of their motion, without needing of any new supply; for which purpose there have been some watches contrived to continue without winding up for a week toge­ther, or longer.

[Page 169]2. The easinesse and simplicity of their composition; Art it self being but the facilitating and contracting of ordinary operations, therefore the more easie and compendious such in­ventions are, the more artificial should they be esteemed. And the addition of any such unnecessary parts, as may be supplied some other way, is a sure sign of unskilfulnesse and ignorance. Those antiquated engines that did consist of such a needlesse multitude of wheels, and springs, and screws, (like the old hypothesis of the heavens) may be compared to the notions of a confused knowledge, which are al­ways full of perplexity and compli­cations, and seldome in order; where­as the inventions of art are more re­gular, simple, and perspicuous, like the apprehensions of a distinct and thoroughly informed judgement. In this respect the manner of framing the ordinary Automata, hath been much bettered in these later times above the former, and shall hereafter perhaps be yet more advantaged. [Page 170] These kind of experiments (like all other humane arts) receiving additi­ons from every days experiment.

To this purpose there is an inven­tion consisting only of one hollow orb or wheel, whereby the howers may be as truly distinguished, as by any ordinary clock or watch. This wheel should be divided into severall cavities, through each of which suc­cessively either sand or water must be contrived to passe; the heavinesse of these bodies (being always in the ascending side of the wheel) must be counterpoised by a plummet that may be fastned about the pulley on the axis: this plummet will leisurely descend, according as the sand by running out of one cavity into the next, doth make the severall parts of the wheel lighter or heavier, and so consequently there will be produced an equall and lasting motion, which may be easily applyed to the distin­ction of howers.

3. The multitude and variety of those services for which they may [Page 171] be usefull. Unto this kind may we refer those watches, by which a man may tell not only the hower of the day, but the minute of the hower, the day of the month, the age and aspects of the Moone, &c. Of this nature likewise was that larum men­tioned by Walchius, Fab. 9. which though it were but two or three inches big, yet would both wake a man, and of it self light a candle for him at any set hower of the night. And those weights or springs which are of so great force as to turn a mill, Ramel. fig. 130. (as some have been contrived) may be easily applyed to more various and difficult labours.

4. The littlenesse of their frame. Nunquam ars magis quam in minimis nota est (saith Aquinas. Jacks no bigger then a Walnut to turn any joint of meat.) The smalnesse of the Engine doth much commend the skill of the artificer; to this purpose there have been watches con­trived in the form and quantity of a Jewell for the ear, where the striking of the minutes may constantly whis­per unto us, how our lives doe slide [Page 172] away by a swift succession. De subtil. l. 2. item l. 17. Cardan tels us of a Smith who made a watch in the Jewell of a ring, to be worn on the finger, which did shew the howers, (non solum sagitta, sed ictu) not only by the hand, but by the fin­ger too (as I may say) by pricking it every hower.

CAP. IV. Of the moveable and Gradient Automata, representing the motions of living creatures, various sounds, of birds, or beasts, and some of them articulate.

THus much of those Automata, which were said to be fixed and stationary.

The other kind to be inquired after, are those that are moveable and tran­sient, which are described to be such engines as move not only according to their severall parts, but also accor­ding to their whole frames. These are again distinguishable into two sorts:

• [Page 173]1. Gradient.
• 2. Volant.

1. The Gradient or ambulatory, are such as require some basis or bottome to uphold them in their motions. Plato in Menone. Arist. Po­lit. l. 1. c. 3. Such were those strange inventions (com­monly attributed to Daedalus) of self-moving statues, which (unlesse they were violently detained) would of themselves run away. De Ani­ma l. 1. c. 3. Aristotle af­firms that Daedalus did this by putting quick-silver into them. But this would have been too grosse a way for so ex­cellent an artificer, it is more likely that he did it with wheels & weights. Of this kind likewise were Vulcans Tripodes, celebrated by Homer, Iliad. 18. that were made to move up and down the house, and fight with one another. There have been also chari­ots driven by the force of a spring contrived within them. De Variet. rerum l. 12. c. 58. He might as well have contrived them in­to Journey-men statues, each of which with a hammer in his hand should have worked at the forge.

But amongst these fighting ima­ges, that in Cardan may deserve a men­tion, which holding in its hand a gol­den apple, beautified with many costly [Page 174] Jewels; if any man offered to take it, the statue presently shot him to death. The touching of this apple serving to discharge severall short bows, or other the like instruments that were secretly couched within the body of the image. By such a treachery was King Chennetus murdered (as Boethius relates.

It is so common an experiment in these times to represent the persons and actions of any story by such self-moving images, that I shall not need to explain the manner how the wheels and springs are contrived within them.

Fab. 9. There have been other inventions to move on the wa­ter. Navigium sponte mo­bile, ac sui remigii autorem, faciam nul­lo negotio, saith Sca­liger, Ex­erc. 326.Amongst these gradient Automata, that iron spider mentioned in Wal­chius, is more especially remarkable, which being but of an ordinary big­nesse, besides the outward similitude, (w ^ch was very exact) had the same kind of motions with a living spider, and did creep up and down as if it had been alive. It must needs argue a wonder­full art, and accuratenesse, to contrive all the instruments requisite for such [Page 175] a motion in so small a frame.

There have been also other motions contrived from Magneticall qualities, which will shew the more wonderful, because there is no apparent reason of their motion, there being not the least contiguity or dependence upon any other body that may occasion it; but it is all one as if they should move up and down in the open air. Get a glasse sphere, fill it with such liquors as may be clear of the same colour, immixable, such as are oyl of tartar, and spirit of wine: In which, it is easie so to poise a little globe or other statue, that it shall swim in the cen­ter. Under this glasse sphere, there should be a loadstone concealed, by the motion of which, this statue (ha­ving a needle touched within it) will move up and down, and may be con­trived to shew the hower or sign. See severall inventions of this kinde in Kircher de arte Magnetica, l. 2.

There have been some artificiall images, which besides their severall postures in walking up and downe, [Page 176] have been made also to give severall sounds, whether of birds, as Larks, Cuckoes, &c. or beasts, as Hares, Foxes. The voices of which creatures shall be rendred as clearly and distin­ctly, by these artificiall images, as they are by those naturall living bo­dies, which they represent.

There have been some inventions also which have been able for the utterance of articulate sounds, as the speaking of certain words. Such are some of the Aegyptian idols related to be. Coel. Rhod. lect Ant. l. 2. c. 17. Maiolus Colloq. Such was the brazen head made by Friar Bacon, and that statue in the framing of which Albertus Magnus bestowed thirty years, broken by Aquinas, who came to see it, pur­posely that he might boast, how in one minute he had ruined the labour of so many years.

Now the ground and reason how these sounds were contrived, may be worth our inquiry.

First then, for those of birds or beasts, they were made from such pipes or cals, as may expresse the se­verall [Page 177] tones of those creatures which are represented: these cals are so com­monly known and used, that they need not any further explication.

But now about articulate sounds there is much greater difficulty. Fab. 9. Wal­chius thinks it possible entirely to preserve the voice, or any words spo­ken, in a hollow trunk, or pipe, and that this pipe being rightly opened, the words will come out of it in the same order wherein they were spoken. Somewhat like that cold Countrey, where the peoples discourse doth freeze in the air all winter, and may be heard the next Summer, or at a great thaw. But this conjecture will need no refutation.

The more substantiall way for such a discovery, is by marking how nature her self doth imploy the severall in­struments of speech, the tongue, lips, throat, teeth, &c. To this purpose the Hebrews have assigned each letter unto its proper instrument. And be­sides, we should observe what inar­ticulate sounds doe resemble any of [Page 178] the particular letters. Thus we may note the trembling of water to be like the letter L, Bacon Nat. hist exper. 139.200. the quenching of hot things to the letters Z, the sound of strings, unto the letter Ng, the jirk­ing of a switch the letter Q, &c. By an exact observation of these parti­culars, it is (perhaps▪ possible to make a statue speak some words.

CAP. V. Concerning the possibility of framing an Ark for submarine Navigations. The difficulties and conveniences of such a contrivance.

IT will not be altogether imperti­nent unto the discourse of these gra­dient Automata, to mention what Mer­sennus doth so largely and pleasantly descant upon, Tract de Magnetis proprietae­tibus. concerning the making of a ship, wherein men may safely swim under water.

That such a contrivance is feasible and may be effected, is beyond all question, because it hath been alrea­dy [Page 179] experimented here in England by Cornelius Dreble, but how to improve it unto publike use and advantage, so as to be serviceable for remote voya­ges, the carrying of any considerable number of men, with provisions and commodities, would be of such ex­cellent use as may deserve some fur­ther inquiry.

Concerning which there are two things chiefly considerable:

• The many difficulties with their remedies.
• The great conveniences.

1. The difficulties are generally re­ducible to these three heads:

1. The letting out, or receiving in any thing, as there shall be occasion without the admission of water. If it have not such a convenience, these kind of voyages must needs be very dangerous and uncomfortable, both by reason of many noisome offensive things, which should be thrust out, and many other needfull things which should be received in. Now herein will consist the difficulty, how to con­trive [Page 180] the opening of this vessell so, that any thing may be put in or out, and yet the water not rush into it with much violence, as it doth usually in the leak of a ship.

In which case this may be a proper remedy; let there be certain leather bags made of severall bignesses, which for the matter of them should be both tractable for the use and managing of them, and strong to keep out the wa­ter, for the figure of them being long and open at both ends. Answerable to these, let there be divers windows, or open places in the frame of the ship, round the sides of which one end of these bags may be fixed, the other end coming within the ship being to open and shut as a purse. Now if we suppose this bag thus fastned, to be tyed close about towards the win­dow, then any thing that is to be sent out, may be safely put into that end within the ship, which being again close shut, and the other end loosened, the thing may be safely sent out with­out the admission of any water.

[Page 181]So again, when any thing is to be taken in, it must be first received in­to that part of the bag towards the window, which being (after the thing is within it) close tyed about, the other end may then be safely opened. It is easie to conceive, how by this means any thing or person may be sent out, or received in, as there shall be occa­sion, how the water, which will per­haps by degrees leak into several parts, may be emptyed out again, with di­vers the like advantages. Though if there should be any leak at the bot­tome of this Vessell, yet very little water would get in, because no air could get out.

2. The second difficulty in such an Ark will be the motion or fixing of it according to occasion; The direct­ing of it to severall places, as the voy­age shall be designed, without which, it would be very uselesse, if it were to remain only in one place, or were to remove only blindfold, without a­ny certain direction; And the con­trivance of this may seem very diffi­cult, [Page 182] because these submarine Navi­gators will want the usuall advantages of winds and tides for motion, and the sight of the heavens for direction.

But these difficulties may be thus remedied; As for the progressive mo­tion of it, this may be effected by the help of severall Oars, which in the outward ends of them, shall be like the fins of a fish to contract and di­late. The passage where they are ad­mitted into the ship being tyed about with such leather bags (as were men­tioned before) to keep out the water. It will not be convenient perhaps that the motion in these voyages should be very swift, because of those ob­servations and discoveries to be made at the bottome of the sea, which in a little space may abundantly recom­pense the slownesse of its progresse.

If this Ark be so ballast as to be of equall weight with the like mag­nitude of water, it will then be easily movable in any part of it.

As for the ascent of it, this may be easily contrived, if there be some great [Page 183] weight at the bottome of the ship (be­ing part of its ballast) which by some cord within may be loosened from it; As this weight is let low­er, so will the ship ascend from it (if need be) to the very surface of the water; and again, as it is pulled close to the ship, so will it descend.

For direction of this Ark, the Ma­riners needle may be usefull in re­spect of the latitude of places, and the course of this ship being more regular then others, by reason it is not subject to Tempests or unequall winds, may more certainly guide them in judging of the longitude of places.

3. But the greatest difficulty of all will be this, how the air may bee supplyed for respiration: How con­stant fires may be kept in it for light and the dressing of food, how those vicissitudes of rarefaction and conden­sation may be maintained.

It is observed, that a barrell or cap, whose cavity will contain eight cubicall feet of air, will not serve a Urinator or Diver for respiration, a­bove [Page 184] one quarter of an hower; the breath which is often sucked in and out, being so corrupted by the mix­ture of vapours, that nature rejects it as unserviceable. Now in an hower a man will need at least 360 respira­tions, betwixt every one of which there shall be 10 second minutes, and consequently a great change and sup­ply of air will be necessary for many persons, and any long space.

And so likewise for the keeping of fire; a close Vessell containing 10 cu­bicall feet of air, will not suffer a wax candle of an ounce to burn in it above an hower before it be suffocated, though this proportion (saith Mersen­nus) doth not equally increase for seve­rall lights, because four flames of an equall magnitude will be kept alive the space of 16 second minutes, though one of these flames alone in the same Vessell will not last above 25, or at most 30 seconds, which may be easily tryed in large glasse bottles, ha­ving wax candles lighted in them, and with their mouths inverted in water.

[Page 185]For the resolution of this difficul­ty, though I will not say that a man may by custome (which in other things doth produce such strange in­credible effects) be inabled to live in the open water as the fishes doe, the inspiration and expiration of water serving instead of air, this being usu­all with many fishes that have lungs; yet it is certain that long use and cu­stome may strengthen men against many such inconveniences of this kind, which to unexperienced persons may prove very hazzardous: and so it will not perhaps be unto these so necessary, to have the air for brea­thing so pure and defecated as is re­quired for others.

But further there are in this case these three things considerable.

1. That the Vessell it self should be of a large capacity, that as the air in it is corrupted in one part, so it may be purified and renued in the other: or if the meer refrigeration of the air would fit it for breathing, this might be somewhat helped with [Page 186] bellows, which would cool it by mo­tion.

2. It is not altogether improba­ble, that the lamps or fires in the middle of it, like the reflected beams in the first Region, rarefying the air, and the circumambient coldnesse to­wards the sides of the Vessell, like the second Region, cooling and con­densing of it, would make such a vicissitude and change of air, as might fit it for all its proper uses.

3. Or if neither of these conje­ctures will help, Harmon. l. 4. prop. 6. Monit. 5. yet Mersennus tels us in another place, that there is in France one Barrieus a Diver, who hath lately found out another art, where­by a man might easily continue un­der water for six howers together, and whereas ten cubicall feet of air will not serve another Diver to breath in for half an hower, he by the help of a cavity, not above one or two foot at most, will have breath enough for six howers, and a lanthorn scarce above the usuall size to keep a candle burning as long as a man please, which [Page 187] (if it be true, and were commonly known) might be a sufficient help against this greatest difficulty.

As for the many advantages and conveniences of such a contrivance, it is not easie to recite them.

1. 'Tis private; a man may thus goe to any coast of the world invi­sibly, without being discovered or prevented in his journey.

2. 'Tis safe; from the uncertainty of Tides, and the violence of Tem­pests, which doe never move the sea above five or six paces deep. From Pirates and Robbers which do so infest other voyages; From ice and great frosts, which doe so much endanger the passages towards the Poles.

3. It may be of very great advan­tage against a Navy of enemies, who by this means may be undermined in the water and blown up.

4. It may be of speciall use for the relief of any place that is besieged by water, to convay unto them invisi­ble supplies: and so likewise for the surprisall of any place that is accessi­ble by water.

[Page 188]5. It may be of unspeakle benefit for submarine experiments and disco­veries: as

The severall proportions of swift­nesse betwixt the ascent of a bladder, cork, or any other light substance in comparison to the descent of stones or lead. The deep caverns and sub­terraneous passages where the sea-water in the course of its circulation, doth vent it self into other places, and the like. The nature and kinds of fishes, the severall arts of catch­ing them, by alluring them with lights, by placing divers nets about the sides of this Vessell, shooting the greater sort of them with guns, which may be put out of the ship by the help of such bags as were mentioned before, with divers the like artifices and treacheries, which may be more successively practised by such who live so familiarly together. These fish may serve not only for food, but for fewell likewise, in respect of that oyl which may be extracted from them; the way of dressing meat by lamps, be­ing [Page 189] in many respects the most con­venient for such a voyage.

The many fresh springs that may probably be met with in the bottome of the sea, will serve for the supply of drink and other occasions.

But above all, the discovery of sub­marine treasures is more especially considerable, not only in regard of what hath been drowned by racks, but the severall precious things that grow there, as Pearl, Corall, Mines, with innumerable other things of great value, which may be much more easily found out, and fetcht up by the help of this, then by any o­ther usually way of the Urinators.

To which purpose, this great Vessell may have some lesser cabines tyed about it, at various distances, wherein severall persons as Scouts, may be lodged for the taking of ob­servations, according as the Admirall shall direct them. Some of them be­ing frequently sent up to the surface of the water, as there shall be occa­sion.

[Page 190]All kind of arts and manufactures may be exercised in this Vessell. The observations made by it, may bee both written, and (if need were) printed here likewise. Severall Colo­nies may thus inhabit, having their children born and bred up without the knowledge of land, who could not chuse but be amazed with strange conceits upon the discovery of this upper world.

I am not able to judge what other advantages there may be suggested, or whether experiment would fully an­swer to these notionall conjectures. But however, because the invention did unto me seem ingenious and new, being not impertinent to the present enquiry, therefore I thought it might be worth the mentioning.

CAP. VI. Of the volant Automata, Archytas his Dove, and Regiomontanus his Eagle. The possibility and great use­fulnesse of such inventions.

THe volant or flying Automata are such Mechanicall contrivances, as have a self-motion, whereby they are carried aloft in the open air, like the flight of Birds. Such was that wooden Dove made by Archytas, Diog. Laer. l. 8. Pet. Crini­tus de ho­nest. discip. l. 17. c. 12. a Citizen of Tarentum, and one of Plato's ac­quaintance. And that wooden Ea­gle framed by Regiomontanus at No­remberg, which by way of triumph, did fly out of the City to meet Charles the fift. Ramus Schol. Ma­them. l. 2. This later Author is also re­ported to have made an iron fly, Quae ex artificis manu egressa, Dubartas 6 days 1 W. I. Dee Pre­face to Eu­clid. convivas cir­cumvolitavit, tandemque veluti defessa in Domini manus reversa est, which when he invited any of his friends, would fly to each of them round the table, and at length (as being weary) return unto its Master.

[Page 192] Cardan seems to doubt the possibi­lity of any such contrivance; De Variet. rerum lib. 12. c. 58. his rea­son is, because the instruments of it must be firm and strong, and conse­quently they will be too heavy to be carried by their own force; but yet (saith he) if it be a little helped in the first rising, and if there be any wind to assist it in the flight, then there is nothing to hinder, but that such motions may be possible. So that he doth in effect grant as much as may be sufficient for the truth and credit of those ancient relations; and to distrust them without a stronger argument, must needs argue a blind and perverse incredulity. As for his objection concerning the heavinesse of the materials in such an invention, it may be answered that it is easie to contrive such springs and other in­struments, whose strength shall much exceed their heavinesse. Nor can he shew any cause why these Mechani­call motions may not be as strong, (though not so lasting) as the naturall strength of living creatures.

[Page 193] Scaliger conceives the framing of such volant Automata, Subtil. Exercit. 326. to be very ea­sie. Volantis columbae machinulam, cujus autorem Archytam tradunt, vel facillime profiteri audeo. Those ancient motions were thought to be contrived by the force of some included air: So Gel­lius, Noct. At­tic. l. 10. cap. 12. where he thinks it so strange an inven­tion that he styles Res abhor­rens à fide. Athan. Kircher de Magnete l. 2. par. 4. Proem: doth pro­mise a large dis­course cō ­cerning these kind of inventi­ons in a­nother Treatise which he styles Oe­dipus Ae­gyptiacus. Ita erat scilicet libramentis suspen­sum, & aurâ spiritus inclusâ atque oc­cultâ consitum, &c. As if there had been some lamp, or other fire with­in it, which might produce such a forcible rarefaction, as should give a motion to the whole frame.

But this may be better performed by the strength of some such spring as is commonly used in watches; this spring may bee applyed unto one wheel, which shall give an equall motion to both the wings; these wings having unto each of them a­nother smaller spring by which they may be contracted and lifted up: So that being forcibly depressed by the strength of the great and stronger spring, and lifted up again by the other two. According to this suppo­sition, [Page 194] it is easie to conceive how the motion of flight may be perfor­med and continued.

The wings may be made either of severall substances joyned, like the fea­thers in ordinary fowl, as Daedalus is feigned to contrive them, accor­ding to that in the Poet,

Or else of one continuate substance, like those of Bats. In framing of both w ^ch, the best guidance is to follow (as near as may be) the direction of nature; this being but an imitation of a na­turall work. Now in both these, the strength of each part is proportioned to the force of its imployment. But nothing in this kind can be perfectly determined without a particular triall.

Though the composing of such motions may be a sufficient reward to any ones industry in the searching [Page 195] after them, as being in themselves of excellent curiosity; yet there are some other inventions depend upon them of more generall benefit and greater importance. For if there be any such artificiall contrivances that can flye in the air, (as is evident from the former relations, together with the grounds here specified, and I doubt not, may bee easily effected by a diligent and ingenious artificer) then it will clearly follow, that it is possible also for a man to fly himself: It being easie from the same grounds to frame an instrument, wherein any one may sit, and give such a motion unto it, as shall convey him aloft through the air. Then which there is not any imaginable invention that could prove of greater benefit to the world, or glory to the Author. And therefore it may justly deserve their enquiry, who have both leisure and means for such experiments.

But in these practicall studies, un­lesse a man be able to goe to the try­all of things, he will perform but [Page 196] little. In such matters, ‘ Horace.-Studium sine divite venâ,’ (as the Poet saith) a generall specula­tion, without particular experiment, may conjecture at many things, but can certainly effect nothing. And therefore I shall only propose unto the world, the Theory and generall grounds that may conduce to the easie and more perfect discovery of the sub­ject in question, for the incourage­ment of those that have both minds and means for such experiments. This same Scholars fate,

is that which hinders the promoting of learning in sundry particulars, and robs the world of many excellent in­ventions. We read of Aristotle, that he was allowed by his pupill Alex­ander 800 talents a year, for the payment of Fishers, Fowlers, and Hun­ters, who were to bring him in seve­rall creatures, that so by his particu­lar experience of their parts and dis­positions, he might be more fitly pre­pared [Page 197] to write of their natures. The reason why the world hath not many Aristotles is, because it hath so few Alexanders.

Amongst other impediments of a­ny strange invention or attempts, it is none of the meanest discouragements, that they are so generally derided by common opinion, being esteemed on­ly as the dreams of a melancholy & di­stempered fancy. Contra Hi­erocl. con­fut. l. 1. Eusebius speaking with what necessity every thing is confined by the laws of nature, and the decrees of providence, so that nothing can goe out of that way, unto which naturally it is designed; as a fish cannot reside on the land, nor a man in the water, or aloft in the air, infers, that therefore none will ven­ture upon any such vain attempt, as passing in the air, [...], unlesse his brain be a little crazed with the humour of melan­choly; whereupon he advises that we should not in any particular en­devour to transgresse the bounds of nature, [...] [Page 198] [...], and since we are na­turally destitute of wings, not to imi­tate the flight of Birds. That saying of the Poet, ‘ Virgil. Ae­neid. l. 6.Demens qui nimbos & non imitabile fulmen, &c.’ hath been an old censure applyed unto such as ventured upon any strange or incredible attempt.

Hence may we conceive the rea­son, why there is so little intima­tion in the writings of antiquity, con­cerning the possibility of any such in­vention. The Ancients durst not so much as mention the art of flying, but in a fable.

It was the custome of those former ages, in their overmuch gratitude, to advance the first Authours of any usefull discovery, amongst the num­ber of their gods. And Daedalus be­ing so famous amongst them for [Page 199] sundry Mechanicall inventions (e­specially the sails of ships) though they did not for these place him in the heavens, yet they have promo­ted him as near as they could, feign­ing him to fly aloft in the air, when as he did but fly in a swift ship, as Diodorus relates the Historicall truth, So Euse­bius too. on which that fiction is grounded.

CAP. VII. Concerning the Art of flying. The seve­rall ways whereby this hath been or may be attempted.

I Have formerly in two other World in the Moon, ca 14. Mercury, or the se­cret and swift Mes­senger, c. 4. Dis­courses mentioned the possibility of this art of flying, and intimated a further inquiry into it, which is a kind of engagement to some fuller disquisitions and conjectures to that purpose.

There are four severall ways where­by this flying in the air, hath beene or may be attempted. Two of them by the strength of other things, and [Page 200] two of them by our owne strength.

• 1. By spirits or Angels.
• 2. By the help of fowls.
• 3. By wings fastned immediately to the body.
• 4. By a flying chariot.

1. For the first, we read of divers that have passed swiftly in the air, Zanch. de oper. pars 1. l. 4. by the help of spirits and Angels, whe­ther good Angels, as 2 Kings 2.11. Elias was car­ried unto heaven in a fiery chariot: as Acts 8.39. Dan. A­poc 39. Philip was conveyed to Azotus, and Habbacuck from Jewry to Baby­lon, and back again immediately: Or by evill Angels, as our Saviour was carried by the Devill to the top of a high mountain, Luke 4. and to the pina­cle of the Temple. Thus witches are commonly related to passe unto their usuall meetings in some remote place; Erastus de Lamus. and as they doe sell windes unto Ma­riners, so likewise are they sometimes hired to carry men speedily through the open air. Hist. Iud. l. 5. c. 26. Acosta affirms that such kind of passages are usuall amongst divers Sorcerers with the Indians at this day.

[Page 201]So Kepler in his Astronomicall dream, doth fancy a witch to be con­veyed unto the Moon by her Fami­liar.

Simon Magus was so eminent for miraculous sorceries, that all the peo­ple in Samaria from the least to the greatest, Acts 8.10. did esteem him as the great power of God. And so famous was he at Rome, Hegesip. l. 3 c. 2. that the Emperour erect­ed a statue to him with this inscrip­tion, Simoni Deo Sancto. 'Tis storied of this Magician, Pol. Virgil. de Inven. Rerum. l. 8. c. 3. Pet. Crini­tus de Ho­nest â Dis­ciplin. l 8. c. 1. mistrusts this relati­on as fa­bulous. Non enim Lucas hoc omisisset. that having chal­lenged Saint Peter to doe miracles with him, he attempted to fly from the Capitoll to the Aventine hill. But when he was in the midst of the way, Saint Peters prayers did over­come his sorceries, and violently bring him to the ground, in which fall having broke his thigh, within a while after he died.

But none of all these relations may conduce to the discovery of this experiment, as it is here enquired after, upon natural & artificial grounds.

2. There are others who have [Page 202] conjectured a possibility of being conveyed through the air by the help of fowls; to which purpose that fi­ction of the Ganza's, is the most pleasant and probable. They are supposed to be great fowl of a strong lasting flight, and easily tamable. Di­vers of which may be so brought up as to joyn together in carrying the weight of a man, so as each of them shall partake his proportionable share of the burden; and the person that is carried may by certain reins direct and steer them in their courses. How­ever this may seem a strange propo­sall, yet it is not certainly more im­probable, then many other arts, wherein the industry of ingenious men hath instructed these brute creatures. And I am very confident, that one whose genius doth enable him for such kind of experiments up­on leisure, and the advantage of such helps as are requisite for various and frequent trials, might effect some strange thing by this kind of enquiry.

'Tis reported as a custome amongst [Page 203] the Leucatians, that they were wont upon a superstition to precipitate a man from some high cliffe into the sea, tying about him with strings at some distance, many great fowls, and fixing unto his body divers feathers spread, to break the fall; which (saith the learned Bacon, Nat. hist. experim. 886. if it were diligent­ly and exactly contrived) would be able to hold up, and carry any pro­portionable weight; and therefore he advises others to think further upon this experiment, as giving some light to the invention of the art of flying.

3. 'Tis the more obvious and com­mon opinion that this may be effe­cted by wings fastned immediately to the body, this coming nearest to the imitation of nature, which should be observed in such attempts as these. This is that way which Fredericus Hermannus in his little discourse de Arte volandi, doth onely mention and insist upon. So the an­cient Bri­tish Bla­duds. And if we may trust cre­dible story, it hath been frequently attempted not without some successe. [Page 204] 'Tis related of a certaine English Munk called Elmerus, Ernestus Burgravus in Panoplia Physico-Vulcania. Sturmius in Lat: linguae re­solut. about the Con­fessors time, that he did by such wings fly from a Tower above a furlong; and so another from Saint Marks steeple in Venice; another at Norinberge; and Busbequius speaks of a Turk in Constantinople, who attemp­ted something this way. Melancho­ly, Par. 2. Sect. 1. Mem. 3. M. Burton mentioning this quotation, doth be­leeve that some new-fangled wit ('tis his cynicall phrase) will some time or other find out this art. Though the truth is, most of these Artists did unfotunately miscarry by falling down and breaking their arms or legs, yet that may be imputed to their want of experience, and too much fear, which must needs possesse men in such dangerous and strange at­tempts. Those things that seem very difficult and fearfull at the first, may grow very facil after frequent triall and exercise. And therefore he that would effect any thing in this kind, must be brought up to the constant practise of it from his youth. Try­ing [Page 205] first onely to use his wings in running on the ground, as an Estrich or tame Geese will doe, touching the earth with his toes; and so by degrees learn to rise higher, till hee shall attain unto skill and confidence. I have heard it from credible testimo­ny, that one of our own Nation hath proceeded so far in this experiment, that he was able by the help of wings in such a running pace to step con­stantly ten yards at a time.

It is not more incredible that fre­quent practise and custome should inable a man for this, then for many other things which we see confirmed by experience. What strange agility & activenesse doe our common tumblers & dancers on the rope attain to by cō ­tinuall exercise? Maffaeus Hist. Ind. l. 1. 'Tis related of cer­tain Indians, that they are able when a horse is running in his full career, to stand upright on his back, to turn thē ­selves round, to leap down, gathering up any thing from the ground, & im­mediatly to leap up again, to shoot ex­actly at any mark, the horse not inter­mitting [Page 206] his course. And so upon two horses together, the man setting one of his feet upon each of them. These things may seem impossible to others, and it would be very dangerous for any one to attempt them, who hath not first gradually attained to these arts, by long practise and triall; and why may not such practise inable him as well for this other experiment, as for these things?

There are others who have inven­ted ways to walk upon the water, as regularly and firmly as upon the land. There are some so accustomed to this element, that it hath been almost as naturall to them, as to the fish; men that could remain for above an how­er together under water. Pontanus mentions one who could swim above a hundred miles together, from one shore to another, with great speed, and at all times of the year. Treatise of custome. And it is storied of a certain young man, a Sicilian by birth, and a Diver by pro­fession, who had so continually used himself to the water, that he could [Page 207] not enjoy his health out of it. If at any time he staid with his friends on the land, he should be so tormented with a pain in his stomack, that he was forced for his health to returne back again to sea; wherein he kept his usuall residence, and when hee saw any ships, his custome was to swim to them for relief, which kind of life he continued till he was an old man, and dyed.

I mention these things to shew the great power of practise and custome, which might more probably succeed in this experiment of flying (if it were but regularly attempted) then in such strange effects as these.

It is a usuall practise in these times, for our Funambulones, or Dancers on the Rope, to attempt somewhat like to flying, when they will with their heads forwards slide downe a long cord extended; being fastned at one end on the top of some high Tow­er, and the other at some distance on the ground, with wings fixed to their shoulders, by the shaking of which [Page 208] they will break the force of their de­scent. It would seem that some at­tempts of this kind were usuall a­mongst the Romanes. To which that expression in De guber. Dei. l. 6. Salvian may referre, where amongst other publike shewes of the Theater, he mentions the Pe­taminarii: which word (saith Io: Brassicanus) is scarce to be found in any other Authour, Annot. in Salvi. being not men­tioned either in Iulius Pollux, or Po­litian. 'Tis probably derived from the Greek word [...], which signi­fies to fly, and may refer to such kind of Rope-dancers.

But now because the arms exten­ded, are but weak and easily wearied, therfore the motions by them are like to be but short and slow, answerable it may be to the flight of such domestick fowl as are most conversant on the ground, which of themselves we see are quickly weary, and therefore much more would the arm of a man, as being not naturally designed to such a mo­tion.

It were therefore worth the inqui­ry [Page 209] to consider whether this might not be more probably effected by the la­bour of the feet, which are naturally more strong and indefatigable: In which contrivance the wings should come down from the shoul­ders on each side as in the other, but the motion of them should be from the legs, being thrust out and drawn in again one after another, so as each leg should move both wings, by which means a man should (as it were) walk or climbe up into the air: and then the hands and arms might be at leisure to help and direct the motion, or for any other service proportionable to their strength. Which conjecture is not without good probability, and some speciall advantages above the other.

4. But the fourth and last way seems unto me altogether as probable, and much more usefull then any of the rest. And that is by a flying cha­riot, which may be so contrived as to carry a man within it; & though the strength of a spring might per­haps [Page 210] be serviceable for the motion of this engine, yet it were better to have it assisted by the labour of some intel­ligent mover as the heavenly orbs are supposed to be turned. And therefore if it were made big enough to carry sundry persons together, then each of them in their severall turns might successively labour in the causing of this motion; which thereby would be much more constant and lasting, then it could otherwise be, if it did wholly depend on the strength of the same person. This contrivance be­ing as much to be preferred before a­ny of the other, as swimming in a ship before swimming in the water.

CAP. VIII. A resolution of the two chief difficulties that seem to oppose the possibility of a flying Chariot.

THe chief difficulties against the possibility of any such contrivance may be fully removed in the resolu­tion [Page 211] of these two Quaeres.

1. Whether an engine of such ca­pacity and weight, may be supported by so thin and light a body as the air?

2. Whether the strength of the persons within it, may be sufficient for the motion of it?

1. Concerning the first; when Callias was required by the men of Rhodes, Vitruvius Archit. l. 10 c. 22. to take up that great Helepo­lis, brought against them by Deme­trius, (as he had done before unto some lesse which hee himselfe had made.) He answered that it could not be done. Nonnulla enim sunt que in exemplaribus videntur similia, So Ramus Schol. Ma­them. l. 1. cum au­tem crescere coeperunt, dilabuntur. Be­cause those things that appear pro­bable in lesser models, when they are increased to a greater proportion, doe thereby exceed the power of art. For example, though a man may make an instrument to bore a hole, an inch wide, or half an inch, and so lesse; yet to bore a hole of a foot wide, or two foot, is not so much as to bee [Page 212] thought of. Thus, though the air may be able to uphold some lesser bodies, as those of birds, yet when the quantity of them is increased to any great extension, it may justly be doubted, whether they will not ex­ceed the proportion that is naturally required unto such kind of bodies.

To this I answer, that the engine can never be too big or too heavy, if the space which it possesses in the air, and the motive faculty in the in­strument be answerable to its weight. That saying of Callias was but a groundlesse shift and evasion, wherby hee did endeavour to palliate his own ignorance and disability. The utmost truth which seems to be implyed in it, is this: That there may be some bodies of so great a bignesse, & gravi­ty, that it is very difficult to apply so much force unto any particular instrument, as shall be able to move them.

Against the example it may be af­firmed and easily proved, that it is e­qually possible to bore a hole of any [Page 213] bignesse, as well great as little, if we suppose the instrument, & the strength and the application of this strength to be proportionable; But because of the difficulty of these concurrent circum­stances in those greater and more unu­suall operations, therefore doe they falsly seem to be absolutely impos­sible.

So that the chief inference from this argument and example, doth im­ply onely thus much, that it is very difficult to contrive any such motive power, as shall be answerable to the greatnesse and weight of such an in­strument as is here discoursed of, which doth not at all impair the truth to be maintained; For if the possibili­ty of such a motion be yeelded, we need not make any scruple of gran­ting the difficultie of it; It is this must adde a glory to the invention; and yet this will not perhaps seem so very difficult to any one who hath but diligently observed the flight of some other birds, particularly of a Kite, how he will swim up and down [Page 214] in the air, sometimes at a great height, and presently again lower, guiding himself by his train, with his wings extended without any sensible moti­on of them; and all this, when there is only some gentle breath of air stir­ring, without the help of any strong forcible wind. Now I say, if that fowl (which is none of the lightest) can so very easily move it self up and down in the air, without so much as stirring the wings of it: certainely then, it is not improbable, but that when all the due proportions in such an engine are found out, and when men by long practise have arrived to any skill and experience, they will be able in this (as well as in many other things) to come very near un­to the imitation of nature.

As it is in those bodies which are carried on the water, though they be never so bigge or so ponderous, Sen. Nat. Qu l. 3. c. 25. (suppose equall to a City or a whole Island) yet they will alwaies swim on the top, if they be but any thing lighter, then so much water [Page 215] as is equall to them in bignesse: So likewise is it in the bodies that are carried in the air. It is not their greatnesse (though never so immense) that can hinder their being supported in that light element, if we suppose them to be extended unto a propor­tionable space of air. And as from the former experiments, Archimedes hath composed a subtle science in his Book, De insidentibus humido, con­cerning the weight of any heavy bo­dy, in reference to the water where­in it is: So from the particular triall of these other experiments, that are here inquired after, it is possible to raise a new science, concerning the extension of bodies, in comparison to the air, and motive faculties by which they are to be carried.

We see a great difference betwixt the severall quantities of such bodies, as are commonly upheld by the air; not only little gnats, & flies, but also the Eagle and other fowl of vaster magnitude. Cardan and Scaliger doe unanimously affirm, Subtil. l. 10. Exercit. 231. that there is a [Page 216] bird amongst the Indians of so great a bignesse, that his beak is often u­sed to make a sheath or scabbard for a sword. Histor. Nov. Orb. l 4. c. 37. And Acosta tels us of a fowl in Peru called Condores, which will of themselves kill and eat up a whole Calf at a time. Nor is there any reason why any other body may not be supported and carried by the air, though it should as much exceed the quantity of these fowl, as they doe the quantity of a flie.

Marcus Polus mentions a fowl in Madagascar, which he cals a Ruck, the feathers of whose wings are 12 pa­ces, or threescore foot long, which can with as much ease, soop up an Ele­phant, as our Kites doe a Mouse. If this relation were any thing credible, it might serve as an abundant proof for the present quaere. But I conceive this to be already so evident, that it needs not any fable for its further confirmation.

2. The other doubt was, whether the strength of the other persons within it, will be sufficient for the [Page 217] moving of this engine? I answer, the main difficulty and labour of it will be in the raising of it from the ground; neer unto which, the earths attractive vigor, is of greatest effica­cy. But for the better effecting of this, it may be helped by the strength of winds, and by taking its first rise from some mountain or other high place. When once it is aloft in the air, the motion of it will be easie, as it is in the flight of all kind of birds, which being at any great di­stance from the earth, are able to con­tinue their motion for a long time & way, with little labour or wearinesse.

'Tis certain from common relation and experience that many birds doe cross the seas for divers hundred miles together: Plin▪ l. 10. c. 23. sundry of them amongst us, which are of a short wing and flight, as Blackbirds, Nightingales, &c. doe flie from us into Germany, and other remoter Countries. And Mariners doe commonly affirm that they have found some fowle above sixe hundred miles from any land. [Page 218] Now if we should suppose these birds to labour so much in those long journies, as they doe when they flie in our sight and near the earth, it were impossible for any of them to passe so farre without resting. And therefore it is probable, that they do mount unto so a high a place in the air, where the naturall heavinesse of their bodies does prove but little or no impediment to their flight; Though perhaps either hunger, or the sight of ships, or the like accident, may sometimes occasion their descending lower, as we may ghesse of those birds, which Mariners have thus be­held, and divers others that have been drowned and cast up by the sea.

Whence it may appear, that the motion of this chariot (though it may be difficult at the first) yet will still be easier as it ascends higher, till at length it shall become utterly devoid of gravity, when the least strength will be able to bestow upon it a swift motion: as I have proved [Page 219] more at large in another discourse. World in the Moon, c. 14.

But then, (may some object) If it be supposed that a man in the aethe­reall air does lose his own heavinesse, how shall he contribute any force to­wards the motion of this instrument?

I answer, The strength of any li­ving creature in these externall mo­tions, is something really distinct from, and superadded unto its natu­rall gravity: as common experience may shew, not only in the impressi­on of blows or violent motions, as a river hawk will strike a fowl with a far greater force, then the meer de­scent or heavinesse of his body could possibly perform. But also in those actions which are done without such help, as the pinching of the finger, the biting of the teeth, &c. all which are of much greater strength then can proceed from the meer heavines of those parts.

As for the other particular doubts, concerning the extream thinnesse, and coldnesse of this aethereall air, by reason of which, it may seem to be [Page 220] altogether impassible, I have already resolved them in the above cited dis­course.

The uses of such a Chariot may be various: besides the discoveries which might be thereby made in the lunary world; It would be servicea­ble also for the conveyance of a man to any remote place of this earth: as suppose to the Indies or Antipodes. For when once it was elevated for some few miles, so as to be above that orb of magnetick virtue, which is carried about by the earths diurnall revolu­tion, it might then be very easily and speedily directed to any particu­lar place of this great globe.

If the place which we intended were under the same parallel, why then the earths revolution once in 24 howers, would bring it to be un­der us, so that it would be but descen­ding in a straight line, and wee might presently be there. If it were under any other parallel, it would then only require that we should direct it in the same Meridian, til we did come to that [Page 221] parallel; and then (as before) a man might easily descend unto it.

It would be one great advantage in this kind of travelling, that one should be perfectly freed from all in­conveniences of ways or weather, not having any extremity of heat, or cold, or Tempests to molest him. This ae­thereall air being perpetually in an equall temper and calmnesse. Pars superior mundi ordinatior est nec in nu­bem cogitur, Sen. de Irâ l 3. c. 6. Pacem summa te­nent. Lu­can. nec in tempestatem impel­litur, nec versatur in turbinem, omni tumultu caret, inferiora fulminant. The upper parts of the world are al­ways quiet and serene, no winds and blustring there, they are these lower clowdy regions that are so full of tempests and combustion.

As for the manner how the force of a spring, or (in stead of that) the strength of any living person, may bee applyed to the motion of these wings of the Chariot, it may easily be apprehended from what was for­merly delivered.

There are divers other particulars [Page 222] to be more fully enquired after, for the perfecting of such a flying Cha­riot; As well too long as too short, too broad as too nar­row, may be an im­pediment to the mo­tion, by making it more dif­ficult, slow and flag­ging. as concerning the proportion of the wings both for their length and breadth, in comparison to the weight which is to bee carried by them, as also concerning those speci­all contrivances, whereby the strength of these wings may be severally ap­plyed either to ascent, descent, pro­gressive, or a turning motion; All which, and divers the like enquiries can onely be resolved by particular experiments. We know the inventi­on of sayling in ships does continu­ally receive some new addition from the experience of every age, and hath been a long while growing up to that perfection, unto which it is now arrived. And so must it be expected for this likewise, which may at first perhaps seeme perplexed with many difficulties and inconveniences, and yet upon the experience of frequent tryals, many things may be suggested to make it more facil and commodi­ous.

[Page 223]He that would regularly attempt any thing to this purpose, should observe this progresse in his experiments, he should first make enquiry what kind of wings would bee most usefull to this end; those of a Bat being most easily imitable, and perhaps nature did by them purposely intend some intimation to direct us in such expe­riments; that creature being not pro­perly a bird, because not amongst the Ovipara [...], to imply that other kind of creatures are capable of flying as well as birds, and if any should at­tempt it, that would be the best pat­tern for imitation.

After this he might try what may be effected by the force of springs in lesser models, answerable unto Ar­chytas his Dove, and Regiomontanus his Eagle: In which he must be carefull to observe the various proportions betwixt the strength of the spring, the heavinesse of the body, the breadth of the wings, the swiftnesse of the motion, &c.

From these he may by degrees a­scend to some larger essays.

CAP. IX. Of a perpetuall motion. The seeming facility and reall difficulty of any such contrivance. The severall ways whereby it hath been attempted, par­ticularly by Chymistry.

IT is the chief inconvenience of all the Automata before mentioned, that they need a frequent repair of new strength, the causes whence their mo­tion does proceed, being subject to fail and come to a period; and there­fore it would be worth our enquiry, to examine, whether or no there may be made any such artificiall con­trivance, which might have the prin­ciple of moving from it self: so that the present motion should constantly be the cause of that which succeeds.

This is that great secret in art, which like the Philosophers stone in nature, hath been the businesse and study of many more refined wits, for divers ages together▪ and it may well be questioned, whether either [Page 225] of them as yet, hath ever beene found out, though if this have, yet like the other, it is not plainly trea­ted of by any Authour.

Not but that there are sundry dis­courses concerning this subject, but they are rather conjectures then expe­riments. And though many inventi­ons in this kind, may at first view bear a great shew of probability, yet they will fail being brought to triall, and will not answer in practise what they promised in speculation. Any one who hath beene versed in these experiments must needs acknowledge that hee hath been often deceived in his strongest confidence; when the imagination hath contrived the whole frame of such an instrument, and con­ceives that the event must infallibly answer its hopes; yet then, does it strangely deceive in the proof, and discovers to us some defect, which we did not before take notice of.

Hence is it, that you shall scarce talk with any one who hath never so little smattering in these arts, but he [Page 226] will instantly promise such a motion, as being but an easie atchievement, till further triall and experience hath taught him the difficulty of it. There being no enquiry that does more en­tice with the probability, and deceive with the subtilty. What one speakes wittily concerning the Philosophers stone, may be justly applyed to this, that it is Casta meretrix, a chaste whore. Quia multos invitat, neminem admittit, because it allures many, but admits none.

I shall briefly recite the severall ways whereby this hath been attemp­ted, or seems most likely to be effe­cted, thereby to contract and facili­tate the enquiries of those who are addicted to these kind of experiments; for when they know the defects of o­ther inventions, they may the more easily avoid the same, or the like in their own.

The ways whereby this hath been attempted, may be generally reduced to these three kinds:

• 1. By Chymicall extractions.
• [Page 227]2. By Magneticall virtues.
• 3. By the naturall affection of gra­vity.

1. The discovery of this hath been attempted by Chymistry. Paracelsus and his followers have bragged, that by their separations and extractions, they can make a little world which shall have the same perpetuall mo­tions with this Microcosme, with the representation of all Meteors, Thun­der, snow, rain, the courses of the sea in its ebbs and flows, and the like; But these miraculous promises would require as great a faith to beleeve them, as a power to perform them: And though they often talk of such great matters,

yet we can never see them confirmed by any reall experiment; and then besides, every particular Authour in that art, hath such a distinct language of his own, (all of them being so full [Page 228] of allegories and affected obscurities) that 'tis very hard for any one (unlesse hee bee throughly versed amongst them) to finde out what they mean, much more to try it.

Etten. Ma­them. Re­creat. prob. 118.One of these ways (as I finde it set down) is this. Mixe five ounces of ☿, with an equall weight of [...], grinde them together with ten oun­ces of sublimate, dissolve them in a Cellar upon some marble for the space of four days, till they become like oyl olive; distill this with fire of chaffe, or driving fire, and it will sublime into a dry substance: and so by repeating of these dissolvings and distillings, there will bee at length produced divers small atomes, which being put into a glasse well luted, and kept dry, will have a perpetuall mo­tion.

I cannot say any thing from ex­perience against this; but me thinks it does not seem very probable, be­cause things that are forced up to such a vigorousnesse and activity, as these ingredients seem to be by their fre­quent [Page 229] sublimatings and distillings, are not likely to be of any duration; the more any thing is stretched beyond its usualll nature, the lesse does it last, violence and perpetuity being no companions. And then besides, sup­pose it true, yet such a motion could not well be applied to any use, which must needs take much from the de­light of it.

Amongst the Chymicall experi­ments to this purpose, may be recko­ned up that famous motion invented by Cornelius Dreble, and made for King Iames; wherein was represen­ted the constant revolutions of the Sun and Moone, Celebrated in an Epi­gram by Hugo Gro­tius. l. 1. Epi. Epist. ad Ernestū de Lamp: Vitae. and that without the help either of spring or weights. Marcellus Vranckhein, speaking of the means whereby it was performed, he cals it, Scintillula animae magneticae mundi, seu Astralis & insensibilis spi­ritus; being that grand secret, for the discovery of which, those Dicta­tors of Philosophie, Democritus, Py­thagoras, Plato, did travell unto the Gymnosophists, and Indian Priests. [Page 230] The Authour himself in his discourse upon it, Epist. ad Iacobum Regem. does not at all reveal the way, how it was performed. But there is one Thomas Tymme, who was a fa­miliar acquaintance of his, and did often pry into his works, (as he pro­fesses himself) who affirms it to bee done thus; Philoso­phicall dia­logue. Confer. 2. cap. 3. By extracting a fiery spi­rit out of the Minerall matter, joyning the same with his proper aire, which included in the Axle tree (of the first moving wheel) being hollow, car­rieth the other wheels, making a conti­nuall rotation, except issue or vent bee given in this hollow axle tree, whereby the imprisoned spirit may get forth.

What strange things may be done by such extractions, I know nor, and therefore dare not condemn this rela­tion as impossible; but me thinks it sounds rather like a chymicall dream, then a Philosophicall truth. It seems this imprisoned spirit is now set at li­berty, or else is grown weary, for the instrument (as I have heard) hath stood still for many years. It is here considerable that any force is weakest [Page 231] near the center of a wheel; and there­fore though such a spirit might of it self have an agitation, yet 'tis not easily conceivable how it should have strength enough to carry the wheels about with it. And then the absur­dity of the Authours citing this, would make one mistrust his mistake; he urges it as a strong argument a­gainst Copernicus, as if because Dre­ble did thus contrive in an Engine, the revolution of the heavens, and the immoveablenesse of the earth, therefore it must needs follow that 'tis the heavens which are moved, and not the earth. If his relation were no truer then his consequence, it had not been worth the citing.

CAP. X. Of subterraneous lamps, divers histori­call relations concerning their dura­tion for many hundred yeares toge­ther.

UNto this kind of Chymicall expe­riments, wee may most probably reduce those perpetuall lamps, which for many hundred yeares together have continued burning without any new supply in the sepulchres of the Ancients, and might (for ought wee know) have remained so for ever. All fire, and especially flame, being of an active and stirring nature, it can­not therefore subsist without moti­on; whence it may seem, that this great enquiry hath been this way accomplished: and therefore it will be worth our examination to search further into the particulars that con­cern this experiment. Though it be not so proper to the chief purpose of this discourse, which concerns Me­chanicall Geometry, yet the subtilty [Page 233] and curiosity of it, may abundantly requite the impertinency.

There are sundry Authours, who treat of this subject on the by, and in some particular passages, but none that I know of (except Fortunius Li­cetus) that hath writ purposely any set and large discourse concerning it: Lib. de re­conditis an­tiquorum lucernis. out of whom I shall borrow many of those relations and opinions, which may most naturally conduce to the present enquiry.

For our fuller understanding of this, there are these particulars to be explained:

• 1. [...], or quod sit.
• 2. [...]
  • cur sit.
  • quomodo sit.

1. First then, for the [...], or that there have been such lamps, it may be evident from sundry plaine and undeniable testimonies: Saint Austin mentions one of them in a Temple dedicated to Venus, De civitat. Dei l. 21. c. 6. which was al­ways exposed to the open weather, and could never be consumed or ex­tinguished. To him assents the judi­ous [Page 234] Zanchy. De operibus Dei, pars 1. l. 4. c. 12. De deperd. Tit. 35. Pancyrollus mentions a Lamp found in his time, in the se­pulchre of Tullia, Cicero's daughter, which had continued there for about 1550 years, but was presently extin­guished upon the admission of new air. And 'tis commonly related of Cedrenus, that in Iustinians time there was another burning lamp found in an old wall at Or Anti. och. Lice­tus de Lu­cernis, l. 1. c. 7. Edessa, which had remain­ed so for above 500 years, there being a crucifixe placed by it, whence it should seem, that they were in use also amongst some Christians.

But more especially remarkable, is that relation celebrated by so many Authours, concerning Olybius his lamp, which had continued burning for 1500 years. The story is thus: As a rustick was digging the ground by Padua, he found an Urne or ear­then pot, in which there was another urne, and in this lesser, a lamp clearly burning; on each side of it, there were two other Vessels, each of them full of a pure liquor, the one of gold, the other of silver. Ego Chymiae artis, (si [Page 235] modo vera potest esse ars Chymia) jurare ausim elementa & materiam omnium, (saith Maturantius, who had the pos­session of these things after they were taken up.) On the bigger of these urns there was this inscription:

The lesser urn was thus inscribed:

Whence wee may probably conje­cture that it was some Chymicall se­cret, [Page 236] by which this was contrived.

Mag. Na­tural. l. 12. cap. ult. Baptista Porta tels us of another lamp burning in an old marble sepul­chre, belonging to some of the anci­ent Romans, inclosed in a glasse vi­all, found in his time, about the year 1550, in the Isle Nesis, which had been buried there before our Savi­ours coming.

In the Tombe of Pallas, the Ar­cadian who was slain by Turnus in the Trojan war, Chron. Martin. Fort. Licet. de lucern. l. 1. c. 11. there was found a­nother burning lamp, in the year of our Lord 1401. Whence it should seem, that it had continued there for above two thousand and six hundred years: and being taken out, it did re­main burning, notwithstanding either wind or water, with which some did strive to quench it; nor could it be extinguished till they had spilt the li­quor that was in it.

Not: ad August: de civit. Dei, l. 21. c. 6. Ludovicus Vives tels us of another lamp that did continue burning for 1050 years, which was found a little before his time.

Such a lamp is likewise related to [Page 237] be seen in the sepulchre of Francis Rosicrosse, as is more largely expressed in the confession of that fraternity.

There is another relation of a cer­tain man, who upon occasion digging somewhat deep in the ground, did meet with something like a dore, ha­ving a wall on each hand of it; from which having cleared the earth, he forced open this dore, upon this there was discovered a faire Vault, and towards the further side of it, the statue of a man in Armour, sitting by a table, leaning upon his left arm, and holding a scepter in his right hand, with a lamp burning before him; the floor of this Vault being so contrived, that upon the first step into it, the statue would erect it self from its leaning posture; upon the second step it did lift up the scepter to strike, and before a man could approach near enough to take hold of the lamp, the statue did strike and break it to peeces: such care was there taken that it might not be stoln away, or discovered.

Our learned Cambden in his descrip­tion Pag. 572. [Page 238] of Yorkshire, speaking of the tombe of Constantius Chlorus, broken up in these later years, mentions such a lamp to be found within it.

There are sundry other relations to this purpose. De jure manium, l. 2. c. 32. Quod ad lucernas atti­net, illae in omnibus fere monumentis inveniuntur, (saith Gutherius.) In most of the ancient Monuments there is some kind of lamp, (though of the ordinary sort;) But those persons who were of greatest note and wisdome, did procure such as might last without supply, Deperdit. Tit. 62. for so many ages together. Pancirollus tels us that it was usuall for the Nobles amongst the Romans, to take speciall care in their last wils, that they might have a lamp in their Monuments. And to this purpose they did usually give liberty unto some of their slaves on this conditi­on, that they should be watchfull in maintaining and preserving it. From all which relations, the first particu­lar of this enquiry, concerning the beeing or existence of such lamps, may sufficiently appear.

CAP. XI. Severall opinions concerning the nature and reason of these perpetuall Lamps.

THere are two opinions to be an­swered, which doe utterly over­throw the chiefe consequence from these relations.

1. Some think that these lights so often discovered in the ancient tombs, were not fire or flame, but only some of those bright bodies which do usu­ally shine in dark places.

2. Others grant them to be fire, but yet think them to be then first enkindled by the admission of new air, when these sepulchres were ope­ned.

1. There are divers bodies (saith Aristotle) which shine in the dark, De anima. l 2. c. 7. as rotten wood, the scales of some fish­es, stones, the glow-worm, the eyes of divers creatures. Subtil l. 9. Cardan tels us of a bird in new Spain, called Cocoyum, whose whole body is very bright, but his eyes almost equall to the light of [Page 240] a candle, by which alone in a darke night, one may both write and read; By these the Indians (saith he) use to eat their feasting Suppers.

It is commonly related and belee­ved, that a Carbuncle does shine in the dark like a burning coal, from whence it hath its Carlo Pyropus. Historia Animal. l. 8 name. To which purpose there is a story in Aelian, of a Stork, that by a certain woman was cured of a broken thigh, in gra­titude to whom, this fowl afterwards flying by her, did let fall into her lap a bright Carbuncle, which (saith he) would in the night time shine as clear as a lamp. But this and the like old relations are now generally dis­beleeved and rejected by learned men: Doctissimorum omnium consensu, hujus­modi gemmae non inveniuntur, (saith Boetius de Boot) a man very much skil­led in, De Lapid. & Gemmis. l. 2. c. 8. and inquisitive after such mat­ters; nor is there any one of name that does from his own eye-sight or experience, affirm the reall existence of any gem so qualified.

Some have thought that the light [Page 241] in ancient tombs hath been occasioned from some such bodies as these. Vide Li­cet. de lucern. l. 2. For if there had been any possibility to pre­serve fire so long a space, 'tis likely then that the Israelites would have known the way, who were to keep it perpetually for their sacrifices.

But to this opinion it might bee replyed, that none of these Noctiluca, or night-shining bodies have been observed in any of the ancient sepul­chres, and therefore this is a mere imaginary conjecture; And then be­sides, some of these lamps have been taken out burning, and continued so for a considerable space afterwards. As for the supposed conveniency of them, for the perpetuating of the holy fire amongst the Jews, it may as well be feared lest these should have occasioned their idolatry; unto which that nation was so strongly addicted, upon every sleight occasion; nor may it seem strange, if the pro­vidence of God should rather permit this fire sometimes to goe out, that so by their earnest prayers, being a­gain [Page 242] renued from heaven, (as it Levit. 9.24. 2 Chron. 7.1. 1 King. 18.38. De jure Mani. l. 2. c. 32. som­times was) the peoples faith might be the better stirred up and strength­ned, by such frequent miracles.

2. It is the opinion of Gutherius, that these lamps have not continued burning for so long a space, as they are supposed in the former relations, but that they were then first enfla­med by the admission of new air, or such other occasion, when the sepul­chres were opened: as we see in those fat earthy vapours of divers sorts, which are oftentimes enkindled into a flame. And 'tis said, that there are some Chymicall ways, whereby iron may be so heated, that being closely luted in a glasse, it shall constantly retain the fire for any space of time, though it were for a thousand years or more; at the end of which, if the glasse be opened, and the fresh aire admitted, the iron shall be as red hot as if it were newly taken out of the fire.

But for answer to this opinion, 'tis considerable that some urns have had [Page 243] inscriptions on them, expressing that the lamps within them were burning, when they were first buried. To which may be added the experience of those which have continued so, for a good space afterwards; whereas the inflammation of fat and viscous vapours does presently vanish. The lamp which was found in the Isle Nesis, did burn clearly while it was inclosed in the glasse, but that being broken, was presently extinguished. As for that Chymicall relation, it may rather serve to prove, that fire may continue so many ages, without consuming any fewell.

So that notwithstanding the oppo­site opinions, yet 'tis more probable that there have been such lamps, as have remained burning, without any new supply, for many hundred years together; which was the first particu­lar to be explained.

2. Concerning the reason, Cur sint. why the Ancients were so carefull in this particular, there are divers opinions. Some think it to be an expression of [Page 244] their beleef, concerning the souls im­mortality, after its departure out of the body, a lamp amongst the Egyp­tians being the Hieroglyphick of life. And therefore they that could not procure such lamps, were yet carefull to have the image and representation of them ingraved on their Tombes.

Others conceive them to be by way of gratitude to those infernall deities, who tooke the charge and custody of their dead bodies, remain­ing always with them in their Tombs, and were therefore called Dii manes.

Others are of opinion, that these lamps were onely intended to make their sepulchres more pleasant and lightsome, that they might not seem to be imprisoned in a dismall and un­comfortable place. True indeed, the dead bodie cannot be sensible of this light, no more could it of its want of buriall; yet the same instinct which did excite it to the desire of one, did also occasion the other.

De Lucer­nis, l. 3. c. 8. Licetus concludes this ancient cu­stome to have a double end. 1. Po­litick, [Page 245] for the distinction of such as were nobly born, in whose monu­ments only they were used. 2. Na­turall, to preserve the body and soul from darknesse; For it was a com­mon opinion amongst them, that the souls also were much conversant a­bout those places where the bodies were buried.

CAP. XII. The most probable conjecture how these lamps were framed.

THe greatest difficulty of this en­quiry doth consist in this last par­ticular, concerning the manner how, Quomodo sint. or by what possible means any such perpetuall flame may be contrived.

For the discovery of which, there are two things to be more especially considered.

1. The snuffe or wiek, which must administer unto the flame.

2. The oyl, which must nourish it.

[Page 246]For the first, it is generally granted that there are divers substances which will retain fire without consuming: such is that minerall w ^ch they call the Salamanders wool, saith our learned Nat. hist. exper. 774. Bacon. Ipse expertus sum villos Sala­mandrae non consumi, saith Lib. ex­per. Ioachimus Fortius. And De Secre­tis, l. 3. c. 2. Wecker from his own knowledge affirms the same of plume-allum, that being formed into the likenesse of a wiek, will administer to the flame, and yet not consume it self. Of this nature likewise was that which the Ancients did call linum vivum, Or Linum Carpasium. Plutarch, de Oracul. de sectu. or asbestinum: of this they were wont to make garments, that were not destroyed, but purified by fire; and whereas the spots or foul­nesse of other cloaths are washed out, in these they were usually burnt a­way. The bodies of the ancient Kings were wrapped in such garments when they were put in the funerall pile, Plin. Hist. l. 19. c. 1. that their ashes might bee therein preserved, without the mixture of any other. The materials of them were not from any hearb or vegeta­ble, [Page 247] as other textils, but from a stone called Amiantus, which being brui­sed by a hammer, and its earthy na­ture shaken out, retains certain hairy substances, which may be spun and woven as hemp or flaxe. Pliny says, that for the preciousnesse of it, it did almost equall the price of pearls. Pancirollus tels us, Deperd. Tit. 4. that it was very rare and esteemed precious in anci­ent times, but now is scarce found or known in any places, and there­fore he reckons it amongst the things that are lost. But L. Vives affirms, that he hath often seen wieks made of it at Paris, In August. de civit. Dei, l. 21. c. 6. and the same matter woven into a napkin at Lovaine, which was cleansed by being burnt in the fire.

'Tis probable from these various relations, that there was severall sorts of it, some of a more precious, other of a baser kinde, that was found in Cyprus, the deserts of India, and a certain Province of Asia: this being common in some parts of Ita­ly, but is so short and brittle, that it cannot be spun into a thred. And [Page 248] therefore is usefull only for the wieks of perpetuall lamps, saith Boetius de Boot. D lapid. et gemmis, l. 2. c. 204. Some of this, or very like it, I have upon inquiry lately procured and experimented. But whether it be the stone Asbestus, or only plume-allum, I cannot certainly affirm. For it seems they are both so very like, as to be commonly sold for one ano­ther (saith the same Authour.) How­ever it does truly agree in this com­mon quality ascribed unto both, of being incombustible, and not consu­mable by fire: But yet there is this inconvenience, that it doth contract so much fuliginous matter from the earthy parts of the oyl, (though it was tryed with some of the purest oyl, which is ordinary to be bought) that in a very few days it did choak and extinguish the flame. There may possibly be some chymicall way so to purifie and [...]efecate this oyl, that it shall not spend into a sooty matter.

However if the liquour be of a close and glutinous consistency, it may burn without any snuffe, as we see [Page 249] in Camphire, and some other bitu­minous substances. And it is proba­ble that most of the ancient lamps were of this kind, because the exa­ctest relations (to my remembrance) doe not mention any that have been found with such wieks.

But herein will consist the great­est difficulty, to find out what inven­tion there might be for their dura­tion. Concerning which there are sundry opinions.

Saint Austin speaking of that lamp in one of the Heathen Temples, De civ. Dei l. 21. c. 6. thinks that it might either be done by Magick, the Devill thinking there­by to promote the worship and e­steem of that idoll to which it was dedicated, or else that the art of man might make it of some such materi­all, as the stone Asbestus, Zanch. de Operibus Dei, par. 1. l. 4. c. 12. which be­ing once enkindled, will burn with­out being consumed. As others (saith he) have contrived as great a won­der in appearance, from the naturall virtue of another stone, making an i­ron image seem to hang in the air, by [Page 250] reason of two load-stones, the one be­ing placed in the seeling, the other in the floor.

Others are of opinion that this may be effected in a hollow vessell, exact­ly luted or stopped up in all the vents of it. And then, if a lamp be sup­posed to burn in it, but for the least moment of time, it must continue so always, or else there would be a Va­cuū, which nature is not capable of; If you ask, how it shall be nourished, it is answered, that the oyl of it being tur­ned into smoak & vapours, will again be converted into its former nature; For otherwise, if it should remaine rarified in so thin a substance, then there would not be room enough for that fume which must succeed it; and so on the other side, there might bee some danger of the penetration of bo­dies, which nature doth as much ab­hor. To prevent both which, as it is in the chymicall circulations, where the same body is oftentimes turned from liquour into vapour, and from vapour into liquour again; so [Page 251] in this experiment, the same oyl shall be turned into fume, and that fume shall again convert into oyl. Always provided, that this oyl which nou­rishes the lamp, bee supposed of so close and tenacious a substance, that may slowly evaporate, and so there will be the more leisure for nature to perfect these circulations. According to which contrivance, the lamp with­in this vessell can never fail, being al­ways supplyed with sufficient nou­rishment. That which was found in the Isle Nesis, inclosed in a glasse viall, mentioned by Baptista Porta, is thought to be made after some such manner as this.

Others conceive it possible to ex­tract such an oyl out of some mine­rals, which shall for a long space serve to nourish the flame of a lamp with very little or no expence of its own substance. Wolphang. Lazius, l. 3 c. 18. Camb. Brit. p. 572. To which purpose (say they) if gold be dissolved into an un­ctuous humour, or if the radicall moisture of that metall were separa­ted, it might be contrived to burne [Page 252] (perhaps for ever, or at least) for ma­ny ages together, without being con­sumed. For if gold it self (as experi­ence shews) be so untameable by the fire, that after many meltings, and vi­olent heats, it does scarce diminish, 'tis probable then, that being dissolved in­to an oylie substance, it might for many hundred years together conti­nue burning.

There is a little chymical discourse, to prove that Vrim and Thummim is to be made by art; the Authour of this Treatise affirms that place, Gen. 6.16. where God tels Noah, a window shalt thou make in the Ark, to be ve­ry unfitly rendred in our translation a window, because the original word [...] signifies properly splendor or light; and then besides, the air being at that time so extreamely darkned with the clouds of that excessive rain, a window could be but of very little use in regard of light, unlesse there were some other help for it; From whence he conjectures that both this splendor, and so likewise the Urim [Page 253] and Thummim were artificiall, chy­micall preparations of light, answe­rable to these subterraneous lamps; or in his own phrase, it was the uni­versall spirit fixed in a transparent body.

It is the opinion of Licetus (who hath more exactly searched into the subtilties of this inquiry) that fire does not need any humour for the nourishment of it, De Lucer­nis, c. 20, 21 but onely to de­tain it from flying upwards. For be­ing it self one of the chief elements (saith he out of Theophrastus) it were absurd to think that it could not sub­sist without something to feed it. As for that substance which is consu­med by it, this cannot be said to fo­ment or preserve the same fire, but onely to generate new. For the better understanding of this, we must observe, that there may be a threefold proportion betwixt fire, and the hu­mour or matter of it. Either the hu­mour does exceed the strength of the fire, or the fire does exceed the hu­mour; and according to both these, the flame doth presently vanish. Or [Page 254] else lastly, they may be both equall in their virtues, (as it is betwixt the radicall moisture and naturall heat in living creatures) and then neither of them can overcome or destroy the o­ther.

Those ancient lamps of such long duration were of this later kind. But now, because the qualities of heat or cold, drinesse or moisture in the ambi­ent air, may alter this equality o [...] proportion betwixt them, and make one stronger then the other; there­fore to prevent this, the Ancients did hide these lamps in some caverns of the earth, or close monuments: And hence is it, that at the opening of these, the admission of new air un­to the lamp does usually cause so great an inequality betwixt the flame and the oyle, that it is presently extin­guished.

But still the greatest difficulty re­mains, how to make any such exact proportion betwixt an unctuous hu­mour, and such an active quality, as the heat of fire, or this equality be­ing [Page 255] made, it is yet a further difficul­ty, how it may bee preserved. To which purpose, Licetus thinkes it possible to extract an inflamable oyl from the stone Asbestus, Amiantus, or the metall gold, which being of the same pure and homogeneous nature with those bodies, shall be so pro­portioned unto the heat of fire, that it cannot be consumed by it, but be­ing once inflamed should continue for many ages, without any sensible di­minution.

If it be in the power of Chymistry to perform such strange effects, as are commonly experimented in that which they call aurum fulminans, one scruple of which shall give a lowder blow, & be of greater force in descent, then half a pound of ordinary gun­powder in ascent; why may it not be as feasible by the same art to ex­tract such an oyl as is here enquired after: Since it must needs be more difficult to make a fire which of its owne inclination shall tend downe­wards, then to contrive such an un­ctuous [Page 256] liquour, wherein fire shall be maintained for many years without any new supply.

Thus have I briefly set down the relations and opinions of divers lear­ned men concerning these perpetuall lamps; of which, though there have been so many sundry kinds, and se­verall ways to make them, (some be­ing able to resist any violence of weathers, others being easily extin­guished by any little alteration of the air, some being inclosed round a­bout within glasse, others being o­pen;) yet now they are all of them utterly perished amongst the other ru­ines of time; and those who are most versed in the search after them have onely recovered such dark con­jectures, from which a man cannot clearly deduce any evident principle that may encourage him to a parti­cular triall.

CAP. XIII. Concerning severall attempts of contri­ving a perpetuall motion by magne­ticall virtues.

THe second way whereby the ma­king of a perpetuall motion hath been atttempted, is by magneticall virtues; which are not without some strong probabilities of proving effe­ctuall to this purpose: especially when we consider that the heavenly revolutions, (being as the first pattern imitated and aimed at in these at­tempts) are all of them performed by the help of these qualities. This great orb of earth, and all the other planets being but as so many mag­neticall globes endowed with such various and continuall motions, as may be most agreeable to the pur­poses for which they were intended. And therefore most of the Authours, who treat concerning this invention, do agree, that the likeliest way to ef­fect it, is by these kind of qualities.

[Page 258]It was the opiniō of Pet: Peregrinus, & there is an example pretended for it in Betttinus (Apiar. 9. Progym. 5. pro. 11.) that a magneticall globe or terella, Gilbert de Magnet. Cabaeus Philos. Magnet. l. 4. c. 20. being rightly placed upon its poles, would of it self have a constant ro­tation, like the diurnall motion of the earth; But this is commonly ex­ploded, as being against all experi­ence.

At han as. Kircher, de Arte Mag­net. l. 1. par. 2. prop. 13. Item l. 2. p. 4.Others think it possible, so to con­trive severall pieces of steel, and a loadstone, that by their continuall attraction and expulsion of one ano­ther, they may cause a perpetuall re­volution of a wheel; Of this opini­on were Tract. de motu conti­nuo. Taisner, De Rota perpetui motus. par. 2. c. 3. Pet. Peregrinus, and De Va­riet. rerū l. 9. c. [...]8. De mag­net. l. 2. c. 35 Cardan, out of Antonius de Fan­tis. But D. Gilbert, who was more especially versed in magneticall ex­periments; concludes it to be a vain and groundlesse fancy.

But amongst all these kind of in­ventions, that is most likely, wherein a loadstone is so disposed, that it shall draw unto it on a reclined plane, a bullet of steel; which steele, as it a­scends [Page 259] neer to the loadstone, may be contrived to fall down through some hole in the plane, and so to return unto the place from whence at first it began to move; and being there, the loadstone will again attract it upwards, till coming to this hole it will fall down again: and so the mo­tion shall be perpetuall, as may be more easily conceivable by this fi­gure.

[Page 260]Suppose the loadstone to be repre­sented at AB, which though it have not strength enough to attract the bullet C, directly from the ground, yet may doe it by the help of the plane EF; Now when the bullet is come to the top of this plane, its own gravity (which is supposed to exceed the strength of the loadstone) will make it fall into that hole at E: and the force it receives in this fall, will carry it with such a violence unto the other end of this arch, that it will open the passage which is there made for it, and by its return will again shut it, so that the bullet, (as at the first) is in the same place, whence it was attracted, and conse­quently must move perpetually.

But however this invention may seem to be of such strong probabi­lity, yet there are sundry particulars which may prove it insufficient; For,

1. This bullet of steele must first be touched and have its severall poles, or else there can be little or no at­traction of it. Suppose C in the steel [Page 261] to be answerable unto A in the stone, and to B; In the attraction CD, must always be directed answerable to AB, and so the motion will be more diffi­cult, by reason there can be no rota­tion or turning round of the bullet, but it must slide up with the line CD, answerable to the axis AB.

2. In its fall from E to G, which is motus elementaris, and proceeds from its gravity, there must needs be a rotation of it, and so 'tis ods, but it happens wrong in the rise, the poles in the bullet, being not in the same direction to those in the mag­net; and if in this refluxe it should so fall out, that D should be directed towards B, there should be rather a flight then an attraction, since those two ends doe repell and not draw one another.

3. If the loadstone AB, have so much strength that it can attract the bullet in F, when it is not turned round, but does onely slide upon the plane, whereas its own gravity would roule it downwards: then it is evident, [Page 262] the sphere of its activity and strength would be so increased when it approa­ches much neerer, that it would not need the assistance of the plane, but would draw it immediately to it self, without that help, and so the bullet would not fal down through the hole, but ascend to the stone, and conse­quently cease its motion. For if the loadstone be of force enough to draw the bullet on the plane, at the distance FB, then must the strength of it be sufficient to attract it immediately unto it selfe, when it is so much neerer as EB. And if the gravity of the bullet be supposed so much to ex­ceed the strength of the Magnet, that it cannot draw it directly when it is so near, then will it not be able to attract the bullet up the plane when it is so much further off.

So that none of all these Magneti­call experiments, which have been as yet discovered, are sufficient for the effecting of a perpetuall motion, though these kind of qualities seem most conducible unto it, and per­haps [Page 263] hereafter it may be contrived from them.

CAP. XIV. The seeming probability of effecting a continuall motion by solid weights in a hollow wheel or sphere.

THe third way whereby the ma­king of a perpetuall motion hath been attempted, is by the naturall affection of gravity; when the hea­vinesse of severall bodies is so con­trived, that the same motion which they give in their descent, may bee able to carry them up again.

But against the possibility of any such invention, it is thus objected by Cardan; All sublunary bodies have a direct motion either of ascent or de­scent, which, Subtil. l. 17 De Var Rerum l. 9. c. 48. because it does refer to some tearm, therefore cannot be perpetuall, but must needs cease, when it is arrived at the place unto which it naturally tends.

I answer, though this may prove [Page 264] that there is no naturall motion of any particular heavy body, which is perpetuall, yet it doth not hinder but that it is possible from them to contrive such an artificiall revolution as shall constantly be the cause of it self.

Those bodies which may be ser­viceable to this purpose, are distin­guishable into two kinds.

1. Solid and consistent, as weights of metall, or the like.

2. Fluid or sliding, as water, sand, &c.

Both these ways have been attem­pted by many, though with very lit­tle or no successe. Other mens con­jectures in this kind you may see set down by divers Authours. D. Flud. Tract. 2. pars 7. l. 2. c. 4. et 7. It would be too tedious to repeat them over, or set forth their draughts. I shall onely mention two new ones, which (if I am not over partiall) seem al­together as probable, as any of these kinds that have been yet invented; and til experience had discovered their defect and insufficiency, I did cer­tainly [Page 265] conclude them to be infallible.

The first of these contrivances was by solid weights being placed in some hollow wheel or sphere, unto which they should give a perpetuall revolution. For (as the Philosopher hath largely proved) only a circular motion can properly be perpetuall. Arist. Phys. l. 8. c. 12.

But for the better conceiving of this invention, it is requisite, that we rightly understand some princi­ples in Trochilicks, or the art of wheel-instruments; As chiefly, the relati­on betwixt the parts of a wheel, and those of a ballance: the severall pro­portions in the Semidiameter of a wheel, Arist. Me­chan. c. 2. De ratione librae ad circulum. being answerable to the sides in a ballance, where the weight is multiplyed according to its distance from the center.

[Page 266]

Thus suppose the center to be at A, and the Diameter of the wheel DC, to be divided into equall parts (as is here expressed) it is evident ac­cording to the former ground, that one pound at C, will equiponderate to five pound at B, because there is such a proportion betwixt their se­verall distances from the Center. And it is not materiall whether or no these severall weights be placed hori­zontally, for though B do hang lower [Page 267] then C, yet this does not at all concern the heavinesse, or though the plummet C, were placed much higher then it is at E, or lower at F, yet would it still retain the same weight which it had at C, because these plummets (as is the nature of all heavy bodies) doe tend downewards by a streight line: So that their severall gravities are to be measured by that part of the horizontall Semidiameter, which is directly either below or above thē. Thus when the plummet C, shall be moved either to G or H, it wil lose [...] of its former heavinesse, and bee equally ponderous as if it were pla­ced in the ballance at the number 3, and if we suppose it to be situated at I or K, then the weight of it will lie wholly upon the Center, and not at all conduce to the motion of the wheel on either side. So that the streight lines which passe through the divisions of the diameter, may serve to measure the heavinesse of a­ny weight in its severall situations.

These things throughly considered, [Page 268] it seems very possible and easie for a man to contrive the plummets of a wheel, that they may be always hea­vier in their fall, then in their ascent; and so consequently that they should give a perpetuall motion to the wheel it self: Since it is impossible for that to remain unmoved, as long as one side in it is heavier then the o­ther.

For the performance of this, the weights must be so ordered, 1. That in their descent they may fall from the Center, and in their ascent may rise neerer to it. 2. That the fall of each plummet may begin the moti­on of that which should succeed it. As in this following Diagram.

[Page 269]

Where there are 16 plummets, 8 in the inward circle, and as many in the outward, (the inequality being to arise from their situation, it is therefore most convenient that the number of them be even.) The eight inward plummets are supposed to be in themselves so much heavier then the other, that in the wheel they may be of equall weight with those a­bove them, and then the fall of these will bee of sufficient force to bring [Page 270] down the other. For example, if the outward be each of them 4 ounces, then the inward must be 5, because the outward is distant from the cen­ter 5 of those parts, whereof the in­ward is but 4. Each paire of these weights should be joyned together by a little string or chain, which must be fastned about the middle betwixt the bullet and the center of that plummet, which is to fall first, and at the top of the other.

When these bullets in their de­scent are at their farthest distance from the center of the wheel, then shall they be stopped, and rest on the pins placed to that purpose; and so in their rising, there must be other pins to keep them in a convenient posture and distance from the center, lest approaching too neere unto it, they thereby become unsit to fall, when they shall come to the top of the descending side.

This may be otherwise contrived with some different circumstances, but they will all redound to the same [Page 271] effect. By such an engine it seemes very probable, that a man may pro­duce a perpetuall motion. The di­stance of the plummets from the center increasing their weight on one side, and their being tyed to one a­nother, causing a constant succession in their falling.

But now, upon experience I have found this to be fallacious, & the rea­son may sufficiently appear by a cal­culation of the heavines of each plum­met, according to its several situation; which may easily be done by those perpendiculars that cut the diameter, (as was before explained, and is here expressed in five of the plummets on the descending side.) From such a calculation it will be evident, that both the sides of this wheel will e­quiponderate, and so consequently that the supposed inequality, whence the motion should proceed, is but imaginary and groundlesse. On the descending side, the heavinesse of each plummet may be measured according to these numbers, (supposing the di­ameter [Page 272] of the wheel to be divided in­to twenty parts, and each of those subdivided into four.)

• 7 0
• 10 0
• 7 0
• The sum 24.

• 1 0
• 7 2
• 7 2
• 3 0
• The sum 19.

On the ascending side the weights are to be reckoned according to these degrees.

• 1 3
• 7 2
• 9 0
• 5 3
• 0 0
• The sum 24.

• 4 1
• 7 0
• 5 2
• 2 1
• The sum 19.

The summe of which last num­bers is equall with the former, and therefore both the sides of such a wheele, in this situation will equi­ponderate.

[Page 273]If it be objected, that the plum­met A should bee contrived to pull down the other at B, and then the descending side will be heavier then the other.

For answer to this, it is considera­ble,

1. That these bullets towards the top of the wheel, cannot descend till they come to a certain kind of in­clination.

2. That any lower bullet hanging upon the other above it, to pull it down, must be conceived, as if the weight of it were in that point where its string touches the upper, at which point this bullet will be of lesse hea­vinesse in respect of the wheel, then if it did rest in its own place: So that both the sides of it in any kind of situation may equiponderate.

CAP. XV. Of composing a perpetuaell motion by flu­id weights. Concerning Archimedes his water-screw. The great probabi­lity of accomplishing this inquiry by the help of that, with the fallibleness of it upon experiment.

THat which I shall mention as the last way, for the triall of this ex­periment, is by contriving it in some water instrument; which may seem altogether as probable and easie as any of the rest, because that element by reason of its fluid and subtle na­ture (whereby of its own accord it searches out the lower and more nar­row passages) may be most pliable to the mind of the artificer. Now the usuall means for the ascent of water is either by Suckers or Forces, or some­thing equivalent thereunto; Neither of which may be conveniently applied unto such a work as this, because there is required unto each of them so much or more strength, as may be answera­ble [Page 275] to the full weight of the water that is to be drawn up; and then be­sides, they move for the most part by fits and snatches, so that it is not ea­sily conceivable, how they should conduce unto such a motion, which by reason of its perpetuity must bee regular and equall.

But amongst all other ways to this purpose, that invention of Archime­des is incomparably the best, which is usually called Cochlea, or the water­screw, being framed by the helicall revolution of a cavity about a Cy­linder. We have not any discourse from the Authour himself concerning it, nor is it certain whether he ever writ any thing to this purpose. But if he did, yet as the injury of time hath deprived us of many other his excellent workes, so likewise of this, amongst the rest.

Athenaeus speaking of that great ship built by Hiero, Dipnosoph. l. 5. in the framing of which, there were 300 Carpenters employed for a year together, besides many other hirelings for carriages, [Page 276] and such servile works, mentions this instrument as being in stead of a pump for that vast ship, by the help of which, one man might easily and speedily drain out the water, though it were very deep.

Biblioth. l. 1. Diodorus Siculus speaking of this engine, tels us, that Archimedes in­vented it when hee was in Aegypt, and that it was used in that Coun­try for the draining of those pits and lower grounds, whence the waters of Nilus could not return. [...], (saith the same Authour.) It being an engine so ingenious and artificiall, as cannot be sufficiently expressed or commen­ded. Cardan Subt l. 1. De sapient. l. 5. And so (it should seeme) the Smith in Millain conceived it to be, who having without any teaching or information found it out, and there­fore thinking himself to be the first inventer, fell mad with the meer joy of it.

The nature and manner of making this, is more largely handled by Vi­truvius. Architect. l. 10. c. 11.

[Page 277]The figure of it is after this manner.

Where you see there is a Cylinder AA, and a spirall cavity or pipe twi­ning about it, according to equall re­volutions BB. The axis and centers of its motions are at the points CD, upon which being turned, it will so happen that the same part of the pipe which was now lowermost, will pre­sently become higher, so that the water does ascend by descending; a­scending in comparison to the whole instrument, and descending in respect [Page 278] of its severall parts. This being one of the strangest wonders amongst those many, wherein these Mathe­maticall arts doe abound, that a hea­vy body should rise by falling down, and the farther it passes by its own naturall motion of descent, by so much higher still shall it ascend; w ^ch though it seem so evidently to contradict all reason and Philosophy; yet in this instrument it may be manifested both by demonstration and sense.

This pipe or cavity for the matter of it, cannot easily be made of metall, by reason of its often turnings; but for triall, there might bee such a ca­vity, cut in a columne of wood, and afterwards covered over with tinne plate.

For the form and manner of ma­king this screw, Vitruvius does pre­scribe these two rules:

1. That there must be an equa­lity observed betwixt the breadth of the pipe, and the distance of its se­verall circumvolutions.

2. That there must be such a pro­portion [Page 279] betwixt the length of the instrument, and its elevation, as is answerable to the Pythagoricall Trigon. David Ri­vall. Com. in Archim. opera ex­tern. If the Hypotenusall, or Screw be 5, the perpendicular or elevation must be 3, and the basis 4.

However (with his leave) neither of these proportions are generally necessary, but should be varied accor­ding to other circumstances. As for the breadth of the pipe in respect of its revolutions, it is left at liberty, and may bee contrived according to the quantity of water which it should contain. The chief thing to be con­sidered is the obliquity or closenesse of these circumvolutions. For the nearer they are unto one another, the higher may the instrument be erected; there being no other guide for its true elevation but this.

And because the right understan­ding of this particular is one of the principall matters that concerns the use of this engine, therefore I shall endeavour with brevity and perspi­cuity to explain it. The first thing [Page 280] to be inquired after is what kind of inclination these Helicall revolutions of the cylinder have unto the Hori­zon, which may be thus found out.

Let AB represent a Cylinder with two perfect revolutions in it, unto which cylinder the perpendicular line CD is equall: the basis DE be­ing supposed to bee double unto the compasse or circumference of the cylinder. Now it is certain that the angle CED, is the same with that by which the revolutions on the cy­linder are framed, and that the line EC, in comparison to the basis ED, does shew the inclination of these revolutions unto the Horizon. The grounds and demonstration of this are more fully set downe by Guidus Vbaldus, in his Mechanicks, and that [Page 281] other Treatise De Cochlea, which he writ purposely for the explication of this instrument, where the sub­tilties of it are largely and excellently handled.

Now if this Screw which was be­fore perpendicular, bee supposed to decline unto the Horizon by the an­gle FBG, as in this second figure;

then the inclination of the revoluti­ons in it, will be increased by the an­gle EDH, though these revolutions will still remain in a kind of ascent, so that water cannot bee turned through them.

[Page 282]But now, if the Screw be placed so far declining, that the angle of its inclination FBG, be lesse then the angle ECD, in the triangle, as in this other Diagram under the for­mer; then the revolutions of it will descend to the Horizon, as does the line EC, and in such a posture, if the Screw be turned round, water will ascend through its cavity. Whence it is easie to conceive the certain declination wherein any Screw must bee placed for its owne convey­ance of water upwards. Any point betwixt H and D, being in descent, but yet the more the Screw declines downwards towards D, by so much the more water will be caried up by it.

If you would know the just quan­tity of water which every revolution does contain and carry, according to any inclination of the cylinder, this may be easily found by ascribing on it an Ellipsis, See a fur­ther expli­cation of this in V­baldus de Cochlea, l. 2 Prop. 25. parallel to the Horizon; which Ellipsis will shew how much of the revolution is empty, and how much full.

[Page 283]The true inclination of the Screw being found, together with the cer­tain quantity of water which every helix does contain; it is further con­siderable, that the water by this in­strument does ascend naturally of it self without any violence or labour, and that the heavinesse of it does lie chiefly upon the centers or axis of the cylinder, both its sides being of equall weight (saith Vbaldus; Ibid. l. 3. prop. 4.) So that (it should seem) though we suppose each revolution to have an equall quantity of water, yet the Screw will remain with any part upwards (according as it shall be set) without turning it self either way. And there­fore the least strength being added to either of its sides, should make it descend, according to that common maxime of Archimedes; De Aequi­pond. Sup­pos. 3. any addition will make that which equiponde­rates with another, to tend down­wards.

But now, because the weight of this instrument, and the water in it does leane wholly upon the axis, [Page 284] hence is it (saith Vbaldus) that the grating and rubbing of these axes against the sockets wherein they are placed, will cause some ineptitude and resistency to that rotation of the cylinder, which would otherwise ensue upon the addition of the least weight to any one side; But (saith the same Authour) any power that is greater then this resistency which does arise from the axis, will serve for the turning of it round.

These things considered together, it wil hence appear, how a perpetual mo­tion may seem easily contrivable. For if there were but such a water-wheel made on this instrument, upon which the stream that is carried up, may fall in its descent, it would turn the Screw round, and by that means convey as much water up, as is required to move it, so that the motion must needs be continuall, since the same weight which in its fall does turn the wheel, is by the turning of the wheel carri­ed up again.

Or if the water falling upon one [Page 285] wheel would not be forcible enough for this effect, why then there might be two or three, or more, according as the length and elevation of the instru­ment will admit; By which means the weight of it may bee so multi­plied in the fall, that it shall bee e­quivalent to twice or thrice that quantity of water which ascends. As may be more plainly discerned by this following Diagram.

[Page 286]

[Page 287]Where the figure LM, at the bot­tome does represent a wooden cylin­der with helicall cavities cut in it, which at AB, is supposed to be co­vered ever with tin plates, and three water-wheels upon it HIK. The lower cistern which contains the wa­ter being CD. Now this cylinder being turned round, all the water which frō the cistern ascends through it, will fall into the vessell at E, and from that vessell being conveyed up­on the water-wheel H, shall conse­quently give a circular motion to the whole Screw: There is another like con­trivance to this pur­pose in Pet: Bettin. Apiar. 4. Progym. 1. Prop. 10. but with much lesse advantage then 'tis here pro­posed. Or if this alone should bee too weak for the turning of it, then the same water which fals from the wheel H, being recei­ved into the other vessell F, may from thence againe descend on the wheel I; by which means the force of it will be doubled. And if this be yet insufficient, then may the wa­ter which fals on the second wheel I, be received into the other vessell G, and from thence again descend on the third wheel at K: and so for as [Page 288] many other wheeles, as the instru­ment is capable of. So that besides the greater distance of these three streams from the center or axis, by which they are made so much heavier, & besides, that the fal of this outward water is forcible and violent, where­as the ascent of that within is na­turall; Besides all this, there is thrice as much water to turn the Screw, as is carried up by it.

But on the other side, if all the water falling upon one wheel, would be able to turn it round, then half of it would serve with two wheels; and the rest may be so disposed of in the fall, as to serve unto some other usefull delightfull ends.

When I first thought of this in­vention, I could scarce forbear with Archimedes to cry out [...]; It seeming so infallible a way for the effecting of a perpetuall motion, that nothing could bee so much as pro­bably objected against it: But up­on triall and experience I finde it altogether insufficient for any such [Page 289] purpose, and that for these two rea­sons:

1. The water that ascends will not make any considerable stream in the fall.

2. This stream (though multipli­ed) will not bee of force enough to turn about the Screw.

1. The water ascends gently and by intermissions, but it fals continu­ately and with force; each of the three vessels being supposed full at the first, that so the weight of the water in them might adde the grea­ter strength and swiftnesse to the streames that descend from them; Now this swiftnesse of motion will cause so great a difference betwixt them, that one of these little streams may spend more water in the fall, then a stream six times bigger in the ascent, though wee should suppose both of them to be continuate; How much more then, when as the ascen­ding water is vented by fits and in­termissions, every circumvolution voiding onely so much as is con­tained [Page 290] in one Helix? And in this par­ticular, one that is not versed in these kind of experiments, may bee easily deceived. O

But secondly, though there were so great a disproportion, yet not­withstanding the force of these out­ward streams, might well enough serve for the turning of the Screw, if it were so that both its sides would equiponderate the water being in them (as Vbaldus hath affirmed.) But now upon farther examination, we shall find this assertion of his, to be utterly against both reason and experience. And herein does consist the chief mistake of this contrivance. For the ascending side of the Screw is made by the water contained in it so much heavier then the descending side, that these outward streams thus applied, will not be of force enough to make them equiponderate, much lesse to move the whole. As may be more easily discerned by this figure.

[Page 291]

Where AB, represents a Screw covered over, CDE, one Helix or re­volution of it, CD, the ascending side, ED the descending side, the point D the middle. The Horizon­tall line CF, shewing how much of the Helix is filled with water, viz. of the ascending side, from C the be­ginning of the Helix to D the middle of it; and on the descending side, from D the middle, to the point G, where the Horizontall does cut the Helix. Now it is evident that this later part DG, is nothing neare so much, and consequently not so hea­vy as the other DC. And thus is it in all the other revolutions, which as they are either more or larger, so [Page 292] will the difficulty of this motion bee increased. Whence it will appeare, that the outmard streams which de­scend, must be of so much force as to countervail all that weight where­by the ascending side in every one of these revolutions does exceed the other; And though this may be ef­fected by making the water-wheels larger, yet then the motion will be so slow, that the Screw will not be able to supply the outward streams.

There is another contrivance to this purpose mentioned by Kircher de Magnete, l. 2. p. 4. depending upon the heat of the sun, and the force of winds, but it is liable to such abun­dance of exceptions, that it is scarce worth the mentioning, and does by no means deserve the confidence of any ingenuous artist.

Thus have I briefly explained the probabilities and defects of those sub­tle contrivances, whereby the making of a perpetuall motion hath been at­tempted. I would be loath to discou­rage the enquiry of any ingenuous [Page 293] artificer, by denying the possibility of effecting it with any of these Me­chanicall helps; Treated of before, l. 1. c. But yet (I conceive) if those principles which concern the slownesse of the power in comparison to the greatnesse of the weight, were rightly understood, and throughly considered, they would make this ex­periment to seem (if not altogether impossible, yet) much more difficult then otherwise perhaps it will appear. However, the inquiring after it, cannot but deserve our endeavours, as being one of the most noble amongst al these Mechanicall subtilties. And (as it is in the fable of him who dugge the Vineyard, for a hid treasure, though he did not finde the money, yet hee thereby made the ground more fruit­full, so) though we doe not attaine to the effecting of this particular, yet our searching after it may dis­cover so many other excellent sub­tilties, as shall abundantly recom­pense the labour of our enquiry.

And then besides, it may be ano­ther encouragement to consider the [Page 294] pleasure of such speculations, which doe ravish and sublime the thoughts with more cleare angelicall content­ments. Archimedes was generally so taken up in the delight of these Ma­thematicall studies of this familiar Siren, [...]. Plutarch. Marcell. Ioan. Tzet­zes, Chil. 2. Hist. 35. Valer. Maxim. l. 8. c 7. (as Plutarch styles them) that he forgot both his meat and drink, and other necessities of nature; nay, that he neglected the saving of his life, when that rude soldier in the pride and hast of victory, would not give him leisure to finish his demonstration. What a ravishment was that, when having found out the way to measure Hiero's Crown, he leaped out of the Bath, and (as if he were suddenly possest) ran na­ked up and down crying [...]! It is storied of Thales that in his joy and gratitude for one of these Mathematicall inventions, he went presently to the Temple, and there offered up a solemn sacrifice. And Pythagoras upon the like occasion is related to have sacrificed a hundred oxen. The justice of providence ha­ving [Page 295] so contrived it, that the pleasure which there is in the successe of such inventions, should be proportioned to the great difficulty and labour of their inquiry.