The Reign of TIBERIUS: Beginning in the Year of Rome, 767.

I. THE first Action of the New Reign, was th [...] Murder of Agrippa Posthumus ¹; who unarm'd as he was, and wholly Ignorant of the design, was not without some difficulty slain, by a Centurion hardned in blood. Tiberius was silent of this matter in the Senate, feigning a Command from his Father Augustus, wherein [Page 18] he had order'd the Officer of the Guard to murther the Young Man, immediately after his own decease. 'Tis undoubted that Augustus had often, and that with bit­terness, complain'd in the Senate, of his Manners; and had also exacted a Decree from them to authorize his Banishment. Yet he had never proceeded to so much cruelty, as to compass the Death of any of his Relati­ons. Nor is it credible that he would command his Grandson to be murder'd, to secure the safety of his Son-in-Law. The suspicion fell more naturally on Tibe­rius and Livia, for hastning the Death of a Young Man, obnoxious to the hatred of the first through fear of a Competitor ^o, and of the last, through the inbred ma­lice [Page 19] of Step-mother. When the Centurion, according to Military Custom, told Tiberius that he had perform'd his orders; his answer was, that he had given him no such Commission ²; that the Officer should be answera­ble to the Senate for his offence, which coming to the knowledge of Sallustius Crispus, who was the confident of all his Secrets, and who had issued out those orders to the Centurion, He fearing that the Murther would be charg'd on him, and knowing that it was equally dangerous in his case, either to confess the Truth, or divulge the Secret, to approve himself, either Innocent or Guilty ³; ad­vis'd Livia, that care should be taken not to expose the Secrets of the Imperial House, or the Counsels of Mi­nisters ⁴, or the Names of the Soldiers, whom he pri­vately employ'd to execute his orders. For Tibe­rius would certainly weaken the Government, if he permitted his actions to be scan'd in the Senate ⁵. [Page 20] Arbitrary Dominion being of that nature, that the Per­formance of a Command, from a single Person, can be accountable but to him alone ^p.

II. In the mean time, at Rome the Consuls, Senators, and Knights, endeavour'd to out-strip each other in the [...]ace to Servitude. And they who were the most Noble and Illustrious, made the greatest speed; using so speci­ous a behaviour, that without shewing any exterior glad­ness for the Death of their late Emperor, or any discon­tent, for the Succession of the New ^q, their Mourning was mingled with their Ioy, and their Tears with ex­pressions of Flattery. Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius, [Page 21] then Consuls, were the first who took the Oath of Fideli [...] ­ty to Tiberius, and gave it afterwards in his name, to Seju-Strabo, Captain of the Pretorian-Guard, and to Cajus Turranius, Commissary-General of the Publick Provisi­ons: after these, to the Senate, to the Forces, and to the People. For Tiberius affected to begin all publick Functions from the Consuls ¹, as in the ancient Common-Wealth, and as if he were yet doubtful, whether or no, he would assume the Government. Even the Edict it self by which he summon'd the Senate to the Court, was short and modest, declaring, that he exercis'd this Right but only in vertue of the Tribunitial Power ^r, which was vested in him by Augustus ²; and in order to deliberate on those funeral Honours, which were to be paid to his Father, whose Corps, in the mean time, he would not forsake ^s, and that all the part to which he pretended in the Publick Administration, was no more [Page 22] than what was reducible to that Edict ^t. Yet after the Death of Augustus, it was his Custom to give the word to the Praetorian Cohorts, to be attended by Soldiers, and no part of the State belonging to an Emperor, was wanting to him. Whether he walk'd the Streets, or went to the Senate, his Guards follow'd him. He had also written to the Armies in the style of Emperour and Successor, and all without the least Ambiguity or Hesitation, unless it were when he spoke in Senate ³. The principal Cause of his dissimulation ⁴ was, that he fear'd Germanicus who commanded so many Legions, assur'd of succour from all the Allies, and lov'd even to Idolatry, by the Roman People, would rather chuse to enjoy the Empire in present, than to attend it from his Death. Nei­ther was there wanting a mixture of Vain-Glory, in these proceedings, for he affected to have it thought, that he was Elected by the Common-Wealth ⁵, rather than intro­duc'd [Page 23] by the Arti [...]ices of a Woman ⁶, and the adoption of an old doting Man. It was afterwards discover'd al­so, that this Irresolution which he shew'd, tended to sound the Affections of the Great towards him; for he study'd their Countenance, and their Words, to make them guilty afterwards, whom he purpos'd to de­stroy.

III. The first time he came into the Senate, he would permit no other business to come on, than only what related to the Funeral of his Father ¹; whose Testa­ment was brought thither by the Vestals. By it Tiberius and Livia were declar'd his Heirs. Livia was adopted also into the Iulian Family, and honour'd with the Title of Augusta ^u. In the second Degree were rank'd his Grand-Children, [Page 24] and their Descendants; in the third, the Greatest of the Romans, not out of Affection, for he hated most of them, but out of Ostentation ², to be ad­mir'd by Posterity ^x. His Legacies exceeded not the common Rules, only he bequeath'd to the People four hundred Thousand great Sesterces; to the most Inferior sort thirty five Thousand great Sesterces; to each of the Praetorian Soldiers (or Guards) a Thousand small Sester­ces, and three hundred to every Legionary. After this, they spoke of the Honours which were to be render'd [Page 25] to the Dead; and the Chief on which they insisted, were, that the Funeral State should pass through the Trium­phal Gate, which was first advis'd by Gallus Asinius. That the Titles of the Laws which had been Instituted by him, and the names of the Nations which he had vanquish'd, should be carried before the Body, which was propos'd by Lucius Arruntius. But Messala Valerius adding, that the Oath of Fidelity to Tiberius, should be annually re­new'd; Tiberius (interrupting him on the sudden) ask'd, if it were by his Order, that he had thus spoken? And Messala replying, that it was of his own head, adjoin'd farther, that in all things which concern'd the Publick Good, he would never take any Man's opinion but his own, though in so doing he should make Caesar himself his Enemy. This was the only remaining kind of Flat­tery. The Senators with a General Cry, demanded, that the Imperial Corps should be carried to the Pile on their Shoulders only. But Tiberius dispens'd with that Office rather out of Vanity, and to do himself honour in the refusal, than out of real Modesty. After this he publish'd an Edict to the People, warning them not to disturb these Funerals, as they had done those of Iulius Caesar, with their excess of Zeal, and not obstinately to persist in their desire, that the Body should be burn'd in the Market-place, and not in the Field of Mars, which was the place decreed for that Ceremony. On the day of the Funeral Solemnity, the Soldiers were order'd to be under Arms. Those who had either seen themselves, or had heard from their Fathers of that day, whereon Iulius Caesar the Dictator had been slain, when the sharp­ness of their Slavery was yet [...] upon them, and their Liberty, with an ill Omen just re [...]or'd, much deriding the superfluous care now us'd by Tiberius on this occasion; for even at that time, as there were some who judg'd his Death an impious action, so there were o [...]hers ^y who [Page 26] extoll'd it as a glorious Iustice ³. But in the present case, here was an old Emperor, quietly gone out of the World, who had been settled in a long course of Sovereignty of 44 years ^z, and who had establish'd the Succession a­gainst the Common-Wealth, by a large Provision of Heirs, and those in power; he, it seems, must have a Guard of Soldiers about his dead body, to secure it from disturbance at his Funeral.

IV. This afforded no small occasion of discourse con­cerning Augustus himself. The greater part of the As­sistants [Page 27] vainly admiring, that he should happen to die on the same day on which he first assum'd the Empire ^a: that he died at Nola, in the same House and Chamber, wherein his Father Octavius ^b had finish'd his Life. The number of his Consulships was extoll'd likewise, which equall'd those of Valerius Corvinus, and Caius Marius ^c, both together, that had enjoy'd the Tribunitial Power, without Intermission, 37 Years; had been saluted Emperor ^d one and twenty times: Besides, a multitude of other Honours which had been heap'd upon him, or invented for him. But the Politicians examin'd the conduct of his Life, af­ter another manner. Some said, that his filial Piety to Caesar, the necessity of Affairs, and the importance of the Laws had hurry'd him into a Civil War ¹; which cou'd not possibly be manag'd with the Forms of Iustice; though the Cause was honest. That he had consented [Page 28] to many violent proceedings of Anthony and ^e Lepidus ², because he had need of their assistance, to revenge the Murther of his Father. That Lepidus being grown Effeminate by the Sloath of a Private Life, Anthony drown'd in his debauches, and the Common-Wealth torn in pieces by the Discord of her Citizens, there was no o­ther Remedy left in Nature, but the Government of a single Person; which notwithstanding, Augustus had never taken up the Title ^f of King ³, or of Dictator ⁴, but contented himself to be call'd Prince of the Senate; That the Empire was owing to him, for being surrounded by the Ocean ^g, and remote Rivers ⁵; That the Pro­vinces, [Page 29] the Legions, and the Naval Force, were well united; the Citizens obedient to the Laws; the Allies in terms of dutiful respect, and the Town adorn'd with stately Buildings; that it was to be acknowledg'd he sometimes made use of Severity and Force, but very rarely, and always for preservation of the Publick Safety ^h. On the other side it was alledg'd, that the boasted Piety of a Son to a Father, and the Necessities of a Common-Wealth, were only his pretext ⁶; that through an insati­able desire of reigning, he being then a Youth, and of a private Fortune, had corrupted the Veteran Troops with Bribes and Donatives, had rais'd an Army, and debauch'd [Page 30] the Legions of Decimus Brutus then Consul, under colour of reconciliation with Pompey's party; that after he had extorted from the Senate, the Ornaments and Authority of a Praetor, and seiz'd on the Troops which had been commanded by Hirtius and Pansa, newly slain ⁱ, either by the Enemy, or by the Treason of this young Caesar, (for Pansa was thought to have been brought to his end by an envenom'd Plaister apply'd to his wound, and Hirtius was slain by the hands of his own Soldiers,) he caused himself to be created Consul in spight of the Senate, and had turn'd those arms against the Common-Wealth, which he had taken up against Anthony: The Proscrip­tion of so many Citizens was charg'd on him; and the division of the Lands ^k disapprov'd even by those to whom they fell. The Death of Cassius and the two Bru­ti ^l, must indeed be own'd for a just Vengeance on the Murderers of his Father ^m; though still it had been more glorious for him, to have sacrific'd his private hatred, to the Publick Interest: But the younger Pompey had been unworthily betray'd under the shadow of a pretended [Page 31] Peace; and Lepidus by a dissembled Friendship: Anthony sooth'd and lull'd asleep, by the Treaties of Tarentum, and Brundusium, and by his Marriage with the Sister of Au­gustus, had paid with his Life the forfeit of that fraudu­lent Alliance. After this a Peace was of necessity to ensue, but it was a bloody Peace; and infamous for the punishment of the Varro's, the Egnatii ⁿ, and the Iulii of Rome; to which succeeded the Defeats of Lollius ^o and Varus ^p in Germany: Neither did they spare his private Life in their discourses. They reproach'd him for having forcibly taken from her Husband a Woman then with Child; and for having made a Scoff of Religion, by demanding of the Priests if it were lawful for him to espouse her before she was deliver'd ⁷. They allow'd [Page 32] him to have suffer'd the Luxury of Quintus Atedius, and Vedius Pollio ⁸, his Minors, and also of having given him­self up to be govern'd by Livia ⁹, a heavy Burden to the Common-Wealth, and a worse Step-mother to the Family of the Caesars; That he had made himself a Fellow to the Gods, commanding Temples to be dedicated to him as to a Deity, with the Pomp of Images, Priests, and Sacrifices. That for the rest, he had appointed Tiberius to succeed him ¹⁰, not out of any [Page 33] Affection which he bore him, nor out of any Conside­ration for the Publick Good, but only to add a Lustre to his own Glory, by the Foyl of that Comparison▪ as having a perfect Insight into his Nature, and knowing him at the bottom to be Proud ^q and ¹¹ Cruel. For not [Page 34] many Years before, Augustus requesting the Senate once more to confer the Tribunitial Power on Tiberius ^r, had cast out some Words concerning his Humour, and the Oddness of his Manners, which seeming to Excuse, did in effect Reproach them ¹².

V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended, there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him; and [Page 35] that being done, earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius; who, on his side, spoke ambiguously con­cerning the Greatness of the Empire, and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities: Saying, ‘That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs ¹; and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour ², he was sensible by his own Experience, how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government. That in a City, which a­bounded with the Choice of great and able Persons, all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Manage­ment of one; since Publick Functions were better [Page 36] exercis'd, when many join'd their Cares and Labours ³.’ But there was more of Ostentation, than of upright Meaning, in these Discourses. And besides, if Tiberius, whether by Nature, or by Custom, spoke obscurely even on those Subjects, where he had no occasion to dissemble, his Words at this time became more intricate and doubt­ful, when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts. Then the Senators, who were all equally afraid of seem­ing to divine his Meaning, broke out into Tears, Com­plaints and Vows; holding out their Hands to the Gods, and to the Image of Augustus, and embracing the Knees of Tiberius, till he commanded a Register ^s to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus ⁴, and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues, with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies, which serv'd in the Ar­mies, of the Tributary Kingdoms, of the Conquer'd Provinces, of the Naval Strength, of the Imposts, and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth. To which, Augustus, whether out [Page 37] of Fear for the Empire, which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany, or out of Iealousie, lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself, added the Advice of Re­straining the Empire within the present Limits ⁵.

VI. In the mean time, the Senate still descending to the most abject Supplications, it happen'd that Tiberius said unwarily, He found himself uncapable of Go­verning the whole Empire, but if it pleas'd them to commit some part of it to his Administration, whatso­ever it were, he would accept it. Then Asinius Gallus [Page 38] laying hold of the Word, And what part of it, O Ti­berius, said he, wouldst thou undertake? He not expecting such a Question, and not having his Answer in a readi­ness, for a while stood silent ¹: But having recover'd the use of his Reason, answer'd, ‘That it was unbecoming of his Modesty to choose a Share of it, when he had rather discharge himself altogether of the Burden’ ². Asinius, who discover'd in his Countenance, that he had stung him, replied, That the Demand which he had made, tended not to the sharing of that Power, which could not be divided, but to draw this Acknowledgment from his own Mouth, that the Commonwealth, being but one Body, could only be govern'd by one Soul. Then, after he had prais'd Augustus, he desired Tiberius to remember his own Victo­ries in War, and his excellent Actions in Peace, during the space of so many Years, wherein he had the Ma­nagement of Affairs. But all this was not sufficient to make him well with the Emperour ³, who bore him an [Page 39] ancient Grudge, suspecting him for having espous'd Vip­sania, the Daughter of Marcus Agrippa, and formerly the Wife of Tiberius ^t, as if by that Marriage he design'd to raise himself above the Condition of a private Life ⁴, and inherited the imperious Humour of Asinius Pollio his Father.

VII. After this Speech, Lucius Aruncius likewise of­fended him by another, almost of the same Tenour: For though Tiberius had not any old Animosity against him, yet he hated him for his Riches, for the Excellency of his Natural Endowments, and Moral Perfections; and [Page 40] for the Reput [...]tion which they had gain'd him with the People, which was not inferiour to his Merit ¹ ▪ Besides, that Augustus in one of the last Discourses which he held, speaking of those, who would refuse the Empire, though capable of Ruling it; or who would be Ambitious of it, though uncapable of Governing; or who at once would be capable of Governing, and desirous of the Govern­ment; said, That Lepidus would be worthy of it, without wishing for ² it; that Asinius would be desirous of it, without deserving it; that A [...]untius neither was unworthy of it, nor would fail to lay hold of the first Occasion ³, to seize it [...]. Concerning the two first of these, 'tis agreed on all [Page 41] Hands; but some, in stead of Arruntius, have nam'd Cneius Piso. Certain it is, that all of them, excepting Lepidus, perish'd afterwards, by Tiberius, under the sup­position of several Crimes.

Quintus Haterius, and Mamercus Scaurus, incurr'd like­wise the Displeasure of that suspicious Soul: The first, for asking him, How long, O Caesar, wilt thou suffer the Com­monwealth to be without a Head ⁴? The other, for saying, It was to be hop'd, that the Suit of the Senate would not be unprofitable, because when the Consuls propos'd him to them for Emperour, he interpos'd not his Tribunitial Power to resist the Motion. He reprehended Haterius on the spot, but he said not a Word in reply to Scaurus, against whom he [Page 42] was more deeply ^u offended ⁵. At length being tir'd with hearing the general Complaints and Murmurs, and the Remonstrances of each Man in particular, he unbent somewhat of his Stiffness; not to the degree of declaring, that he would accept the Empire; but only as he said, to put an end to their Requests ⁶, and his Refusals. 'Tis un­doubted, that Haterius going to the Palace to ask his Par­don, wanted but little of being slain by the Soldiers of the Guard, as he was embracing the Knees of Tiberius, who slipping at that instant, happen'd to fall as he was going forward ⁷; whether by chance, or having his Legs entangled with the Hands of Haterius: But the Risque, which so great a Personage had run, abated nothing of his Resentment. Haterius continued still obnoxious to his Anger, till the Empress, whose Protection he had sought, [Page 43] interceding in his Favour, by force of Prayers obtain'd his Pardon.

VIII. The Flatteries of the Senate were yet more excessive, in relation to Livia. Some of them voting her the Title of Mother ^x, by way of Excellence and Di­stinction: Others, that of Mother of her Country: And many of them were likewise for passing a Decree, that to the Name of Caesar, should be added the Son of Iu­lia. But Tiberius replied to all these, That they ought not to confer Honours on Women too lavishly ¹: That for him­self, he would use the same Moderation in those which were propos'd for him ². Which he said out of Envy to his Mother, whose Elevation he regarded as a Lessening to his own Authority. He would not, that even a Lictour ^y should be decreed for her, and hindred the erecting of an Altar, in memory of her Adoption into the Iulian [Page 44] Family; and forbad them to ascribe to her any other Honour of the like Nature. But he ask'd the Procon­sular Power for Germanicus, and sent him the Decree by some of the Senate; who were also commission'd to comfort him for the Death of Augustus ³. The Reason why he requir'd not the same Honours for his Son Dru­sus, was because he was then in Rome, and besides was design'd Consul. He afterwards nam'd twelve Pretors, which was the Number establish'd by Augustus ⁴; and the Senate requesting him to create more ⁵, he took a Solemn Oath, never to exceed that Number.

IX. It was now, that the Assembly ^z for electing Ma­gistrates, [Page 45] was for the first time transferr'd from the Field of Mars to the Senate: For though formerly the Empe­rour had manag'd all Affairs of Consequence according to his Pleasure, yet some Things were still permitted to be done, by the Intrigues and Suffrages ^a of the Tribes ¹: For which loss of Privileges, the People shewed no other Resentment, but by insignificant Complaints and Mur­murs. And the Senate, for their part, were well satisfied, that thereby they were discharg'd from the shameful Necessity of bribing and supplicating the Commons ², to favour their Election. And this the more, for that Tiberius reserv'd to himself but the Naming ³ of four [Page 46] Candidates ^b, who were to be admitted without Cabal­ling, or any Contradiction. At the same time, the Tri­bunes of the People demanded the Permission, to cele­brate at their own Charges those Plays in Honour of Augustus ⁴, which in their Calendars ^c were call'd by the Name of Augustales. But it was order'd, that the Publick should be at the Expence, and that the Tribunes should wear the Triumphal Robe ^d in the Circus; where, nevertheless, it was not allow'd them to be born in Cha­riots. And the Annual Celebration was thenceforward committed to that particular Praetor, to whose Lot it should fall, to judge the Differences arising betwixt Citi­zens and Strangers.

X. This was the face of Affairs at Rome, when a Sedition arose, of the Legions in Pannonia ^e. They had no new occasion of Disturbance; only the change of an Emperour inspir'd them with Boldness to make some Di­sturbance, in hope to better their Condition by a Civil War ¹. Three Legions were quarter'd together in the [Page 47] same Camp, under the Command of Iunius Blaesus, who having heard of the Death of Augustus, and the Succes­sion of Tiberius, had interrupted the daily Exercises of the Soldiers, either in Token of Mourning ^f, or of Ioy. This Dispute began to give a Loathing to the Army of their Labour, and Military Discipline, and infuse into them a Propensity of Idleness and Pleasure. It furnish'd them with Occasions of frequent Quarrels with one another; and of lending an Ear to the mutinous Dis­courses of the most dissolute amongst them. There was in the Camp a Fellow called Percennius, formerly Head of a Faction among the Stage-Players ²; afterwards a [Page 48] private Soldier: Insolent in his Speech, and who had learn'd to raise Sedition, by his Practice, in the Play­house. This Man haunting the Conversation of the most Ignorant, and Silly, who were very inquisitive to know what their Condition was like to be under their new Emperour, debauch'd them by his Nightly Conversa­tions with them, or at least when it grew late in the Evening; and when the more sober Party were with­drawn to Rest, assembled the Band of Mutineers. At length many others, who were Promoters of Sedition, being associated with him, he question'd them, like a General who Harangues his Army, on these following Propositions.

XI. Why they paid a Slavish Obedience to a small number of Centurions, and a less of ^g Tribunes ¹? When would they have the Courage to expose their Grievances, and require a Remedy, if not now, in the unsettled Condition of a new Emperour ² ▪ with whom they safely might Expostulate, or, if need were, [Page 49] demand Redress by force of Arms? They had in their own Wrong been already silent for the space of many Years, when would they be weary of so tame a Patience? Not the least Account was made of thirty or forty Years of Service, with­out mentioning the Infirmities of Age, the greatest part of them had their Bodies mangl'd, and their Limbs disabl'd with their Wounds. That even they who were exempted from their daily Duties, yet saw no end of their Sufferings; being still retain'd under their Colours, they still endur'd the same Miseries, with­out other Advantage, than that of a more honourable Name ^h! If some amongst them surviv'd so many Misadventures, they were sent into remote Countries, where, under the specious Title of Rewards, they had Fens allotted them to drain, or barren Hills of cultivate: That the Trade of Warfare wa [...] of it self Laborious and Unprofitable; that they earn'd a hard Livelihood of Eight Pence a Day ⁱ, or little more, out of which they were to supply themselves with Clothing, Tents and Arms; and pay their exacting Centurions for their Exemption from Military Duties ³. That the Blows of their Officers, their Mayms, the Severity of the Winter, the insufferable Toyls of Summer ^k, a bloody War, and a barren Peace, were endless Evils; for which, there was no other Remedy, than not [Page 50] [...]o list themselves for Soldiers under the Daily Pay of a Roman Penny (or Denarius ^l); covenanting also to be discharg'd from Service, at the end of Sixteen Years; to be sent to their respe­ctive Homes, to receive their Pay in Silver, and in the Camp where they had serv'd; shall then the Praetorian Soldiers re­ceive each of them a double Sallary to ours, and be dismissed after Sixteen Years of Warfare? Are their Actions, or Suffer­ings to be compar'd with ours? I speak not this, either out of Envy, or Contempt; but at least we may say for our Reputa­tion, that being in the midst of barbarous and fierce Nations, we have our Enemies in view, even from our Tents.

XII. The whole Company receiv'd his Oration with a general applause; though from different motives: some of them shew'd the Marks of the Civil Blows which their Officers had given them; Others their hoary Hair, and many bar'd their Flesh, ill cover'd, with old and [...]atter'd Cloaths. In short, they were infla [...]'d to that heighth of rage, that they propos'd the Uniting the three Legions into one ^m; but their jealousy put a stop to that, every Man pretending to the chief Honour for his own Legion. They bethought themselves of ano­ther Expedition, which was for mixing the three Ea­gles confusedly, with the Ensigns of the Cohorts; which having done, they rais'd a Tribunal on sods of Grass, that the Seat might be the farther seen. Blesus arriving thereupon, took those by the Arm whom he met in his Passage, and reproach'd them with great Severity ¹. [Page 51] Rather dip your Hands, said he to the Mutineers, in the live Blood of your General; it will be a less Crime for you to murder me, than to revolt against your Emperor: I will either restrain you within your due Obedience, if you suffer me to live, or I will hasten your Repentance by my Death ⁿ.

XIII. In the mean time they proceeded with their Work, which they had already rais'd to the height of their Shoulders; when at length their Obstinacy being conquer'd by his Courage, they gave it over. Blesus, who was a Master of Well-speaking ¹, represented to them, That their Demands ought not to be carri'd to the Emperour, by way of Sedition ²; that their Prede­cessors had never offer'd any thing of that Nature to former Generals; nor they themselves, to the Divine Augustus; that they had ill tim'd their Purpose, to give new Troubles to a Prince, oppress'd with the weight [Page 52] of his Affairs now in the beginning of his Reign ³; that if, notwithstanding, they would make such De­mands in the midst of Peace, which the conquering Side in a Civil War had never presum'd to ask from their Commander; yet why would they transgress the Limits of Respect, and violate Discipline by taking Arms? Why nam'd they not their Deputies, for whom they might draw up their Instructions in his Presence? At these Words they answer'd with a general Cry, That the Son of Blesus, who was one of the Tribunes, was the most proper Man to take upon him that Commis­sion; and to require a Discharge for all, when their sixteen Years ⁴ of Service should be expir'd; and that they would send him fresh Instructions, when that first Article was accorded. When young Blesus was set for­ward on his Iourney, they were somewhat calm: But the Soldiers grew more haughty, on the account of that Deputation; which shew'd, that they had carried that by Violence, which by other Methods they could never have obtain'd.

[Page 53] XIV. In the mean time, those Bands of Soldiers ^o, who, before the Sedition, had been sent to Nauportum ^p to repair the Ways and Bridges, and for other Occa­sions, receiving Notice of what had pass'd in the Camp, laid hold on the Ensigns, plunder'd the Neighbourhood, and Nauportum it self, which was in the nature of a Municipal Town ^q, contemn'd, revil'd, and even beat [Page 54] their Centurions, who endeavou [...]'d to restrain their Madness. Their Rage was chiefly bent against Au [...]idie­ [...] Rufus, who, from a private Soldier, had been rais'd to a Centurion, and from thence to a Prefect, or Ma­resch [...]l de Camp ¹. They pull'd him from his Chariot, they loaded him with Baggage, and made him march at the Head of a Battalion, asking him in scorn, If he were not pleas'd to carry such a Burden, and to travel so far on Foot? For Rufus was an indefatigable Man, who restor'd to use the strictness of the ancient Disci­pline ², and who spar'd their Labour so much the less, because he had undergone himself what he had impos'd on others.

XV. The arrival of these Mutineers renew'd the Tu­mult, and roaming lawlesly round the Country, they made Waste of all Things in their way. Blesus caus'd some of them, who return'd loaden with their Plunder, to be beaten, and made Prisoners, thereby to imprint a greater Terror in the rest: (For the Centurions, and the sober part of the Soldiers, still continu'd in their Duty.) The Pillagers thereupon resist those who force [...] to Prison, embrace the Knees of their Camerades, [Page 55] implore their Succour; either, in particular, by their Names; or, in general, the Company, the Cohort, or the Legion, in which they serv'd; crying out, Their own Turn must be next in the same Usage. They pour out a thousand Reproaches against their General, and call the Gods to witness his Injustice. In short, they omit nothing to move Compassion, to raise Envy and Fear, and to foment Sedition. The Soldiers run in heaps to their Relief, break open the Prisons, deliver their Companions, and strengthen their Party with De­serters, and Criminals condemn'd to Death.

XVI. From thence, the Mutiny grew more outragi­ous, and the Numbers of their Heads in [...]reas'd. One Vibulenus, a private Soldier ¹, being hoisted on the Backs of his Companions, was carried, as it were, in Triumph, before the Tribunal of the General, and the Soldiers big with expectation of his Speech, and thronging to hear him, thus began. 'Tis true, Companions, you have restor'd to Life and Liberty our innocent Fellow-Soldiers; but who shall give me back my Brother, who, being Commission'd to you from the Army now in Germany, for our common Inte­rests, has this Night been butcher'd by, the Gladiators, who are purposely entertain'd by Blesus, for our General Massacre. Tell me, Blesus, where thou hast thrown this murder'd Body? Even Enemies refuse not Burial to the Slain. When I have satisfied my Grief with Tears and Kisses, command me to be murder'd; and I consent to my own Death, provided thou wilt order us to be laid in one common Grave, like Brothers, who suffer'd Death, not for the Guilt of any Crime, but only for defending the Cause of the ^r Ligions ².

[Page 56] XVII. He animated this Discourse with Sobs and Groans, and with the Blows which he gave himself on his Face and Breast; then getting loose from those who had carried him on their Shoulders, he threw himself hastily at the Feet of the Assistants, and mov'd them so much to Compassion and Revenge ¹, that one part of the Soldiers seiz'd on the Gladiators of Blesus, another secur'd his Menial Servants, whilst many of them ran searching here and there for the Body of their slain Companion. And if, by good Fortune, it had not been immediately discover'd, that Vibulenus never had a Bro­ther, that there was no such Body to be found, and that [Page 57] the Slaves of Blesus, being put to the Torture, persisted to deny the Murder; the General was in immediate danger of Assassination. In the mean time, they forc'd the Tribunes, and the Praefect of the Camp, to [...]ly for their Safety; they plunder'd their Baggage, and kill'd Lucilius the Centurion, to whom they had given the Nick-name of [...]edo alteram; because when he had bro­ken his Baton ^s on the Back of any Soldier, he was wont to call for another, to continue the Correction. The rest of the Centurions absconded, excepting only Iulius Clemens, who was sav'd; as being one, who, for his ready Wit, was thought a proper Man to execute the Commissions of the Soldiers ². There were two of the Legions, the Eighth and the Fifteenth, who were ready to come to Blows with one another concerning one Sir­picus a Centurion; the Eighth demanding him to be produc'd and put to Death, the other defending him: If the Ninth had not interpos'd, and partly with Prayers, partly with Threatnings, brought them to Reason on either side.

XVIII. These Things coming to the knowledge of Tiberius, constrain'd him, as expert as he was in dissem­bling his Temper, and concealing all ill News ¹, to send away his Son with all speed to Pannonia, without other [Page 58] Instructions, than only to act according to the present Necessity, and as the juncture of Affairs ² requir'd. He gave for his Attendants two Praetorian Cohorts, rein­forc'd with a Recruit of select Soldiers, with a great part of his Cavalry, and the Choice of his German Guards▪ sent in his Company the principal Men of Rome, and appointed for the Governor of his Person Elius Sejanus, his Favourite ³, then Praefect of the Praetorium ^t, and Collegue to his Father Strabo, in that Office: Employ'd [Page 59] particularly, on this Occasion, to promise Rewards to those who should submit, and threaten Punishments to such as should persist in their Rebellion. On the ap­proach of Drusus to the Army, the Legions drew out, to meet him on the way, and do him Honour; not with chearful Countenances, as was the Custom, nor with shining Arms and Ensigns ^u, but in a mean and ragged [Page 60] Equipage, and with sad and sullen Looks, which shew'd more of Contumacy, than of Repentance.

XIX. When he was enter'd into the Camp, they plac'd Sentinels at the Gates, and Corps-de-Guard in se­veral Parts; the main Body of them gather'd round the Tribunal of Drusus, who was standing, and held out his Hand, as desiring their Attention. As often as the Mu­tineers cast round their Eyes, and consider'd their own Multitude, they fill'd the Air with Shouts and Threat­nings ¹, but when they turn'd their Sight towards Drusus, they shook for fear ². To this confus'd Noise, and these insolent Clamours, succeeded a profound Silence; and by their different Motions they gave, and took Terror in their turns. At length, the Tumult being ceas'd, Dru­sus read to them the Letters of his Father; which con­tain'd in effect, That he would take a particular Care of those valiant Legions which had assisted him in sustain­ing several Wars ³; That so soon as his Grief for the Death of Augustus would give him leave, he would pro­pose their Demands to the Senate; That, in the inte­rim, he had sent his Son to them, with full Power, and without the least Delay, to grant them all that was pos­sible to be done for them on the sudden: And what re­quir'd more Leisure, should pass through the Hands of the Senate; it being unjust to take from them the Glory of Rewarding, or the Power of Punishing.

XX. To this, the Assembly return'd Answer, That [Page 61] Iulius Clemens was intrusted by them to make known their Desires. He then began, with their Pretension, to be discharg'd from Service at the end of sixteen Years, with a Recompence in Silver; that their daily Pay should be a Roman Denarius ^x; and that the Veterans should no longer be detain'd under their Ensigns. Drusus alledging, that the Cognizance of these Matters belong'd to the Senate and his Father ¹; was interrupted by their Cla­mours. ‘What Business has he here, th [...]y cry'd, since he is not impower'd, either to augment the Soldiers Pay, or to redress their Grievances, while in the mean time they are expos'd to be beaten and slain at the Pleasure of their Officers? We remember since Tiberius has evaded our Petitions, by remitting us to Augustus, and has he sent his Son on the same Errand? Shall we always have to deal with Children, who come to us in their Fathers Name? Is it not a strange manner of Pro­ceeding, [Page 62] that the Emperour refers nothing to the Senate, but what concerns the Rewarding of his Sol­diers ²! Why does he not also consult the Senate, when he is to give a Battle, or punish us with Death? Is it reasonable, that Recompences should not be given, but by the Consent of so many Masters? And that, on the contrary, every Officer has right to punish us at his own Pleasure, and without Comptrol from any Man?’

XXI. At this, they flung from the Tribunal, threat­ning all they met of the Prince's Guard, or of his Friends, and seeking an occasion of Quarrel and Re­venge. Their Malice was chiefly bent at Cneius Lentu­lus, because that being elder, and of greater Reputation in War than any of the other Officers: He was thought the Man, who most despis'd the Danger of the Muti­neers, and render'd Drusus inflexible ¹ to their Demands. And shortly after, when departing from Drusus, to shun the Danger which he foresaw, he took his way to the [Page 63] Winter Quarters; they inclos'd him in the midst of them, and ask'd him, Whither he was going, and if he was returning to Rome, in order to oppose the Interest of the Legions? And they were already beginning to stone him, if the Troops which Drusus had brought along with him had not rescu'd him from their Hands all over bloody as he was.

XXII. The Night threaten'd some horrible Attempt, but an Accident unforeseen turn'd all to Quiet. The Moon in a calm and serene Night, on the sudden, was eclips'd; and the Soldiers, who were wholly ignorant of Astronomy, drew from thence an Augury, for the present Iuncture of Affairs; and comparing the defect of Light in the Moon to their own Labours, interpreted, that all would go well with them, if the eclips'd God­dess recover'd Light. Therefore, they beat on brazen Instruments, sounded their Trumpets, and rais'd con­fus'd Clamours; and as she appear'd more bright, or be­came more dusky, they vary'd their Sadness, and their Ioy. But when the Sky grew cloudy, and took her wholly from their Sight, so that they believ'd her lost in Darkness, as Minds once strucken ^y with Amaze­ment ¹, are prone to Superstition, so they imagin'd a [Page 64] Perpetuity of Labours was portended to them, and la­mented, that the Gods were averse to their impious Attempt. Drusus thought it Wisdom ², to lay hold on the Occasion which their Fear administer'd, and order'd some to go into their Tents. He made choice of Cle­mens, and others, who, by their Merit, had acquir'd [Page 65] Credit with the common sort. These mixing with the Centries, and those who went the Rounds, or watched about the Gates, redoubl'd their Apprehensions, and withal, awak'd their Hopes. ‘How long, said they, shall we continue to besiege the Son of Caesar? Shall we take the Oath of Fidelity to Percennius, and to Vibule­nu [...]? Will they give us the Pay and Rewards which we pretend? In a word, Shall they Usurp the Empire of the Nero's, and the Drusi? Why should not we be the first to repent us, as we have been the last to be seduc'd ^z’? The Demands which are made in common, are ever slowly granted, and late received; on the con­trary, the Reward comes speedily to their Hands, who will each ^a deserve it singly ³. These Words having once [Page 66] shaken their Resolution ⁴, and cast a Distrust into them of each other, the Love of their Prince re-enter'd into them by degrees, the Legions separate, and the new Soldiers divide from the Veterans: They forsake the Gates, and replace their Eagles by themselves, which they had shuffl'd together in the beginning of the Mutiny.

XXIII. At break of Day, Drusus calls the General Assembly; and though he had not the Gift of Speaking well, yet his Discourse had in it a certain Air of Great­ness, inborn to those of Noble Blood ¹; highly con­demns the past Proceedings, and extols the present. He [Page 67] tells them, he is not capable of Fear, and that, by conse­quence, he is not to be mov'd with Threatnings ²; that if he finds in them due Repentance, and Respect, he will write to his Father in their behalf; and inclin [...] him to receive their Petition, and graciously to answer it. Accordingly, at their Request, the fore-mention'd Blesus, Lucius Apronius a Roman Knight, of the Cohort of Drusus, and Iustus Catonius Captain of the first Cen­tury ^b, are sent to Tiberius. After this, a Council of War was held, where their Iudgments were divided▪ Some were of Opinion, that the Soldiers should be mild­ly Treated, till the return of their Deputies; othe [...]s [Page 68] thought it more adviseable to use Rigour, there being no Moderation to be expected from a Multitude ³, which makes it self formidale when it fears nothing, and which may [...]afely be despis'd when timorous: That Terrour was to be imprinted in them, while they were yet fill'd with Superstition; and that they were to be made sen­sible they had a Master, by the Punishment of those who were Authors of the Mutiny ⁴.

XXIV. Drusus, whose Nature inclin'd him to Severi­ty ¹, caus'd Vibulenus and Percennius to be brought before him, and commanded them to be put to Death ². Ma­ny relate, that they were slain, and buried in his [Page 69] Tent ³, to keep the Execution secret; others say, that their Bodies were cast out of the Camp, to serve for an Exam­ple, and remain a Spectacle to their Companions. Enquiry was made afterwards for the other Promoters of the Sedition, and many flying here and there for shelter, were discover'd and kill'd by Centurions, and Soldiers of the Guard; some of them were deliver'd up by their own Comerades, as a Pledge of their Fidelity. The Dis­quiets of the Mutineers were yet more augmented by an over-early Winter, with continual Rains, and Storms so furious, that they durst not stir out of their Tents to meet in Assemblies; and hardly were they able to keep their Colours, which the fierceness of the Winds threat­ned every moment to bear away. Add to this, That they were still in apprehension of the Wrath of Heaven; and their guilty Minds suggested to them, that the Pla­nets were not eclips'd in vain, or that the Tempests roul'd without Presage over the Heads of Rebels ⁴; that there was no other Remedy remaining for their present Evils, but to abandon a profan'd Camp, an unfortunate Abode, and to return to their Garisons, after they had expiated their Crime. The eighth Legion remov'd first, and was soon follow'd by the fifteenth. The ninth op­pos'd themselves to this Departure, crying out, The An­swer of Tiberius was to be attended there; but being surpriz'd with Fear, as being left alone, they prevented [Page 70] the Necessity of being forc'd to Obedience. So that all Things being compos'd in a settl'd Calm, Drusus went immediately for Rome, without longer waiting for the return of the Deputies.

XXV. Almost at the same time, and for the same Rea­sons, the Legions in Germany rebell'd ¹; and their Mutiny had in it the more of Insolence, because they were in greater Numbers; and all of them concluded, that Ger­manicus would never submit to the Government of ano­ther, but that to prevent Subjection, he would Head those Legions ²; by whose means, he might put him­self in a condition of reducing all others to his Party. [...]ere were two Armies encamp'd on the Banks of the [...] ▪ that on the upper pa [...]t was commanded by Caius S [...]lius, in Quality of Lieutenant-General; that on the [...]ether, by Aulus Cecina. Their common General was [...]erman [...]cus, who, at that time, was busied in Gaul about ga­thering the Tributes. But those who were under Silius, protracted the time of declaring themselves▪ till they saw what Fortune would be [...]al the Army of Geci [...]a ³, where the Sedition began from the Twenty first and Fifth Le­gions, [Page 71] which also drew into their Party the Twentieth, and the First; for they were quartered together on the Frontiers of the Ubiens ^c, living in Idleness ⁴, or, at least, with small Employment. When the Death of Augustus was known amongst them, the Soldiers of the new Re­cruits, accustom'd to the Softnesses of Life at Rome, and, consequently, Enemies to the Toyls of War, began to broach amongst those who were Simple and Credulous, That now the Time was come for the Veterans to de­mand a quick Discharge; for the new-rais'd Troops to have their Pay enlarg'd; for both Parties to require an end of their Sufferings; and to revenge themselves on the Cruelty of their Centurions. It was not any single Person, (as Percennius was amongst the Pannonian Le­gions,) who declaim'd in this manner: Neither did the Soldiers tremble at the sight of another Army more powerful than their own, and which were Witnesses of what they said and did; but many Mouths which cry'd in Concert, That the Roman Empire was in their Hands, to dispose of as they pleas'd; that they had inlarg'd it by their Victories; and that the Caesars ^d held it for an Ho­nour, to bear the Sirname of Germanicus.

XXVI. Cecina durst not oppose this, either by Word or Action, their Multitude having over master'd his Re­solution. [Page 72] The Seditious being seiz'd, with one common Fury fell with their drawn Swords on their Centurions, (ever the Object of their Hate, and the first Sacrifice which they offer'd to their Vengeance;) they pull'd them down, and beat them afterwards to Death with Cudgels; Sixty of them at once assaulting one, to equal the Number of the Centurions, which were Sixty to every Legion. To conclude, they cast them out of the Camp half dead, or threw their Bodies into the Rhine. One of them call'd Septimius, who had refug'd himself in the Tribunal of Cecina, and had embrac'd his Knees, was demanded with so much Obstinacy, that the Gene­ral was forc'd to deliver him up to their Fury. Cassius Chaerea, an intrepid Youth, the same who afterwards eterniz'd his Memory by the Death of Caligula ¹, open'd himself a Passage with his Sword through a Crowd of Arm'd Soldiers, who endeavour'd to have seiz'd him. From that moment, neither the Tribunes, nor the Ma­reschals de Camp, were any more obey'd. The Muti­neers themselves plac'd the Sentinels and the Corps de Guard, and order'd all Things which their present Needs requir'd. Those who pierc'd into the depth of that Affair, drew from thence a certain Augury, that the Sedition would be of a long Continuance; because they acted not with any separate Interest, or, by the Instigation of any particular Men among them; they rais'd their Clamours all at once, and at once they ceas'd [Page 73] them; with so much Equality, and so good an Under­standing amongst themselves, that it might have been reasonably believ'd, they were under the Government of one Head.

XXVII. While Germanicus, as we have said, was de­tain'd in Gaul to collect the Tributes, he receiv'd the News of Augustus's Death, whose Grand-daughter he had marry'd. He was the Son of Drusus, Nephew to Tiberius, and Grand-son to Livia; But the secret Hatred of his Uncle, and his Grand-mother, gave him great Inquietude, knowing that their Aversion was so much the more to be fear'd, because their Motives to it were unjust ¹. For the Memory of Drusus was in high Vene­ration amongst the Romans; it being the general Opi­nion, That if he had come to possess the Empire ², he would have restor'd their Liberty to the People: From thence, their Favour was deriv'd to Germanicus, and their Hopes of him the same: For Germanicus was of a [Page 74] soft, pleasing Humour, affable in Conversation, and his Behaviour wholly different from the sullen Reservedness and Arrogance ³ of Tiberius. The Quarrels betwixt the Women contributed not a little to this Enmity; For Li­via behav'd herself with the Loftiness of a Mother-in-Law to Agrippina, and Agrippina carry'd it somewhat too resentingly towards Livia; but her known Chastity, and the Love she bore her Husband, to whom she had born many Children, wrought so far upon her Soul, that, though naturally haughty and inflexible, she contain'd herself within the Bounds of what was Virtuous and Laudable.

XXVIII. But Germanicus, the nearer he approach'd to the height of Sovereignty, the more eagerly he strove to maintain Tiberius in Possession ¹; he caus'd him to be recogniz'd by the Neighbouring Provinces ^e of the Se­quani and Belgae; and when he was inform'd, that the [Page 75] Legions were tumultuously up in Arms, he made all pos­sible Expedition in his Iourney to them. They met him without the Camp with dejected Eyes, as in sign of their Repentance. But as soon as he was enter'd, the Camp resounded with confus'd and jarring Clamours. Some of them taking his Hand, as it were, to kiss it, put his Fingers into their Mouths, to make him sensible that they had lost their Teeth. Others shew'd him their de­crepid Limbs, and Shoulders bending under the weight of Age. As they were all mingled in a Crowd, and without Order, he commanded them to draw up in their several Companies, under pretence that they might with more convenience hear his Answer, and to separate their Colours, that he might distinguish every Cohort by its proper Ensign. They obey'd him but as slowly as possibly they could ² Then beginning his Oration with the Praises of Augustus ³ he descended to those of Tiberius, but above all enlarging on those Exploits, which he had perform'd with them in Germany. He set before [Page 76] them the Universal Consent of Italy, the Fidelity of the Gauls, and the Concord of all the other Provinces of the Empire. And thus far he was heard with a respect­ful Silence, or, at least, with little or no Disturbance.

XXIX. But when he came to ask them, what was become of their Obedience, and of their ancient Disci­pline, where were their Tribunes, and what they had done with their Centurions? They stripp'd themselves naked, to shew him, by way of Reproach, the Scars of the Wounds, and the Bruises of those Blows which they had receiv'd from their Officers; and afterwards speaking all at once, they complain'd of their scanty Pay, and the intolerable Price with which they were forc'd to purchase their Exemption from Duties; and the Miseries they suffered in ¹ labouring Night and Day on their Retrenchments, in providing Forage for their Horses and Beasts of Burden, and heaps of Faggots, (or Fascines;) and what other Employments are in­vented to keep the Soldiers in exercise, when no Enemy [Page 77] is near. A fierce Clamour of the Veterans arose, who having serv'd the space of 30 or 40 Years, besought Germanicus to take Pity on them, and not suffer them to die in the Hardships of Warfare, but to give them their Discharge, and wherewithal to subsist afterwards in their Age ² Some amongst them also demanded the Legacies of Money, which were left them by Augustus, not without loud Acclamations to Germanicus, and enga­ging to serve him, if he would accept the Empire ^f. But he, as if he fear'd there had been Infection in their Crime, leap'd precipitately down from his Tribunal ³, and was departing from the Camp, till they held him by the Arm, and turning the Points of their Swords against him, threaten'd to kill him if he refus'd to mount his Seat. He protesting, he would rather die, than be wanting to his Duty, drew his Sword, and raising his Arm, was plunging it into his Breast, if those who were nearest him had not stop'd his Hand. They who stood farmost in [Page 78] the Crowd press'd nearer, and some of them (what is almost incredible to relate) singling themselves from the rest, came up to him, and exhorted him to strike as he had threaten'd; And a certain Soldier, called Calusidius, offer'd him his naked Sword, assuring him, that the Point was sharper ^g than his own. But this appear'd of bad Example, and even execrable to those who were mad themselves; so that there was Time given for his Friends to draw him off into his Tent.

[Page 79] XXX. There a Council was call'd, in order to ap­pease the Mutiny; for Notice had been given, that the Seditious had propos'd to send Deputies to the Army of Silius, and to ingage them in their Revolt ¹; that they had resolv'd to plunder the City of the Ubians ^h; and that if once they had tasted the Sweets of Rapine, they would soon be tempted onwards, to make a Prey of Gaul. It was also apprehended, that the Germans, who were not ignorant of what had pass'd, should make an Irruption into the Roman Province, in case the Le­gions should withdraw from the Rhine. And that, on the other side, if they should arm the Allies and the Auxiliaries ⁱ against the Legions, to hinder their depar­ture, that was in effect to kindle a Civil War. That Se­verity expos'd Germanicus to Danger, and Mildness to ^k Contempt ²; that whether all Things should be granted, [Page 80] or all refus'd to the Mutineers, was of equal Hazard to the common Good. In fine, all Reasons, both on the one and the other side▪ being duly weigh'd, it was re­solv'd to counterfeit Letters as from Tiberi [...], by which he gave a free Discharge to all such as [...] serv'd fo [...] the space of Twenty Years ³; and declar'd those for Voluntiers who had serv'd Sixteen, retaining them und [...]r a particular Ensign, exempted from all sorts of Duty ²²⁸, excepting only to repulse the Enemy; and ordaining them to be paid double the Legacy which had been left them by Augustus.

XXXI. The Soldiers suspecting the Design ^l, re­quir'd that all this should be immediately perform'd▪ [Page 81] And the Tribunes expedited the Discharge; but the Payment being postpon'd till they were in Winter-Quar­ters, the Fifth and the Twenty first Legions refus'd to return into their Garisons: And Germanicus was forc'd to pay them out of the Money ² which he brough [...] with him to defray his Voyage, and out of what he could borrow from his Friends. Cecina brought back to the Ubians the First and the Twentieth Legions▪ and i [...] was indeed a shameful March, to see carried, as it were, in Triumph, the Silver ^m, which they had extorted from [Page 82] their General, amongst the Eagles and the Ensigns. In the mean time, Germanicus being gone to visit the Army on the Upper Rhine, the Second, the Thirteenth, and the Sixteenth Legion took the Oath of Fidelity without the least demurr; and the Fourteenth having paus'd a little on the Matter, he offer'd them the Money, and their Discharge, without their once demanding it ³.

XXXII. But the Sedition was again renewing in the Country of the Chauci ⁿ, through the Malice of those Rebellious Veterans, who were there in Garison, if a timely Stop had not been put to the Beginnings by the Execution of two Soldiers, whom Mennius, the Mares­chal-de-Camp, caus'd to be suddenly put to Death: A daring Action, and of good Example, rather than of true ¹ Iustice ^o. Notwithstanding which, the Mutiny still gathering to a greater Head, he took flight, and hid himself; but being discover'd, he call'd his Courage to his Succour. This Violence, said he, is not offer'd to me, but to Germanicus, your General; and to Tiberius, your [Page 83] lawful Emperour ². Saying this, and seeing them amaz'd, he snatch'd their Ensign ^p, and turning directly towards the Rhine, he cried out, that he held him for a Deserter who forsook his Rank ³; insomuch, that they all return'd to their Winter-Quarters much discontented, and with­out daring to proceed in their Attempt.

XXXIII. In the mean time, Germanicus being alrea­dy on his return from the Upper Germany, the Deputies of the Senate, found him at the Altar of the Ubians ^q, [Page 84] where the First and the Twentieth Legions, together with the Veterans, who were discharg'd, had their Win­ter Quarters, and were still retain'd under their Ensigns. A terrible Affright suddenly seiz'd those Soldiers, who felt the Stings of Conscience for the Crime they had committed. They suspected, that those Deputies had Orders to revoke the Grants, which they had extorted by their Mutiny. And as it is the common Practice of the Multitude to accuse one wrongfully, they make Mu­natius Plancus, a Consular Man, and Chief of the De­putation, the Author of this Decree of the Senate ¹. Towards Midnight they came to a Resolution among themselves to demand the Standard, which was kept in the Lodgings of Germanicus ^r. Accordingly they ran thither in a Crowd, broke open the Doors, and drag­ging the ² Prince out of his Bed, they threaten'd him with Death, and constrain'd him to deliver up the En­sign ³. Then running through the Camp, they met the Legats, who hearing the Uproar, were hastening to Germanicus; they resolve to murder them, and particu­larly [Page 85] Plancus, whom regard of his ⁴ Character would not permit to escape by [...]ight; and therefore, having no other Refuge, he cast himself into the Quarter of the First Legion, and made Religion his Buckler, by em­bracing the Eagle and the Ensings ^s. Which notwith­standing, the Roman Camp, and even the Altars of the Gods, were in danger of being profan'd by the Blood of a Roman Ambassador, (an unusual Crime even among our Enemies) if Calpurnius, who was Eagle-bearer ^t, had not prevented the Blow by his Resistance. When it was Day-light, and Men and Actions could be discern'd, Germanicus entring the Camp, caus'd Plancus to be brought before him, and seated him by his Side on his Tribunal; then reproaching them with their mad Beha­viour, and exclaiming against their fatal Disobedience, which he chose to attribute to the Anger of the Gods ⁵, rather than the Fury of the Soldiers, he openly declar'd the Occasion of that Embassy, and eloquently deplor'd the cruel Outrage done to Plancus without cause, and the [Page 86] Infamy which the Legion had incurr'd, by violating in his Person the sacred Character of Ambassadors ⁶. After this Harangue, which rather astonish'd the Multitude, than appeas'd them, he licens'd the Deputies to depart, and caus'd them to be convoy'd by the Auxiliary Troops.

XXXIV. During this Con [...]ernation, Germanicus was generally blam' [...], that he repair'd not to the Army on the [Page 87] Upper Rhine, where he might have found both Obedience and Aid against the Rebels. Germanicus (said they) has discover'd his Weakness, and his Fear, in rewarding the Revolters ¹ . If he regarded not his own Safety, yet why should he abandon his Infant Son ² , and his Wife with Child, to the Fury of those Mutineers, to whom nothing is inviolable? He ought, at least, to have restor'd those Pledges to Tiberius, and to the Commonwealth. After long Consideration, he embrac'd his Wife and Son with many Tears, and or­der'd their departure: And though Agrippina, to avoid that mournful Separation, said, That the Grand-daughter of Augustus had too much Courage to fear Danger ³, [Page 88] yet at length she submitted to the Iourney. It was a sad Spectacle, to see the Wife of a General, in the Equi­page of a Fugitive, carrying a helpless Infant in her Arms, encompass'd with a Troop of other Women, all in Tears; and those who stay'd behind, as much affli­cted, as those who went.

XXXV. These lamentable Outcries, which one would have thought had rather come from a sack'd Ci­ty, than from the Camp of Germanicus, at that time in a flourishing Condition, excited the Curiosity of the Soldiers. They came forth from their Tents to learn the Cause. There they beheld so many Ladies of Illu­strious Birth, without any Convoy or Guard to attend them; Agrippina, without her ordinary Train, or any one remaining Sign to distinguish the Wife of their General from other Women: And informing themselves, that she was going for Treves, there to seek a Sanctuary among Strangers, they were equally mov'd with Shame and Pity, by the dear Remembrance of her Father Agrippa, of her Grand-father Augustus, and of her Fa­ther-in-Law Drusus; by the Honour of her Fruitfulness, and her inviolable Chastity; and more particularly, by their Regret they had to see her carry away, in a man­ner so unworthy of her, her Infant Son who was born within their Camp, nurs'd, as it were, in the Bosom of the Legions, and call'd Caligula, because he wore the common Boots ^u of Soldiers, to gain their Affections in his very Childhood. But nothing was more grievous to them, than the Envy of that Honour, which was done to those of Treves. Some of them ran after her, and besought her to stay among them; others went to [...], and importun'd him for her Return. But, [Page 89] as he was yet in the first Ferment of his Grief and Cho­ler, he answer'd them in this manner.

XXXVI. ‘Believe not, that my Wife and Son are dearer to me than the Emperour, and the Empire ¹. For my Father, his own Fortune will defend him; and the Empire ² wants not other Armies, without this, for its Support. As I would freely sacrifice my Wife and Children for your Honour, so I remove them not at present from you, but to hinder you from becoming yet more guilty, by the Murder of Augustus's Grand-daughter, and the Grand-son of Tiberius; and to ex­piate by my Blood alone, the Crime which your Fury is about to perpetrate. For what is it you have not [Page 90] dar'd to Enterprize of late? What is there so Sacred, which you have not presum'd to violate. By what Name can I call you, Soldiers? You who have be­sieg'd the Son of your Emperour, or Roman Citizens, who have, with so much Insolence, contemn'd the Au­thority of the Senate? You have profan'd even the sacred Laws of Nations, even the inviolable Persons of Ambassadors ³, even the common Rights observ'd by Enemies. ⁴ The Divine Iulius sti [...]led a Sedition by one single Word, when he call'd his Soldiers (who were deserting his Service ^x) Rabble. The Divine [Page 91] Augustus made his Actian-Legions ^y tremble only with a Look. And though I am unworthy to be nam'd with them, yet having the Honour to be descended from their Loins ⁵, I should think it strange, and even unjust, that the Armies of Spain and Syria should de­spise me: But what shall I say! they are the Fifth and the Twentieth Legion which have revolted! the one of them, inroll'd by the Hand of Tiberius himself; and the other, the constant Companion of his Victories, and enrich'd by his Bounties! And, to do you Right, you have both made him in return, a wonderful Ac­knowledgment of his Favours. Shall I be the Bearer of such News to him, who receives none but happy [Page 92] Tidings from all the other Provinces? Shall I tell him, that his Soldiers, as well the Veterans, as the new Re­cruits, are not to be quieted, either by their Discharge, or by their Pay? That 'tis here they kill Centurions; drive away Tribunes; imprison Legates: That the Camp and Rivers are overflow'd with Blood; and that his Son is at the Mercy of as many Enemies, as he has Soldiers? Ah, my once dear Fellow-Soldiers! why did did you snatch away that Sword, which I was plunging into my Body? He, of your Number, was my best Friend, who presented me his own. I had now been dead; I had not been a Witness of so many Crimes, with which you have stain'd your Ho­nour since that Day! You had chosen another Gene­ral, who would have left my Death unpunish'd, but in return, would have reveng'd the Massacre of Varus, and his three Legions. For I should be sorry, (for your Honour) that the Belgae, who make offer of their Service, should have the Glory of reducing the Germans to Obedience, and restoring the Reputation of the Romans. Oh! that thy Soul, Divine Augustus, now in Heaven, and thou, Oh my Father Drusus! whose Resemblance I behold in these Ensigns! Oh that the Remembrance of these Actions may inspire these very Soldiers, who now begin to feel the Stings of Shame, and Spurs of Glory, with a Resolution of blotting out that foul Disgrace, and of turning their Swords against our Enemies! And you, in whose al­ter'd Countenances I read another Heart, in sign, that you will pay your Emperour the Obedience which you owe to him; and to the Senate, to their Ambassadors, to your General, to his Wife, and to his Son; separate your selves from the Company of these Mutineers, as a Pledge of your Fidelity, and an authentick Testimony of your sincere Repentance.’

XXXVII. At this, they threw themselves before his Feet; and confessing, that his Reproaches were all de­serv'd and just, they besought him to punish the Of­fenders; [Page 93] to pardon those, who had only err'd through Frailty; and to lead them on to Battle: As also, to re­cal his Wife, and not to give in Hostage to the Gauls the Nursling of the Legions. He excus'd himself as to what regarded Agrippina, by her being so near her Time of Childbed, and by the approach of Winter; as for his Son, he consented to recal him; adding, that he left them to finish what remain'd. From that moment they began to seize on the most Seditious, and brought them bound in Fetters to Caius Cetronius, who command­ed the first Legion ^z; and he caus'd immediate Iustice to be done on them in this manner: The Legions en­compass'd his Tribunal with their naked Swords; A Tribune ^a from above shew'd the Soldier who was ac­cus'd, to those below; if the Assembly pronounc'd him guilty, he was immediately cast down, in order to be executed; and every one took pleasure in killing his Camerade, as if thereby he clear'd his own Innocence ^b. Germanicus was silent while this was passing; so that no­thing being done by his Command, the whole Hatred of the Massacre fell upon the Actors. The Veterans fol­low'd this Example, and soon after were commanded into Rhetia, under colour of defending that Province from the Incursions of the Suevae, but in reality, [...]o re­move them from a Camp, the very sight of which rais'd Horrour in them, because it set the Image of their late Revolt before their Eyes. Then Germanicus made a strict Enquiry into the Conduct of the Centurions: He examin'd them one by one; each of them was oblig'd [Page 94] to tell his Name; his Country; what ^c Company he com­manded; how long he had serv'd; what Actions he had done in War; and they, who had been honour'd with any Military Presents, shew'd them. In short, if any Legion, or any Tribune, gave a good Account of their Probity and Diligence, they were continued in their Stations; and, on the contrary, he degraded those who were accus'd by common Fame, either of Cove­tousness, or of Cruelty: And in this manner the Sedi­tion was appeas'd.

XXXVIII. But what was yet remaining on his Hands, in reference to the Fifth and Twenty-first Legion, was not of less Importance. Those Legions had their Win­ter Quarters Sixty Miles from thence, in a Place call'd Vetera ^d. The Sedition was begun by them; there was no Crime so heinous, which they had not committed; and, to compleat their Villany, they were still for push­ing on their Fury to the utmost; nothing frighted with the Punishment of some; nothing mov'd with Remorse, or with the Penitence of others. Germanicus therefore gave his Orders to prepare Vessels on the Rhine; resol­ving to terrifie them into Duty, in case they persisted in their Disobedience.

XXXIX. The News of this Revolt amongst the Legions being come to Rome, before the Event of the other in Pannonia was known, the City, struck with Fear, began to murmur against Tiberius; accusing him, that while he by his artificial Delays and Dissimulations was still imposing on the People and the Senate, which were both of them unarm'd, and without Power, in the mean time the Soldiers were raising a Rebellion: They said, that the two young Princes, for want of Know­ledge and Authority, could not hold the Armies in Obe­dience: [Page 95] It was his Duty to go in Person thither, and oppose the Majesty of the Empire to the Mutineers; who would never dare to make Head against a Prince, of consummate Wisdom and Experience; and who alone had their Life and Death at his Dispose; that Au­gustus, in his declining Age, and languishing with Sick­ness, had taken many Iourneys into Germany; and that Tiberius, now in the Vigour of his Years, led a seden­tary Life at Rome, and employ'd his Time in cavilling at the Expressions of the Senators; that he very sufficiently provided for domestick Slavery; that it was now in­cumbent on him, to restrain the License of the Soldiers, and teach them how to behave themselves in Peace ¹.

XL. Tiberius was unmov'd at these ^e Discourses ¹; [Page 96] having fix'd his Resolutions, not to leave the Seat of Empire ², or put to hazard his own Life, or the Safety of the Commonwealth. His Mind was perplex'd with [Page 97] many Cares, and contrary Thoughts. The German Ar­my was the stronger, and the Pannonian nearer Rome; one was supported by the Gauls, and the other had an easie Passage into Italy ^f. To which of these should he go first? For the Legions, which were last visited, would take Offence, and think themselves neglected. On the other side, by sending his two Sons, both Armies might be at once contented, and the Majesty of the Supream Power preserved, which is always most respected at a distance. Besides, that Germanicus and Drusus might be held excus'd, if they sent extravagant Demands from the Legions to their Father, who would still be in condition either to appease, or punish the Rebellious, when ever they should transgress the Limits of Respect to the young Princes; but if they should once despise the Person of the Emperour, what other Remedy remain'd? In the mean time, he neglected not to prepare a Fleet to pro­vide his Equipage, and set on foot an Army of choice Soldiers, as if they were to follow him to the Wars, and he just upon the March. But sometimes he excus'd his Iourney by the approach of Winter, and at other Times [Page 98] by the multiplicity of Business ³ which interven'd: By which Pretences he at first impos'd on the most Intelli­gent, then on the Vulgar, and for a long time kept the Provinces in suspence ^g.

XLI. But Germanicus, though he had assembled his Forces, and was in a condition to punish the O [...]fenders, yet thought it more expedient to give them leisure to Repent, and make Trial, if, by the Example of the two other Legions, they would prevent his Vengeance. In order to this, he wrote first to Cecina, and gave him notice, that he was already on his march with a power­ful Army, fully determin'd to put all the Rebels to the Sword, without sparing the Life of any one, if they themselves did not Iustice on the Criminals before his ar­rival. Cecina read these Letters privately to the Chief [Page 99] Commanders ^h, and to some others, who had no Hand in the Sedition, at the same time adjuring them to pre­serve themselves from Death, and save their Compa­nions from the Infamy of that Punishment which at­tended them. Representing also to them, that Reason might be heard in Times of Peace, but in War the In­nocent perish'd with the Guilty. Upon this, the Offi­cers sound the Intentions of those Soldiers whom they thought most proper for the Execution of their Design, and finding that the greater Number still continu'd Loyal, they agree with Cecina, on a Time appointed, to put to Death the most Seditious. The Signal being given, they fall at once upon the Factious, and execute them in their Tents, none but the Contrivers, and Assistants in the Action, knowing from whence began the Slaughter, nor when it would conclude.

XLII. Of all the Civil Wars which ever were, none resembled this. It was not in Battle, nor by the Hands of Enemies, that this Massacre was made; but by Men, who the same Day convers'd familiarly, and eat in Com­pany, and at Night were lodg'd together in one Bed ⁱ. On the sudden they are divided into Parties opposite▪ nothing but Out [...]ries and Bloodshed, the rest was go­vern'd by blind Chance, and the cause of Enmity un­known by those who perish'd. Many fell who deserv'd not Death; for the Guilty had taken Arms in their own Defence, when once they found on whom the Slaughter was design'd. Neither Cecina, nor the Tribunes, gave [Page 100] themselves the Trouble to stop their Fury; the common Soldiers had all manner of Freedom to exercise their Vengeance, till they were tir'd with killing. Germanicus soon after enter'd the Camp, and beholding so many Corps extended on the Ground, said with many Tears, That this was not a Remedy, nor the breathing of a Vein, but a Butchery; and commanded the Bodies to be burn'd. While their Minds were in this Ferment, the Soldiers cried out to be led against the Enemy, as if the Manes of those, whom they had slain, were to be ap­peas'd no other way, than by exposing their impious Breasts to honest Wounds. Germanicus grati [...]ies their De­sire, and having laid a Bridge across the Rhine, passes over Twelve thousand Legionary Soldiers, Twenty six Cohorts of the Allies, and Eight Regiments of Horse, all of try'd Valour, and of Proof against Sedition.

XLIII. The Germans, who were not far distant, pass'd their Time secure in Pleasure, while the War seem'd to sleep about them; and a Cessation of Arms ensu'd of course, from the Death of Augustus, and a Civil Discord amongst our selves. The Romans, by speedy Marches, cross'd the Forest of Cesia ^k, and posted their Forces on a Rampart, which Tib [...]rius had begun to raise in the time of Augustus; there they forti [...]i'd themselves, both before and behind, with a strong Palisade: Both their Wings were cover'd by huge Trunks of Trees which they had fell'd, and which serv'd them for a Barricade. From thence, traversing thick Forests, they held a Council, which way they should bend their March: The shortest, and most frequented; or that which was farthest about, and more difficult to pass; but where they thought the Enemy would not attend them. The Reasons for the longer Way prevail'd, but all the rest was perform'd with haste; for their Scouts brought back Intelligence, [Page 101] that the Germans solemniz'd a Feast that Night with pub­lick Rejoycing. Cecina was commanded to advance with the Cohorts without their Baggage, and to free a Pas­sage through the Forest, by cutting down and removing all Incumbrances. The Legions follow'd at some di­stance; the Night was clear and calm, and favourable to the March. They enter'd the Village of the Marsi, which they encompass'd with Corps-de-Guard. They found the Germans, either asleep in Bed, or laid along by their Tables sides, without Sentinels, or the least suspi­cion of an Enemy; so great was their Confidence, or their Neglect. They thought themselves secure of War, yet it was not properly a state of Peace, but rather a stupid Debauch, and a Lethargick Rest.

XLIV. To make the Waste yet greater, Germanicus divided his Forces into four Battalions, who breath'd no­thing but Revenge ^l, setting the Country on Fire for fifty Miles about, and putting all the Inhabitants to the Sword, neither sparing Age or Sex, or Sacred Places or Profane. The famous Temple call'd Tanfane ^m, was raz'd to the Foundations; and all this perform'd by ours, without receiving any Wound, having met no opposi­tion; no Enemies, but Men half asleep, disarm'd, or wandring about the Fields. This Massacre awaken'd the Bructeri ⁿ, the Tubantes ^o, and the Us [...]petes ^p, who in­camp'd themselves in certain Forests, through which the Army, in their return, was of necessity to pass. The Auxiliary Cohorts, and one half of the Horse, compos'd [Page 102] the Van▪ The First Legion march'd after them, inclosing the Baggage in the midst; the Twenty first Legion march'd on the Left Wing; the Fifth on the Right; and the Twentieth in the Rear, with the rest of the Allies. The Enemy mov'd not, till they saw the main Body enter'd into the Wood; then they began a light Skirmish on the Front and Wings, pouring with their Gross upon the Rear. The Cohorts, who were all Light-Horsemen, already bent before the closs Body of the Germans, not being able to sustain the Charge, when Germanicus spur­ring his Horse at speed, came up with the Twentieth Legion, and cry'd aloud, That now was the Time for [...]em to wash away the Stain of their late Sedition; bid them haste to redeem their Honour, and turn their Of­fence into Merit, their Infamy to Glory. At these Words, their Courage was kindl'd to that height, that at the first Charge they broke the Enemy, drove them headlong back into the Plain, and there made a terrible [...]cution. At the same time, the Van-Guard got clear of the Forest, and hasted to Retrench. After this, the Way was free, and the Soldiers went into their Winter Quarter [...], highly pleas'd with their Expedition, and [...]tting all that was past into Oblivion.

XLV. When Tiberius had Intelligence of this, it fill'd him with excess of Ioy; but the Pleasure was not so sincere, as not to be mix'd with great Disturbance. He rejoyc'd that the Sedition was wholly quench'd, but it stung him that Germanicus had the Glory of it ¹; and more, that he had entirely gain'd the Affections of the [Page 103] Soldiers by his Bounty ²; and above all, by giving them their Discharge so soon. Yet he was not wanting to relate to the Senate his Exploits, and to give large Com­mendations to his Valour; but in Terms too much affe­cted and labour'd, to be thought sincere ^q. He spoke more sparingly of Drusus, and of the Success of his Voyage into Illyria; but it was with more Frankness, and more Love; and besides, he order'd the same Condi­tions to be made for the Legions in Pannonia, which Germanicus had granted to his own.

[Page 104] XLVI. In the same Year died Iulia, the Daughter of Augustus ^r, whom, for her Incontinence, he had former­ly confin'd to the Isle of Pandataria ^s, and afterwards to Rhegium, near the Coast of Sicily. During the Life of Caius, and Lucius Agrippa, her Sons, she had been given in second Marriage to Tiberius, whom she despis'd, as a Man below her Quality ¹; and this was the principal Occasion of the Retirement of Tiberius to Rhodes. But when he succeeded to the Empire, not content to be­hold her banish'd, dishonour'd, and, by the Death of Agrippa Posthumus, depriv'd not only of all Hopes, but of all Support, he caus'd her to die in Want and Misery; imagining, that the distance of the Place to which she [Page 105] was banish'd would hide the manner of her Death. Sempronius Gracchus was likewise slain on her Account. Gracchus, who was of a ready Wit and Eloquent, with Cun­ning and Insinuation had debauch'd Iulia, during her Marriage with Agrippa; and his Gallantry with that Lady ended not with her first Husband's Death, for he continu'd her perpetual Adulterer even after her Mar­riage with Tiberius. He was continually provoking her against her Husband, and encourag'd her to Disobe­dience. It was also thought, that he was the Author of those Letters, which she writ to her Father against Tibe­rius, and which occasion'd his Disgrace. For these Rea­sons, he was confin'd to an African Island, call'd Cercina, where he remain'd in Exile 14 Years. He was found by the Soldiers, who were sent to kill him, on a Prominence at a little distance from the Shore; and presaging no Good from their Arrival. He desir'd some little Time to write his Last Will to his Wife Alliaria, after which, he freely offer'd them his Head. A Constancy, not unworthy of the Sempronian Name, though he had de­generated from it by the Voluptuousness of his Life ². Some have written, that those Soldiers were not sent from Rome, but from Lucius Asprenas, Proconsul of Afri­ca, on whom Tiberius thought, in vain, to have cast the Odium of that Murder ³.

[Page 106] XLVII. This Year was also made Remarkable by the Institution of new Ceremonies; for there was establish'd at this time a College of Priests in Honour of Augustus, in imitation of the Titian Priests, formerly instituted by Titus Tatius ^t, to preserve the Religion of the Sabines. Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot, of which Number were Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, and Germanicus ¹. Then it was that [Page 107] the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Con­tention of the Stage-Players, and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actor ^u. Au­gustus himself had been much addicted to these Diver­tisements, out of his Complaisance to Maecenas, who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus: Be­sides, that he was himself no Enemy to those Enter­tainments, and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince, to enter into the ² Pleasures of his People ^x. [Page 108] Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different, but he durst not yet subject a Multitude ³ to more rigid Customs, which had so long been accustom'd to a soft, voluptuous way of Living.

The Year of Rome 768.

XLVIII. Under the Consulship of Drusus and Nor­banus, a Triumph for Germanicus was decreed, though [Page 109] the War was yet in being. And though he had made great Preparations for the Summer following, yet he anticipated the Time, by a sudden Irruption in the begin­ning of the Spring into the Country of the Catti: For there were Grounds of Hope, that Factions would arise among them, some taking part with Arminius, others with Segestes; both of them very considerable to the Ro­mans. one by his breach of Faith, the other by his Con­stancy. Arminius had disturb'd the Peace of Germanicus, and kindl'd the War against the Romans: Segestes had openly declar'd in the last solemn Festivals, and many times before they rose in Arms, that a Conspiracy was hatching to Revolt; at the same time advising Varus ¹ to secure Arminius and himself, and all the Leading Men of the Germans; the People not being in any capacity of Rebelling, when they were unfurnish'd of Com­manders. And this once done, Varus would have suffi­cient [Page 110] Leisure, to distinguish afterwards betwixt the Guilty and the Innocent ² But Varus perish'd by his Desti­ny ³, and by the Valour of ⁴ Arminius ^a. For Segestes, [Page 111] though he was drawn into the War by the general Con­sent of his Country-men, yet he liv'd in perpetual Dis­cord with Arminius; and the bad Understanding betwixt them was increas'd by a particular Offence; for Armi­nius had taken away by force his Daughter Thusnelda, betroth'd already to another. Thus the Father-in-Law, and Son, were equally hateful to each other; and those mutual Ties, which commonly beget Friendship, [Page 112] were now the Provocations to the most bitter En­mity ⁵.

XLIX. Germanicus, on this Account, commanded out Cecina with Four Legions, Five thousand Auxiliary Soldiers, and some Companies of Germans rais'd in haste from some Places on this side the Rhine: He himself conducted a like Number of Legions, but double the Number of Allies; and having built a Fortress on the old Foundations, which his Father had laid, and which were yet standing, he march'd with great speed against the Catti, leaving behind him Lucius Apronius, with Order to take care, that if the Rivers should overflow by any sudden fall of Rains, yet the Ways might be kept in repair, and continue passable. For in setting forward, he found the Waters so very low, and the Ways so dry, (a Thing uncommon in that Climate,) that he found no difficulty in his March; but he feared in his return it might be otherwise. He came so suddenly up­on the Catti, that the old Men, the Women, and the Children, were either kill'd at first, or taken Prisoners, and the young Men forc'd to swim the River of Adra­na ^b; who attempting afterwards to obstruct the Romans [Page 113] in the building of a Bridge over it, were repuls'd by their Arrows, and their Engines. These Hopes failing, and their Propositions for Peace being also rejected, some of them came over, and submitted to Germanicus; the rest forsaking their Cantons, retir'd into the Fastnesses of their Woods. Germanicus having burn'd Martium ^c, their Capital Town, ravag'd all the Low-lands, and took his March backwards to the Rhine; the Enemy not daring to attack his Rear, as their Custom is when they [...]eign to fly, rather through Stratagem, than Fear. The Che­rusci ^d were desirous to have succour'd their Friends th [...] Catti, but they were apprehensive of Cecina, who ca [...] ­ry'd far and near the Terrour of his Arms. On the contrary, the Marsi, having presum'd to charge him, were vigorously repuls'd, and entirely routed.

L. Some time afterwards, there came Deputies from Segestes, to desire his Assistance against his Country-men who had besieg'd him, for Arminius had there the stronger Party, because he had advis'd the War ¹; it being the common Practice of Barbarians, only to love and esteem those Persons who are Fierce and Daring, and more especially in unquiet Times. Segestes had added to the Deputies his Son Segimond, though the Mind [Page 114] of the young Man was wholly averse to that Employ­ment ²; for the Year, in which all Germany revolted, being created Priest of the Altar of the Ubians, he tore in pieces his Sacred Fillets ^e, and went over to the Party of the Rebels. Nevertheless, confiding in the Clemency of the Romans, he undertook the Commission enjoyn'd him by his Father, and was well received ³; and sent after­ward under Guard to the Confines of the Gauls. Ger­manicus lost not his Labour by this Return, for after some Encounters, he disingag'd Segestes from the Hands of his Enemies, with many of his Relations and his Vassals. There were also some Ladies of Quality, and, among the rest, the Daughter of Segestes, who shew'd by her Countenance, that he shad more of her Husband's Cou­rage, than of her Father's Temper ⁴. She walk'd with [Page 115] her Hands folded on her Bosom, and seem'd to look downward on the Fruit of her Body, with which she was now big, without shedding one Tear, or saying one single Word, or doing one Action which had any thing of a Suppliant. There were also carried, the Spoils which the Enemies had taken at the Defeat of Varus, and which had been shar'd by many of those who were now Prisoners. At last appear'd Segestes, of a Stature higher than any of the rest, with an assur'd Counte­nance, as having been always in the Roman Interest: And accordingly he bespoke them in these Terms.

LI. This Day, O Romans, is not the first, wherein I have begun to give you the Proofs of an inviolable Faith. Since the time that the Divine Augustus made me Citizen of Rome, I have had neither Friends nor Enemies, but yours ¹; neither have I steer'd this Course out of any Hatred to my Country, (for Traitors are odious, even to them whose Cause they have espous'd ^f,) but only because I preferr'd Peace to [Page 116] War ², and was convinc'd, that Peace was the common Inte­rest of both Nations. On this Account it was, that I accus'd Arminius to Varus, who then commanded the Roman Ar­my; Arminius, I say, the Ravisher of my Daughter, and Infringer of the Alliance made with you ³. Tir'd with the Delays and Irresolution of your General ⁴, and beside, despair­ing [Page 117] of Protection from the Laws, I desir'd of Varus to make me Prisoner, together with Arminius and his Accomplices. I call that Night to witness of this Truth, which I wish to Hea­ven had been my last. What since has happen'd, may be De­plor'd better than Excus'd. For what remains, I have for­merly detain'd Arminius in Fetters, and he and his Faction in their Turn have given me the same Treatment. Even since, I have had the Opportunity of making my Addresses to you, O Caesar, I have constantly retain'd my old Inclinations, and I preferr'd Repose to Trouble: And this not in prospect of any Recompence which I pretend, but to clear my Innocence from Suspicion of Perjury; and to put my self the better in condi­tion to make Terms with Rome for my Compatriots, when ever they consult their Safety by Repentance. I implore your Clemency in my Son's behalf, desiring that his Youth may ex­cuse his Error. I confess, my Daughter is brought hi [...]her against [...]er Consent; I leave it to your Iudgment, whether you will consider her as the Wife of Arminius, or as the Daugh­ter of Segestes.

LII. To this, Germanicus graciously answer'd, That his Children and Relations had no cause of Fear; that for himself, he had provided an honourable Retreat in an ancient Roman Province, where he might live secure from Danger. This Affair being thus ended, he brought back his Army, and receiv'd the Title of Imperator by the Command of Tiberius. The Wife of Arminius was deliver'd of a Son, who had his Breeding at Ravenna. What contumelious Usage he receiv'd when he was grown to Age ¹, shall be related in due place.

[Page 118]LIII. The News of the good Entertainment given to [...], was diversly received; by some with Plea­sure by ot [...]ers with Regret; as they either fear'd, or wish'd the War. Arminius, besides the Violence of his Nature, being inflam'd with the Outrage done to him in the [...] of his Wife, whom his Enemies had seiz'd, and [...] [...]is Child unborn, yet already destin'd for a Slave, took a rapid Course through the Country of the Cherus [...]i, solliciting that People to rise in Arms against Germanicus, and sparing no opprobrious Language against Segestes. ‘Behold, said he, a pious Father in Segestes! Behold a doughty Warriour in Germanicus! A wonderful Exploit, for a whole Army to take a Woman Prisoner! I, on the other side, have destroy'd three Legions of theirs, and three Lieutenant-Generals. The Wars I make are without Surprize, or Treachery; I fight fairly, and in the open Field; not with Women big with Child, but with Arm'd Soldiers. There are yet to be seen, in our Sacred Woods, the Roman Eagles, and their Ensigns, which I have hung in Triumph on the Altars of our Gods. Let Segestes please himself with his secure Abode in a conquer'd Country; let l [...]t him restore to his Son the Priesthood of the Ubians; the Germans never can forgive him, for having brought betwixt the Elb and the Rhine the Consulary Fasces, [Page 119] and Axes of the Romans, with all other the Marks of their Dominion. The rest of the Nations, who are free from their Subjection, know not yet the Names of Punishment and Taxes. After having shaken off the Yoke, and made vain the Attempts of that Augustus, to whom they have given the Title of a God; and of that Tiberius, whom they have chosen in his stead, to inslave our Country; shall we fear a Boy, a Novice in the War, and an Army made up of Mutineers? If then you have more Affection for your Native Country, your Families, and your ancient Laws, than for Ty­rants and new Colonies, rather follow Arminius, the Defender of your Freedom and your Honour, than the infamous Segestes, who would betray you into Sla­very.’

LIV. Not only the Cherusci, but all the Neighbouring Nations, were set on fire by this Oration. He also drew Inguiomer into his Party, who was his Uncle by the Father's side, and of great Reputation among the Romans; which increas'd the Trouble of Germanicus, who apprehended, lest with their United Forces they should come pouring upon him. To make some Diversion ^g, he sent Cecina with Forty Roman Cohorts through the Country of the Bructerians; Pedo led the Cavalry by the Confines of Frisia, and he himself embarking with Four Legions, pass'd the Lakes; the Foot, the Horse, and his Navy, arriving at the same time on the Banks of Ami­sia ^h, which was the Place appointed for the Rendevous. The Cauci, who had offer'd their Assistance, were re­ceiv'd as Companions of the War. The Bructerians, who had set fire on all their open Towns, were defeated by Lucius Stertinius, whom Germanicus had sent forth [Page 120] with some Troops of Light-Horsemen to encounter them. Amidst the Dead, and amongst the Spoils, he found the Eagle of the Nineteenth Legion, which was lost at the Overthrow of Varus ⁱ. Our Army thereupon advanc'd to the farmost Limits of the Bructerian Coun­ [...]ry, wasting all Things in their way, betwixt the Rivers of Amisia and Lippa ^k.

LV. The Army being now within a small march of the [...]orest of T [...]u [...]burg, where it was told Germanicus, that the Bones of the Legions, which were slain with Varus, lay yet unbury'd ^l, he was seiz'd with a violent Desire of ren­dring their last Dues to those sad Relicks. The whole Army approv'd their General's Design, whether mov'd with Pity for their Friends and Relations, or by a Natu­ral Re [...]lection on the Chance of War, and the wretched Condition of Mankind. Cecina was sent before to disco­ver the Fastnesses of the Woods, prepare Bridges, and lay Ca [...]seways, where the Footing was unsure, and the Ground treacherous, by reason of the Bogs ^m. Entring into these mournful Places, which were dreadful to their Sight, and i [...]ksom to their Remembrance, the first Ob­ [...]ect presented to their view, was the Camp of Varus, remarkable by its large Compass, and by the three [Page 121] Voids ⁿ, which separated the three Legions. A little farther might be seen, the Retrenchments half in Ruine, inclos'd with a Ditch, now choak'd up, and almost sill'd; in which it was believ'd, that the shatter'd Rem­nants of the Army had been rally'd for their last Re [...]uge. The middle of the Field was [...]trew'd with Carcasses, and white dry Bones, some scatter'd here and there, and others pil'd on heaps; by which might be observ'd, whether they receiv'd their Death in flight, or fell toge­ther in manly Resistance to the last. Every where were found their broken Pikes, and Iavelins; the Limbs of Horses, and their Iaw-bones; and the Heads of Men, which were fix'd to the Trunks, or hung on the Branches of the Trees. In the Woods about the Field were seen the Altars, where those Barbarians had executed the Tri­bunes and Captains of the first Orders ^o. They who had escap'd from this Battel, or afterwards from their Captivity, related many Particulars of that dreadful Day. On this Place, said they, were slain the Com­manders of the Legions; and there it was we lost our Eagles. Here Varus receiv'd his first Wound, and a little farther he fell upon his Sword, and perish'd by his own unhappy Hand. Behold the Eminence from whence Ar­minius harangu'd his Soldiers; and yonder he rais'd Gibbets for the Prisoners, or sunk Ditches ^p, to behead and bury them according to the Roman Fashion. While the Proud Conquerour forgot not to drag along the Ground, with Scorn, our Ensigns and our Eagles.

LVI. In this manner, the Roman Army, six Years af­ter the Defeat, interr'd the Bones of the three Legions, [Page 122] it being impossible for any Man to distinguish those of his Relations from the rest: Every one performing his Duty to all in general, as to so many Friends and Bro­thers, with Hearts equally divided betwixt Sorrow, and desire of Vengeance. Germanicus partaking in their Grief, laid the first Turf on the common Sepulchre ^q: But this pious Office to the Slain was nothing pleasing to Tiberius; whether he took in the worst sense all the Actions of Germanicus ¹; or that he thought, so sad a Spectacle as that was, of unbury'd Bodies, would slacken the Courage of his Soldiers ², and make their Enemies appear more formidable. Besides, that the General of any Army vested with the Augural Priesthood, and de­sign'd for the Ministry of Religious Rites, ought not to have put his Hand to Ceremonies belonging to the Dead.

[Page 123] LVII. In the mean time, Germanicus pursu'd Arminius, who retir'd into Places unfrequented, and inaccessible; when at length he had join'd the Enemy, he commanded his Cavalry to advance, and dislodge him from the Post he had possess'd. Arminius, with his Forces drawn up in close Order, march'd along the Forest, and suddenly wheeling, fac'd the Romans, giving the Signal to those Soldiers, whom he had laid in Ambush in the Wood. The Roman Horse, amaz'd at the sight of these new Enemies, was put into disorder; and the Cohorts coming up to their Assistance, being incumber'd with a Croud of those who fled from the Germans, and press'd upon their Ranks, were forc'd to open as they could, and make a Passage for them: In this Confusion, and general Affright, the Enemy, who knew the Country, were driving our Men headlong on the Morass, from whence it was impossible to disingage themselves, if Ger­manicus had not with timely foresight drawn up the Le­gions in Battalia: This gave Terrour to the Germans, and restor'd the Courage of our Soldiers, so that both Sides retir'd without Advantage. Soon after this, Germa­nicus march'd back his Army to Amisia, where he em­bark'd the Legions, to return in the same manner as they came. One part of the Cavalry were order'd to draw towards the Rhine, still coasting the Ocean in their March. Cecina, who led back his Cohorts, was advis'd, That though he was well acquainted with the Way which he had taken, yet he should make all imaginable Haste to get over the long Bridges ^r. That way is narrow, in­clos'd on either hand with Marshes, over which these Bridges, or rather Causeways, were formerly laid by Lucius Domitius. The rest is all either miry Ground, [Page 124] or glewy Clay, cumbersom to the Feet, or uncertain, with scattering Rivulets; round about are rising Woods, which, with a gentle Descent, reach even to the Plain. In this place, Arminius had lodg'd a great Number of his Soldiers, having by long Marches, and by shorter Ways, got before our Men, who were loaden with their Arms and Baggage. Cecina, not knowing how to repair the Causway, now decay'd, and at the same time to repulse the Enemy, took a Resolution to incamp in the same place; that while one part of his Army was employ'd in repairing the ruin'd Passage, the other might be in a readiness to fight.

LVIII. The Barbarians made a strong Effort to push our Corps-de-Garde, and afterwards to have pour'd upon the Workmen; they charg'd our Men, some­times on one side, and sometimes on the other, harassing them with continual Attempts, and endeavouring to break in upon them. The Cries of those who were employ'd in working, were confusedly mix'd with theirs who sought: All Things conspir'd against the Romans, the depth of the Morass, the slipperiness of the Ground, on which they could neither march, nor scarcely set a Foot, without danger of falling; the weight of their Armour; and the height of the Waters, which dimi­nish'd their force in lanching their Iavelins. On the other side, the Cherusci were accustom'd to engage in marshy Ground, where the height of their Stature gave them a manifest Advantage, as also their long Pikes, with which they push'd to a great distance. The Night alone was the apparent Safety of our Legions, which began already to give Ground before the Enemy. But the Ger­mans, by their good Fortune made indefatigable ^s, with­out allowing themselves the least Repose, cut a Passage through the Mountains, round about, for the Waters to [Page 125] descend on the Roman Camp, thereby to float the Works they had already made, and increase the Difficulties of their new Labours. Cecina, who for the space of Forty Years had exercis'd the Trade of War, either as a pri­vate Soldier, or a Leader, had made Trial both of prosperous and adverse Fortune ¹, and by Experience was become intrepid, considering all which might possi­bly [Page 126] arrive, could find no other Expedient, than to shut up the Enemy in their Woods, till he had pass'd over his Baggage, and his wounded Men. For betwixt the Hilly Ground, and the Morass, there was a narrow Plain, only capable of receiving a small Army. He therefore gave the Right Wing to the Fifth Legion; the Left to the Twenty first; the Van to the First Legion; and the Rear to the Twentieth.

LIX. The Night pass'd without Repose on either side; for the Barbarians, who were in debauch, made the Valleys and the Woods re [...]ound, sometimes with the Noise of their Drunken Songs, and otherwhile with Shouts and Outcries, rais'd on purpose to terri [...]ie the Romans. On the contrary, there was a deep sad Silence among our Troops, unless sometimes interrupted by ca­sual Words; our Fires were languishing; some of our Sol­diers leaning on the Palisade; others walking round the Tents, rather like People wanting Sleep, than quite awake. The General himself had a dreadful dream: It seem'd to him that he beheld Qui [...]tilius Varus arising from the bottom of those Marshes, and cover'd over with his Blood; who holding forth his Hand to him ¹, implor'd [Page 127] his Assistance ^t; but that he, far from answering his Re­quest, had push'd him backward. At break of Day, the Legions plac'd on the Wings, forsook their Post, whether through Fear, or Disobedience, is uncertain, and precipitately rang'd themselves in Battel beyond the Morats. Arminius did not immediately charge them, though nothing hinder'd; but when he saw their Bag­gage fasten'd in the Mire, and sticking in the Ditches, the Soldiers out of their Ranks, and only sollicitous how to save themselves, (as commonly it happens on such [Page 128] Occasions, when the Commanders are ill obey'd;) he encourag'd the Germans to the Charge, calling to them with rep [...]ated Cries: ‘Behold Varus and his Legions, who are offering themselves to be once more van­quish [...]d.’ Having said this, he forc'd through our Battalions with the flower of his Troops, and charg'd impetuously on our Horse; who sliding on their own Blood, and floundring in the Mud of the Morats, cast their Riders to the Ground; and then running furiously through the Ranks, crush'd those to Death who were al­ready fallen, and threw down others whom they met. That which gave us the greatest Trouble, was the de­fence of our Eagles, which could not be carried into the Combat, because of the multitude of Darts, which were continually lanc'd against the Bearers; nor yet fasten'd in the Ground, by reason of the Marshes. While Cecina with great Courage sustain'd this unequal Fight, his Horse was kill'd under him, and himself upon the point of being taken, if the First Legion had not hasten'd to his Succour. On the other side, the Enemy was so greedy of the Spoil, that they intermitted the Slaughter, to seize the Prey. This Covetousness of theirs, was the safety of the Legions; for it gave them the opportunity of making their Retreat ², at the close of Day, into a Plain, where the Footing was [...]irm, and the Ground solid. But the end of their Miseries was not yet come. They were of necessity to make new Pali­sades, and new Retrenchments, though they had lost the greatest part of their Instruments, which were to be em­ploy'd in casting up the Earth, and cutting of the Turfs. They wanted Tents to receive the weary Soldiers, and [Page 129] Salves to dress the Wounded. Their Food, which they divided into Portions, was soak'd in Mire and Blood; and they deplor'd that fatal Night, which only hid them till the approach of Day, which was to be the last to so many Thousands of valiant Men ³.

LX. By chance a Horse, who was broken loose from his Standing, and terrifi'd with the Cries of his Pursue [...]s, bore down those whom he encounter'd in his way. The whole Camp possess'd with a panick Fear, took th [...] Alarm; every one believing, that the Germans ¹ were breaking in upon them, they rush together to the Gates, and chiefly to the Decumane ^u, which was the farthest from the Enemy, and consequently the most secure. Cecina found it was a false Alarm; but not being able to retain the Soldiers, either by Authority, or Prayer ², though he took hold upon their Arms to stop them, he laid himself across the Gate, and block'd up the Issue ³, [Page 130] through the Horrour which they had to pass over the Body of their General ^x: And at the same time, the Tribunes made it evident to them, that their Fear was groundless.

LXI. After this▪ being assembled in the Place of Arms ^y, Cecina desir'd them to hear him with Silence and Atten­tion, and to consider well the present Iuncture of Af­fairs. He told them, there was no other Hope of Safety remaining, but in their Courage, which also they were oblig'd to manage with Prudence; that their Safety was to continue in their Camp, till the Germans should ap­proach near it, being allur'd with the hope of Victory; then all at once to sally out upon them from every Side: This Onset, said he, will open you a Passage to the Rhine; whereas if you should fly, you have to cross ma­ny other Forests, and to pass over many Morasses, more deep than these; and, after all, remain expos'd to the Fury of your Enemies: When on the other side, if you are Victorious in the Battle, you shall not only assure your Safety, but obtain Immortal Honour. In sine, he set before their Eyes whatsoever they held dearest in the World, their present Friends, their absent Relations, [Page 131] and the Reputation they had gain'd in Arms; but pass'd over in silence the Miseries they had already suffer'd, and those which they were yet to suffer. After this, he distributed amongst the bravest Soldiers, without Partia­lity, the Horses of the Tribunes and Lieutenants, and amongst the rest, his own; with Order to those Horse­men to begin the Charge, and for the Infantry to sustain them.

LXII. Neither were the Germans less unquiet, be­twixt their Hopes of Victory, and their Desire of Booty; they were also divided in their Councils ¹: For Arminius was of Opinion, to leave the Passage open to the Ro­mans, that marching thence, they might oppress them afterwards in other Marshes which lay before them, and involve them yet in greater Difficulties. Inguiomer, on the other side, advis'd to besiege them in their present Camp, which they should be able to force suddenly, and with ease; that they should take more Prisoners, and lose no­thing of the Plunder: And this Advice, as the more daring, was most to the humour of the Barbarians ² ▪ At break of Day they issued out of their Forests, and being arriv'd at the Roman Camp, they cast Faggots in­to the Ditch, and throw in Earth upon them to facilitate their Passage to the Rampart; then attack the Pali­sade ^z, [Page 132] where there appear'd but few Defendants, as if our Soldiers had been seiz'd with Fear. But when the Germans were just upon the Rampart, Cecina gave the Signal, and sounded to the Charge: The Romans fally'd out with a dreadful Clamour, and attack'd the Germans; crying out, They had them now without their Woods, and on stable Ground, unprotected by their Marshes; that the Gods would do Iustice to their Valour, by giving them an equal [...]ield of Combat, for the decision of their Quarrel. The Enemies, who expected an easie Con­quest over a handful of Men, and those too half dis­arm'd, and quite dishearten'd, were terrifi'd with the sound of Trumpets, and the clattering of Arms, and slain almost without Resistance ³, wanting Moderation in their good Fortune, and Courage in their bad. Ar­minius and Inguiomer retir'd out of the Battle, the first untouch'd, the last desperately wounded. The Slaugh­ter lasted all the Day, and, at the shutting of Evening, the Legions return'd into their Camp, many of them being hurt, and all without Victuals, yet well contented, finding in their Victory, Health and Vigour, and large Provision of whatsoever they desir'd.

LXIII. In the mean time, a Report was spread, that [Page 133] the Romans were defeated, and that the Germans were descending upon Gaul: And they were on the point of breaking down the Bridge upon the Rhine, if Agrippina had not oppos'd her Courage, to the Cowardise of those who had advis'd so infamous an Action. During the time of that Consternation, she discharg'd all Du­ties of a General ^a; she reliev'd the poor Soldiers, she supply'd the Sick with Remedies ¹, and provided Clothes for those who were perishing with Cold. Caius [...]li [...]ius, who has written the History of these Wars, says, That she stood on the entry of the Bridge to prai [...]e and [Page 134] thank the Legions, as they pass'd along. All which Proceedings made a deep Impression of Discontent and Melancholy on the Soul of Tiberius. He strongly suspe­cted, that this Over-Diligence and Care could not pos­sibly be innocent ² at the bottom; that it was not against Foreigners, that Agrippina thus fortifi'd herself with the Favour of the Soldiers; that the Generals might now securely take their Ease, when a Woman could perform their Office, take Reviews of the Legions, march amidst the Roman Ensigns and their Eagles, and make Dona­tives to the Soldiers. How could it be without Design, that her little Son was carried round the Camp in the plain habit of a private Soldier; that she caus'd him to be Sirnam'd Caligula: That she had already more Au­thority in the Army than all the Generals ³, since she [Page 135] had appeas'd a Mutiny, where the Name of the Empe­rour had been of no Consideration ⁴. Sejanus, who was well acquainted with the suspicious Temper of Ti­berius ⁵, was not wanting to foment these Discon­tents ⁶, [Page 136] but bury'd the Seeds of them deep under Ground ⁷, and remov'd from sight, that they might shoot up in their appointed time, and produce the Fruits which he desir'd.

LXIV. Germanicus, who was embark'd already with his Leg [...]ons, intrusted Publius Vitellius with the Command of the Second and the Fourteenth, that he might bring them back by Land, thereby to lighten his Transport Vessels, lest they should knock upon the Sands, or lie a Ground, the Water during the Ebbs, being extreamly sholy upon those Seas. At the beginning, Vitellius, who coasted the Shores, found no Inconvenience in his March, because the Soil was dry, and the Tide mode­rate. But after the Breeze began to blow, and the Sun was in the Equinox ¹, (at which time the Seas begin to [Page 137] swell, and grow tempestuous,) all the Campaign was floated on the sudden, and the two Legions in apparent danger of being lost. The Sea and Land bore the same Figure; the firm Earth was not to be distinguish'd from the moving Sands, nor the fordable Passages from the Deep. The Billows bore away the Soldiers, and de­vour'd them; dead Bodies of Men, and Horses, were seen floating confusedly with the Baggage on the Waves. The Brigades were mix'd with one another; some of the Soldiers were wading up to the Waste in Water; others to their Shoulders; and always one or other their Footing failing, were carried to the bottom. Their Cries, and mutual Encouragements, avail'd them nothing against the Fury of the Waves, which suck'd them in, and swallow'd them; no distinction was to be found betwixt the Cowards and the Brave, the Prudent and the Fools, the Cautious and the Bold; all were equally overpower'd by the violence of the Seas and Winds. At length, Vitellius having sav'd himself on a rising Ground, shew'd the way of Safety to the remains of his wreck'd Legions. They pass'd the following Night without Fires, without Provisions, and without Tents, the greatest part of them all bruis'd and naked, and more miserable than those who are surrounded by their Enemies, because their Death was without Ho­nour; whereas the others were in a capacity of selling their Lives at a dear Rate, and dying not ingloriously.

[Page 138] The return of Day restor'd them to dry Land, and af­forded them the means of retiring to the Rhine ^b, whi­ther Germanicus had already brought his Forces. The two Legions reimbark'd with him, while the Rumour yet continu'd, that they were lost; which was obsti­nately believ'd, till all the World had seen the return of Germanicus with his Army.

LXV. During this Interval, Stertinius was gone to re­ceive Segimer, the Brother of Segestes, and brought him, together with his Son, into the City of the Ubians. A Pardon was granted to both of them; to the Father without any difficulty, because he had surrender'd him­self of his own free motion; but more hardly to his Son, because he was accus'd to have insulted the dead Body of Varus. As for the rest, Spain, Gaul, and Italy, seem'd to vye with each other, in sending Horses, Arms, and Silver, to Germanicus, to repair the Losses which his Army had sustain'd. But he, with high Praises of their Zeal, accepted only of the Arms and Horses, which he wanted to carry on the War, being resolved to supply the Soldiers with his own Money. And to efface whol­ly from their Memory, the Thoughts of their late Suf­fering by his Kindness, he visited the Wounded, desir'd to see their Hurts, commended every one in particular, according to the Merits of his Service ¹; some he in­flam'd [Page 139] with desire of Honour, others with the hopes of Riches. In short, whether by his Affability, or the Care which he took of them, he won them all to be at his Devotion, and ready to follow him in any Danger.

LXVI. In the same Year, the Triumphal Ornaments were decreed to his Lieutenants, Aulus Cecina, Lucius Apronius, and Caius Silius. Tiberius re [...]us'd the Title of Father of his Country ^c, which the People were often desi­rous to have given him; nor even would permit, that they should take their Oaths upon his ¹ Acts ^d, many times repeating these words, That there was nothing sta­ble in this Life; and that the more he was exalted, the more in danger of a Fall ², But this affected Modesty of his, gain'd him not a better Opinion with the People; for he had lately revived the Law of High-Treason for [Page 140] Offences committed against the Person or Dignity of the Prince; which 'tis granted had the same Name in the Times of our Fore-Fathers, but was not of the same Ex­tent ³. If any one had betray'd his General in War, or rais'd Sedition, or dishonour'd the Majesty of the Roman People in the publick Exercises of his Function, he was attainted for a Crime of State. Actions were punish­able, but Words were free. Augustus was the first, who comprehended Libels within the Cognizance of the Law; being provok'd by the Petulancy of Cassius Severus, who had de [...]am'd, in his Writing, Men and Women of the highest Quality ⁴. Tiberius afterwards had answer'd the Praetor Pompeius Macer, who had consulted, him concern­ing this very Law▪ That his Pleasure was, it should be [Page 141] observ'd; being piqu'd himself likewise by certain Verses of conceal'd Authors, which had reproach'd him for his Cruelty, his Pride, and his Ingratitude ^e to his Mo­ther ⁵.

LXVII. 'Tis not from the purpose, in this place, to relate the Accusations which were carry'd on against Falanius and Rubrius, two Roman Knights, but both of very moderate Estates, to shew the Birth and Rise of that pernicious Invention, and with what Cunning Tibe­rius [Page 142] fomented it: How the Growth of it was stopp'd for a certain time, and how afterwards it was renew'd, and increas'd so much in Strength, that it set the whole Em­pire in a Flame. He who inform'd against Falanius, accus'd him to have admitted into the Society of those, who were the Adorers of Augustus, and were divided in­to several Fraternities a certain Buffoon ¹, call'd Cassius, who had prostituted his Body; and that he had sold, to­gether with his Gardens, a Statue of that Emperour, which was erected there. Rubrius, in like manner, was accus'd for violating the Divinity of Augustus by Perjury. Tiberius, having Information of these Procedures, writ to the Consuls thus concerning them: That Heaven had not been decreed to his Father, with intention that his Worship should serve for a Pretence, to the Ruine of Roman Citizens ²; That Cassius had been accustom'd to assist with those of his Profession at the Plays, which Livia had consecrated to the Memory of Augustus; That to leave his Images, with those of other Gods, in Houses and Gardens which were sold, had not the least reference to Religion; That the Perjury of Rubrius ought not to be held a more enormous Crime, than that of Forswearing himself by the Name of Iupiter ³.

LXVIII. Shortly after, Granius Marcellus, Praetor of Bithynia, was accus'd of High-Treason by Coepio Crispinus, [Page 143] his Treasurer, with the corroborating Evidence of Ro­manus Hispo. This Hispo, who was of an unquiet Spirit, had taken up a kind of Life, which the Iniquity of the Times, and the Wickedness of Men, turn'd afterwards into a common Practice ¹; for from a poor, unknown, and despicable Fellow ², as he was, he accommodated himself so well to the Cruelty of Tiberius, at first by se­cret Memoirs which he gave him, and afterwards by open Accusations, which he brought against the greatest Men of Rome, that becoming as powerful with the Prince, as hated by the People, he serv'd for an Example to ma­ny others; who, like him, rising from Poverty to Riches, and from Contempt to formidable Greatness, split at length upon that Rock to which they had driven others. He accus'd Marcellus to have spoken with too great Li­cense of Tiberius. An inevitable Crime! because the Informer picking out all the infamous Actions of the Prince, the Person accus'd was believ'd guilty of saying that, which was notoriously true. He added, That a Statue of Marcellus had been plac'd higher than any of the Caesars; and that he had taken off the Head from and Image of Augustus, and plac'd in the room of it the [Page 144] Effigies of Tiberius ³. At these Words, Tiberius, without breaking into Choler, cried aloud, That he would deli­ver his Opinion in open Senate concerning this Affair, and that with a solemn Obtestation ^f of Iupiter, to oblige the rest to the same Sentence ⁴. As there were yet some small Remainders of the ancient Liberty, tho [Page 145] now expiring, Cneius Piso demanded of him, In what Place he would give his Suffrage? For if you speak first, (added he) I have no more to do, than to follow your Sentence; but if you deliver your Opinion last of all, my Vote by misfortune may have been opposite to yours. Tiberius amaz'd at this unexpected Boldness, and suddenly mollified, out of shame to have been surpriz'd in that Transport of his Passion, suffer'd the Accus'd to be acquitted from the Charge of High-Treason ⁵, and remitted him to the common Magistrates to be try'd, for his Management of the publick Treasure.

LXIX. Not satisfi'd to assist only at the Iudiciary Proceedings of the Senate, he frequented also the Infe­rior Court ^g, where he sate on one side of the Tribu­nal ¹, [Page 146] because he would not displace the Iudge from the Seat of Iustice; and occasion'd by his Presence, that many good Regulations were made concerning the Par­tial Recommendations of the Great. But while he kept so strict a Hand on Iustice, he extinguish'd Liberty. About this time it was, that Pius Aurelius, a Senator, pe­tition'd the Senate to be consider'd for the Loss he had sustain'd in the Ruine of his House, which was demo­lish'd for the Convenience of Publick Ways, and the Structure of Aqueducts. Tiberius, who was always pleas'd to exercise his Liberality in those Things which might do him Honour, (a Virtue which he retain'd a long time after he had divested himself of all the rest,) order'd, That the Price of his House should be refunded to him: though the Praetors, who were at that time Commissio­ners of the Treasury, were against the Grant. Proper­tius Celer, who had formerly been Praetor, and who de­sir'd Leave to lay down the Dignity of a Senator, be­cause of his Poverty ², receiv'd a Thousand great Sester­ces ^h, to support his Quality; Tiberius being given to under­stand, [Page 147] that his Father had left him much in Debt. Some others endeavour'd to obtain the same Favour from Tibe­rius, but he order'd them to address to the Senate ³, affe­cting to be thought severe, and hard ⁴, even in those very Things which were but Acts of Iustice. Which was the cause, that all the rest sate down content with silent Poverty, rather than endure the Shame of owning it unprofitably ⁵.

[Page 148] LXX. The same Year, the Tiber being swell'd by the continual fall of Rains, overflow'd the nether Parts of the Town, and carried off both Houses and Men in its Retreat. Asinius Gallus propos'd in Senate to consult the Sibils ⁱ Books; which Tiberius withstood ¹; who was as careful to conceal the Mysteries of Religion, as those of State. But the care of restraining those Inundations, was committed to Ateius Capito, and Lucius Arruntius. On occasion of Complaints, which were made by Greece and Macedonia, it was order'd, That they should be [Page 149] discharg'd, at present ², from the Government of Pro­consuls, and rul'd by the Emperour ^k. Drusus, in the Name of Germanicus, and in his own, gave the Spectacle of Gladiators, at which himself presided, taking, as was thought, too great a Pleasure in the sight of Bloodshed, though it was only the Blood of Inferiour Men. And [Page 150] his Father, as it was reported, gave him a severe Repre­hension for it, because it had given the People an Occa­sion to murmur, who were apprehensive of his Cruelty, when it should be his Turn to Reign. It was diversly interpreted, why Tiberius refrain'd from that Spectacle. Some conjectur'd, that he lov'd not great Assemblies; others, that being of a sullen and melancholick Humour, he fear'd that an odious Comparison would be made betwixt him and Augustus ³, who was always present at these publick Entertainments, behaving himself with great Familiarity and Complaisance ⁴. I cannot think, that it was to put his Son into the ill Opinion of the People ⁵, by shewing his Cruel and Sanguinary Temper, though there were some of that Belief.

LXXI. The License of the Theatre, which began the Year before, was now grown excessive. Many Murders were committed, not only on Men of com­mon Rank, but even on some Soldiers, and one Centu­rion, who would have restrain'd the Quarrels of the Populace, and repress'd the Insults, which they made [Page 151] on the Persons of the Magistrates: And the Tribune of a Praetorian Cohort was also wounded. A Decree of Senate being made, which impower'd the Praetor, to cause the Actors of those Farces to be scourg'd; Haterius Agrippa, Tribune of the People, oppos'd this Order; and Gallus Asinius sharply reproving him, Tiberius did not interrupt him ¹; for he was willing to sooth the Se­nate with that vain appearance of their Power, and pub­lick Liberty. Nevertheless, the Opposition had the wish'd Effect, because Augustus had declar'd the Farcers to be exempt from the servile Punishment of the Whip; and Tiberius seem'd very scrupulous, in breaking any of his Edicts ². Many other Ordinances were made con­cerning the Stipends of Comedians ^l, and against the License of their Favourers ^m; and the most Remarkable [Page 152] are these: That the Senators should return no Visits to the Pantomimes ⁿ; That the Roman Knights should not ac­company them in the Streets; That those Farcers should not be permitted to Play, unless only on the Theatres; And that, for the future, the Praetors should have Power to send into Banishment those Spectators, who behav'd [...]hemselves with Insolence.

LXXII. Spain had leave to build a Temple to Augu­stus Caesar, in the Colony of Terragona; and this serv'd for an Example to all the Provinces. The People desi­ring to be discharg'd from the Impost laid on the Hun­dredth part of ¹ the Gains by Commerce, Tiberius declar'd, the Fund for War ^o subsisted chiefly by that Income; and also, that the whole Revenue of the Common­wealth [Page 153] would not satisfie for the Payment of the Forces, if the Veterans were dismiss'd before they had serv'd the term of 20 Years. By which, the Promise made for their Discharge at the end of 16 Years was virtually re­vok'd, which the Seditious Legions had extorted ² from Germanicus and Drusus not long before.

LXXIII. Aruntius and Capito consulted the Senate, concerning the Inundations of the Tiber, whether they thought fitting to have them stopp'd, by diverting the Course of the Lakes and Rivers, which discharg'd them­selve into it. But before the Debate pass'd farther, they were to hear the Reasons which were offer'd by the Towns and Colonies, which were interess'd in that Af­fair. It was remonstrated by those of Florence, that thei [...] Country was lost, if the Clane should disburthen it self into the Arn: The Interamnates ^p alledg'd, that the most fruitful Parts of Italy would be turn'd to marish Ground, if the Nar should be sluc'd out into many Rivulets, which they were ready to have done. The Reatines would not consent, that the Passage should be stopp'd, by which the Lake Velinus runs into the Nar; declaring, That it would overflow the Neighbouring Country; That Na­ture [Page 154] had made the best Provision, for the Convenience of Mankind, in disposing the Course of Rivers, ordaining their Outlets, and their Bounds, as she had appointed, where their Springs should rise; That they ought to have regard to the Religion of their Allies, who had consecrated Woods, and Altars, and Priests, to the Rivers of their Country. That even the Tiber ^q would creep along, diminish'd of his Glory, if he were robb'd of the Income, which was paid him by his Tributary Rivers. At length, whether deterr'd by Superstition, or yielding to the Request of the Colonies, or forc'd by the diffi­culty of the Undertaking, they decreed, That no Alte­ration should be made, as Piso from the beginning had advis'd.

LXXIV. Poppeius Sabinus was continu'd in the Go­vernment of Mesia, to which were added, Achaia and Macedonia. For it was a Maxim of Tiberius, To let the Governours grow old in the Provinces which they commanded, and many of them died ¹ in the Posses­sion of those Places they held, whether Military or Ci­vil. ^r. [Page 155] Various Reasons are assign'd for this: Some af­firm, That, to spare himself the Care and Trouble of a second Choice, he kept constant to the first; Others [Page 156] say, That it was to advance as few as possible he could ². Some have believ'd, that as he had a quick and piercing Wit, so his Iudgment was always in suspence; for as he could not suffer the Extremities of Vice, so neither did he love extraordinary and shining Virtues: Being jea­lous of his Authority, he fear'd great Men ³; and as he was jealous of his own Reputation, and of the publick Honour, he rejected those who pass'd for Scandalous, or Insufficient ^s In short, his Irresolution was so great, that [Page 157] he gave Governments to some such Persons, as he had absolutely determin'd, should never leave the Town to take possession of them.

LXXV. As to the Assemblies which were held for the Election of Consuls, I have nothing to affirm for certain, either in the time of Tiberius, or after it. So great is the Difference which is found, not only in the Relations of Historians, but also in his own Speeches. [Page 158] Sometimes, without naming the Candidates for the Con­sulship, he describ'd them by their Birth; by their Man­ners, and by the number of Years which they had serv'd in War. Sometimes, omitting even those De­scriptions, he desir'd the Pretenders not to trouble the Assemblies with their Intrigues, promising his own par­ticular Care in their Concerns. And sometimes he said, That no Competitors had presented themselves to him, but only they, whose Names he had deliver'd to the Consuls; yet that others were not debarr'd ^t from pretending to that Dignity, who either con [...]ided in their own Merits, or in the Favour of the Senate. Specious Words ¹, but either void of Meaning, or full of Cun­ning; and couch'd under a flattering shew of Freedom, [Page 159] to break out afterwards with greater danger of a worse Servitude.

770 Years after the Building of Rome.

XLII. IN the Consulship of C. Caelius, and L. Pompo­nius, on the 26th of May, Germanicus triumph'd for his Victories over the Cherusci, Chatti, Angrivarii, and the rest of the Nations lying betwixt the Rhine and the Elb. Spoils, Captives and Pictures of the Mountains, Rivers, and Battels, were carried before him; (as if the War had been ended, because he would have made an end of it had he not been Countermanded) but the Comeliness of Germanicus's Person, sitting in his Trium­phal Chariot with his Five Children, added much to the Splendor of the Show, and the satisfaction of the Specta­tors. But secret Fears allay'd the Ioy of those, who con­sider'd, that the Favour of the People had not been for­tunate to his Father Drusus; that his Uncle Marcellus was snatch'd from their Affections in the Bloom of his Youth, [Page 218] and that the Love of the People of Rome was commonly fatal, and an Omen of short Life to those they lov'd. ¹.

XLIII. Tiberius gave the People three hundred Sester­ces ^b a Man in Germanicus's Name, and nominated him for his Collegue in the Consulship ^c; but after all this he was not believ'd to be sincere in his Affection to him ¹, and the less when it was known that he resolv'd to send him from Court, pretending it was for his Honour; and in order to it contriv'd Occasions, or laid hold on the first that offer'd. Archelaus had reign'd fifty years in Cappadocia, and was hated by Tiberius ^d, because he had never paid him any respect during his retreat at Rhodes ², which Archelaus did not omit out of any neglect of Tiberi­us, [Page 219] but by the Directions of the Principle Favourites of Augustus, who were of Opinion, that it was not safe for him to hold any correspondence with Tiberius, whilst C. Caesar was living, and had the Government of the East ³. But when Tiberius came to the Empire upon the Extinction of the Family of the Caesars; he wheedles Archelaus by his Mother's Letters to come to Rome, who not dissembling her Son's displeasure assur'd him withal, that he would pardon him upon his Submission ⁴. He not [Page 220] suspecting Treachery, or not daring to shew his suspici­ons if he did, for fear of the Emperor's Power, hastens to Rome, when meeting with a rough Reception from Tiberius, and an Accusation against him in the Senate, he soon ended his Days, whether by a Natural or a Volun­tary Death is not certain; not that he was believ'd to be conscious of those Crimes charg'd upon him, which were meer [...]ictions; but because he was broken with Age and Grief, and a Treatment that is unusual to Kings; to whom a Moderate Fortune is unsupportable, so little able are they to bear Contempt and Misery ⁵. His Kingdom was reduc'd into the Form of a Province, and Tiberius declar'd, that by the Addition of the Revenues of it, Rome should be eas'd of one half of the Tax of the hundredth Penny ^e impos'd on all Commodities that were sold; and that for the future no more than the two Hundredth should be paid. The Death of Antiochus King of Comagena, and of philopator King of Cilicia, which happen'd both about the same time, produc'd great disorders in those Nations; some desiring to be govern'd by Kings of their own, o­thers to be Subject to the Roman Empire. The Provinces [Page 221] of Syria and Iudaea groaning under the Burden of Ta [...]es, petition'd to be discharg'd of part of them.

XLIV. He acquainted the Senate with those Affairs, and with the State of Armenia, of which I have given an account before; telling them withal, that the Troubles of the East could not be compos'd without the Presence and Conduct of Germanicus ¹ who was the fittest Person for this Expedition, Drusus being too young, and himself in his declining years ². Upon which the Senate de­creed Germanicus all the Provinces beyond the Seas, with a more absolute Power, than those Governors who ob­tain'd them by Lot, or by the Prince's Nomination. But Tiberius had first recall'd Creticus Silanus from Syria, be­cause he was ally'd to Germanicus ³, by the Contract of the [Page 222] Daughter of the Former, to Nero the Eldest Son of the Latter, and had put Cneius Piso in his Place; a Man of a Violent and Untractable temper, that inherited all the Haughtiness of his Father Piso, who had been so zealous and vigorous a Supporter of the Civil War against Cae­sar, when it was reviv'd in Africk, who follow'd the Party of Brutus and Cassius, and who after he had Liber­ty to come to Rome, never vouchsa [...]ed to put in for any Office ⁴, until he was courted by Augustus to accept the Consulship. But he had not only his Father's Spirit, but the Nobility and Riches of his Wife Plancina to exalt him ^f; insomuch, that he would scarce yield to Tiberius, and thought himself much above his Sons. Nor did he believe that the Government of Syria was given him for any other Reason, but that he might be a Check on Ger­manicus, ⁵, and many believ'd, that Tiberius gave him se­cret [Page 223] Instructions to this Purpose. It is certain, that Au­gusta out of an Emulation too incident to some of her Sex, encourag'd Plancina to teaze and contend with Agrippina ⁶. The Court was divided by the secret Favour which they had for Germanicus, or for Drusus. Tiberius loved Dru­sus as his own Son, but others had the greater Affecti­on for Germanicus, as well because of Tiberius's Aversion to him ⁷, as because he was of more illustrious Extracti­on by the Mother's side, by whom Anthony was his Grand­father, and Augustus his Great Uncle, whereas Pomponi­us Atticus ^g the Great Grand-father of Drusus, who was no more than a Roman Knight, seem'd to Disgrace the Images of the Family of the Claudii. Besides, Agrippina the Wife of Germanicus, had the Advantage of Livia, Drusus's Wife, in fruitfulness and reputation; but this E­mulation betwixt their Relations and their Dependants, [Page 224] made no manner of Impression on the two Brothers, who continu'd Constant and Unshaken in their love ⁸.

XLV. Not long after, Drusus was sent into Illyria to gain the Affections of the Army and Experience in Arms ¹, Tiberius thinking that he would wear off in the Camp ² the [Page 225] Debaucheries he had been us'd to in the City; and him­self would be safer, when the Legions were under the Command of his two Sons. He was furnish'd with a Pretence by the Suevi, who came to desire assistance from him against the Cherusci; for when these Nations were deliver'd from the Fear of a Foreign Power by the re­treat of the Romans, they according to their Custom turn'd their Arms against one another ^h, out of an Emu­lation of Glory. The two Nations were equally match'd in Power, and their Generals in Valour; but the Title of King drew upon Maroboduus the hatred of his Country­men, whereas Arminius was ador'd as the Patron of Liberty, and one that fought[?] for it ³.

XLVI. Wherefore, not only the Cherusci and their Allies, who had before serv'd under him, took Arms for him now; but the Suevi Semnones and Lombards, who were the Subjects of Maroboduus revolted to Arminius▪ ¹ ▪ with which additional forces he would certainly have been Victorious, had not Inguiomer with all that were under his Command, gone over to Maroboduus, which he [Page 226] did for no other reason but because he look'd upon it as a Dishonour ² for an Uncle that was in years to be com­manded by a young Nephew ⁱ. The two Armies with equal hopes on both sides rang'd themselves in Battel; not as the Germans us'd to do, in little separate Parties which roved up and down, and skirmished without Order or Discipline; for by their long Wars with us they had learn'd to follow their Colours ³ to obey the Orders of [Page 227] their Generals, and to keep a Reserv'd Body to succour the rest as there was occasion. Arminius took a Review of his Army, and as he rode through it, he put them in mind of their Recover'd Liberty; of the Enemies Legions which they had cut in pieces, and part of whose Arms and Spoils some of them had now in their hands. He called Marobo­duus a [Coward] ⁴ who understood not how to fight a Bat­tel, and who skulk'd in the lurking Holes of the Wood Her­cinia, until he had basely bought the Alliance of the Romans, whereby he was become a Traytor to his Country, and a Slave to the Roman Emperor ⁵, and therefore ought to have no more [Page 228] quarter given him than Varus had. In the Conclusion, he de­sir'd, them to remember the many Battels they had fought; by the Event of which, and by the Expulsion of the Romans in the End, it was sufficiently evident on whose side the Victory rested.

XLVII. Nor was Marobodu [...]s wanting to extol himself, or lessen the Enemy, and taking Inguiomer by the Hand; In this Person you see, said he, all the Glory of the Cherusci, and to whose conduct are owing all the Successes they ever had. Arminius himself hath neither Prudence nor Experience, and takes that Glory to himself which is not his due, be­cause he perfidiously surpriz'd three Legions, and their un­wary General, which action cost Germany dear, and turn'd to his own Dishonour, seeing his Wife and Children are yet in Slavery. But when Tiberius invaded us with twelve Le­gio [...]s, I defended the Honour of Germany, and made Peace on equal Terms; and we have no reason to repent of what we hav [...] done, seeing it is now at our choice, whether we will have a Lasting Peace with the Romans, or begin the War a­gain with them on even ground. Besides the Encouragement of these Speeches, each Army had their peculiar Reasons to animate them; for the Ch [...]rusci and Lombards fought either for their Ancient Glory, or for their New-gotten Liberty ¹; and the other side to enlarge their Dominions. [Page 229] They never fought with greater Fury, nor with more equal Success; the right Wings of both Armies were broken: and it was expected that the Fight would have been renew'd had not Maroboduus retreated to the Hills, which was a sign of Consternation; after which his Army being weakned by Desertion ², he retir'd into the Coun­try of the Marcomanni, whence he sent Ambassadors to desire succours of Tiberius ³, who answer'd at first, That [Page 230] it was unreasonable for him to expect assistance from the Ro­man Arms, when he had never sent any to them, when they were engag'd in a War with the same Enemy ^k. However, Drusus was sent as I said before to make a Peace ^l.

XLVIII. The same Year twelve famous Cities of Asia were overturn'd by an Earthquake in the Night, which was the more Fatal, the less it was foreseen; nor could the People save themselves, as many use to do, in this Calamity, by running into the Open Fields, for they were swallow'd up in the Cle [...]ts of the Earth. It is said, that Mountains were levell'd, Plains raised into Mountains, and that Fire flash'd out amidst the Ruines. As the Sardians were the greatest Sufferers, so they drew the greatest Compassion towards them; for Tiberius pro­mis'd them 100 thousand great Sesterces ^m, and remitted [Page 231] all their Taxes for five Years ¹. Magnesia which lies at the Foot of the Mountain Sipylus, was reliev'd in pro­portion to its loss, which was next to that of Sardis. Tem­nis, Philadelphis, Aegea, Appollonia, Mosthena, the Mace­donian Hircania, Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cimes and Timolus, were discharged from all Taxes for the same space of time; and it was resolv'd to send a Senator to view, and to repair the Ruines. They Deputed M. Aletus of the Praetorian rank; because the Governor of Asia was a Consular Person, to prevent any Emulation or Contest which might arise betwixt Equals ² and retard the Business.

[Page 232] XLIX. After he had been thus Magnificent in Pub­lick Bounty, he was Liberal to Private Persons, in a Way that was no less grateful. The rich Possessions of Aemilia Musa, who dying intestat and without Heirs, were escheated to his Treasury ⁿ, he gave to Aemilius Le­pidus, because it was probable that she was of his Fami­ly. And the Estate of Patuleius, a rich Roman Knight, (although he had bequeath'd part of it to himself) he gave to M. Servilius, because he understood that he had made him his Heir by a former Will that was liable to no suspicions: adding, that both these Persons deserv'd a Re­venue to support their Honour ^o. ¹ Nor would he ever [Page 233] be Heir to any Man's Estate, unless he had been so much a Friend to him in his Life, as might give him some pre­tensions to it. But he utterly rejected the Inheritance of Unknown Persons, and of those especially, who had made him their Heir, only to disappoint their own Re­lations whom they hated ². As he relieved the Poverty [Page 234] of Men of Virtue ^p, so he was severe against those who had ruin'd themselves by Vice and Extravagance ³; and it was for this Reason that Vibidius Varro, Marius Nepos, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Sulla, and Q. Vitellius, were ex­pell'd the Senate by him, or at least suffer'd voluntarily to quit it.

L. About the same time he consecrated the Temples of the Gods, which had been consumed by Fire or Age, and which Augustus had began to rebuild. One near the Great Cirque, which A. Posthumus the Dictator had vow'd to Bacchus, Proserpina, and their Mother Ceres. Another in the same Place to Flora, built by the Aediles, Lucius, and Mar­cus Publicus; and that to Ianus in the Herb-Market, which was built by Caius Duillius, who obtain'd the First Victo­ry which the Romans ever had at Sea ^q, for which he was honour'd with a Naval Triumph over the Carthagi­nians. But the Temple of Hope which Attilius had vow'd in the same War, was Consecrated by Germanicus.

LI. In the mean time, the Law against Treason exer­ted its force. Apuleia Varilia, who was Grand-Daughter to Octavia, the Sister of Augustus, was accused of Trea­son [Page 235] for speaking Scurrilous and Invective Words against Divine Augustus, Tiberius, and his Mother Livia; and for staining her self with Adultery, notwithstanding her relation to the Emperor. As for the Adultery, they thought they needed go no farther than the Iulian Law, which had sufficiently provided in that Case. And as for the Treasons wherewith she was charg'd, Tiberius desir'd that they might be distinguish'd; saying, That she de­serv'd Condemnation, if she had spoken Blasphemy a­gainst Augustus ¹; but he would not have her question'd for what she had spoken against himself ²: And be­ing ask'd by the Consul what should be done in case she should be convicted to have defam'd Livia; he return'd no answer at that time, but at the next Assembly of the Senate, he said, That it was his Mother's desire that none should be molested for any words spoken against her; and thereby acquitted Apuleia from the Indictment of Treason. He also desir'd that her Adultery might not be punish'd with the utmost rigour; and obtain'd that she might, according to the ancient Custom, be only banish'd by her Relations 200 Miles from Rome. But Man­lius her Gallant, was banish'd from Italy and Africk.

LII. A Contest arose about the Election of a Praetor, to succeed Vipsanius Gallus, deceas'd. Germanicus and Drusus (for they were yet at Rome) employ'd their In­terest in favour of Haterius Agrippa, who was a Kinsman of Germanicus's; but they were oppos'd by a great Party who contended, that the Competitor who had most Children, ought to be prefer'd as the Law requir'd ¹. [Page 236] Tiberius was well enough pleas'd to see the Senate di­vided betwixt his Children and the Laws ²; and it was no wonder that the Laws truckled; however it was carry'd ³ but by few Voices, and not without some struggle against the Laws, as it us'd to be sometimes when they were in force.

LIII. The same Year a War brake out in Africk, in which one Tacfarinas, a Numidian, was the Leader, who had formerly served as an Auxiliary in the Roman Ar­my; which having Deserted, and drawn together a Company of Vagabonds and Robbers for Plunder and Rapine; he afterwards form'd them into a regular Body after a Military manner, dividing them into Companies under their respective Colours; after which, he became General ¹ of the Musulans, a Potent Nation bordering on [Page 237] the Desarts of Africk, living without Cities or Houses; who having taken arms against the Romans, drew their Neighbours the Moors into the Quarrel, whose General was named Mazippas; betwixt whom and Tackfarinas the Army was divided. The latter had the choice Troops which he arm'd after the Roman Fashion, and confin'd them in a Camp to inure them to Discipline and Obe­dience; whilst the Former with a Light-arm'd Body ra­vag'd the Country with Fire and Sword, carrying Ter­ror where-ever he came; so that they had compell'd the Cinithii, which was no contemptible Nation, to enter in­to their League, when Furius Camillus, Proconsul of Africk, marched against them with a single Legion, and what Forces of the Roman Allies which were with him, which was a very small Force, in comparison of the numbers of the Nu­midians and Moors, who were therefore so confident of the Victory, that they feared nothing but that the Ro­mans would not give them Battel; but this Confidence prov'd their Ruine; for Camillus having plac'd his Legi­on in the Middle, and Light-arm'd Cohorts and two Squadrons of Horse in the Wings, he receiv'd Tackfari­nas so warmly, that he defeated the Numidians ², and hereby reviv'd after a long tract of time the Military Glory of the Family of the Camilli ³, which since the fa­mous [Page 238] Deliverer of Rome ^r, and his Son Camillus, had left to other Families, the glory of furnishing Generals. And he of whom we now speak was never before esteem'd a Soldier ⁴, for which reason Tiberius was the more forward to extol this Action to the Senate, who decreed him Tri­umphal Ornaments, which Honour drew no Envy upon him because he always behaved himself with wonderful Modesty ⁶. ⁵

[Page 239] LIV. The Year following, Tiberius and Germanicus were chosen Consuls, which was the third Consulship of the Former, and the second of the Latter, who receiv'd this Dignity when he was at Nicopolis ^s, a City of Achaia, whither he came by the Coast of Illyria; after he had vi­sited his Brother Drusus in Dalmatia; and having in his passage met with two Storms, one in the Adriatick, the other in the Ionian Sea, he stay'd a few Days there, to refit his Ships, in which time he went to see the Bay of Actium, famous for the Fight there; He view'd also the Spoils consecrated by Augustus, and the Place of Antho­ny's Camp; and was mightily affected ¹ with these lively Images of the Success of one of his Ancestors, and the Misfortunes of the other; for Augustus, as hath been said before, was his great Uncle, and Anthony his Grand-fa­ther.

[Page 240] Thence he came to Athens; and in regard to the ancient Renown of this City and its Alliance with the Romans, he enter'd it with no more than one Lictor. The Graecians entertain'd him with the most study'd Honours ², and, after a more refin'd sort of Flattery, carried before him Pictures representing the Great Actions, and Me­morable Sayings of his Ancestors ³.

LV. Hence, taking Eubaea ^t in his way, he pass'd to Lesbos, where Agrippina was deliver'd of Iulia ^u, which [Page 241] was her last Child. After which, sailing by the Coasts of Asia, he visited Perintheis and Byzantium, two Cities of Thrace; and entred the Streights of Propontis, and the Mouth of the Euxine Sea, being carry'd on with a desire to see ancient and famous Places; and at the same time he relieved those Provinces which were oppressed by Magistrates, or harass'd by intestine Divisions ¹. In his return he intended to have seen the Religious Rites of the Samothracians; but the North-winds beating him back from that shore, he directed his course to Troy, venerable for the Variety of its Fortune and its last Fate, and for being the Mother-City to Rome. Whence coasting back by Asia, he puts to shore at Colophon, to consult the Ora­cle of Clarius Apollo. It is not a Priestess as at Delphos, but a Priest officiates there, who is chosen out of certain Families▪ and commonly from Miletus. As soon as he is inform'd only of the Number and Names of those who are come to consult the Oracle, he descends into a Cave, where he drinks water of a Secret Fountain; and then, though he is generally a Person of no Learning, nor of any skil in Poetry, he gives his answers in Verse, to what things each Inquirer hath in his thoughts; and it was said, that he predicted to Germanicus his approaching Fate, but in such Dark and ambiguous Phrases ², as Ora­cles always use.

[Page 242]LVI. But Cn. Piso, that he might lose no time for his Designs, entred Athens with great Precipitation, and made a Speech that surpriz'd them as much as his coming. In which he not only severely rebuk'd them, but made some oblique Re [...]lections on Germanicus; as if he had pro [...]tituted the Majesty of the Empire, by treating them with two much respect ¹; who, said he, are not Atheni­ans, (those having been long since extinguish'd, by the many terrible Misfortunes that City had under-gone) but the Off [...]scouring of several Nations, who had been Confederates with Mithridates against Sylla, and with Anthony against Augustus. He reproach'd them also with their ill success against the Macedonians, and their ill treatment of the Bravest of their own Citizens ²; Things that had been done some ages past, for he had a Particular quarrel against them, because they had re­fus'd to pardon at his Intercession, one Theophilus ³, con­demn'd for Forgery by the Areopagus. Departing from Athens, he passed in great haste by the shortest cut of the Sea through the Cyclades, and at the Isle of Rhodes overtakes Germanicus, who tho' he had been inform'd of the Invective [Page 243] Speech which he had made against him, had nevertheless the Humanity to send out Galleys to save him, when a Tem­pest had cast him amongst the Shelves, where he might have been rid of his Enemy, and his Death imputed to Chance ⁴. But this Kindness could not so [...]ten Piso ⁵, who would scarce stay one day with Germanicus, but hastned again on board, that he might get to Syria before him; whither as soon as he came, he gain'd the Common Sol­diers by Gifts and Caresses, and in the mean time ca­shier'd the old Centurions and the [...]evere Tribunes, and fill'd their Places with his own Creatures, or any profli­gate [...]ellows. And whilst he permitted Laziness in the Camp, Licentiousness in the City, and the Soldiers to commit any Disorders in the Countrey, they gave him the Title (so great was the Dissolution of Manners) of the Father of the Legions. Nor did Plancina keep within the Bounds of the Modesty of her Sex, but was present at the Exercises of the Cavalry, and the Musters of the Cohorts, and made bitter Reflections on Agrippina and Germanicus: And when it was whisper'd that these things were not done without secret Encouragement from Tibe­rius, [Page 244] some of the best of the Soldiers were ready enough to carry on the Humour, and to obey ill Orders.

LVII. Germanicus had Intelligence of all this; but his more pressing care was to go to Armenia. This had been always an Unsteady Nation; not only from their Na­tural Temper, but also by reason of the situation of their Countrey; which bordering on the Roman Pro­vinces on one side, extends it self as far as Media on the other; so that lying betwixt the two greatest Empires of the World ^x, they are engag'd in frequent Quarrels, either with the Romans, or with the Parthians; Hating the Former, and Envying the Latter. They had been without a King ever since the removal of Vonones, but they were well inclin'd to Zeno the Son of Polemon, King of Pontus; because from his Infancy he had imita­ted the Manners and the Habits of the Armenians, and was much addicted to Hunting, Feasting, and other things which this Barbarous People esteem'd; and which gain'd him the Favour both of the Nobility and the Com­mon-People. Germanicus therefore, with the consent of the Nobility in the City of Artaxata set the Royal Dia­dem on his Head, in a numerous Assembly; who did him Homage, saluting him by the Name of Artaxias from the Name of their City. The Government of Cappadocia, which had been lately reduc'd into the form of a Province, was given to Q. Veranius, and the People were discharged of part of the Taxes ¹ which they for­merly [Page 245] paid their Kings, to give them hopes of being ea­sier under the Roman Government, than they had been under them. Q. Serveus was constituted Governor of Comagena ^y, which was then first reduc'd under the Go­vernment of a Praetor.

LVIII. Notwithstanding, Germanicus had thus happily compos'd the Affairs of our Allies, he could not yet be at ease in his Mind, by reason of the Haughtiness of Piso ¹, who having been commanded by him, either to come himself, or to send his Son with part of the Legions into Armenia, did neither. At last they both met at Cyrrum, where the Tenth Legion was in Winter-Quarters, Piso putting on a Countenance that might betray no Fear; and Germanicus, one that might discover no Resentment; and he was, as I have said before, of a forgiving Nature; but there are a sort of Friends well-skill'd in enflaming Quarrels ², who brought divers Accusations against Piso, his Wife, and Children, aggravating somethings that were [Page 246] True, and suggesting others that were False. At last, Germanicus had a Conference with him in the Presence only of a few intimate Friends, wherein he began to dis­course in such Language, as commonly proceeds from a mixture of Anger and Reserve, and which Piso answer'd with such haughty and provoking Excuses, that they parted open ³ Enemies ^z. After which, Piso came seldom to Germanicus's Tribunal; and when ever he did assist, he appear'd with a [...]our Countenance, and always dis­sented from him in his Opinion ⁴. And when they were invited by the King of the Nabathaeans to a Feast, at which Golden Crowns of great weight were presented to Germanicus and Agrippi [...]a, and light ones to Piso and the rest of the Guests; He said aloud, That this Feast was [Page 247] made for the Son of a Roman Prince ^a and not of a Parthi­an King: And throwing aside his Crown, inveighed a­gainst Luxury ⁵; which G [...]rmanicus bore with patience, though he was sensible of the Affront.

LIX. It was about this time, that Ambassadors came from Artabanus King of the Parthians; representing, that their Master desir'd to renew the Friendship and League with the Romans, and that in honour to Germanicus he would come as far as the Banks of Euphrates: But in the mean time, he intreated that Vonones might not be suf­fer'd to continue in Syria, lest so near a Residence might give him opportunity to sollicite the Great Men of his Kingdom to an Insurrection. As to the League betwixt the Romans and the Parthians, Germanicus return'd an answer suitable to the Dignity of the Subject; but as to the King's coming, and the Honour he had done him, he expressed himself with great Modesty and Respect ¹. [Page 248] He remov'd Vonones to Pompeiopolis a Maritime Town of Cilicia, which he did not so much to comply with the request of Artabanus, as to mortifie Piso ², to whom Vo­nones was very acceptable, upon the account of the many Favours and Presents, wherewith he had oblig'd Plan­cina.

The Year 772. after the Building of the City.

LX. In the Consulship of M. Silanus, and L. Norbanus, Germanicus takes a Iourney into Aegypt, under colour of taking care of the Province, but in truth to see the Anti­quities of the Country ¹. By opening the Publick Gra­naries [Page 249] he brought down the Price of Corn, did many Popular things, went abroad without Guards ², in [Page 250] Sandals ^b, and in a Graecian Habit, in imitation of Scipio, who is said to have done the same in Sicily, in the heat of the Carthaginian War. Tiberius made some gentle Re­flections on his Habit, but severely reprimanded him, for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission, which was contrary to the Order of Augustus. For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State, had prohibited any Sena­tors or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt, without a Pass from the Emperor ³, for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that [Page 251] Province, (which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land ^c, might be easily defended by a small Force, against Numerous Armies) should starve Italy ⁴.

LXI. But Germanicus, who did not yet know that his Iourney had given Offence, went up the River Nile, ha­ving Embark'd at Canopus, a Town built by the Sparta [...], in Memory of a Captain of a Ship of that Name who was buried there, when M [...]nelaus, in his return to Greece, was driven back by contrary Winds to the Coasts of Ly­bia. The Mouth of the River that is next to Canopus, is consecrated to Hercules, who, as the Inhabitants affirm, was a Native of their Countrey; and the first of all who bore that Name, with which the rest were honoured af­ter him, because they follow'd him in the same Paths of Valour. He afterwards viewed the great Ruines of Thebes, where there were yet remaining some Inscripti­ons engraven on Obelisks in Aegyptian Letters, which [Page 252] describ'd its ancient Grandeur. One of the Eldest Priests who was order'd to interpret it, reported, That it formerly contain'd seven hundred thousand Men of an age able to bear Arms; and that with an Army of that Number King Rhameses conquer'd Libya, Aethiopia, the Medes and Persians, Bactriania, and Scythia, and all the Countrey which is inhabited by the Syrians, Armenians, and their Neighbours the Cappadocians, extending from the Bithynian Sea on one side, to the Lycian on the other. There was also read an account of the Tributes imposed on the Nations; what weight of Gold and Silver; what Numbers of Horses and Arms for War? How much Ivory and Perfumes for Oblations to the Temples; and what quantities of Corn and other Necessaries of Life, each Nation paid; which equall'd in Magnificence and Value, the Tributes that are now imposed either by the Parthian or the Roman Empire.

LXII. But Germanicus was led on with a Desire of see­ing other Miracles, whereof the Principal were, the Sta­tue of Memnon cut in Stone, which gave a Sound like that of a Humane Voice, when the Rays of the Sun st [...]uck upon it. Pyramids as high as Mountains rais'd in moving and almost unpassable Sands ¹, by the Emulation and Wealth of their Kings. Lakes cut in the Ground for the reception of the Waters of the Nile when it over­flows, and in other places Caverns so deep, that their bottoms cannot be sounded. From hence he went to [Page 253] Elephantine and Syene, heretofore the Boundaries of the Roman Empire, which now extends to the Red Sea.

LXIII. Whilst Germanicus pass'd the Summer in Pro­gresses, Drusus acquired no small Glory amongst the Ger­mans by fomenting their Division ¹, and persuaded them, that now Maroboduus ^d was already weakned, they ought to follow their blow till he was entirely ruin'd ². There [Page 254] was amongst the Gotones, a Young Nobleman named Catualda, who having been banish'd by Maroboduus, at­tempted now to take his Revenge on him in his declining Fortune ³. And in order to it enters the Borders of the Marcomanni with a good Force, and having corrupted the Principal Men of the Countrey to joyn him, he forces the Palace, and the Castle that stood near it, where were found the ancient Spoils of the Suevi, and Cooks, and Traders of our Provinces, whom first Freedom of Commerce, afterwards, desire of Lucre, and at last, Forgetfulness of their own Country, had transplanted from their Habitations into the Enemy's Soil.

LXIV. Maroboduus being deserted on all sides, had no other refuge but to the Mercy of the Roman Emperor. Wherefore passing the Danube where it waters the Pro­vince of Norica ^e, he wrote to Tiberius, not as a Fugitive [Page 255] or a Peti [...]ioner, but like one that had not forgot his for­mer greatness ¹. That although several Nations had courted him, as one who had been lately so renown'd a King to make their Countries his retreat, yet he preferr'd the Friendship of the Romans to all their Offers. Tibe­rius answer'd him, That he should have a Safe and Honour­able retreat in Italy if he thought fit to stay; but if it should be more for the advantage of his Affairs to go elsewhere, he should go with the same Liberty that he came. ². But he afterwards told the Senate, that he had been a more For­midable Enemy, than ever Philip was to the Athenians, or Pyrrhus or Antiochus to the Romans ³. His Speech is yet extant, wherein he extoll'd the Greatness of his Per­son, the Fierceness of the Nations that were subject to him, and what measures he had taken to destroy so Dan­gerous and so near an Enemy to Italy ^f. Maroboduus [Page 256] was kept at Ravenna to awe the Suevi with the fear of his return ⁴, if they should at any time grow Insolent. But he stirr'd not out of Italy for the space of Eighteen Years, and he was conscious that he had lessen'd his Glory by setting too great a Value on Life. ⁵ Catualda had the [Page 257] same Fate, and no other refuge; for being expell'd not long after by the Hermunduri under their General Vibilius, he was received by the Romans, who sent him to Fo­rum Iulii, a Colony of Gallia Narbonensis. And lest the Bar­barous People who came with these two Princes, might raise any Disturbances in these Provinces, which were in perfect quiet, they were transplanted beyond the Danube, betwixt the River Marus and Cusus, and Vannius of the Nation of the Quadi, was set over them as King.

LXV. The Senate having at the same time receiv'd the News that Germanicus had made Artaxias King of Armenia, they decreed, that he and Drusus should enter the City in Ovation, and that Arches with their Statues should be built on both sides of the Temple of Mars the Avenger. And Tiberius being better pleas'd that he had made Peace by his Prudence ¹, than if he had ended the War with the Sword, employs the same Arti­fices against Rhescuporis, King of Thrace. After the Death of Rhoemetalces, who was in possession of the whole Countrey, Augustus had divided it betwixt his Brother Rhescuporis, and his Son Cotys. In which division, th [...] [Page 258] Arrable-Land, the Cities, and the Parts adjoyning to Greece, fell to Cotys's share; the Wild uncultivated Parts, and which border'd on Enemies, to Rhescuporis. The tempers of these two Kings were as different; the For­mer being Mild and Complaisant; the Latter Cove­tous, Ambitious, and Cruel. However, they liv'd at first in an appearance of Friendship. But in a while, Rhes­cuporis pass'd his Bounds, usurp'd upon Cotys, and stuck not sometimes to use Force where he found Resistance; but this he did by wary and slow Methods in the Reign of Augustus, who he feared would revenge the Injustice as he was the Founder of these two Kingdoms; But when he heard of his Death, he sent Troops of Robbers, and demolished some of his Castles, to give an occasion for War.

LXVI. Tiberius who feared nothing more than new Troubles, dispatches away a Centurion, with a Message to the two Kings, enjoyning them not to decide their Quarrel by the Sword ¹. Cotys immediately disbands the Army he had raised; and Rhescuporis with a feign'd Sub­mission, desir'd, that they might have an Enterview, and terminate their Differences by Treaty; and what with the Easie Compliance of the one, and the Fraudulent Compliance of the other, they soon adjusted not only the Time and Place of their Treaty; but also the Con­ditions [Page 259] of their Agreement. Rhescuporis, under colour of ratifying the Agreement with greater Ceremony, makes a Feast, which he protracts till Midnight, and then puts Cotys in Chains ², who amidst all his Iollity suspected no­thing; but as soon as he perceiv'd the Treachery, he in vain conjur'd him, by the Sacredness of his Character, as a King ³, by the Common Gods of their Family, and [Page 260] by the Rights of Hospitality, to desist. Having thus made himself Master of all Thrace, he wrote to Tiberius, that he had only prevented the Treachery of Cotys, who was plotting his ruine; and at the same time strengthen'd himself with New Levies, both Horse and Foot, under pretence of making War on the Scythians and Bastar­nians.

LXVII. Tiberius answer'd him with a great deal of Temper; That if he had used no Fraud, he might safely rely on his own Innocence; but that neither himself, nor the Senate could distinguish Iustice from Wrong, before they had heard the Cause; and that therefore he should deliver up Co­tys, and by proving the Injustice with which he charg'd him, vindicate himself. Latinius Pandus, Propraetor of Maesia, sent these Letters into Thrace by the Soldiers who were to receive Cotys. But Rhescuporis fluctuating betwixt Fear and Anger; and chusing rather to be guilty of an ac­complish'd Villany, than of an Imperfect one ¹, orders Cotys to be murther'd ^g, and gave out, that he had kill'd himself. Notwithstanding this, Tiberius alter'd not his measures, but acted the same Part towards him; inso­much, [Page 261] that after the Decease of Pandus, of whom Rhes­cuporis complain'd that he was his Enemy ², he made Pomponius Flaccus ^h Governor of Maesia, who was a well-experienc'd Soldier, and an intimate Friend of the Kings, and therefore the fittest Person to circumvent him ³.

LXVIII. Flaccus arriving in Thrace, prevail'd with him by great Promises to enter our Frontiers, notwithstand­ing his Guilt made him suspicious ¹, and sometimes to hesitate. A strong Guard pretended for his Honour ² was [Page 262] sent to attend him; and the Tribunes and Captains by intreaty drill'd him on, and the farther he went, the Closer they guarded him; so that he perceiv'd at last there was no remedy but that he must go to Rome, where he was accus'd by Cotys's Wife before the Senate, and condemn'd never to return to his Kingdom. Thrace is [...]new divided betwixt his Son Rhoemetalces, who was known to have been an Enemy to the Violences of his Father, and the Children of Cotys: But these being Mi­nors, the Administration of their State, until they should come of Age, was committed to Trebellianus Rufus, who had been Praetor, after the Example of our Ancestors, who sent M. Lepidus into Aegypt to be Guardian to the Children of Ptolomy ⁱ. Rhescuporis was carried to Alex­andria, where he was put to death for attempting to make his Escape, though possibly this Crime was forg'd against him.

[Page 263] LXIX. At the same time Vonones, who being, as I have said, confin'd in Cilicia, having corrupted his Guards, under colour of going a Hunting, ¹, endeavour'd to make his Escape into Armenia, and thence to the Al­banians and the Heniochians, and from thence to the King of the Scythians, who was his Kinsman. Leaving there­fore the Sea-coasts, he takes the By-ways of the Forests, and with all the speed that his Horse could make, posts towards the River Pyramus. But the Country People having had notice of the King's Escape, broke down the Bridges, and the River being not Fordable, he was taken and bound on the Banks of the River by Vibius Fronto, General of the Horse, and an Evocate ^k, named Remius, who before had the Guard of him, run him through the Body with his Sword; as if it had been in revenge of his [...]light, which made it more credible that he was pri­vy to his Escape, and that he kill'd him to prevent his Discovery of it.

LXX. Germanicus at his return from Aegypt found all the Orders which he had Establish'd amongst the Legi­ons, or in the Cities, laid aside, or revers'd, ¹, which [Page 264] drew from him some hard words against Piso, who was designing ill things against him. At last, Piso was pre­paring to quit Syria, but the Sickness of Germanicus staid him; and when he heard of his recovery, and that Pub­lick Thanks were return'd to the Gods for it, he sent his Guards to disperse the People of Antioch who were so­lemnizing the Thanksgiving, to force away the very Victims from before the Altars, and to put an End to the Ceremonies. After which, he went to Seleucia ^l, to expect the Issue of the Relapse which Germanicus fell into, whose suspicion that he was poyson'd by Piso, much increas'd his Distemper ². There were found in the Floor and the Walls the Remains of Humane Carcasses dug-up, Charms and Sorceries, and Germanicus's Name engrav'd on Plates of Lead, Bones half burnt, and be­ [...]mear'd with Gore, and other Witchcra [...]ts ³, by which [Page 265] Souls, as it is believed, are devoted to the Infernal Gods. Some were also accus'd to have been sent by Piso, to observe the Progress of his Distemper ⁴.

LXXI. As these things came to the Ears of Germani­cus, they added both to his Fears and his Anger. If my Chamber, said he, is beset? If I must expire before my Enemy's Eyes, what will afterwards become of my Mise­rable Wife, and my Poor Children ¹? Piso thinks the Poyson works too slowly, and is impatient till he becomes the sole Master of the Province and the Legions, But Germanicus is not yet sunk so low, but that he is able to hinder the Murderer from enjoying the Prize of his Villany ². Hereupon, he writes a Letter to Piso, wherein he renounc'd his Friend­ship ³; and some add, that he commanded him to leave the Province. Nor did Piso make any longer stay, but took Ship: However, he made the Ship sail but [Page 266] slowly, that he might the sooner come back, if Germa­nicus 's Death should make way for his return to Syria.

LXXII. Germanicus after some little hopes of recovery [...]lagg'd again ¹; and perceiving that his end was drawing on, he spake to this Effect to his Friends that stood about him. If I had dy'd a Natural Death, I might justly have complain'd of the Gods for ravishing me in the Bloom of my Youth, by an untimely Death from my Parents, my Children ², and my Country; but now being taken off by the Treachery of Piso and Plancina ³, I leave my last desires with you: Ac­quaint my Father and my Brother, what Cruelties I have suf­fer'd, and with what Perfidiousness I have been treated, and how that at last I end a most miserable Life, by the worst kind of Deaths ⁴. They whose good Fortune depended on mine, or who were ally'd to me by blood, way even they who before [Page 267] envy'd my Glory, will lament ⁵ my hard Fat [...], that after all the Successes I have had, and the Battels I have escap'd, I should at last fall by the Treachery of a Woman ⁶. You will have opportunity to complain to the Senate, and to demand Iustice. The great Duty of Friends is not to shew their Af­fections to the Dead in Fruitless Lamentations ⁷, but to re­member what he desir'd, and execute what he left in charge. Strangers will weep for Germanicus. But it is your part to revenge my Death, if you lov'd me rather than my Fortune ⁸. Set before the Eyes of the People of Rome, my Wife, the Grand-Daughter of Augustus, with our six Children. Com­passion will be on your side that accuse ⁹; and though they should pretend secret Orders for their Villanies ¹⁰, they will [Page 268] either not be believed, or not acquitted. His Friends taking him by the right Hand, as he was ready to expire, swore, they would lose their own Lives, but they would revenge his Death ¹¹.

LXXIII. Then Germanicus turning himself towards his Wife, he beseech'd her, That if she had any regard to his Memory, and to the Interest of their common Children, she would lay aside her haughty temper, and submit her Mind to the severity of her Fortune, lest at her return to Rome, she should by a Vain Emulation exasperate those who were too powerful for her ¹. Thus much he spoke publickly, and [Page 269] something more in secret ²; soon after which he expir'd, to the great regret of the Province, and the adjacent Countreys. Foreign Kings and Nations, Enemies as well as Allies, lamented him ³; the Former for his Cle­mency and the Latter for his Courtesie. His Presence and his manner of Speaking were graceful and drew re­spect; and although he retain'd an air of Majesty ⁴ sui­table to his high Birth and Character; yet he never in­curr'd Envy, nor the Suspicion of Arrogance.

LXXIV. His Funerals were not solemniz'd with Ima­ges and Pomp, but with publick Praises, and the Com­memoration of his Virtues ¹. And there were some who compar'd him with Alexander ² for his Beauty and his [Page 270] Age, the Manner of his Death, and the Nearness of the Places where they dy'd. For they were both very Handsome, and of Illustrious Birth: Neither of them lived much above thirty Years, and they both died in a Foreign Country by the Treachery of some of their own People ^m. But Germanicus was courteous to his Friends, moderate in his Pleasures, contented with one Wife ³, and a sure Issue. As great a Captain as Alex­ander, if you'l not reckon the Successes of the other's Rashness; and who, after he had broken the Germans [Page 271] by so many Victories, would have entirely reduc'd Ger­many under the Obedience of the Romans, had he not been recall'd when he was upon the Point of finishing his Conquests. But had he been invested with the Ti­tle and Power of King ⁴, he would as easily have E­quall'd Alexander in Military Glory, as he Excell'd him in Clemency, Temperance, and other Virtues. His Body before it was burnt, was exposed naked to be viewed in the Market-place of Antioch, where his Fu­neral Pile was Erected. It is very uncertain, whether or no, there appeared on it any signs of Poison; for People, as they were influenc'd with Compassion for Germanicus, and with the common Prejudice against Piso on the one hand, or as they were inclin'd to [...]avour him on the other, spake differently of it.

LXXV. The Lieutenant-Generals, and some Senators who were in those Parts, immediately held a Consul­tation about the Choice of a Person to Administer the Government of Syria. All the Competitors that appear'd for it soon quitted their Pretensions, except Vibius Mar­sus and Cneius Sentius, betwixt whom there was a warm Competition, until Marsus at last gave it up to Sentius, as being the Elder Person, and the more eager Compe­titor. ¹. [Page 272] As soon as he was in the Government, at the request of Vit [...]llius, Veranius, and some others who pro­ceeded against Piso and Plancina, as if they had been al­ready convicted, he sent to Rome one Martina, a Woman who had been infamous in that Province for poysoning, and Plancina's great Favourite ².

LXXVI. But Agrippina, notwithstanding she was al­most sinking under Grief and Indisposition of Body, yet impatient of any thing that might retard her revenge ¹, took Ship with her Children, and her Husband's Ashes, which was a Spectacle that drew Compassion from all, to see so great a Princess, who in regard of her happy Marriage was lately Applauded and Ador'd by all Peo­ple ², now carry in her arms her Husband's mournful Urn, full of anxious Thoughts, whether she should find at Rome any Iustice for him, or Safety for her self, and who, by her unhappy Fruitfulness, was obnoxious to so [Page 273] many more strokes of Fortune ³. In the mean time, [...] Messenger overtakes Piso at the Isle of Coos, with the News of Germanicus's Death, which he receiv'd with such extravagant Ioy, that he ran to the Temples and offer'd Sacrifices ⁴, and Plancina, who was yet mor [...] insolent, left off the Mourning upon it she was in for her Sister, and put on a Gay Habit ⁿ.

LXXVII. The Centurions coming to him, assured him, That the Legions were at his Devotion; and that therefore his best course was to return to the Province of Syria, which was now without a Governor; and whereof he was unjustly dispossess'd. Whereupon con­sulting what was best to be done, his Son Marcus Piso [Page 274] was of Opinion, That he ought to hasten to Rome ^o; That there was nothing done yet which might not be answer'd; That slight Suspicions, and uncertain Reports, were not to be fear'd; That his Differences with Germanicus ¹ deserv'd perhaps a Reprimand, but not Punishment; especially since he had gi­ven his Enemies the Satisfaction they desir'd, by quitting Syria. But to return thither in opposition to Sentius, would be to begin a Civil War ², wherein he could not rely much on the Fidelity of the Captains and the Soldiers, who had the Memory of their Beloved General Germanicus, fresh in their Minds ³, and an indeliable Affection for the Caesars.

LXXVIII. His great Confident, Domitius Celer, was of a contrary Opinion, and represented to Piso, That he ought to make use of the Occasion; That Piso, and not Sentius, was the Rightful Governor of Syria; That to him only, the Legions, and the Fasces, with the Authority [Page 275] of Praetor had been committed. If any acts of Hostility should ensue, who could with greater Iustice take Arms, than he who had received his Commission of Lieutenant-General, and his Orders, immediately from the Emperor? That time dissipates false Reports ¹, and that Innocence it self is oftentimes over born by Envy in its first heat ², but if he were at the head of an Army, and augmented his Forces ³, Chance might bring many things to pass which could not be foreseen ⁴. But why are we in such haste to get to Rome? Is it that we may arrive there together with the Ashes of Germanicus, and the Lamentations of Agrip­pina, that you may be torn to pieces unheard and undefended, by the first fury of the giddy Multitude? 'Tis true, Livia is your Accomplice, and you are in favour with Tiberius ⁵, but they'l not dare to protect you openly, and none will mourn for Germanicus with greater Ostentation, than those who rejoyce most at his Death ⁶.

[Page 276] LXXIX. Piso, who was naturally inclin'd to violent Coun­sels, was, without any great Difficulty, gain'd to this Opi­nion ¹. Upon which he wrote Letters to Tiberius, wherein having accused Germanicus of Luxury and Pride, and of removing him from the Province, only that he might more securely carry on his ill Designs; He de­clared, that he had resumed the Command of the Army with the same Fidelity he before held it. At the same time he order'd Domitius to take Ship, and avoiding the Shores and Islands, to sail into Syria through the Main Sea. He arms the Servants that follow'd the Camp, and forms into Companies the Deserters that came in to him; and as he sail'd with them to the Conti­nent, he intercepted a Regiment of New rais'd Men that were going to Syria. He writes to the Petty-Prin­ces of Cilicia to send him Succours, and his Son Piso was wanting in nothing that was necessary for the War, although he had dissuaded him from Undertaking it ².

[Page 277] LXXX. Piso's Squadron meeting near the Coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia, with that which was carrying Agrippina to Rome, the Enmity was so great, that both sides at first prepar'd for a Fight; but being restrain'd by mutual Fears, they proceeded no farther than hard Words. Marsus Vibius summon'd Piso to come to Rome to defend his Cause; who answer'd him scoffingly, That he would appear there when the Praetor who took Cog­nizance of Poysonings, should appoint a Day both for the De­fendant and the Plaintiffs ¹. In the mean time, Domitius, who was come to Laodicea, a City of Syria, intending to go to the Winter-Quarters of the Sixth Legion, which he suppos'd to be most inclin'd to innovations, is prevented by Pacuvius, who had the Command of it. Sentius acquainted Piso with this by Letter; and advises him to make no farther attempt to debauch the Army by his Emissaries, nor to raise a War in the Province; and drawing together all those whom he knew to have an Affection for the Memory of Germanicus, or to be of an opposite Interest to his Enemies, he speaks great things in praise of him; and by the way, often reminds them, that it was against the Common-wealth it self that Piso made War; and afterwards marches with a good Body that was ready for Battel.

LXXXI. Notwithstanding, things had not succeeded according to Piso's expectation, he was not yet wanting to take the best Measures for his safety in his present Circumstances, but possess'd himself of a strong For­tress in Cilicia, named Celendris, and of the Auxiliaries [Page 278] which the Petty-Princes of Cilicia had sent him, and the New rais'd Soldiers which he had lately intercepted, with his own and Plancina's Servants, and what Deserters had come to him, formed into a Legion, all of them com­pleating the Number of one. To whom he made a Speech, declaring, That as he was the Emperor's Lieutenant in Syrid, it was not the Legions which opposed his Entrance into the Province, (for it was upon their Invi­tation that he return'd) but Sentius, who under pre­tended Crimes cover'd his own Malice against him. That they might safely range themselves in Battel against Soldiers who would not [...]ight when they saw Piso, whom they heretofore stiled their Father, and who, they knew, had the best Right, if it were to be decided by Law, and wanted not Courage, if by Arms. After which, he draws up his Troops in order of Battel before the Fort, on a Steep and Craggy Hill; the rest being environ'd by the Sea. Opposite to them were ranged our Vete­ran Soldiers in good Order, with a Reserv'd Body. One side had the advantage in Soldiers, and the other side in Ground; But Piso's Soldiers wanted Courage and Hope; nor had they any but Countrymen's Arms, which were made in haste for the Present Occasion. After once they were Engag'd, the Victory was no lon­ger doubtful than whilst the Romans were climbing up the Hill, which they no sooner gain'd but the Cilici­ans [...]led, and shut themselves up in the Fort.

LXXXII. In the mean while, Piso attempted to sur­prize the Fleet which lay at Anchor not [...]ar off, but not succeeding, he returned; and as he stood on the Walls sometimes lamenting his Fate, sometimes calling to the Soldiers by Name, and promising them great Re­wards, he endeavour'd to raise a Mutiny amongst them, and did so far prevail, that the Standard Bearer of the Sixth Legion went over to him with his Eagle. Where­upon, Sentius immediately order'd the Signal to be [Page 279] given by Sound of the Trumpets and Cornets; the Works to be rais'd, the Ladders to be set, and the Stoutest, Men to make the Assault; whilst others ply'd the Enemy with Darts, Stones, and Fire-works thrown from Engines. At length, Piso's obstinacy being broken, he desir'd, ¹ that upon laying down his Arms, he might be permitted to remain in the Castle, untill the Empe­ror was consulted, Whom he would have to be Gover­nor of S [...]ria: But this was not granted, nor could he obtain any thing more than a Passport, and Ships to carry him to Rome.

LXXXIII. After the News of Germanicus's sickness was noised at Rome, and reported, as is usual when bad News comes from far, worse than it was, Grief, Anger, and Complaints, fill'd the City. It was for this, said they, that he was sent to the remotest Parts of the Emprie, and Piso made Governor of the Province of Syria. This is the Effect of Livia's secret Conferences with Plancina. ¹ It is true enough what was said by Old men on Drusus's account, that Emperors don't like a [Page 280] Modest and Courteous Disposition in their Sons, for both Father and Son have been destroy'd for no other Reason but because they design'd to restore to the Peo­ple of Rome their Liberty. But the News of his Death incens'd them to that degree, that without waiting for the Edict of the Magistrates, or the Decree of the Se­nate, they deserted the Courts of Iustice, shut up their Houses, and made a Vacation. In all Places there was either sighing or silence, and nothing was affected or done for Ostentation. And although they neglected not to mourn in their Habits, yet they mourned much more in their Hearts. It happen'd that some Merchants who came from Syria before Germanicus dy'd, brought with them news of his Recovery, which was easily be­liev'd, and quickly spread abroad: Every one through joy telling it with some addition to the next he met. They run up and down the City, force open the Doors of the Temples. The Night time made some ready to believe it, and others more positive to affirm it. Tiberi­ [...]s thought not sit to put a stop to this False Report, but left the People to be undeceiv'd by time; and then, as if he had been a second time taken from them, they la­mented him more passionately than before ².

LXXXIV. Divers honours were invented and de­creed to his Memory ¹, agreeable to the Genius of the Senators or their Affection to Germanicus. That his [Page 281] Name should be inserted into the Saliar Hymn, which was sung by the Priests of Mars. That the Curule Chair should be plac'd for him amongst the Seats of the Priests of Augustus, with a Garland of Oak over it. That his Statue made in Ivory should be carried the foremost in the Circensian Games. That none should be elected Priest or Augur in his Place, who was not of the Iulian Fa­mily. At Rome, on the Banks of the Rhine, and on Mount Amanus in Syria, Triumphal Arches were erected to him with Inscriptions, which made mention of his great actions, and that he died for the sake of the Com­mon-Wealth. A Monument was Erected to him at Antioch ^p, where his Body was burnt; and a Tribunal at Epidaphne ^q, where he died. But the Places where Statues were set up, or Altars dedicated to him, are al­most innumerable. When it was decreed, that a Buck­ler of Massy Gold of an extraordinary size ^r should be [Page 282] plac'd for him among the great Masters of Eloquence, Tiberius said, that he would dedicate one to him of the Ordinary size and make, for Eloquence was not to be distinguished by Fortune; and that it was a sufficient Honour for his Son to be rank'd amongst the ancient Authors. That which before was call'd the Regiment of Iuniors, was by the Knights now named the Regi­ment of Germanicus, who also order'd, that on the 15th of Iuly his Statue should be carried in the Head of their Regiment. Many of these Orders are yet observ'd, but some of them were soon neglected, and others are worn out by time.

LXXXV. But whilst this Grief was green, Livia, the Sister of Germanicus who was married to Drusus, had two Sons at a Birth, which being a Thing rare, and welcome to mean Families, was received with such joy by Tiberius, that according to his way of turning all things, even the most Casual to his Glory, he could not refrain from boasting to the Senate, that never a Roman of his quality, before him, had the good Fortune to have two Sons at a Birth ^s. But at this time it had a quite different Effect upon the People, who were concern'd at the Increase of Drusus's Family; for fear it should de­press Germanicus's.

LXXXVI. The same Year the Senate made severe Decrees to repress the Lewdness of Women. It was decreed, that no Woman should prostitute her self for [Page 283] Money ¹, whose Grandfather, Father, or Husband, was a Roman Knight, because Vistilia a Lady of a Praetori­an Family, had declared to the Aediles, that she would prostitute her self according to a Custom establish'd a­mongst our Ancestors, who thought it a sufficient Pu­nishment for Unchast Women ^t, to make this publick Profession of their Infamy. Titidius Labeo, being que­stion'd why he had omitted to punish his Wife according to Law ^u seeing she was notoriously criminal; and he pretending, that the Sixty days allowed by the Law to consult, were not yet expired, they thought it sufficient to proceed against Vistilia, and banish'd her into the Island Seriphos. ^x. The Senate took into consideration, the Extirpation of the Egyptian and Iewish Religion out of Rome, and a Decree pass'd, that 4000 Persons infected with that Superstition, who were of the Race of Freedmen, and of an Age fit for Service should be sent into the Island of Sardinia, to suppress the Robberies there, as [Page 284] being People whose loss would be inconsiderable, if they should perish by the Unwholsomeness of the Air, and that the rest should leave Italy, if they did not by such a Day renounce their Prophane Rites ².

LXXXVII. After which Tiberius propos'd the Electi­on of a Virgin to succeed Occia, who for the space of fifty seven Years had presided over the Vestals, with great Integrity. He thank'd Fonteius Agrippa and Domi­tius Pollio, because that by offering their Daughters, they [...]ied with one another in their Zeal for the Common-Wealth. Pollio's Daughter was preferr'd, for no other reason, but because her Mother had always lived with her first Husband, whereas Agrippa had lessen'd the Re­putation of his Family by a Divorce ¹; However, Tibe­rius to comfort her that lost it, gave her five thousand Pounds for her Dowry.

LXXXVIII. The People complaining of the Dearth of Corn, he set a Price for the Buyer to pay; and pro­mis'd [Page 285] that he would add two Nummi ^y a Bushel ¹ to the Seller. And yet for all this, he would not assume the Title of the Father of the Country, which was now again offer'd him ²; and he gave a sharp Reprimand to those who stil'd him Lord, and his Employments Di­vine ³. So that there was but little left to be said, and that scarce with safety, under a Prince who hated Flat­tery, and feared Liberty.

LXXXIX. I find in the ancient Writers of those times, That Letters from Adgandestrius a Prince of the Chatti, were read in the Senate, wherein he engaged to put Arminius to death, if they would send him Poison [Page 286] for that purpose ¹; who was answer'd, That the Ro­mans did revenge themselves on their Enemies, not Clandestinely and by Treachery, but Openly and in Arms; whereby Tiberius equall'd himself to the Glory of the old Roman Generals, who prevented the Design of Poysoning King Pyrrus, and discover'd it to him. At last, after the Romans were retir'd, and Maroboduus was expell'd, Arminius aspiring to Monarchy, made his own Countrymen his Enemies, who taking up Arms against him in defence of their Liberties ², after variety of For­tune, he fell at last by the Treachery of his own Kin­dred. He was the undoubted Deliverer of Germany; and which adds to his glory, he did not attack the Ro­mans in their Infancy, as other Kings and Captains had done, but in the most flourishing State of their Em­pire. His Fortune was various in the Battels which he fought; but he was not conquer'd in the War. He lived 37 years, and commanded 12; and his Memory is still famous amongst those barbarous Nations, who celebrate his great actions in their Songs ^z, although he is not known in the Annals of the Greeks, who admire [Page 287] nothing but what is done amongst themselves; nor so renown'd as he deserves amongst us, who whilst we ex­toll things done long since, are apt to neglect late Ex­amples ³.

The Year of the City 773.

The Consuls, M. Valerius and M. Aurelius, (who then entred on their Office) with a great number of the Peo­ple, filled the way without observing any order ², every one bewailing the loss of Germanicus as he saw good; for there was no Flattery in this Mourning, and all knew Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death, tho' he pretended to be troubled for it.

III. Tiberius and his Mother forbore appearing in pub­lick, believing it a lessening to Majesty to grieve pub­lickly ³, or perhaps fearing lest the People by their Looks should discover their Dissimulation ^b. I find not in any Registers of the City, or our Histories, that Antonia had [Page 292] any particular share in this Solemnity, tho' Agrippina, Drusus and Claudius are named with other Relations. It may be she was prevented by Sickness, or so overcome with Affliction, she had not the Courage to see the Fu­nerals of her Son ⁴; tho' I should rather believe she was kept at home by Tiberius and Livia, that they might seem all equally [...]afflicted, and to have it believed the Grandmother and Uncle kept in upon the Mothers Ex­ample ⁵.

IV. The day the Ashes were laid in Augustus's Tomb, there was sometimes a profound Silence, and at others, great Lamentation, the Streets full of People, and the Campus Martius of lighted Torches. The Soldiers in Arms, the Magistrates without their Habits, the People ranked by their Tribes, cryed out, All was lost beyond Recovery, and in this they were so bold you would have thought they had forgot their Governors ^c. But nothing went nearer Tiberius, than the great Affection [Page 293] of the People for Agrippina, whom they called, The Glory of their Country ⁶, the only Blood of Augustus, and the last Remains of ancient Probity; and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies.

V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough, and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus, Germanicus's Father: ‘For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia, and attended the Body to Rome, up­on the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Livii ^d. His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies; he was praised in the Rostra ^e, and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented: But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman. It signified little, said they, that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country, considering the Difficulty of [Page 294] bringing it so far home, but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Acci­dent deprived him. His Brother went but one Day's Iourny to meet the Body, and his Uncle only to the Gates. What is become of the Ancient Customs? Why was not his Effigies ^f carried, and Verses sung in Ho­nour of his Memory? Why was he not praised and la­mented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning ¹?’

VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius, and to put a stop to them, he declares, by an Edict, ‘That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth, but none had been so passionately re­gretted. This was commendable both in him and them, if a Mean was observed: That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men ², for a People [Page 295] that Command the World, and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths: That the Season for Sorrow, is, when Grief is fresh, but after three Months 'twas reasonable to lay it aside, as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter, and Augustus after he had lost his Children ³: That it was not necessary to give an­cienter Instances, how the People had bore with Con­stancy the Defeat of their Armies ^g; the Death of their Generals ^h, and the entire Extinction of many noble Families ⁱ: That Princes are Mortal, but the Commonwealth Eternal ⁴; that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments, and enjoy them­selves at the Megalensian Games ^k, that were at hand ⁵.’

[Page 296] VII. The Vacation being ended, every Man returned to his Business, and Drusus went to the Army in Illyricum, leaving all under great Expectation to see Germanicus's Death revenged upon Piso. They often complained he marched over the pleasant Countries of Asia and Greece, to avoid by his Contumacy and Delays, the Conviction of his Crimes. For it was commonly reported, That the infamous Poisoner, Martina, sent by Cneius Sentius to Rome, died suddenly at Brindisi, that Poison was found in her Hair, yet no sign thereof appear'd upon her Body ¹.

VIII. But Piso, after he had sent his Son to Rome, with Instructions how to apply to Tiberius for his Favour, went to seek Drusus, from whom he expected more Counte­nance for removing his Rival, than Displeasure for taking off his Brother ². Tiberius, to shew he was not preju­diced against Piso, received his Son honourably, and made him such Presents as were usual to young Gentle­men of his Quality. Drusus told Piso, If those things were true that were reported, he should be much trou­bled ³, but that he wished they might appear false, and [Page 297] the Death of Germanicus fatal to none ⁴. He spoke this publickly, declining private Conversation with him, which none doubted to be by Tiberius's Order, because Drusus was of himself too easie and unwary to have pra­ctised so much Art and Cunning above his Years. ⁵.

[Page 298] IX. Piso having sailed over the Adriatick Sea, and left the Ships at Acona, came by Pisenum ^l, and so by the Via Flamina ^m, to joyn the Legion that returned from Panonia to Rome, to go into Garison in Africa. But be­cause it was reported, he intended to Corrupt the Sol­diers, by conversing much among them ⁶; as soon as he arrived at Narni ⁿ, he embarked upon the River Nare to avoid Suspicion, or because those that are timorous are always uncertain. But he incensed the People by his landing in their sight, at the Burying-place of the Caesars, with Plancina; both were pleasant and cheerful, he attended with a Multitude of Followers, and she with a great Train of Women. Their House, which stood very publickly, was adorned with Lawrels, and Garlands, there was a Festival, and great Rejoycings, and all so publick, as to raise them more Envy ⁷ and Ill-will.

[Page 299] X. The next day Fulcinus Trio accused Piso before the Consuls but; Veranius Vitellus, and others, that had been with Germanicus, insisted, That it belong'd to them, and not to Trio, and that instead of being Accusers, they would only report, as Witnesses, the last Declara­tion of the Deceased. Trio waved that part, and con­tented himself with the Liberty to enquire into the Life of Germanicus. The Emperor desired Cognizance of this himself, and Piso freely consented for fear of fal­ling into the hands of the People or Senate, both too much enclined to Germanicus's Family; and knowing also Tiberius valued not Reports, and that his Mother had agreed with him the Orders she sent Plancina. Be­sides, Truth is more easily discerned by a single Iudge, than an Assembly ¹ where Hatred and Envy are too pre­valent. Tiberius was not ignorant of the Consequence of this Affair, nor the Reflections he lay under. After hearing therefore before some of his Confidents, the Complaints of the Accusers, and Piso's Answer, he sent all back to the Senate.

XI. In the mean time, Drusus returning from Sclavo­nia, came privately to Rome, deferring till another time the Triumph the City decreed him for the taking Maro­boduus, and his great Actions the Summer before. After­wards Piso desiring T. Aruntius, Fulcinius, Asinius Gallus, Eserninus Marcellus, and Sextus Pompeius for his Advocates, and they excusing themselves ² on divers Pretences, M. Lepidus, Lucius Piso, and Liveneius Regulus were appointed him. All the City expected with great Impatience to [Page 300] see the Fidelity of Germanicus's Friends ^o, the Courage of the Criminal, and whether Tiberius would discover or conceal his Sentiments. For the People never shew­ed greater Suspicion, nor took more Liberty to Censure their Prince.

XII. The Day the Senate met, Tiberius made a set Speech, and said, ‘That Piso had been Augustus's Friend and Lieutenant, and that by Authority of the Senate ³ he was sent with Germanicus to govern the East. They were impartially to judge, whether he had provoked the young Prince by his Disobedience and Disputes, if he rejoyced at his Death, or was the Cause of it. For, says he, if he exceeded what was committed to him, when Lieutenant, disobeyed his General, rejoyced at his Death, and my Affliction, I will banish him my House, and be revenged of him as a Father, not a Prince ¹. Nay, if he hath been guilty of any Crime, that de­serves Punishment, even the Death of any private Man, give your selves, the Children of Germanicus, and us their Parent just Satisfaction. And especially forget not to enquire if he hath corrupted the Military Discipline, [Page 301] if he hath ambitiously endeavoured to gain the Soldiers Affections, and if he returned into the Province by force of Arms, or if these things be false and aggrava­ted by the Accusers ², whose great zeal I have cause to be offended with. For, Why was Germanicus's Body stript and exposed naked to the People, and why has it been reported he was Poisoned, if these things are yet uncertain, and to be proved? I lament the loss of my Son, and shall always do it, but will not hinder the Accused making his Defence ³, without sparing Germa­nicus, if he hath been to blame. I beseech you, let not my Trouble make you take Accusations for Crimes. If any among you are Relations or Friends to Piso, let him not fear to help him with his Eloquence and Care. I exhort his Accusers to the like Application and Con­stancy. We will only indulge this to Germanicus, that his Death shall be enquired into in the Curia ^p, not the Forum ^q, before the Senate, rather than the ordi­nary Iudges, all the rest shall be according to the common Form. Lastly, I desire you will neither re­gard Drusus's Tears, my Affliction, nor any Calum­nies.’

[Page 302] XIII. It was ordered, the Accusers should have two days to bring in their Accusations, the Defendant three to answer, and six to prepare for it. Then Fulcinius be­gan with old and frivolous matters, as his governing Spain ambitiously and covetuously; a conviction whereof would not have Condemned him, had he justified him­self of the rest, nor the clearing himself of that would have acquitted him, if found guilty of the new Crimes he was charged with. Serveus Veranius and Vitellius con­tinued the Accusation with the like warmth, but the lat­ter with more Eloquence, objected, That Piso, out of Hatred to Germanicus, and desire of Innovation, so cor­rupted the Soldiers, by too much Indulgence and Li­centiousness, at the Expence of their Allies, that the worst of them called him, Father of the Legions. On the other hand he had ill used the best Officers, and espe­cially the Friends of Germanicus, whom he killed by his Charms and Poison, as the detestable Sacrifices made by him and Plancina, for Ioy at his Death, do testi­fie ^r: That he was in Arms against the Commonwealth, and had never been brought to Iustice, but that he was overcome in Battle.

XIV. His Defence was weak, for he could neither deny his gaining the Soldiers by Ambition, nor exposing the Province to them, nor his Reproaches to the Em­peror, he only seemed to clear himself from the charge of Poison, which in truth was not well proved ¹. For to say he poisoned the Meat by touching it, as he sate one day above Germanicus at Table, that was so absurd, [Page 303] there was no probability in it, that Piso should dare to do so before the Servants and Waiters, and Germanicus himself too. And he desired his Servants and Family might be put to the Question. But the Iudges were inexorable ², and all on different Motives; the Emperor because of the War in the Province, the Senate out of Prejudice, upon suspicion that Germanicus died not a na­tural Death. Some were for obliging him to shew the Letters his Friends writ him from Rome, while he was in Syria, but Tiberius opposed that as well as he. At the same time the People cried aloud, before the Senate-House, that if Piso was acquitted, he should not escape them ³; and his Statues were dragged to the Gemonies ^s, and had been broke there, but that Tiberius protected them. Piso was carried back by a Captain of the Pre­torian Band, which was differently interpreted, some saying he was to guard him from the fury of the People, others to be his Executioner.

[Page 304] XV. Plancina was as much Hated, but more in Fa­vour ¹, and therefore it was doubted whether Tiberius would bring her to Trial ²: As long as Piso had any Hopes, she Vowed she would accompany him in his Fortune, and Death too, if that happened; but she was no sooner Pardoned by Augusta's means, than she began to leave her Husband ³, and make her Defence apart, which Piso took for a certain sign of his Death. Doubting whether he should any more try the Compas­sion of his Iudges, at the persuasion of his Sons, he takes Courage, and goes again to the Senate. He found the Accusations renewed, the Iudges set against him, and all conspiring his Destruction. Nothing troubled him more, than the Carriages of Tiberius, which appeared without Pity, without Passion, [...]ixt, insensible and un­moveable. When he was brought back, as if he was providing for his Defence, next day, he writes, Seals it up, and delivers it to one who had been his Servant, and then took that Care of himself he used to do. Last­ly, his Wife leaving his Chamber at midnight, he orders the Doors to be shut, and was found in the morning with his Throat Cut, his Sword lying by him.

[Page 305] XVI. I remember I have heard some old men say, [...]iso had often a Book in his Hand, which he never made publick, but his Friends said it contained Tiberius's Letters and his Commands against Germanicus, which he intended to have produced to the Senate, and accused Tiberius, but was deluded by Sejanus's vain Promises. They said he did not Kill himself, but that Tiberius sent one who did it. I affirm nothing ⁴, but ought not to conceal what I have heard from Persons ⁵ that lived till I came of Man's Estate. Tiberius, with some Compassion, told the Senate, Piso had found a way to deliver himself from them. He asked his Servant many Questions as to the particulars of his Death. And he answering some of them well, others [Page 306] confusedly ⁶, he read what Piso had left in Writing, which was almost in these words. ‘Since neither Truth, nor my Innocence will be received against the Calum­nies of my Enemies, I call the Gods to witness, I never have been wanting in my Faith to you, Sir, nor in my Duty to your Mother. I therefore beseech you both, protect my Children, one of them has had no share in my Affairs, having always been at Rome, the other was against my going to Syria. And I wish to God I had rather yielded to him than he to me. I most earnestly beg of you not to confound the Innocent with the Guilty. I conjure you therefore, by my Forty five years Services, by our Fellowship in the Consulship ^t, by the Memory of Augustus, whose Fa­vour I had, and out of Compassion to a Friend's last Request, have Pity on my Son.’ He said nothing of Plancina.

XVII. Tiberius excused the Son from any Crime in the Civil War, because of the Influence of his Father ¹. He spoke at the same time of the Nobleness of their Family ^u, lamented the Misfortune of Piso, however he [Page 307] had deserved ². For Plancina, he spoke with some shame and concern, pretending it, at his Mother's Intreaty, against whom all good men secretly complained. ‘Is it, said they, fitting for the Grandmother to behold the Murtherer of her Grandson, speak to her, and take her from the Senate? Is that denied only to Germanicus, the Laws allow to all Citizens? Vitellus and Veranius de­mand Iustice, and Plancina is protected by the Emperor, and Augusta. What remains for this Woman, after having so fortunately bestowed her Poison and Inchant­ments, but to use them also against Agrippina, and [...] Children, and satiate the good Grandmother ³ and Uncle with the Blood of this unhappy House?’ Two days were spent under colour of examining the Cause, Tiberius encouraging Piso's Children to defend their Mother. And when no Answer was given to the Ac­cusers, and the Witnesses against her, their Hatred gave way to Compassion. The Consul Aurelius Cotta, being [Page 308] asked his Iudgment, (for when the Emperor propounds, the Consuls speak first) he gave it, That Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals, part of his Goods Confis­cated, the rest given to Cneius Piso, on condition he chang'd the name of Cneius, that M Piso be degraded ⁴, 25000 Crowns allowed him, and he banished for Ten years, and Plancina pardoned at the intercession of Augusta.

XVIII. Tiberius moderated the Sentence, and thought it not reasonable that Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals ⁵, when Mark Anthony, that actually engaged in a Civil War, and Iulius Antonius that violated Augustus's House remained there. And as for Marcus Piso, he would not suffer him to be attainted, and granted him all his Father's Estate, for he was never covetous, (as I have often said) and shame for acquitting Plancina made him more merciful. When Valerius Messalinus proposed the erecting a Golden Statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger, and Coecina Severus an Altar to Revenge, he forbid them, saying, Such Offerings ought to be for Fo­reign [Page 309] Victories, but Domestick Evils should be buried in Sorrow. Messalinus was also for giving Thanks to Tibe­rius and Augusta, to Antonio and Agrippina, and to Dru­sus, for revenging Germanicus's Death, but never menti­oned Claudius. L. Asprenas asked him before the Senate, whether that was a willful Omission, and then Claudius was entred with the others. The more I consider mo­dern or ancient Histories, I discover the greater Vanity and Uncertainty in Human Affairs; for in Fame, Hope, and Estimation, all were rather destined to the Sove­raignty, than he whom Fortune had reserved for the fu­ture Prince ¹.

[Page 310] XIX. A few days after, Tiberius persuades the Senate to advance Vitellius Veranius and Serveus, to the Priest­hood; and having promised Fulcinius his Vote for any Dignity, advised him not to lessen his Eloquence by too much Eagerness ². This was the end of Re­venging Germanicus's Death, which was differently re­ported [Page 311] then ³, and in subsequent times. So dark are all great Affairs, some believe all they hear, others disguise Truth with Falshood, and Posterity adds to both.

XX. Drusus left the City to enquire his Fortune ^y, and entred with a small Triumph ^z; and within a few days, Vipsania his Mother died, the only one of Agrippa's Chil­dren that died a natural Death. For it is certain, or at least believed, the rest died by the Sword, Poison, or Famine ^a.

[Page 312] XXI. This year Tacfarinas, who I told you was beat the last Summer by Camillus, begun the War again in Africk, first by plundering, in which his quick marches secured him, then he burnt Towns, and carried off great Booties, and lastly, Besieged a Roman Fort not far from the River Pagys; Decrius was Governor, a Man of Cou­rage and an Experienced Soldier, and looking on such a Siege a Dishonour to him, he encouraged his Men to Fight in the open Field, and drew them up before the Fort ¹. They were beaten back at the first Engage­ment, he run among them that fled, rebuking the En­signs for turning their Backs to Traitors and Deserters. And tho' he received several Wounds, and lost an Eye, yet he faced the Enemy, and continued Fighting till he was forsaken by his Men and Slain.

XXII. Which when L. Apronius (who succeeded Ca­millus) understood, being more concerned for the shame of his own Men, than Glory of the Enemy, he decimated ^b [Page 313] those dishonourable Troops ², and drubb'd them to Death. A Punishment rare in those times, tho' practised former­ly. Which Severity did so much good, that an Ensign, with no more than 500 old Soldiers, defeated Tacfari­nas's Army ³, as they were going to assault a Fort, called Thala. In which Battle, Rufus Helvius, a common Sol­dier, had the Honour to save a Citizen's Life, on whom Apronius bestowed a Chain and Spear, Tiberius added the Civic Crown, finding Fault rather than offended, [Page 314] that Apronius did not give it ⁴, which he might have done as Proconsul. But Tacfarinas, seeing the Numidians daunted, and resolved against more Sieges, scatter'd the War, giving ground when pursued, and following upon the Retreat, and thus kept the Romans in play to no purpose. But greedy of Booty, he got near the Sea-Coasts, and encamped; Apronius Caesianus being sent by his Father, with the Horse and Auxiliaries, and the greater part of the Legions, found a way to Fight him, and drove him to the Desarts.

XXIII. Lepida, who, besides the Honour of the Aemi­lian Family, from whence she was descended, had L. Sylla and Cneius Pompeius for her Grandfathers, was ac­cused by her Husband, Publius Quirinus, a Rich Man and Childless, for a Supposititious Child, and also for Adul­teries and Poisonings ⁵, and that she had consulted the Baldeans against Caesar's House. Her Brother Marius Lepidus desended her. And tho' she was faulty and in­famous, [Page 315] yet Quirinus's Prosecution, ^c after he was Divorced from her, made others have Compassion on her. It was hard to guess Tiberius's Inclination, he so artfully mixed the signs of his Anger and Clemency. He requested the Senate to let alone the Charge of Treason at that time, then he drew from M. Servilius, that had been Consul, and the other Witnesses, what he pretended he would have concealed, and sent Lepida's Servants to the Con­suls, under a guard of Soldiers, and would not suffer them to be examined on the Rack against her. Lastly, Dispensed with Drusus, Consul Elect, giving his Opinion first, which was differently interpreted, that the Iudges might not be led by his Son and others, that they might have the greater liberty to Condemn her ¹.

[Page 316] XXIV. During this Process, the publick Plays being shewn, Lepida goes to the Theatre, with divers Noble Ladies, and directs her Prayers and Tears to her Ance­stors, calling on Pompey, whose Images were placed round the Theatre he built, which wrought so great Compassion in the Spectators, that with Tears they imprecated Quirinus, who considering his Age, and the meanness of his Birth, was not a fit Husband for such a Lady, once designed to be L. Caesar's Wife, and Daugh­ter-in-Law to Augustus: But her Crimes being discove­red by Torturing her Servants, Rubellius Blandus's Sen­tence was received, That she should be banished. Dru­sus yielded to it, tho' others would have been more mer­ciful. Then Scaurus, who had a Daughter by her, ob­tained that her Goods should not be Confiscate. At last, Tiberius declared he was assured by Quirinus's Slaves, she sought to Poison him.

XXV. The Afflictions the great Families were under almost at the same time ^d, the Calphurnii having lost Piso, and the Aemilii Lepida, were alleviated through Ioy, That D. ^e Silanus was restored to the Iunii. His Case I relate in a few words. As Augustus was for­tunate in publick Affairs ^f, so he was unhappy at [Page 317] home ², in the lewdness of his Daughter and Neice, whom he banished, punishing the Adulterers with Death or Exile. For finding their Offences the subject of com­mon Discourse, he gave them the Name of Sacriledge or Treason to have a pretence to shew no Pity, and to exceed the Laws ³. But I reserve for another work, the [Page 318] ends of others, and other Matters, if I live to write ano­ther Book, when I have finished these Annals. D. Sila­nus, who was accused for Debauching Augustus's Neice, was only forbid his House ^g, which he interpreted Ba­nishment, and till Tib [...]rius's Reign durst never ask leave of the Emperor and Senate to return home. And then depended on his Brother, M. Silanus's Credit and Repu­tation for his illustrious Birth and great Eloquence. But Silanus thanking Tiberius on his Brother's behalf, he re­plied before the Senate, it was matter of Ioy to him as well as others, to see his Brother return home after so long Travels; that he lawfully might, because he was not banished either by Decree of the Senate, or other Law ^h. That his Offence against his Father remained, and his [Page 319] return revers'd not Augustus's Decrees ¹. From that time Silanus lived in Rome, but as a private Person.

XXVI. They afterwards debated moderating the Law Papia Poppaea ⁱ, which Augustus, when he was old, ad­ded to the Iulian Laws, to make Celibacy more Penal, and enrich the publick. Yet Marriages were not more frequent, most finding it better having no Children ². [Page 320] However, the Informers daily ruined many Families, so that their Laws were grown as fatal to them as formerly their Crimes. This leads me to give some Account of the Original of Laws, and to shew from whence it is they are come to such an infinite number as at pre­sent.

XXVII. As the first Men were without Malice and Ambition ³, they wanted not Correction and Punish­ment, and as they were naturally en [...]lined to good, they needed no Rewards. Nothing was forbid, where no­thing was desired that was not allowed. But after Equa­lity was gone, Ambition and Violence succeeded Mo­desty and Iustice, and by degrees introduced Sovereignty and Tyranny, which have always subsisted in some Coun­tries. Some at first desired to be governed by Laws, others not till they were weary of Kings ⁴. The first Laws were simple, as Men's Minds ⁵, and the most ce­brated, [Page 321] were those Minos gave th [...] Cretians ^k, Lycurgus the Lacedemonians, and Solon the Athenians, but his were more numerous and more refined ⁶. Romulus ruled as he pleased. Numa established a Form for Divine Wor­ship and Religious Ceremonies. Tullus and Ancus made some Laws, but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius, whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey ⁷.

XXVIII. After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled ⁸, the [Page 322] People made many against the Factions of the Senators ⁹, to defend their Liberties, and establish Union. The De­cemviri ^l were chosen to collect the best ¹⁰ Laws of other Countries, out of which they composed the Twelve Ta­bles, the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed, though some were made against Male­factors, yet they were most commonly brought in, through the Dissensions of the People and Senate, for ob­taining unlawful Dignities, driving out Noblemen, or other Disorders. Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini, the Incendiaries of the People; and Drusus, who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate, and corrupted his Companions by Hopes, or deluded them. Neither the War of Italy, nor the Civil War ^m, hindred them making [Page 323] many Laws, and very different, till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new. Then there [Page 324] was some Intermission, which continued not long, by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands, and the Licenti­ousness of the Tribunes, who managed the People as they pleased; and made as many Laws as they had Per­sons to accuse, so that the Commonwealth being corrupt, the Laws were infinite ¹.

[Page 325] XXIX. Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Con­sul ⁿ, and chose for Reformation of Manners, but being more severe ² than the Offences deserved, was the Sub­verter of the Laws he made, and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by them ^o. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years, no Custom, no Law observed, the greatest Crimes went unpunished, and many good Actions were fatal. At length, Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul, and settled in his Au­thority, he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate, and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace, and under a Monarch. And that they might be the better kept, he appointed some to look after them. The Law Papia Poppaea provided, the People, as com­mon Parent, should inherit their Goods, that left no Children ^p. But the Informers went farther, not only in the City, but through all Italy, where any Citizens were, ruined many Families, and frightened all. To remedy ³ which, Tiberius appointed by Lot, five that had been Consuls, sive that had been Praetors, and as many Sena­tors, [Page 326] to explain the Doubts in that Law, and by a favo­rable Interpretation to give the People some Relief for the present.

XXX. About the same time he recommended Nero, one of Germanicus's Children, then 17 years of Age, to the Senate; and requested he might be dispenced with for the Vigintivirate ^q, and be Quaestor five years sooner than the Laws permitted ^r, pretending the same was granted him and his Brother at Augustus's Request ^s. I doubt not but some then secretly laughed at this. These were the beginnings of Caesar's rising, the ancient Custom was in every Man's Eye, and a less Relation lookt upon ⁴ [Page 327] to be betwixt a Father-in-Law and his Wife's Children, than an Uncle and his Nephew ^t. The Pontifical Dig­nity was also bestowed upon him, and the first time he appeared in publick, he gave the People a Donative, who were joyful to see a Son of Germanicus at full Age. Their Ioy was encreased by his Marrying Iulia, Drusus's Daughter ¹. But if this Marriage was universally ap­proved, there were great Discontents upon Claudius's Sons being to Marry Sejanus Daughter ², as a Disparage­ment to him, but Sejanns, whose Ambition was susp [...]cted, was much exalted upon it.

XXXI. The end of this year died two great Men, L. Volusius and Sal. Crispus. The first of an ancient Fa­mily, but never in higher Employment than that of Praetor; he was made Consul and Censor for chasing Bands of Horsemen; he got vast Riches, which made that House so great. The other was Grandchild to Caius Salustius's Sister, the famous Historian, whose Name he took by Adoption. Though he might easily have got Honours, yet after the Example of Me­cenas ^u, [Page 328] was never Senator, but had greater Power and Authority than many had triumph'd and been Consuls. His manner of living was very different from his Ance­stors, either for his Apparel or Table, where the Plenty was such as to be near Luxury. He had a Capacity for great Affairs ³, and very vivacious, though he affected to appear heavy and slothful. While Mecenas lived, he had the second place in the Ministry, and the first af­terwards. He was privy to the Murder of Posthumus Agrippa ⁴, and as he grew in years, had rather the Name than Power of a Favourite. The like happened to Me­cenas ⁵, so rare is it for a Prince's Favour to continue [Page 329] always ^x, or because both have their Satiety, those when they have given all they can, these when they have got all they desire ⁶.

The Year of the City, 774.

XXXII. This Year is Memorable for having Father and Son Consuls together. Which was the Fourth time with Tiberius, the Second with Drusus. Two years be­fore, Germanicus was Tiberius's Colleague, who was not very agreeable to him. The beginning of this Year Ti­berius goes for his Health to Campania ^y, where he thought to withdraw himself wholly, and by his absence leave [Page 330] the Affairs of the Consulate to his Son ¹. And it hap­pen'd a small thing causing warm Disputes gave Drusus an Occasion of gaining great Credit ². Domitius Corbulo, who had been Praetor, complain'd to the Senate of L. Sylla, a Young Nobleman, that he gave him not Place at a Play of the Gladiators. His Age, Custom, and all the Old Men were for Corbulo; Mamercus Scaurus, L. Arrun­tius, with some others, were for Sylla their Kinsman. Speeches were made on both sides, and old Presidents cited; severely rebuking the Irreverence of Youth ³, till Drusus qualify'd the Matter with a proper Discourse, and Corbulo was satisfy'd ⁴ by Scaurus, Uncle and Father-in-Law to Sylla, and the Best Orator in his time.

XXXIII. The same Corbulo complain'd, that through the Fraud of the Surveyors, and Negligence of the Ma­gistrates, the High-ways were much out of Order, and scarce Passable, and willingly accepted finishing them. Which turn'd not so much to a Publick Benefit, as the ruine of Particular Persons ¹, whom he oppress'd in their [Page 331] Estate and Credit, by condemning them, and setting their Goods to Sale ².

XXXIV. Not long after, Tiberius writ to the Senate, to give them notice, that by Tacfarinas's Incursion Africk was again in Arms; and that it was necessary for them to chuse a Pro-consul, skilful in Military Affairs, and of able Body and fit for this War. Sextus Pompeius takes this Occasion to vent his Malice against M. Lepidus; he accused him as a Coward, Beggarly, and a Dishonour to his Ancestors ¹; and therefore not to be admitted a Candidate for the Government of Asia. The Senators on the other side look'd on Lepidus as a Moderate Man, more worthy Praise than Blame; and his Father leaving him a small Estate, his Living without reproach they [...]udg'd a Credit, rather than Disgrace. He was there­fore [Page 332] sent into Asia, and for Africk, they referr'd the No­mination to Tiberius.

XXXV. Upon this, Severus Caecina propos'd, their prohibiting Women going with their Husbands to their Governments; Often declaring how happily he lived with his Wife, by whom he had six Children; and that he had advised nothing for the Publick, but what he observed him­self, not suffering his to go out of Italy, though he had com­manded abroad forty Years. He added, It was with very good Reason our Ancestors forbid it, That the Company of Women was burthensome and injurious by their Luxury in Peace, and Fear in War ¹; and made a Roman Army like the Barbarians going to War ^z. That Sex was not only weak and unable to Labour, but they got the Ascendant, Cruel, Ambitious, and Arbitrary. That Women have lately been seen to march among the Soldiers, and commanding the Cen­turio [...]s, were present at their Musters and Exercises. That they should consider when any have been charged with Corruption, much was objected to their Wives. That the greatest Villains in the Provinces have applied to them, who have undertaken and transacted their Affairs. From hence it is, two are courted [Page 333] and two Iudgment Seats. That formerly they were restrain'd by the Oppian Laws, but have broke through those Ties, they govern not only their Families, but the Courts of Iustice and the Armies ².

XXXVI. Few agreed with him, many interrupted ³; saying, That was not the Matter before them ^a, and Caecina not a Censor of weight enough for such an Affair. And Valerius Messalinus, Mess [...]la 's Son ^b, who had much of his Eloquence, reply'd, Many hard Customs of their Ancestors ¹ ▪ had been changed for others better and more agreeable. That [Page 334] the City was not besieged as formerly, nor the Provinces in Arms, and some Regard should be had to the Satisfaction of the Women, who are so far from being troublesome to the Allies, they are not so to their Husbands. They share with them in all Conditions, and are no inconvenience in time of Peace. 'Tis true, we should go to the Wars without In­cumbrances, but when we return, what Comfort more Com­mendable than that a Man enjoys with his Wife? 'Tis said, some Women have been Ambitio [...]s and Covetous. What shall we say of the Magistrates themselves, most of them have their Failings; will you therefore send none to the Provinces? But the Wives have corrupted their Husbands; are therefore single Men uncorrupt ^c? The Oppian Laws were once in force, the State of the Common-Wealth requiring them; but after, their Rigour was moderated, because that was judged Expedient ². 'Tis in vain to cover our own Miscarriages with [Page 335] other Names; for if the Wife does amiss, it is the H [...]sband's ^d Fault ³. Besides, for the Failings of one or two, it is not reasonable to deprive all Husbands these shares in their Pros­perity and Adversity; and to leave a Sex naturally weak, ex­pos'd to their own Wanton Desires, and the Lusts of others ⁴. For if their Husbands presence is scarce sufficient to keep them Virtuous, what shall become of them when an Absence of many Years separates like a Divorce? We should take care of the Disorders abroad, and not forget those may happen at home. Drusus added something of his own Marriage; and that Princes often visit the remotest Provinces. That Augustus had several times carried Livia with him to the East and West ⁵; That he had been in S [...]lavonia, and was ready to go into other Countries, if necessary, but should do it with re­luctancy, if he was to be separated from his dear Wife ⁶ and Children. So Caecina 's Advice took no Effect ⁷.

[Page 336] XXXVII. At the next Meeting of the Senate, Tiberi­us's Letters were read, which gently reproved their cast­ing all the Cares of the Government ⁸ upon him, no­minated M. Lepidus and Iunius Blaesus, one of them to be chosen Pro-consul of Africk. Both were heard, Lepidus earnestly excus'd himself ⁹ for want of Health, his Chil­drens Age, and a Daughter he had to marry; consider­ing too, that Blaesus was Sejanus's Uncle, and therefore sure to carry it ¹⁰. Blaesus seem'd to refuse too, but less earnestly; and was heard favourably by the Flatterers.

XXXVIII. Then many secret Complaints were made, for every Villain that could lay hold on Caes [...]r's Image, might freely reproach honest men ¹¹, and raise Envy a­gainst [Page 337] them. Even Freed-Men and Slaves were feared▪ insulting their Masters ^e and Patrons with Words and Blows. Therefore C. Sestius, a Senator, spoke to this Effect, ‘That indeed Princes were like Gods, but the Gods heard only just Prayers, That neither the Capi­tol nor Temples of the City were a Refuge to any for their Crimes ¹. There was an end of the Laws, if Anna Rufilla, whom he Condemned for Fraud, might threaten and reproach him before the Senate and in publick and not be questioned for it, because she had Caesar's Image before her ^f. Others delivered them­selves to the same purpose, but some with warmth, be­seeching Drusus to inflict some exemplary punishment on her, so she was called for, Convicted and Con­demned to Prison.’

XXXIX. At Drusus's Request, Considuus Aequus, and Celius Cursor, two Roman Knights, were condemned by the Senate for falsly accusing Magius Cecilianus, the Prae­tor, of High-Treason. These Matters were to Drusus's Honour ², for by his means Conversation was made free [Page 338] and safe, and his Father's secret Designs qualified. They found no Fault with his Riots, thinking it better for one of his Age to spend the Day in the publick Shews ^g, and the Night in Revels, than to live Solitary ³ without [Page 339] Pleasures ⁴, and to let Melancholly prevail upon him and draw him into ill Practices and Devices. For Tiberius, and the Informers gave disquiet enough. Ancarius Pris­cus accused Cesius Cordus, Proconsul of Crete, of Extorti­on, and of Treason too, a Supplement in all Accusations ⁵.

XL. Tiberius displeased with the Iudges for acquitting Antistius Verus, one of the chief Lords of Macedonia of Adultery, sent for him to Rome to answer for Treason ⁶, as an Accomplice with Rescuporis in his Designs of ma­king War upon us, when he had slain his Brother Cotis. He was Banished ^h into an Island ⁷ that had no Com­merce [Page 340] either with Macedonia or Thrace ⁸. For since Thrace was divided betwixt Rhemetalces and Cotis's Chil­dren, to whom Trebellienus Rufus was Tutor, by reason of their Infancy, being not accustomed ⁹ to our Go­vernment▪ the People were full of Discontents, and complained of Rhematalces and Trebellienus, that they never punished the Oppressions of the Country ¹⁰. The Celaletes, Odrusians, and other Potent People of Thrace, took Arms under divers Captains, but for want of Expe­rience ¹¹, came not to any formidable War. Some wasted the Country, others passed the Mountain Hae­mus ⁱ, to raise those lived remote, others Besieged Rhe­metalces, [Page 341] and the City of Philippopoli, built by Philip of Macedonia.

XLI. Velleius ^k, that Commanded an Army near ^l, having advice of these Disorders, sent some Horse and light Footmen against those pillaged the Country, or got Recruits, while he went himself to raise the Siege. All ended prosperously, the Foragers were slain, and a Dis­sension arising among the Besiegers, Rhemetalces made a seasonable Sally upon the arrival of the Legions. This deserved not the name of an Army ¹², or Battle, in which a few unarmed Men were defeated, without any Blood-shed on our side.

XLII. The same year the Cities of Gallia began to Rebel, by reason of the excessive Debts they had con­tracted. The Incendiaries were Iulius Florus and Iulius Sacrovir, both nobly descended, whose Ancestors, for their great Services, were made Citizens of Rome, an Honour at that time rare, and only a reward for Virtue ¹. [Page 342] By Conferences they gain'd those whose Poverty or Crimes had made desperate. Florus was to raise the Low-Countrymen, and Sacrovir the French. In their Meetings they talkt Seditiously of their Taxes, the Ex­cess of Usury ^m, the Pride and Cruelty of their Gover­nors, and that since Germanicus's Death, there were great Discontents in the Army. And that if they consi­dered the Strength of the French, the Poverty of Italy; the weakness of the People of Rome, who un­derstood nothing of War, and that the Strength of our Armies consisted of Foreign Troops, they would see this was a proper time to recover their Liber­ty.

XLIII. There was scarce a City free from this Con­tagion, but Tours and Angiers revolted first. The lat­ter was reduced to its Duty by Lieutenant Acilius Aviola, who marched speedily thither with some of the Garison of Lyons. And those of Tours by those Forces Visellius Varro, Lieutenant of Lower Germany sent Aviola, with the Succours he had from some of th [...] great Men of France, who waited a more favourable opportunity to Rebel themselves. Sacrovir fought bare­headed, as he said, to shew his Courage, but the Pri­soners said, he did it to be better known, and that the Romans might not draw upon him.

XLIV. When Tiberius was consulted upon this Re­bellion, he slighted the Discovery, but [...]omented the VVar by Irresolution ². For Florus pursuing his Designs, [Page 343] laboured to corrupt a Regiment of Horse, raised at Treves, and used to our Discipline, inciting them to begin the VVar with destroying the Roman Merchants there: A few only were gained, most continued in their Duty. Other Bankrupt Men, and some of his Dependants took Arms, and would have thrown themselves into the Forest of Arden, but the Legions from both Armies ⁿ, which Ursellius and C. Silius sent, prevented them. And Iulius Indus being sent before with a Detachment, glad of an occasion to shew himself against Florus, his Countryman and particular Enemy ³, defeated the disordered multi­tude. Florus escaped by sculking in divers places, but finding all Passages stopt, and that he was like to be taken, killed himself. And thus ended the Rebellion at Treves.

XLV. That at Angiers was greater, because that City was more populous, and the Army distant. Sacrovir made himself Master of this City, where all the Youth of France studied to oblige their Relations and Friends to him by such Pledges, and distributed Arms among [Page 344] them. His Troops consisted of near Forty thousand Men, a Fifth Part were arm'd as the Legions, the rest with Hunting-staves, Hangers, and such other Arms as Huntsmen carry. These were join'd by some Fencers, cover'd over with Armour of Iron, they were call'd Crupellarii, (Cuirassiers) unfit to assault, and impenetra­ble. The Forces daily augmented by a Confluence from the Neighbouring Cities, not that they declar'd for them, but all long'd for Liberty. To which contributed the Dissentions of the Roman Generals ¹; both coveting to command the Army. But Visellius being Old, yielded to Silius who was in his Prime ².

XLVI. In the mean time, it was reported at Rome, that besides Tours and Argiers, 64 Cities had rebell'd, that the Germans had join'd them, that Spain was wavering, all (as the Manner of Report is) made much greater than they were. Every good Man was concern'd for the Common-wealth; many out of Hatred to the Pre­sent Government, desir'd a Change ³, and rejoyc'd in [Page 345] their Dangers. Blaming Tiberius for employing himself in reading Informers Accusations when there was so great Commotions. ‘What, said they, have the Senate found Iulius Sacrovir guilty of Treason? Some have had the Courage to suppress by Arms the Bloody Li­bels ^o of a Tyrant; War is a good Change for a Mise­rable Peace.’ But he neither chang'd Place nor Coun­tenance ⁴; affecting to shew he was not afraid, either through Courage, or that he knew things to be less than they were reported.

XLVII. Silius march'd with two Legions, having sent some Auxiliary Troops before; he laid waste the Towns in the Franche Comte, which joyn'd to the Anjovins, and were their Confederates. Then marched speedily to Au­tun ^p, [Page 346] the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste; the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day, and if they could but see the Enemy, would answer for Victory ⁵. Twelve miles from the Ci­ty, Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field, drawn up in a Line of Battle. The Cuirassiers in the Front, his own Troops in the Wings, and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear. Among the Principal Offi­cers Sacrovir was on Horse-back, riding through their Ranks; Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls, and how oft they had beat the Romans; laying before them how ho­nourable their Liberty would be if they were Conque­ [...]ors, and how insupportable their Slavery, if Con­quer'd ⁶.

XLVIII. His Harangue was not long ⁷, nor pleasing; for the Legions drew near in Battle Array, and the Citi­zens and the Peasants unskill'd in War, could neither see nor understand what they were to do. On the contrary, though Silius might have spared his pains, through the [Page 347] Assurance he had of his Men, yet told them: ‘That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the G [...]r­mans, to be brought against the French, as if they were their Equals. One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours; a few Troops of Horse, those of Treves; a small Number of theirs, those of the Franche Comt [...]. These of Autun are richer, but weaker, and more ener­vate with Pleasures. Conquer them then, and look after those that fly.’ The Army answer'd with Accla­mations, and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy, and the Foot engag'd their Front. The Wings made little Resistance, except the Cuirassiers, whose Ar­mour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows, which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatch­ets, as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall. Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks, and these Poor Men, unable to help themselves ¹, were left for Dead on the Ground. Sacrovir retires first to Autun, then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans, goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village; where he kill'd himself, and the rest one another, having first set fire to the Place, that they might be burnt.

XLIX. Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War; neither adding nor lessening the Truth; ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants, and his Counsels. And gave Reasons why neither He nor Dru­sus went to the War, magnifying the Greatness of the Empire; and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest, for the Rebellion of one [Page 348] or two Cities. But now, that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing, he would go and settle that Pro­vince. The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return, with other Honours. Cornelius Dolabella, when he endeavour'd to exceed others, fell into an absurd Flat­tery, proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania. Upon which he writ to them, that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations, and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth, he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours ² in his old Age, for taking the Air near Rome.

L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate, Sulpicius Quirinus ³ might have publick Funerals. He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii, but born at a Free City ^q called Indovina; and having served Au­gustus well in the Wars ^r, was honoured with the Con­sulate, and after, with a Triumph for taking the Castles [Page 349] of the Homonadenses in Cilicia. Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia, he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes, ¹, which Tiberius open'd to the Senate, commend­ing his Dutifulness, and accus'd Lollius ^s as the Author of C. Caesar's ² Sedition and Lewdness. But his Memory [Page 350] was not very agreeable to the Senate, because he accused Lepida, and was sordid and insolent in his Old Age.

LI. The end of this Year C. Lutorius Priscus, a Roman Knight, who had compos'd an Excellent Elegy on Ger­manicus, and received a Reward from the Emperor for it, was accus'd for making it for Drusus when he was sick, in hopes of a greater Gratuity if he had died ³. C. Luto­rius was so vain as to read it in P. Petronius's House to se­veral Noble Ladies. And when the Informer cited them to give Testimony, only Vitellia denied she heard it read; but greater Credit was given to others that testi­fied against him. Haterius Agrippa, Consul Elect, deli­vers his Opinion, that he should die. M. Lepidus spoke to this Effect.

LII. If we consider only how Lutorius Priscus hath de­bauched his Mind and his Auditors [...]ars, neither Prison, nor Halter, nor any servile Punishments were enough for him. But though his Crimes are without measure, yet the Moderation of a Prince, their own, and your Ancestors Examples, will qua­lifie [Page 351] the Punishments. Vanity differs from Wickedness, and Words from ill Deeds. There may such a Way be found to punish him, that we may neither repent our Clemency, nor Severity. I have heard our Princes complain, when any through Despair have prevented their Mercy ⁴. Lutorius's Life is yet safe, and the preserving it▪ will neither endanger the Common-Wealth, nor can the taking it away be any Ex­ample. As his Studies were full of Folly, so were they senceless and soon over. Neither have we reason to fear any thing great or serious in one that betrays himself to the Women. Yet let him leave the City, his Goods be seiz'd and he banish'd, which I take to be as bad as if he was convict of Treason.

LIII. Among all the Consuls only Rubellius Blandus ⁵ agreed with Lepidus, the rest were of Agrippa's Opini­on; so Lutonius was carried back to Prison, and soon suffer'd. Tiberius writ to the Senate with his usual Am­biguities, extolling their Zeal for severely punishing the least Offence against their Prince, desiring them not rash­ly to punish Words for the future ⁶. He commended [Page 352] Lepidus, and blamed not Agrippa ¹. And a Decree pass'd the Senate, that their Sentences should not be carried to the Treasury before the Tenth Day ^t, to give the Con­demn'd so long time to live. But the Senate could not alter the Sentence ^u, and time never mollify'd Tiberius.

The Year of Rome 775.

LIV. C. Sulpici [...]s and Decimus Haterius were the next Consuls. This year there were no Troubles abroad, but great severity was apprehended against Luxury at home, which grew to excess in all things that were expensive▪ Yet some of their Expences, however pro [...]use, were co­vered by concealing their Cost ^x. But all their Discourse was of their Gluttony, which they feared Tiberius, a Prince of Frugality equal to the Ancients, would restrain. For [...]. Bibulus beginning, the other Ediles shewed that the Sumptuary Laws were neglected, and that notwith­standing any Prohibitions, the price of Necessaries daily encreased, and that such Disorders were not to be re­dressed by ordinary Ways. And the Senate, after De­liberation, referred the whole matter to the Prince. [Page 353] But he, after he had considered, whether such Extrava­gances could be redressed, whether a Reformation would not be more to the prejudice than benefit of the Com­monwealth ², how dishonourable it would be to him to undertake what he could not effect, or if he did, that it would require the punishing some noble Persons. H [...] writ thus to the Senate.

LV. ‘It were perhaps more proper, My Lords▪ in other Matters, to ask my my Opinion in your Pre­sence, and to have me there tell you what I thought expedient for the Commonwealth, but in this 'tis better I am absent, lest by the Fears and Countenances of some among you, I should discover those who lead this shameful life, and as it were, take them in the Fault. If the Ediles had first consulted me, I cannot tell but I might have advised them rather to connive at those Vices that have taken deep root and are inveterate ³, [Page 354] than hazard shewing there are some we are not able to remedy ⁴: But these worthy Magistrates have done their Duty, as I could wish all others would. For me, I think it neither honest to hold my Tongue, nor ex­pedient to speak, for I am neither an Edile, Praetor, nor Consul ⁵: Something more is expected from a Prince, and when every man assumes to himself the Praise of what is well done, the blame of what succeeds not falls upon him alone. Where shall I begin to Reform? Shall it be your large and spacio [...]s Country Seats? The multitude of your Servants of several Nations? The Quantities of your Silver and Gold ^y? Your painted [Page 355] Tables, and brasen Stat [...]es of exquisite Work? The pro­mis [...]uous Habits of Men and Women? Or the Extra­vagances of the Women only in their Iewels, for which our Money is carried away to Foreigners and Stran­gers? I am not ignorant you blame these things at your Entertainments, and a mean is wished for. But if a Law should be made against them, and punishments appointed, those that complain now, will cry out, that the City is subverted, the Destruction of the No­bility sought for, and none free from those Crimes. But we see, old Maladies are not to be Cured without [Page 356] sharp and harsh Remedies ¹. A corrupt Mind is not to be regulated with gentle Methods, when inflamed by inordinate Appetites. So many Laws framed by our Ancestors, so many by Augustus, have only given greater Establishment to our Luxury, the former have been forgot, the latter (which is worse) have been con­temned ². For when we love what is not yet forbid, we fear it may be, but when we transgress the Laws, and are not punished, there is neither Fear nor Shame left ³. Why was Frugality formerly used? because every Man moderated his Desires; we had only one City, and our Dominions not reaching out of Italy, we had not the same Provocations; by Foreign Con­quests we learn the use of Foreign Commodities, by Civil Wars our own ^z ▪ That which the Ediles com­plain [Page 357] of, is a small matter in comparison of others ⁴ ▪ But no man puts us in mind that Italy wants the sup­port of other Countries, that the Li [...]e of the People of Rome is tossed with the uncertainty of Sea and Tem­pest ^a, and were it not for the Plenty of the Provinces, 'tis not our Farms and Possessions would maintain us and our Slaves. These, My Lords, are the Cares em­ploy your Prince, without which the Commonwealth could not subsist. For the rest, every Man should ap­ply the Remedy himself, let Shame amend us, Neces­sity the Poor, and Sa [...]iety the Rich ⁵. But if any of the Magistrates finds he has Courage and Ability enough to put a stop to this Evil, I shall be glad of his Help, and shall own he eases me of a great part of my La­bour. But if they only complain of these Faults, and think to gain themselves Credit, and raise me Ha­tred, and then leave me. I assure you, My Lords, I will not make my self Enemies to no pur­pose ¹, and though I may have many, and for the [Page 358] most part unjustly ² for the Commonwealth, I desire I may not make my self more, when it is neither of Ad­vantage to you, nor me.’

LVI. After these Letters were read, the Aediles were discharged that Care. And the Luxury in their Tables which had been very profuse from the End of the Battle at Actium, till the Accession of Servius Galba to the Em­pire, that is, for about 100 Years ^b, was by Degrees left of ³. The Causes of this Change, were these: Former­ly the most considerable Families for their Birth or Riches were ruined by their Magnificence. For then they were [Page 359] permitted to court the People, their Allies and Princes, and be courted by them. And the more splendid any man was in his Houses, Furniture, and Attendants, it gained him the greater Reputation and more Clients ^c. But after they began to murder one another, and their Greatness was a Crime ⁴, others grew wisers. And new Men that were oft taken into the Senate from the free Towns, the Co­lonies, and Provinces, brought with them the Frugality they had been used to; and though several through For­tune or Industry had great Riches in their Old Age, yet they never chang'd their manner of living. But Vespasian was chiefly the Occasion of this Frugal way of living, who conforming himself to the ancient Economy, rais'd in every Man a desire of Imitation ⁵, which prevailed more than all the Laws, or Fear of Punishment. Unless there be a Circulation in all things, that Manners change as well as Times and Seasons, all things were not better formerly ⁶ than now, and our Age has set Examples [Page 360] worthy Praise and Imitation. But let such Disputes con­tinue between us and our Ancestors.

LVII. Tiberius having got a Reputation for his Modera­tion, for suppressing Informers ^d, writ to the Senate to make Drusus Tribune ⁷. Augustus found out this Title, instead of that of King or Dictator, and yet by that Name ⁸ had a Sovereignty ^e above the other Magistrates. He [Page 361] chose M. Agrippa for his Associate, and after his Death, Tiberius Nero, that his Successor might be known, think­ing thereby to restrain the Unlawful Hopes of some others, trusting to Nero's Modesty and his own Greatness. A [...]ter his Example, Tiberius advanced Drusus; while Germani­cus liv'd he carried himself indifferently between them. His Letters began with a Prayer to the Gods to prosper his Counsels for the Good of the Common-wealth; then added a few Words, and those truly of his Son's Behaviour, That he had a Wife and three Children, and of his own Age when Augustus called him to that Honour; neither could it be said, this was precipitately done; but after he was tryed eight years, had suppress'd Seditions, ended the Wars, trium­phed, and had been twice Consul.

LVIII. As the Senate expected this Demand, so their Flattery was the more Artificial; but they could think of nothing more to decree, than that their Princes Images, Altars to the Gods, Temples, Arches, and such custo­mary Honours, should be erected for him, Only M. Silanus by dishonouring the Consulate thought to do Ho­nour to the Princes, and propos'd, that Publick and Pri­vate Acts should be dated for the Future, not from the Consuls, but Tribunes. And Q. Haterius moving the Decrees of that Day should be writ in Gold Letters, was laugh'd at ¹, that an old Man to his shame should fall in­to such filthy Flattery

LIX. At this time, the Government of Africa was con­tinued to Iunius Blaes [...]s, Servius Maluginensis, a Priest of Iupiter, desir'd that of Asia, saying, It was a Mistake to think the Priest of Iupiter might not go out of Italy, there [Page 362] was no other Law for them, than the Priests of Mars and Quirinus; and if these had govern'd Provinces, why not they? That neither the Laws nor Ceremonials ² were against it. That the High Priest had often o [...]ficiated for the Priest of Iupiter, when sick, or employ'd in publick Affairs. That after Cornelius Merula died, there was no Man in his Place for 62 Years ³, and yet the Rites wasted not. And if his Crea­tion could be omitted so many years, without interruption to the Sacrifices, how much more easily may he be absent a Year with the Proconsulary Dignity? Formerly they were forbid by the High Priests out of Ill-Will, now (Thanks to the Gods) the High Priest was the best of Men ⁴, not subject to Emulation, Malice, or private Affection ⁵. Against this Lentulus the [Page 363] Augur, and others differently spoke; at last it was re­solv'd to refer the Matter to the Emperor's Decision.

LX. Tiberius defers giving his Opinion in it, and mo­derates the Honours decreed Drusus with the Office of Tribune, reproving by Name the Insolence of that Pro­position that the Decree should be writ in Letters of Gold, contrary to Custom. Drusus's Letters were read, which were taken to be very arrogant, though they had a turn of Modesty too. They said, ‘Things were come to that pass, that Drusus upon receiving so great Honour, would not vouchsafe a Visit to the Gods of the City, nor shew himself in the Senate, or begin at least, his [Page 364] Authority in his own Country, if the War, or his Di­stance hinde [...] him? However, he is entertaining him­self on the Shores and Lakes of Campania ^f; Thus is he bred that is to govern the World. This he learn'd from his Father's Counsels. Tiberius might excuse him­self from appearing in Publick, by reason of his Years and Labours; but what hinders Drusus, besides his Pride?’

LXI. Tiberius daily strengthen'd his Sovereignty; but to leave some shew of their ancient State to the Senate, he sent them the Petitions of the Provinces to examine. The Licentiousness and Impunity of Sanctuaries grew to that in Greece, th [...] Cities set them up as they pleased. The Temples were filled with Slaves, Debtors that de­fy'd their Creditors, and Persons subject of Capital Crimes ^g Neither was any Authority able to suppress [Page 365] the Seditions of the People, protecting Villanies, as much as the Rites of the Gods ¹. It was therefore ordain'd the Cities should send their Deputies with their Privileges. Some voluntarily quitted them, as Usurp'd; others justi­fied theirs on old Superstitions, or an account of Servi­ces to the People of Rome. The Pomp of that Day was great in shew, when the Senate consider'd the Grants of their Ancestors, the Agreements of Confederates, the Decrees of the Kings before the Roman Power prevail'd there, and the Religion of the Gods, being at the Will of the Senate to confirm or alter them, as formerly they had done.

LXII. The Eph [...]sians appeared first, setting forth, That Diana and Apollo were not Born in the Island of Delos, as was commonly believed, that in their Country was the River Cenchiris, and a Wood called Ortygia, where Latona leaning on an Olive-Tree, which yet remains there, was [Page 366] delivered of these two Deities, and that the Wood was Sacred by the Command of the Gods. And that Apollo, after he had killed the Cyclopes, fled thither from Iupiter's Anger. That Bacchils, when he conquered the Amazons, pardoned those that humbling themselves took hold on the Altar. That Hercules added to the Rites of that Temple after he was Master of Lydia, and their Pri­viledges were not lessened when under the Dominion of the Persians, and afterwards the Macedonians preserved them.

LXIII. Next, the Magnesians insisted on the Consti­tutions of L. Scipio and L. Silla, who conquered Antiochus and Mithridates, and in acknowledgement of the Felicity and Valour of the Magnesians, commanded Diana Luco­fryne's Temple should be inviolable. Then the People of Aphrodisium and Stratonica, produced a Decree of Caesar the Dictator ⁱ, and another since of Augustus, for the Ser­vices done them, and opposing an Invasion of the Parthians, never departing from their Fidelity to the Romans. Those worshipped Venus, these Iupiter and Diana surnamed Trivia. From Hierocesarea was brought greater Anti­quity, they having a Temple dedicated by K. Cyrus to Diana Persica, and that Perpe [...]a, Isauricus, and many other Emperors, had not only acknowledged this Temple for Sacred and Inviolable, but the Country two miles about it. The Cyprians pretended Franchises for three Tem­ples, whereof the ancientest was built by Aerias, and con [...]ecrated to Venus Paphia ^k, the second dedicated by his Son Amathus to Venus Amathusia ^l, and the other to Iu­piter [Page 367] Salaminius, built by Teucer ^m, when he fled from his Father Telamon.