THE Present State OF PERSIA: with a Faithful Account Of the Manners, Religion, and Government of that PEOPLE.

By Monsieur SANSON, A Missionary from the French King.

Adorn'd with FIGURES.

Done into English.

LONDON: Printed for M. Gilliflower, in Westminster-Hall; J. Tonson, in Fleet-street; and H. Bonwick in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1695.

THE PRESENT STATE OF PERSIA
[...]

To the Honourable S r Charles Barrington, Bar t.

SIR,

'TIS without any other Knowledge of you, than what Fame has every where suggested to me, that I presume to make you this Ad­dress. I may be a Stranger to your Person; but to your Name and Me­rits it's impossible: Your Goodness and Vertue set you before every Man's Eyes; and 'tis no easie matter to publish any thing, and not take notice of you. He that ventures himself in Print, ought to pitch on some proper Patron to defend his Work (for sure the first Dedicator was something of a Prophet, to foresee the Necessity of Criticism,) And where can such Qualifications be so happily found, as in you, where Wit and Judgment contend for Pre-eminence? Wit pleads its [Page]Quickness and Force on all occasi­ons, and Judgment its Solidity and strong Reasoning. So that these Powerful Considerations, join'd with humble Reflections on your Birth and Quality, would not per­mit me to think of any other Pa­tron for the Present State of Persia. Also I was in hopes of serving my Country, by promoting Thoughts of Travel in a Person so well qua­lified (for nothing like Voyages serves to further those Inclinations) who might return home, stor'd with all the Advantages of foreign Go­vernments, and so become a glori­ous Reformer of his own. Most Travellers come back only fraught with Garbs and Fashions, and lea­ven'd with the ill Customs and Man­ners of the Places they pass thro': But you, no doubt, Sir, would agree with Lipsius, in his Epistle to Lanonius, where he says, Vaga­ri, Lustrare, Disquirere, Cogitare, hoc est verè Peregrinari. The Merchant [Page]in his Travels proposes bonum Ʋ ­tile; the dissolute, rich, young, vain Fellow, bonum Jucundum; but your well-bred ingenious Gentle­man, only bonum Honestum & De­cus Patriae. What Advantages Tra­vel brings to all Professions, I am sure you are not ignorant of, and that there is no Artist or Learned Man thoroughly improv'd without it. The French have a Saying, That a Traveller is Homme mêlé, a Man that is acquainted with all Nations, and who knows how to avoid the Pride of Spain, the Poison of Italy, the Treachery of France, and the Drunkenness of Flanders; also is throughly satisfied, that France is a good Country to ride thro', Italy to look upon, Spain to under­stand, but England to live in. These things, Sir, I am bold to mention, as farther Motives to any Inclina­tions you may have for Travel, by which the best and most ingenions Man in the World is to be im­prov'd: [Page]And if hereafter you should chance to reach Persia, you will find it what it is here describ'd (for our Author is of unquestiona­ble Reputation) a Kingdom one of the most powerful and considerable in all Asia, whether it be for its Government, Force, Riches, Poli­ticks, or Antiquity; and which last the Persians have an undoubted Title to; the Assyrians, Medians, and Parthians having all begun their Empires there.

The Author of this present Ac­count, was a Missionary sent into Persia by the King of France, to propagate his Glory and Grandeur, I believe, rather than Religion: For whoever reflects on his daily Practices at home can he believe him well inclin'd so far off? But however, allowing it to be so, he differs very much in his Me­thod: For there his Missionaries are Mild and Patient (as our Au­thor has it) when at home they are [Page]Cruel and Severe. 'Tis observable that he makes use of other Persons; for there they are Fawning Black-Coats, but here they are Blust'ring Red. So that to reconcile these Two to be intended for the same End, I know no better way, than by af­firming, That his Religion is Ambi­tion, and his God, Power.

The great distance of this King­dom of Persia (which some might make an Objection against the minding of it) does but recom­mend its Description the more to all ingenious Men: For who would not be willing to be acquainted with the Laws and Customs of so remote and Polite a People, who at least have something in 'em worthy to be imitated? Imitation being the great Concern of Life, and on which all Humane Knowledge is founded: For if you read and approve, you imitate; if you see and like, you imi­tate; if you hear and are pleas'd, you imitate; that is, it sinks in­sensibly [Page]into you, and is always of­fering to be made use of upon oc­casion, when Motives of meer Cu­riosity, without much Attention, are but Shadows and trivial in every thing.

Now as to these Travels being Authentick, I have this to say, That our Author was one of the latest Travellers into those Parts, and perhaps made the longest Resi­dence there. I know, that others do differ from him in the pro­per Names of Places and Per­sons; but I thought it not safe to follow 'em; neither had it been justifiable in a bare Translator.

Thus, Sir, I have done my self an Honour that none have had be­fore me; and I hope to recom­mend it the better to your Can­dour and Goodness, by its being my Maiden Address, and which is no less humbly Offer'd, than sin­cerely [Page]and honestly Meant, by him that will be glad of all further Occasions of expressing himself,

SIR,
Your most Humble And Devoted Servant, John Savage.

A Short Introduction OF THE AUTHOR.

I Was sent into Persia in the Year 1683. to labour in the Missions; where my first care was to make my self Ma­ster of the Armenian, Turkish, and Persian Tongues, believing that without them I could not be very serviceable; I was young, and therefore had not much trouble to learn them. I have had occasion in the Accomplishment of my Ministry to traverse many Provinces of Persia. I was first sent to Casbin, which was heretofore the Metropolis of the Kingdom. I employed my self there Eight Months in instructing and com­forting the Christians thereabouts; and I spent the remaining part of the year in Lower Assyria. I have run through at divers times, the Kingdoms of the Elamites and Susa, little frequented by the Europeans, and less known by any Relation of them. The rest of my time I spent in informing my self of the Manners, Situation, and Antiquity of the Countrie But that which chiefly con­tributed [Page]to my entire Knowledge of the Court of Persia was the long stay I made there. At first I past Eight Months with the Bishop of Babylon; where some Injuries being offered us by the People of Hamadan, upon occasion of his Death, (the care of his Successi­on being left to us) I was forc'd to go to Court to complain, where I stay'd no less than Three Years: During which time our King was pleased to send a Recommendatory Letter, on our behalf, to the King of Per­sia, which did not go without its Effect; for we had immediate Justice done us. It was upon this Occasion that the King did me the Honour to admit me into the number of his Guests; (for so they term all En­voys and Agents of Princes.) By means of this Quality I had admittance into the Pa­lace, which is only allowed to the great Lords of Persia. I assisted at all Audi­ences which the King gave, and had my Place assign'd me at all Publick Feasts. This Prince has now sent me home with Letters to our King. And his Majesty has been pleas'd to command me to make a Col­lection of my Memoirs of Persia; which I have done, pursuant to my Duty: And I am apt to believe that the publick will not take it much amiss if I oblige them with this Impression.

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THE Present State OF PERSIA.

MY Design being only to give an entire description of the Present State of the Empire of Persia, I shall not trouble my self with what it has heretofore been, or the frequent Revolu­tions it has from time to time undergon, but keep exactly to my following Me­thod.

1. First I shall speak of the Kings Person, His Houshold, The Number and Employments of his Principal Of­ficers, Of his Magnificence, Divertise­ments, Revenues, and Armies.

2. I shall treat of his Political Go­vernment, The Kings Authority, His Council of State, The Power of his [Page 2]Eunuchs, The Establish'd Order in Go­verning Provinces, and the Manner how the Persians behave themselves towards their Neighbours.

3. I shall explain their Methods of administring Ecclesiastical and Secular Justice.

4. What relates most to my Ministry, and what seems most important; I shall discourse of their ancient and pre­sent Religions.

For the First, Of the King therefore. Altho' the King of PERSIA be absolute Sove­reign over more than Twelve vast and famous Kingdoms, yet he takes upon him no other Title than that of CHA, which signifies no more than King; yet nevertheless his Subjects believe him to be the most Magnificent, His Titles. Potent, and Absolute of that kind in all Asia.

They call him also Alam Pena, which is as much as to say The Protection and Sanctuary of all Nations. And which glorious Name is given him with no or­dinary justice; for of all the Kings of Asia none receives Strangers better, loves 'em sincerer, or allows 'em greater Privileges and Advantages.

The Grand Signior, the Great Mogul, and the Usbeg-Tartars, who are his ir­reconcileable [Page 3]Enemies, never afford him any other Title than that of Chiek Ogli, which signifies the Son of a Priest, because the latter Kings of Persia have been of the Race of Chiek Sephi, Fa­ther of Cha-Ismael, first King of that Branch. But the Persians, instead of being offended at this design'd Affront, do chuse rather to glory in it, because that Chiek Sephi was descended from Mahomet, and Son of a Grandchild of Falma's, only Daughter to this false Prophet, who was bestowed by him in Marriage upon Mortus Ali, whom the Persians believe to be his truest Succes­sor. It was this famous Chiek Sephi, who with the assistance of the Lords of Media, restored Persia to its former Glory, after it had been invaded, and almost ruined by Tamerlan. This so fa­mous Tartarian, who carried his victori­ous Arms even into the very Bowels of Asia and Europe, was named Tamour, and sirnamed Lang, which signifies Lame, because he really was so. For this reason therefore the People took occasion to give him the name of Ta­merlan, which is but a corruption of Tamour-Lang, which he never disown­ed, being the first that ridicul'd himself [Page 4]for that defect: For having taken Ba­jazet in that famous Victory of his near the City of Angorie in Galatia, in the beginning of the Fifteenth Century, he caused him to be brought under his Pavillion, where as soon as he had seen him, he immediately began to laugh heartily: When Bajazet, who was very far from abating any of his Pride, even in disgrace, and which he afterwards made good, tho' he was shut up in an Iron Cage, believing this Prince insult­ed over his Misfortunes, broke out with Indignation into these Words: You need not be so much puft up with this Ad­vantage you have gained over me, since You know by Experience, it is equally in the power ef Fortune to make a Slave or a Conqueror. To which Tamerlan replied, I am better acquainted with the instabili­ty of Humane Affairs than to mock at your present Misery. But (added he) in beholding You and My self, I cannot forbear laughing at the fantastical choice Fortune has made of two Men to govern the Em­pire of Asia, You having but one Eye, and I but one Leg. And truly this Prince ought to have been very sensible of the favours of Fortune, for from a Shepherd he was rais'd to force the [Page 5]Walls of China, and to extend his Con­quests over the greatest part of Aegypt and Greece. But his Successors knew how to profit so little by his Victories, that they gave way to Chiek Sephi to restore the Empire of Persia which their Father had subdued.

The present King was call'd Cha Sephi at his coming to the Crown: His Name, and the change of it But 'tis reported that the Jews having pra­ctised some Sorcery upon his Person, he was at length reduc'd to that languish­ing condition, that he was ready to drop down dead, when Chiek-Ali-Kan, his Etmadaulet, or Chief Minister, disco­vering their malice, advis'd him to change his Name, to prevent their ha­ving any power over him: Whereupon he assum'd the Name of Solyman for that of Sephi, which had belong'd to his Grandfather, and the famous Chiek Sephi before him.

This King Solyman is at present in the Twenty Seventh Year of his Reign, His Age. and the Forty Eighth of his Age. His personal Description and Chara­cter. He is a fine Prince, the Lines of his Face equalling the goodness of his Complexi­on; and it may be he is a little too Ef­feminate for a Monarch, who ought to have a more Warlike Air. He has a [Page 6] Roman Nose, very well proportioned to other Parts, Blue Eyes and very large, a midling Mouth, a Beard painted black, shav'd round, and well turn'd even to his Ears. His Air is affable, but ne­vertheless Majestick: He is so very en­gaging, that when you but bow to him he seems in some measure to return it, by a courteous inclining of his Head, and which he always does smiling: He has a masculine and agreeable Voice, a great deal of sweetness in his manner of speaking; and his Shape and Person are enclin'd to the Tallest.

He has often given sufficient proofs of his great strength of Body, His Strength. and 'tis said there is no body able to contend with him at Wrestling. Princes are some­times accustom'd to this Exercise to make 'em the more Vigorous and Robust. He easily draws a Bow that another would not be able to bend. His Ad­dress. He manages a Scymiter with a great deal of Address. And in short, there is not one Noble-Man of all his Court, that can in the least come near him for any other Exercises.

He is of a very bountiful soft and sober Nature. His Na­ture. He has so great an ab­horrence of Blood-shed, that he scarce cares for allowing the commonest Exe­cutions; [Page 7]but nevertheless he is inex­orable to Traytors, who never obtain his Mercy, tho' they were of his own Blood. He loves his Subjects extreamly. He often goes Incognito amongst 'em, His love for his Subjects. to see if he can hear of any of their Wants, and to inform himself also of any Ex­actions made upon 'em by his Officers. He has been many times seen disguised like a Country-Man buying of bread, the better to surprize the Leutenant of the Policies, and as often appear'd in such like Equipage to discover the making Money current which he had cry'd down by his Edict.

He loves the Christians, His great Love to Christians. and will not suffer 'em to be distmb'd in the exer­cise of their Religion. He disapproves of those violent means of making 'em Mahometans, and he easily consents to their returning to Christianity, where they complain they have been forc'd to quit it.

He made it sufficiently appear not many Years since, An Exam­ple of his kindness to them. That he did not ap­prove of the prevailing upon the Mi­series of Christians to engage 'em to the Mahometan Religion: For those Ar­menians of the Country of Lingen, who were transplanted thither by Cha Abbas, [Page 8]having agreed to pay the King a cer­tain Summ every Year for their Tribute and duty as Christians, and not being able thro' their Poverty to raise it for many Years, the Grand Visier, the bet­ter to get it, assigned 'em the payment of the Militia: These poor wretches not finding themselves in a condition to satisfie so rigorous a Demand, and foreseeing it impossible to avoid the Insults and cruel Bastinades of the Soldiers, and being altogether unpro­vided of Missionaries to assist 'em in so pressing a necessity, immediately went together in Crowds to the Etmadaulet, humbly intreating him that they might be admitted Mahometans. This Wise Minister demanded of 'em what obliged 'em to change their Religion; they an­swered, It was their Poverty and Inability to pay the King their Annual Duties. The Etmadaulet went immediately to give His Majesty an account, who causing 'em to appear before him, and whose tender Heart being mov'd by their deplorable condition, instantly remitted their Debts, and received 'em into favour. He also forbad the re­ceiving their offer to turn Mahometans. And thus we may see by what surprising [Page 9]means Heaven touch'd with the Misery of those that belong'd to him, and having only a mind to make 'em a­sham'd of their Cowardliness, excited in a Mahometan Prince, a Zeal for the true Religion, whilst it was almost obliterated in their Hearts.

He never exacts Tribute of the Ar­menians or other Christians, when they come to Trade in his Kingdom, altho' the Grand Signior makes the Persian Christi­ans pay severely whenever they pass thro' Turky to Traffick in Europe, in a manner that one may very well affirm with Justice, that whereas in Turky the Christian Professors groan under a cruel and intolerable Slavery, in Persia (if the Will of the Prince be but observed) they enjoy an undisturb'd and serene Liberty.

The King grants the Missionaries the free exercise of their Religion, His kind­ness to the Missiona­ries. and a power to establish it where they please. And moreover, the last Mission recom­mended to him by the Most Christian King, has obtained an exemption from all Taxes and Quit rents where-ever they come.

Likewise, His good will to the French Merchants. this Generous Monarch has not shew'd a greater kindness for the [Page 10] French Missionaries than to the French Merchants: For Monsieur Mont Ferré, the French Consul at Bandar Abassi for the East India Company, having been con­tinually molested by the Great Douanier, for a very considerable Summ at last, beg'd a discharge of the King for near Eleven Years, which was fully granted him, and other favours he afterwards received from the Chief Minister.

Upon the first report at this Court, His Com­mands to receive the French Ves­sels kindly in the Gulf. in February, 1693. that the four French Vessels were bound for this Kingdom, the King immediately commanded all the Governours of the Persian Gulf to re­ceive them with Honour, and to furnish them gratis with whatever Necessaries they should require.

This King Solyman, He calls himself Son of a Saint, and a Prophet. after the Example of his Ancestors, down from Chiek Sephi, takes upon him the quality of the Son of Isman, which is as much as to say, the Son of a Saint, because they believe themselves lineally descended from Mortus Ali, Son in Law, and Cousin-Germain to Mahomet. The Persians also pretend that this Mortus Ali was left absolute Heir by Mahomet, to his Gran­deur and seign'd Prophetick Spirit, in opposition to Omar, to whom the Turks [Page 11]attribute these Prerogatives; and it is upon this account that these two Nati­ons live in such irreconcilable Hatred to one another. By means of this qua­lity of the Son of a Prophet, the King arrogates to himself to be Head of their Religion; and to establish this the better, the Persians are of Opinion, that he can neither be Damn'd or Judg'd whatever Crimes he commits. They are not of­fended at his neglecting to observe the Ramazan, or in drinking Wine, because they believe he can never Sin, and there­fore neither subject to Laws or Customs, being the Son of a Saint, and legal de­seendant of a Prophet.

I shall say nothing of the Princes of the Blood, Of the Princes of the Blood. because in Persia they make too miserable a Figure to be taken no­tice of. The Kings Sons never see the Light but in the closest part of the Ha­ram, and whence they never come out whil'st the King lives. There is none of 'em but he that is to succeed, can have the liberty to see him after he's dead; and for the most part as soon as they are seated upon the Throne, they deprive their Brothers of the use of their sight, Their sad Fate by passing slowly a red-hot Iron before their Eyes. This so barbarous a [Page 12] Custom which they make use of to hin­der their Brothers from aspiring to the Throne, seems to them so reasonable, and of so great benefit, that they never cease to laugh at the Great Mogul and the Grand Signior, who have a long time omitted it. For they say, That Aurengzebe might have prevented the Revolts of his Children; and Mahomet the Fourth his Deposition by his Muti­nous Troops, if the first had kept his Children close during his Life time, and the last put out his Brother's Eyes as soon as he came to the Throne.

The Dispensers of the Mahometan Re­ligion taking place at the Persian Court, Mahome­tan Priests. I shall take notice of 'em before the Officers of the Crown, over whom they have always precedency in the Council, Publick Feasts, and Audiences which the King gives to Embassadors and Missio­naries.

The greatest Priest in Persia is call'd Sadre Cassa, Of the Sa­dre Cassa. that is, the Chief or Arch-Bishop; He is Super Intendant over all the Spiritualities of the Empire; but his bu­siness is only to govern the King's Conscience, and Order the Court and City of Ispahan, according to the Rules of the Alcoran: He deputes the second [Page 13] Bishop, of whom I shall speak by and by, for the rest of the Kingdom. He is the first Minister of State, and has his Seat at the foot of the Sofa, and Right­hand of the King. These Priests are so much reverenc'd in Persia, that Kings have taken their Daughters for their Wives: And the last Sadre Marry'd the King's Sister; but nevertheless his Dig­nity could not secure him from having his Children Strangled that were Males; for this barbarous Custom is so undi­stinguishably practis'd, that if the King's Sisters or Nieces should omit to call the Eunuch's of the Haram, at the time of their Lying-in, to strangle the Child, if it were Male, they would inevitably merit Death by their neglect, and sel­dom any such Offenders have been known to obtain Mercy. This Law seems to have been newly made, for there was no such in use at the time of the famous Cha-Abbas, who was Con­temporary with Henry the Fourth.

They give to the Sadre the Title of Narab, which is as much as to say, Vice-Roy of the King and Mahomet. And there is none but him, the Sadre Elman Alek, and the Etmadaulet, on whom this Honour is bestow'd. This [Page 14] Sadre has his Deputies in all Capital Cities of Provinces, His Juris­diction. which are call'd Modarrés, and are not much unlike to our Bishops. The Governours cannot give a decisive Judgment without their Ap­probations, which they call Felfa. These Deputies, Heads of Mosques, Principals of Colleges, Presidents of the Circumcisions, Curates that Marry and Divorce by Bills of Repudiation; In short, all that have any Employments which relate to the Law of Mahomet, take their Orders and Measures from this Sadre, and which procures him a vast Revenue; for here, as every where else, Preferments are Bought and Sold.

The second Person in Spirituals is nam'd Sadre Elman Alek, Of the Sadre El­man Alek. he is properly as Coadjutor or Assistant to the Sadre Cassa: He does throughout the whole Realm what the Chief Bishop does only in the King's Court and Precincts of Ispahan. He is moreover a Lateral Judge, with the Divan Begui, who can give no Sentence without his consent; inasmuch as all the difference that I could take notice of between these two Bishops, was only, that one is Supream Head of the Law, His Functi­ons. and the other his Deputy, and Head of the Civil Tribunal: [Page 15]He is Assistant to the Divan Begui, to see that he does Justice according to the Rules of the Alcoran, and what we would call the Cannon-Law, which has been explained to them long fince by the Imans; whom the Persians, as Apes of us Christians, worship to the num­ber of Twelve, as we do our Twelve Apostles. This Bishop has also a Power to Try and Condemn Criminals, which shews, That he is not only an Ecclesiasti­cal but Civil Judge. The Divan Begui pronounces Sentence according to his Decisions: This Bishop, as Vicar General in all the Courts of Justice of the King­dom, has the Title of Naib Sedaret, and he has the same Power over the Go­vernours as he had over the Divan Begui. He has his place below the Sofa, on the Left-hand of the King.

The third Bishop of Persia is call'd Akond, or rather Chiek Alislam, Of the Alislam. which is as much as to say, Wise by Experience, or, The Venerable Old Men of the Law of Mahomet. This Judge is properly the first Lieutenant Civil, who takes Cog­nizance of the Affairs of Minors, Wid­dows, Contracts, and other Civil Mat­ters: The King gives him Fifty Thou­sand Livres Annual Pension, that he [Page 16]may have no occasion to be Corrupted by taking Bribes. This is the Judge that dispatches most business. His Sub­stitutes. He is Chief of the Law-Colleges, and con­stantly reads upon it his Subaltern Offi­cers every Wednesday and Saturday. He has also his Substitutes in all the Courts of Justice of the Realm, who, together with those that belong to the Second Sa­dre, draw up all Contracts and Agree­ments. He has his place at the foot of the Sofa, next to the Great Sadre.

The fourth Bishop is the Kazi, The fourth Bishop is also second Lieutenant Civil. who is the second Lieutenant Civil: He takes Cognizance of the same Causes, does the same business, and enjoys equal Prerogatives with the former. He has like him his Seat below the Sofa, next the second Sadre: But not one of those may appear at the time of Publick Feasts, because then the King drinks Wine. The Kazi has two Substitutes in every Tribunal, their business is to determine small differences in Coffee-Houses, and the Governour always re­quires their Assistance to consult about matters of Importance.

Over and above these four Bishops, The Great Almoner. the King has a kind of Great Almoner, call'd Piche Nahmaz. He reads Prayers [Page 17]in the King's House, performs Circumci­sions, Marriages, Burials, and all other Functions of Religion, in presence of the four Chief Bishops. He is as it were the Universal Divine of the whole Empire, for he disputes and marshals all Confe­rences in Religion. This Lord Almoner is of the King's Council, and enjoys near as great Prerogatives as any of the other Bishops.

There are Six Great Ministers of State in Persia, Six Mini­sters of State. which are call'd Rohna Doulets; that is to say, the Pillars and Supports of the Empire.

The First is the Grand Vizier, The Etma­daulet. call'd Etmadaulet; that is, the Prop of Power: He is the Great Chancellour of the Kingdom, President of the Council, and Superintendant of the Customs. He takes care of all foreign Affairs and Commerce with other Nations. No Pensions or Gratifications are paid without his Orders; and, in short, he is even as the Vice-Roy of Persia. He Authorizes the King's Mandates, by endorsing 'em with these Words: Bende derga Ali il Alia Etmadaulet; that is, By the Port is meant the Court. I that am the Prop of Power, and Creature of this Sublime Port, have read this.

This Etmadaulet has every Lunary Month, His Salary. out of the King's Exchequer, a Thousand Tomans for his Salary; and you must take notice, that a Toman is worth Forty five Livres of our Money; so that this makes Five hundred and forty Thousand Livres a Year: But this is the least part of his Revenue; for be­ing as it were Absolute and Indepen­dant, His Perqui­sites. he disposes of all Governments, and grants all Commissions in the Army, Ex­chequer, or elsewhere, at his Pleasure, and must needs drain great Summs from his numerous Competitors. More­over, all Governours of Provinces, and Officers in the Court, being oblig'd to make their several Presents to the King, the First Day of every Year (which the Persians begin always with the Spring) they never dare to forget the Etmadau­let. And besides, their Designs would be in vain, if they did not oblige him to be their Friend. Also he always gets something to favour the Proviso of his Grants. He has under him Six Viziers, or Deputies, who assist him in managing the King's Revenue; and they also together compose a Council, of which he is the Head. They are al­so of the King's Council, and have their [Page 19]several Seats at Publick Feasts and Au­diences.

The First is call'd Mustosi Elma Alek; His Assi­stants or Deputies. that is, Comptroller-General of the Revenue, who presides immediately after the Six Principal Ministers.

The Second is, The Mustosi Cassa; that is to say, Particular Comptroller of the King's Houshold, and the Government of Ispahan; who has his Place a little be­low the former.

The Third is, The Derogat of the Deftar; that is, Keeper of the General Register of the Revenue, who is seated amongst the Valis.

The Fourth is, The Vizier Elmulki; that is, he that keeps the Register of the Government of Ispahan, and who is plac'd amongst the Governours.

The Fifth they call Vizier Cassa, and is he that keeps an Account of the Ex­pences of the King's Houshold: He is seated near the Secretary of State.

The Sixth is, The Kalanter, who is Chief Provost of the Merchants of the City of Ispahan; and has Right to fit amongst those foreign Princes who are Royal Pensioners.

These Six Viziers have severally a cer­tain Number of Provinces in their Divi­sions, They are as 'twere Intendants of the Re­venue. or Jurisdictions, as our Intendants of the Revenue have in France. They keep their Sessions in the King's Palace, as well as the Divan Begui, and other Ministers; which occasions a prodi­gious and magnificent Concourse of People in all Parts, by reason that the Principal Officers of the Crown come to do Justice there twice a Day?

The Etmadaulet, Two Secre­taries of the Etma­daulet. over and above the Officers I have just spoken of, has un­der him Two Secretaries, who dispatch all Orders of the Court, and are call'd Sahab Rakams.

The Kortchi Bachi, The Second Minister of State. who is now no more than the Second Person of the Realm, was heretofore the First: He had as great Authority as the ancient Constables of France. He was born Ge­neral of all the Armies; but now the King disposes of that Great Trust at his Pleasure. Nevertheless, he is still Captain-General of the Cavalry, call'd Kortchis, which are always commanded to cover the Frontiers. These are Troops which are never reform'd or broken. Every Kortchi has an hundred Crowns paid him a Year out of the [Page 21]Exchequer. The Sons succeed their Fathers, if the General will consent. The King commonly conferrs one of the Principal Governments of the Kingdom upon this Person. But he seldom leaves the Court, 'till he has the Command of some Army; which very seldom hap­pens: For the King knowing he is ob­lig'd to provide him a Court suitable to so great a Charge, is commonly very backward to put him at the Head of his Troops, when he can reserve to himself both the Honour and Pro­fit.

The Third Pillar of the Empire, The Third Minister. is the Quer-Koule Agasi, who is Captain of the Band of Slaves. This is a Body of Men compos'd of many Persons of Quality, who call Themselves the King's Slaves: They are much less in number than the former, but have al­together as great Pay. They that have a mind to arrive to great Employments, should pass thro' this Militia, whose Ge­neral is always provided of a great and wealthy Government, and consequently able to prefer 'em.

The Fourth Pillar is the Tefanktchi A­gasi; that is, General of the Infantry, The Fourth Minister. which is not here compos'd of above two thou­sand [Page 22] Fufiliers, and is the same with our Regiments of Guards in France.

The Fifth Pillar is, The Fifth Minister. the Toptchi Bachi, who is Great Master of the Artillery: He has under him Troops, which answer to our Musquetiers, and Gard du Corps in France. There is but Four thousand of 'em, who are Commanded more immediately by Four Colonels, and are always about the King on any Days of Ceremony.

The Divan-Begui, The Sixth Minister. or Superintendant of Justice, has but the last Rank a­mongst these Six Supports of the Crown, tho' he takes the Second Place in all Courts of Justice; for he is never dispossess'd of his Charge, but to give him one of the Four foregoing, inso­much as he is always oblig'd to descend, if he has any mind to rise. I believe he is plac'd so high, because of repre­senting the King in his Court of Ju­stice; but yet he would find it more advantagious to be provided of one of these Charges; for whereas he is only Dignified with the bare Title of Kan, here he would be really so, they having always a Kanat, or Government, an­nex'd to their Honour. The Divan-Begui has all the Messengers of the [Page 23]Court at his command. The King gives him Fifty thousand Crowns a Year Salary, that he might do Justice with the less design of Advantage himself. His Ordinances are respected through­out the whole Realm, and there lies an Appeal from the Governour's Tribunals to his Court. He has his Seat below the King's Sofa, next after the Pontifs, or Bishops; but he is oblig'd neverthe­less to give place to the Generalissimo of the Armies when he appears.

The Echik-Agasi-Bachi, The Great Master of the Ceremo­nies. His Duty. who has also the Quality of Kan, is the Great Master of the Ceremonies, at the time of Au­diences. He carries a Staff in his Hand cover'd with Plates of Gold, and garnish'd with several precious Stones. This is that Lord of all the Court, whose Habits are richest. He is Com­mander of all the Officers of the King's Guards, and is always standing before the King, leaning upon his Staff of Au­thority. He holds all Ambassadours and Homagers by the Arm, whilst they make their Reverences, and he al­ways goes before the King when he is on Horse-back. His Place is one of the most considerable of all the Court, and [Page 24]the Government of Teheran near Cas­bin, has been always annex'd to it.

The Nazir is the Chief Steward of the King's Houshold: The Chief Steward of the Hous­hold. He provides Neces­saries both for within and without, and states his Accompts yearly with the Et­madaulet, who furnishes him with Mo­ney suitable to his Occasions. He has under him Forty Stewards of Honour, and all the Officers of the King's and Common Tables.

The Vaki-Anevis, The Secre­tary of State. who is the only Secretary of State, is always seated very near the King, that he may the better take notice of his Orders. 'Tis he that keeps account of the Expences, of which he must be responsible to the Etmadaulet. His Busi­ness. He writes all the Orders and Letters which the King sends to foreign Princes. He is also the Histo­riographer of Persia. He makes a Jour­nal of all that passes every Year, and reads it to the King and all the Court, the First Day of the ensuing.

The Monadgen-Bachi, The Chief Magician, or Great A­strologer. that is as much as to say, the Great Astrologer: He is always very near the King, to acquaint him with his good or bad Fortune: His Predictions are respected as Oracles; and the King never undertakes any [Page 25]Enterprize, without first consulting him. He always has a Bead-roll in his Hand, to determine when to per­form indifferent Actions; as for ex­ample: To get on Horse-back; to go a Hunting; or, in short, any other sort of Pleasure. He casts his Hand at random upon his Beads, and counts from thence by way of Even and Odd; so that he rules his Predictions, as the Soldiers are wont to do theirs by their Buttons. Upon occasions of greater Consequence, he consults his Epheme­rides; and that is the reason that he must always be a good Mathematician that obtains this Place.

The Hachim-Bachi, The Chief Physician. or Chief Physi­cian, is also always near the King, to advise and forbid him what he shall eat and drink. This Chief Physician is he that of all the Great Officers of the Crown, has the greatest Esteem, Honour, and Profit: His honou­rable, but dangerous Office. But nevertheless he is not to be envy'd; for he is respon­sible for the King's Death, and his Life always pays for that of his Prince.

The Meheurdar, The Keeper of the Seal. or Keeper of the Seals, assists at all Ceremonies with the King's Seal, fix'd to a golden Chain enamell'd and garnish'd with precious [Page 26]Stones, and which goes over his Shoul­der, and hangs just before his Breast. He has Five Under-keepers of Seals, His Substi­tutes. whose Business it is to present the King with all Petitions and Addresses, and to return 'em to the Suppliants again when they are pass'd. But it is however cer­tain, that these Men have not any of the King's Seals in their Custody, but that they are affix'd to Grants by a Matron in the Haram; 'tis so the Wo­men's Apartment is call'd in this Coun­try.

The Mirakor Bachi, The Great Master of the Horse, and other Grandees of the Realm. or Great Master of the Horse; the Mir. Chekar Bachi, or Great Huntsman; Rekib Kana Agasi, or Master of the Wardrobe; Vakmiat Vi­siri, who pays the pious Legacies; Koulam Visiri, Pay-master to the Band of Slaves; and the Moucheraf, Pay­master to all Officers and Pensioners; who have all their proper Places at Pub­lick Feasts and Audiences.

The Great Master of the Houshold, and the Master of the Ceremonies, never sit at any of these publick Times, but are oblig'd the one never to have his Eyes off from the King, and the o­ther to be continually serving him.

The Mchmondar Bachi, The Intro­ducer of Ambassa­dours. the Introdu­cer of Ambassadours, is always about the King with his Staff in his Hand, on which he leans. He wears the Tadge upon his Head, The Tur­ban of Ce­remonies. which is a great green Cap brocarded over, and with a long Steeple crown: It has a great many little white Feathers about the sides of it, whose lower parts are all over en­rich'd with Gold and precious Stones, as likewise the Torse of the Cap, and the Steeple-part is all beset with Heron and Crane's Feathers. This sort of Head-attire is in great Veneration; for, they say, it is consecrated to the Twelve Imans, or Saints of Persia. All Kans and Kzel-Bachi's wear this Cap on Days of Ceremony: But the Tats being of the Long-Robe, cannot, nay, even the Etmadaulet himself, because he is no Sol­dier.

The Tats are always Natives; but the Kzel-Bachi's, that is, Yellow or Red-heads, are Soldiers that always come Slaves or Refugees into the Coun­try: There is abundance of them from Damascus and Hungary.

I shall speak something now of the Order of Sophi's, Order of Sophi's. upon occasion of this Tadge (which is as much as Crown) [Page 28]because there are none but those of this Order that have right to wear it. Chiek-Sephi, the First of the Race that now reigns, having a mind to secure to himself some faithful and couragious Friends, that might restore that Mo­narchy that Tamerlan had almost ruin'd, Its Institu­tion. instituted this Order of Sophi's, or Se­phi's; that is to say, Pure, or Saints; for he oblig'd 'em to swear Fidelity, and inviolable Endeavours till they had done it. They have the Guard of the King's Person, and of the Gates of his Palace. Their President, whom they call Kodafa, Their Duty, and Presi­dent. is the King's Chap­lain, and who assembles 'em together every Thursday in the Royal Mosque, to pray for his Majesty's Prosperity. He presents himself before the King, with all the other Ministers of this Order, on all Holy Days: He holds a Bason of Sugarcandy in his Hand, and wishes an happy Feast to his Majesty: He mumbles a Prayer, as it were, to beg a Blessing on this Sugarcandy, and then in an humble manner goes to present it to his Majesty; who taking a piece of it, all the Grandees do the like, putting it upon their Heads and their Eyes, to shew their great Respect. [Page 29]This Ceremony is observ'd after the same manner at the Birth of their Princes, and when the King has ob­tain'd any signal Victory. This Ko­dafa has his Seat at Publick Feasts.

These Sophi's were heretofore in great Veneration, Their Dis­grace, and wherefore. but at present are in greater Disgrace; for they are accus'd of keeping Nocturnal Assemblies, which Modesty does not permit me to ex­plain. Their Society now serve for nothing else but Porters, Bailiffs, and Common Executioners of Justice. Ne­vertheless, all the Great Men of the Kingdom have been of this Order, and of whom the King was Head; which has given occasion to Strangers, The King their Head. to give him the Title of Great Sophi: I say to Strangers only; for such a Name would be but ill receiv'd in Persia.

The King assigns the Stipends of these Officers, upon his Demesns and forfeited Estates. The Kans or Governours. Their Num­ber.

There are Six sorts of Governours in Persia, viz.

  • 1. The Vali's.
  • 2. The Begueler-Begui's.
  • 3. The Col-Begui's.
  • 4. The Viziers.
  • [Page 30]5. The Sultans.
  • 6. The Derogats.

The Vali's are Descendants from such Princes as have been conquer'd by the King of Persia, and whose Kingdoms he leaves to their sole Governments. There are Ten of this kind; viz. 1. Geor­gia. 2. Laurestan. 3. Aviza. 4. Bactiaris. 5. Zeitoun Ardelan. 6. Mazandran. 7. Tchar­kez. 8. Herat. 9. Kandahar. And, 10. Kara­mania, Their Pri­viledges at Court. or Kerman. These Vali's have their Places at the Council-board, and at Feasts and Publick Audiences, im­mediately after the Six Rohna Dolvets: They are consider'd of as Princes, and have those Priviledges as the King's Guests have, which is to be Pensioners, and Tablers during their stay at Court. The King has lately seiz'd upon the Go­vernment of the Vali of Kerman, as also of the other Begueler-Begui's. I know not whether because their Race fail'd, or that he had a Jealousie they had a mind to rebell. Also there is a great likeli­hood he will do the same in Laurestan, where he had already plac'd a Gover­nour. The Vali of Georgia also has some reason to fear the like Fate, if the endeavours he seems to be making, to recover his Ancestors Right, should not succeed.

All these Vali's are Begueler-Begui's, and have a right to the sounding of Twelve Kerona's; which are a sort of long Trumpets like Speaking-Trum­pets, in which they bawl aloud, mix­ing with their confused Cries the Har­mony of Hautbois, Drums, and Tym­bals, and which they are wont to play upon at Sun-setting, and Two Hours after Mid-night. There's none but the Vali's and Kans that can have so com­pleat a concert of Musick; for the o­ther more inferiour Governours must be content with only Drums, Tym­balls, and Hautbois. They carry 'em always with them when they Travel or Hunt.

Over and above these Vali's there are Twelve Kans Begueler-Begui's, The Gover­nours of Provinces. who are the Governours of 1. Tauris. 2. Ardavil­le. 3. Lar. 4. Masched. 5. Asderabat. 6. Kermoncha. 7. Hamadan. 8. Chouster. 9. Kandgia. 10. Schiamaki. 11. Erivan. and 12. Kors.

Those Kans which are only Gover­nours of Cities and Countrys are cal­led Col Beguis, that is to say, Governours of Cities, &c. Kans of Support or Strength; because they are obliged to send their Troops to the [Page 32] Kan Begueler-Begui when-ever he shall command them.

There are but Two Viziers or Vice-Roys in all Persia, The Vice­Roys. viz. 1. Of Schiras, which is the ancient Kingdom of Per­sia; and 2. He of Recht, who is over all Guilan or Hircania.

There are also but Two Sulcans, One at Sultanie under the Begueler-Begui of Tauris, Two Sul­tans. and the other at Ouriguerd un­der him of Kourmabat.

Casbin is governed by a Derogat who is the only Person that has the Prero­gative of a Kan in Persia.

In all Cities where there is a Kan, Officers of the Gover­nours. there is a Modarés, or Pontif, One De­puty of the Sadre, another of Chiek-Alislam, and Two of the Kasi. There is also a Visier, or Lieutenant for the King, who has care of his Revenue, One Kalantar, who is Proyost of the Merchants, and One Derogat, who de­termines petty differences, and exe­cutes all Process out of the Kan's Court. This last Office is very profitable at Ispahan, yet it is esteem'd but mean and scandalous, altho' it be executed by a Prince of Georgia. For thereby he not only loses his Precedency at the King's Feasts, but is slighted and avoided by [Page 33]all the Great Lords, and reflected upon, as one that executes the Office of a Gaoler and Bailiff.

All the other Lords, or Officers, I have spoken of, are Megdeles-Rou's; that is to say, They have all Places at the King's Feasts. All those of the Coun­cil, and all Kans are styl'd Omara's, that is, The ancient Satrapes. Grandees of the Kingdom as were heretofore the Satrapes.

'Tis easie to guess, by the Number of Officers I have nam'd, how great is the Magnificence of the Persian Court: But because it never appears more splen­did than when the King invites all his Grandees to a Banquet, The King's Palace. I shall go im­mediately upon the Description of both his Palace and the Feast.

Altho' the Buildings in Persia have not that exactness in their Structure as those of Europe, Its Descri­ption. yet they have never­theless a certain sort of Agreeableness, which moves even the Europeans them­selves to admire 'em. And I believe there never yet was any one of us, who had seen the Palace of the King of Persia, but was immediately surpris'd with its Beauty. It is built on the West-side of the great Place call'd Meidan, which signifies Market. This [Page 34]Market-place is the prettiest Spot of Ground in all the East: It is of great extent, and longer than large: Its length is seven hundred Paces, and breadth of it but three: The four Sides are rais'd in Portico's, of the same Stru­cture with the Wings of the Entrance into the Palace, as you may see by the Design I have here taken of it. The young Persian Lords exercise themselves in this place, Exercises of young Lords. with playing at Mall on Horse back, throwing the Lance, and then catching it again before they quit their Stirrups; and by drawing the Bow behind 'em at full speed, according to the custom of the ancient Parthians. They shoot at a Mark in a Plate of Gold, which is fix'd to a Pole rais'd in the middle of the Market. The King, who sees this Exercise from his Hall of Audience, gives a Reward, together with the golden Plate, to him that brings it to the ground. He also sends him a Present of Four hundred Crowns, to defray the Charges of a Collation, which he does him the Honour to come to take at his House. And all the Lords go to congratulate his Skill and this Honour has been done him.

On the East side of this place, and over-against the King's Palace, appears a stately Mosque, A fine Mosque. whose Dome is a very bold Work, by reason of its largeness. The out-side of it is painted like Por­celain, and 'tis encompass'd round with a white List of two foot broad, wherein are carv'd a certain number of great Per­sian Characters. The Globe and Crescent, which are on the top of it, are gilded. Its Porch is of Marble, and enrich'd with a great deal of curious Work­manship.

In one of the Corners of this Meidan, on the West-side, Another great Mosque, is that Great Royal Mosque which Cha Abbas the Great, dedicated to Methi, the last of the Twelve Imans, or Persian Saints. They call him also Sahab Zaman, that is to say, The Master of Time. They af­firm, That he was translated to Heaven alive, as Enoch was, and that he shall come at the end of the World to judge all Nations, after having given 'em eve­ry one a Visit, mounted upon the Horse Duldul, which was the ordinary Pad of Mortus Ali. The Gate of this Mosque is a piece of Art that might very well amaze the most skilful Ar­chitects of Europe. 'Tis of an extra­ordinary [Page 36]height, and compos'd of Marble of many colours, and has also a white List about it at the top, which continues all over the Portico's and Body of the Mosque, and fill'd with Characters as the former. The Front is painted with Varnish'd Azure, and sometimes intermix'd with many Leaves and Festoons of Gold. The upper part of the Frontispiece is of Plaister rais'd into an emboss'd Oval all over sprig'd and speckl'd with Gold; and more­over wrought in so curious a manner, that I believe they could not manage their Trowel better any where. This Gate is all over Pannels of Vermi­lion gilded: You enter by it into a very large Court, surrounded with Gal­leries, whose Columns are of Granite Marble. The Heads, Corniches, and Frizes of these Galleries, are of Azure and Gold. The Persians say their Prayers under them, after they have purified themselves in the great Marble Basons in the middle of the Court. The Mosque is on the right-hand; you en­ter it by a very stately Arch, which is embellish'd, painted, and gilded after the same manner with the Gallerier. The body of the Mosque is very spa­cious, [Page 37]and it has a double Dome of the same Structure with that of the former.

There are before these Domes two Minarés, A sort of Steeples. enrich'd with inlaid or Sprig­work: They are a sort of little Steeples built with Brick, which are so slender and very high, that one would won­der how they could support themselves. They have but one winding Stair-case, which is so narrow, that scarce one Man can go up at a time, and which is caus'd in great measure by the thick­ness of the Wall, and which is scarce broader at the bottom than the top. The Ottomans make their Moullas, or Priests, cry from the top of these Minarés, to call their People to Prayers; The Persi­ans Jealou­sie greater than the Turks. for fear they should ogle their Women in their Gar­dens. But sure they ought to be of a very large size, or these Criers should have extraordinary Perspectives, to have any reasonable View from so great a distance; for these Steeples are altoge­ther as high as any Spires in France.

I cannot forbear making a small Di­gression, A Christian ill-us'd by a Turk, and his Re­venge. concerning one of these Criers of Mosques; who having misus'd a cer­tain Christian with Bastinado 's, and [Page 38]other gross Affronts and Insults, before the Governour; the Christian was re­solv'd to be reveng'd, whatever hazard he underwent: Whereupon waiting one night 'till the Priest was gone up the Mi­narés, he immediately follow'd him, and block'd up all the way as he came down, with Glasses, Bottles of Wine, and other things proper for a Collation. The Moullah coming to these Steps, kicks the Bottles before him, when the Wine having made his Way slippery, he was not long before he reach'd the bot­tom, with no small damage to his Bones. The Out cries he made, presently ob­lig'd the Mahometans to go see what had happen'd; when finding their Guide thus wallowing in Wine, and not able to help himself, they im­mediately pull'd him up, and carried him before the Bacha, who seeing him almost drown'd in Wine, condemn'd him as a Prophaner of the Mosque, and forbid him to mount the Minarés ever after: Nay, his Crime was so very odious to them, that they have abolish'd this manner of Calling the People to Prayers. I don't relate this Action for the Christian's Credit, so much as your Diversion; and so I return to my Dis­course.

The Cheif Gate of the Palace and Hall of Audience

On the North part of the place I was speaking of, you may see a magni­ficent Gallery, Persian Musick. where the King's Musi­cians play always at Sun-set, two Hours after Mid-night, and at Noon; but on Festivals, they continue their Jargon all Day and Night. I call it Jargon, be­cause there are sometimes Sixty of 'em playing together, without either Time or Measure. Some beat great Drums, others Tymbals; some play upon Haut­bois, and others bawl with loud Voices in their sort of Speaking-Trumpets: All which, as I said before, are Marks of the different degrees of Dignity.

The King's Palace is on the West­side of the Meidan; The situati­on of the King's Pa­lace. you enter it by two Gates, which are altogether as splendid as those of the Mosque I spoke of before. Between these two Gates, are rang'd a great number of Canons, which Cha-Abbas took from the Portuguese at the Siege of Ormus; but they are at pre­sent so ill mounted, that they are alto­gether unfit for Service.

The principal Gate into the King's Court, is call'd Alla Kapi; that is to say, Its En­trance. God's Gate, because it is a Place of Re­fuge; whence they cannot have any Criminal without his Majesty's express [Page 40]Orders. There is upon this Gate a Building of many Stories high; so that at distance you would take it for a very large and high Tower, surroun­ded with gilded Galleries to every Story.

The upper Story consists only of one very spacious Hall, The Hall of Audience. which com­mands all the Place: The King holds an Assembly there the First Day of every Spring, to receive the Presents and First-Fruits of his Officers, and to take his Diversion by the various Plays and Horse-Races, which the young Men of Quality perform in his presence. This Hall is large enough to hold an hun­dred Men, without reckoning either the Courtiers or Souldiers that attend every-where. It is open on three sides: The Cieling is of Wood very well wrought and gilded; the Wainscot at the bottom of the Room of very curious Workmanship, and the Walls every­where full of Painting; but which wants the Pencil of a skilful Artist, to regulate its Defects. The Cieling is supported by Twelve great Pillars in Relievo, gilded, which gives it a great Lustre. This Hall is almost square, and has little less than sixty feet in length: [Page 41]It has in the middle a great Marble Ba­son, where its heighth does not hinder its having a Fountain continually play­ing by the help of Pumps.

There are three other Halls of Au­dience in the Persian Palace, which are much larger and more magnificent than this; but because I have only propos'd to my self to give a short view of these Matters, I shall pass 'em by with the King's Houses of Pleasure, without any farther description than that they are bewitching Places, and so very Noble, than nothing can come near 'em in all Asia.

The use of Publick Feasts has been very ancient in Persia, Of the mag­nificence of the publick Feasts of the King of Persia. for the Book of Esther speaks of a sumptuous Banquet made by King Ahasuerus. But those that are now adays practised are ra­ther Feasts of Audience and Business than Mirth and Jollity. For 'tis at these Feasts that the King treats of Affairs of State, The King gives Au­dience at 'em. and gives Audience to forreign Ministers. There are of this kind Ordinary and Extraordinary: Ordinary when the King entertains on Holidays, and such like Festivals; and Extraordinary, when a Convoca­tion of the States is call'd upon some [Page 42]pressing Occasion. But let 'em be made when they will, they are always ve­ry stately and magnificent; for then all the Riches of the King's House is expos'd in its greatest lustre. Their Sum­ptuousness. The Carpets on which you sit are of inesti­mable value, and the Table-Cloathes that are spread upon 'em, all of Bro­card. The King is serv'd out of a Vessel of pure Gold, of more than Three Foot diameter. The Cover and Padlock by which his Portion is lock'd up, are of the same Mettal; and they carry this Vessel about with Ceremo­ny upon a sort of Hand-Barrow, en­richt with Plates of Gold. The Gentleman-Carver opens the Lock before his Majesty; and after having fell on his Knees, and tasted the Vi­ands, How the King is serv'd. he fills several Golden Plates with a Golden Spoon and Fork (which he wears always by his Side to distinguish his Office) and then humbly presents 'em to his Majesty. The King drinks no Wine but out of Bottles seal'd with his own Signet, and which are open'd by the Great Master of his Houshold, in his presence, who tastes and pre­sents after the same manner as the Gen­tlemen-Carver.

After the King, How the Guests are serv'd. the Guests are ser­ved in their turns with Rice, Boil'd and Roast Meat, &c. in more than an Hundred and Fifty Gold Plates, with their Covers, which weigh twice as much: And every Plate is not less than a Foot and half Diameter. The Dessers are served also in Plates of Gold, but they begin always with Sweetmeats in Silver and Porcellain Vessels. The Entertainment is serv'd up whilst the King is giving Audience; and 'tis then that he gives Wine to the Lords of his Court. The Bottles and Cups they drink out of are also of Gold enam­mel'd, and set with Precious Stones. They are rank'd all about the Marble Bason, which is in the middle of the Hall, and at whose corners are plac'd four small Golden Casks, and four of Silver, each of which is about the weight of a Man. These together with the Perfume and Flower Pots, which are also of Gold, make a very agreeable Symmetry.

Before the Hall are plac'd in state a great many Elephants, Lions, Tigers, The King's wild Beasts where pla­ced. Leopards, and other famous wild Beasts, whose Chains and Nails that fasten 'em are of Gold: Every one of these Beasts [Page 44]has before him two Cisterns or Troughs also of Gold, in one of which is his Meat, and the other his Drink. But there is nothing more magnificent than the Eighteen Led-Horses that are ex­pos'd to view before this Hall. For e­very Horse of himself is worth a King's Ransom. His Stirrups, Bridle, Breast­piece, and the fore and hind part of his Saddle being all of Gold, garnish'd with precious Stones: Also his Hou­sings are altogether as rich, tho' they be very large. Some of these Harnes­ses are garnish'd with Diamonds, Horses very richly e­quipp'd. and others with Emeralds, Rubies, Saphires, very great Pearls, and all other sort of Jewels of bigness and beauty equal­ly surprizing. Every Horse has also before him two Cisterns or Troughs of Gold to contain his Meat and Drink.

Sometimes Wild-Asses have been plac'd amongst these Horses: For a Spanish Missionary coming one day to Court to present a Letter from the King of Poland, was so much surprized to see Asses so richly accoutred, that he could not retain his Gravity, but began to laugh heartily: Insomuch that an Of­ficer that perceiv'd him, went very ci­villy up to him, and ask'd the occasion. [Page 45]He answer'd, that he could not forbear when he saw Animals treated with such distinction that would have been so much scorn'd and ridicul'd in Spain. To which the Officer wittily reply'd, That is because Asses are more common in Your Country, but in Ours we esteem them as they are more rare.

The King is seated cross-leg'd at the lower end of the Hall on a rich Bro­card-Bed within gilded Balisters, The King's Seat. lean­ing upon a noble Pillow, which there's none but he can have in Persia: Nor is any Body else permitted to sit after the same manner; but the other Lords always place themselves on their Breech, that Posture being lookt upon as more respectful. The Children of the Ha­ram are always about him, two of 'em continually refreshing him with long Fans made of Peacock's Tails. The rest have all some Office near his Ma­jesty. One presents him his Cup, the other his Tobacco, Coffee, and Tea, and a third the Bason to wash after he has eaten. The principal Eunuchs are also on each side of him; and the Of­ficers of Arms make an Oblique Line from the lower part of his Throne to the two chief Columns of the Hall.

The Etmadaulet is seated at the first Column on the Left-Hand, His Lords Seats. which you must note is the principal place of Ho­nour in Persia, and the Generalissimo of his Armies on the Right. After them the Ministers of State, the Valies, Kans, Ambassadors, and the King's Guests are plac'd in a parallel Line even to the low­er end of the Hall; where the Musicians make another Line just against the King's Throne. Musicians Seats. Their Musick and Symphony continues during the Au­dience, which always preceeds the Ban­quet, and which is done on purpose that the Guests may not hear what is said to the King. The Fourty Stew­ards of Honour leaning upon their Staffs, make a Circle before him, which also hinders 'em from so much as see­ing what is done at Audiences.

There is nothing finer than to see so splendid and numerous an Assem­bly drest all in their Robes; for their Habits are very noble, and come ve­ry near those of the Antient Romans. Their Head-Attire gives 'em so no­ble an Air, Splendor of their Ha­bits. that the Ottoman Turbans appear ridiculous to 'em. Two Gol­den Feathers come out of their Caps, and that is the reason they are called [Page]

A Persian Lord

[Page] [Page 47] Kzel-Baches, which signifies Golden, or Red-Heads. Their under Vests glitter extream­ly; for they, as well as their Sashes, are of Brocard, with Gold or Silver Ground. Their Upper Coats are of Scarlet Cloth, lac'd all over with Gold, and li­ned with the richest Sables. Also they are sometimes of the richest Brocards in all Persia. One of these Kzel-Ba­ches shall content himself with a piece of Bread, and a little sowre Milk, so that he can but accoutre himself and his Horse better than ordinary.

It seems the King, that he may make the lustre of his Officers Habits appear the stronger and more glori­ous, does the Office of a Shade in a Picture, and always affects to dress meanly, there being nothing but his Golden Feather out of the left side of his Turban, that distinguish­es him by its precious Stones of great price.

By what has been said, it sufficient­ly appears, that the Persians imitate the Magnificence of Abasuerus in their Feasts; but not the Temperance and Moderation that he always required at his. Grandees forc'd to drink, and wherefore. Great Men are now a days forc'd to drink even to excess, which [Page 48]has oftentimes disagreeable Effects. Nevertheless the King orders it out of Policy; for Wine draws from 'em those Truths they would have conceal'd had they been sober. He does it also to di­vert him; for one of his greatest Plea­sures consists in seeing 'em carried out from his Table dead-drunk. He works 'em up to what degrees he pleases; for he makes 'em drink in a sort of Goblet made in the fashion of a Ladle, and which holds at least a good Paris Pint: They call this sort of Goblet Hazar-Pecha, that is, a thousand Trades; for, they say, those that empty it thrice, or four times, may easily run Divisions upon a thousand several Arts and Pro­fessions. They give 'em nothing that might correct the Wine; for they al­ways drink it at the time of Audiences, when there is nothing serv'd up but Sweetmeats and Fruits.

The Europeans who have the Honour to be call'd to these Feasts, always find wherewithal to satisfie their Appetites; for every thing is exquisite in its kind, and well order'd. Their way of Eating. But they are often at a stand when they see they must eat Rice with their open Hands, and tear the boil'd and rost with their Fin­gers; [Page 49]for here you have neither Knives, Forks, nor Napkins: They give you in­deed a sort of Box-spoons; but they are to drink a certain Liquor made of Rose­water, boil'd Wine, and Verjuice, which you always drink with your Rice. If you would, you could not make use of 'em to eat, because they are very large and deep, and therefore not to be taken into your Mouths.

The Modesty, Respect, and Discretion of the Persian Officers is to be wonder'd at, for they sit all in a profound silence at the King's Table. Moreover, their Repasts are generally so short, Their Mo­desty at these Feasts that they have not time to talk, if they were enclin'd (eating open-handed;) for scarce is the last Table serv'd, before the first is ready to be taken away.

The Magnificence of the King of Persia appears the more glorious, How the King treats Strangers. by reason of the great Number of foreign Princes that he entertains at his Court. The Son of the Great Mogul, the Prin­cesses of Georgia, and many Usbeg Prin­ces keep their Courts with him at pre­sent, at his Charge. Ambassadors, Envoys, and others that bring Letters from any Princes of Asia and Europe (which they confound all under the Names of [Page 50]Guests) are lodg'd and entertain'd by his sole Bounty, and to whom he never grants Audiences of Leave, 'till he has made 'em Presents of Silver brocard and Silk Stuffs, work'd in his Manufa­cturies. Also there is nothing more obliging, His obliging manner of receiving Ambassa­dours, &c. than the manner after which he receives 'em; for no sooner are they arriv'd on the Confines, and have ac­quainted the first Governour, that they bring Dispatches to the King, from such and such Princes, but he imme­diately provides 'em Horses to mount themselves and Followers, and furnishes 'em moreover with Mules and Camels to carry their Baggage: And this all by the King's Orders, who sends some of the Principal Officers to conduct 'em on to Court, with express Commands to see 'em provided of all things necessary where ever they come. When they are arriv'd at the City where the King is, they place 'em in some House in the Suburbs, and immediately go to give the King an account; which he no sooner hears, but he receives 'em into the Number of his Guests, and orders the Introducer of Ambassadours, to bring 'em such News on his behalf, to prepare 'em an House richly furnish'd, [Page 51]and therein to inrroduce 'em with Ho­nour. The Introducer immediately goes to salute 'em, and after mutual Cere­monies, takes an account of the number of their Retinue, and accordingly hastens away to acquaint the King, who as­signs 'em all suitable Maintenance. Af­ter this, the Introducer goes to 'em a­gain, and conducts 'em to their Apart­ments prepar'd for 'em. He provides 'em also a certain number of Guards, to prevent any Affronts might be offer'd 'em. He lays 'em in all things neces­sary for one Month, and so continues every new Moon as long as they stay. He makes 'em frequent Visits, to in­form himself of their Health, and Oc­casions for any thing, that he might inform the King. He also conducts 'em to all Publick Audiences and Feasts, where they have a proper Place as­sign'd 'em. They are honour'd and respected where ever they come; and it would be to wound the King in his tenderest Part, to affront or give the least cause of Discontent to any of his Guests. He has a great deal of Re­gard towards 'em, and defrays their Charges when they return, as well as when they come to his Court.

He entertains into his Service all sorts of European Workmen; European Workmen esteem'd of, and enter­tain'd. but he respects the French most, of whom he has at pre­sent many skilful and excellent Watch­makers and Jewellers. He gives 'em very munificent Salaries; and there are some of 'em that receive 2500 Livres per Annum, which together with all neces­sary Provisions, amounts to a great Summ. The King esteems their La­bour so dear, that he will have 'em work for no body else. He also enter­tains some Chineses, and a great number of other Artists from all the Nations of Asia.

All those Lords who have the Ho­nour to assist at these Feasts of the King of Persia, His manner of taking the Air on Horse-back, and other Diversions. are oblig'd to wait upon him, whenever he goes on Horse-back. He mounts oftentimes to receive the Peti­tions of his Subjects as he passes, and to entertain himself about Affairs of State, with his Etmadaulet and other Mini­sters; and sometimes to see the Exer­cises of the young Lords of his Court, perform'd on Horse-back in that fine Course that Cha Abbas his Grandfa­ther made, to set off the City of Is­pahan.

Cha Abbas having a mind to fix the Seat of his Successours at Ispahan, A fine Course. spar'd no cost to adorn it with magnificent Palaces, Houses of Pleasure, and noble Walks; and amongst the rest, that fine Course he planted between the New and Old City, is one of the most be­witching: 'Tis a Walk very streight and uniform, more than two hundred Geometrical feet broad, and two good French Leagues long. Its Descri­ption. It is set on each side with a great number of Plane-Trees, which are large, high, and spreading; and whose Leaves being of the bigness of those of a Vine, make a very agreeable Shade. This Course beginning at the declining of the Mountain Sofa, is made round; so that the Fountain which is in the middle, throws its Spouts agreeably on all sides, into great eight corner'd Ba­sons as large as Ponds; which receiving their Force with regret, returns 'em in­to several other Basons, at three hun­dred Paces distance one from another, which must needs be thought to make a very pleasant Sight. Between the spaces of these Basons, are the King's Royal Houses on both sides of the Walk, one over against another; they [Page 54]are built after the same manner, and their Structure is both commodious and magnificent. They have many Sto­ries, distinguish'd by Balconies, and which advance upon the Course: Their Fronts are embellish'd with Pain­tings, and enrich'd with Leaves and Flowers of Gold, in demi Relievo.

This Walk is cross'd by another, less both in length and breadth, Another Course. but which has a very fair Canal in the middle of it, of about twenty foot broad, and six in depth. The Walls on both sides are open, Pallisado'd with Iron gilded, and which gives a very delightful Pro­spect into the King's Garden.

The River Zendroud cuts the Course a little below the Walk: A fine Ri­ver. The Chanel of this River is very large, and would be much more did not the Gravel, which it brings from the Mountains where it has its Source, many times hinder its over­flowing; but nevertheless it has some­times gain'd ground, and made it self an advanc'd Shore. 'Tis a very fine River during the Winter; but being the only one that serves the Plain of Ispahan, they cut so many Drains out of it to water their Lands, that in Summer it is almost quite dry. 'Tis a [Page 55]great matter of dispute what becomes of its Waters in the Summer: Some say they are lost in those Drains about the City of Yezd, others, that they are swallow'd up in a Hole there, whose End is not known; for their Streams are not to be trac'd any farther.

The River of Zendroud thus not be­ing able in Summer to supply with Water the vast Plain of Ispahan, the King had a design to give it Commu­nication with Ab-Couran, which is a great River, separated from it only by a little Mountain about ten or twelve Leagues above Ispahan. Monsieur Ge­nest, a French Enginier, undertook to join 'em, and had taken his Measures accordingly, either to cut an Hole through it, or to divide it by way of Mines; but Chiek Alikan, who was then Chief Minister, oppos'd this Design, because the Country about Ispahan would have then become so fertile, that he should have been depriv'd of the great Rents he receiv'd from the Pro­vince of Kermoucha, where he had a great number of Villages; and from the Government of Hamadan; which two generally supplied this Country with Corn, when they wanted. This great [Page 56]Lord had so prevailing an Authority above the Interest of the State, that he perswaded the King the Waters of Ab-Couran were not good, and therefore would utterly spoil those of Zendroud. Some other Lords were engag'd in the same Interests, and therefore vigorously supported this Opinion, insomuch as they easily prevail'd to baffle this De­sign.

The Bridge that goes over the Zen­droud, A fine Bridge. is an admirable piece of Work­manship; Its descrip­tion. it is above 300 Geometrical Paces long, and proportionably wide: the Walls on both sides of it are not less than 10 soot in heighth, and 6 in breadth, and which have every 10 paces great oval Holes, thro' which are seen on one side another Bridge far exceeding this; and on the other you have a prospect of the Suburbs of Julfa, which is a Colony of the Armenians. The Walls of this Bridge are so very thick, that there is an hollow quite through from one end to the other; and at every one of the oval Holes, there is a secret pair of Stairs to go down to the River, and to walk under the Arches, which are very commodious, to avoid Crowds, and to defend People from the excessive [Page]

VIEW OF THE FINE BRIDG AT IVLFA AT HISPAHAN
[profile view of bridge]

[Page] [Page 57]Heats. At the ends of this Bridge, there are two small Towers, whence People are us'd to go upon the Parapets Morn­ings and Evenings, to refresh them­selves.

The Course we were speaking of con­tinues round even to the Palace call'd Hazar-Dgerib, that is to say, How far the Course contiuues round. a thou­sand Acres, though its enclosure be more than six thousand. 'Tis here the King goes to refresh himself, after he has took an Heat with his Lords in the Course.

The March is noble, The man­ner of the King's March. and very well order'd, as to all that precede the King; but there is nothing but confusion and disorder behind him, those Lords obser­ving no Rules of Distinction. The Exempts of the Guards run before full speed, to clear the way where his Ma­jesty is to pass: Then follow, the Fusi­leers, to the number of four hun­dred, or thereabouts, who march in two streight Lines on the extremities of the Course: They have every one a red Tasseta Streamer on their Guns. The Colonels and other Officers fol­low on Horse back, with their Cara­biens behind their Shoulders, as the Arabians carry 'em. After these march [Page 58]they that carry the King's Arms, toge­ther with the several Distinctions of their Office; one carries his Arquebuss, another his Sword, a third his Quiver, a fourth his Bow, and the rest other Arms of such-like nature. Then fol­low the Great Master of the Houshold, the Great Master of the Wardrobe, the Great Master of the Horse, and the Great Gentleman Carver, with their several Officers; a great many Led-Horses come after them richly accou­tred; then come the Officers of the Sophi's, with the Ushers of the Palace, who carry every one an Axe; after these the Introducer of Ambassadours; Then the fourty Stewards of Honour go before the Great Master of the Ce­remonies, who marches alone to pre­vent Disorders and Obstacles in the way. Then follow the Pages and Children of the Haram on Horse-back well mounted; next the Umbrella Car­rier, and he that prepares the King's Tobacco follow these Pages. Lastly, the Chief Eunuch goes immediately be­fore the King, who marches in the middle of Twelve Footmen, and who always allows the Honour to any of his Ministers to discourse with him upon [Page 59]the way: The other Lords and Gentle­men follow confusedly one another.

The King is attended after the same manner when he goes a Hunting; The King's manner of Hunting with the Ladies of the Haram. but when he goes to give Diversion to his Queen, the Princesses and other Ladies of the Haram, over and above the for­mer Persons, he takes also with him the Officers of that place, who are all Eu­nuchs. Before he sets out, all Male Persons whatsoever are commanded to retire from the Places he must pass through. The Fuzileers guard the Avenues, within half a League of him every way; and the subaltern Eunuchs observe if the Fuzileers Curiosity does not oblige 'em sometimes to look back; and the Eunuchs of an higher Rank Marshal the Ladies, who go in order all on Horse back. They give no Quarter to any Men they meet on the Road, nor even to Boys that are past seven years old, if they surprize 'em in the Roads that are guarded; they punish them as severely as if they were Traytors, for daring to attempt any Glances on those that the King holds so dear. As for the Women, they may have leave to go to see this March; and 'tis from them only that I have learn'd these particulars.

The King has always with him a double Equipage, Magnifi­cent Equi­page. that he may change, as often as he pleases, and that every thing may be ready where he arrives. His Pavillions, and those of his Ladies are very rich, great, and splendid; they are of rich Silks embroider'd with Gold and Silver; they are so very large, that they contain within 'em Baths, great Tanks of Water, and movable Gar­dens of Flowers. The Ladies Apart­ments under these Pavillions, are as im­penetrable to Men's Eyes, as the Walls of the Haram.

The Great Lords begin to move so soon as they are advis'd the King is a-bed. Who guards his Tent a-Nights. The Etmadaulet, the other Mi­nisters, the Vali's, and the Kan's, keep guard about the King's Tent all Night: They relieve one another; and as soon as one is come, the Usher of the Cham­ber cries out, That such a Lord, whom he never names but by his Office, is come to the Door. This is done because the King should be the better inform'd of their Vigilance: And one of these Great Lords must be very sick indeed, if he can be excus'd from this Duty. The Eunuchs keep guard in the Womens Apartments with the same diligence.

These Lords have scarce ever any rest, for as soon as the Day appears, Who starts his Game. they are oblig'd to be upon starting of Game, and to drive 'em together in Crowds to that place where the King has de­sign'd to come with his Ladies. These Ladies are very Amazons; The Ladies Address. they know how to manage and spur an Horse, as well as the greatest Jockies: They can run down great Beasts, and dart 'em with Arrows when they have done, and which they level with wonderful dexterity: They follow the King with Hawks upon their Fists, and which they slip when he commands 'em, and ride full-speed when they see 'em mount; and when they have a mind to re-call 'em, they beat a sort of little Drum, which they carry on the Pom­mels of their Saddles, with the ends of their Bridles: But if they strike any Game, they come immediately and show it to the King: If they be Cranes they have kill'd, the King pulls out the Feathers, and divides 'em amongst 'em, and of which they make Feather Caps. The Great Lords also put 'em upon their Turbans, when the King permits them to Hunt with him.

The close encloistering of these La­dies in the Haram would be insuppor­table, Their Exer­cises in the Haram. if they did not altogether banish Idleness, and take care to sweeten their Solitude with diverting Exercises; they are there taught to Ride, to draw the Bow, to fire the Fusil, to course the Deer, and in fine, to Paint, Dance, Sing, and play upon all sorts of Mu­sick. They also there learn Poetry, History, and the Mathematicks. In short, every thing that may become 'em to render their Retreat the more agreeable.

This King Solyman has but one law­ful Wife, The King has but one lawful Wife to whom is given the Quality of Cassa; that is to say, the Chief Lady, or Lady of Distinction. She has not the principal Honours done her, as long as the Queen-Mother lives, who is call'd Navab Alié; that is, Most High, and Most Puissant Lady. There are above eight hundred Women in this Haram, but which are not all Concu­bines, for there are a great many of 'em that wait upon the Princesses of the Blood, and other Princesses of Georgia, Circassia, and Laurestan, who are all brought up in the Haram, with the Daughters of Governours, and of [Page] [Page]

A Persian Lady

[Page 63]other great Lords of the Empire, until the King does otherwise provide for 'em, suitable to their Birth and Condi­tion. They are here educated in all manner of Modesty and Chastity, inso­much that there is ne'er a Lord in the Realm, but would think himself ho­nour'd to have any of them for his Wife. These Princes and Lords also send their Sons into the King's Service, to learn the engaging Manners of the Court, and how to behave themselves with Wit and Address. They are here taught the Law and Military Exer­cises.

The Womens Apparel in Persia, The Womens Habits. does not at all differ from the Mens, but it is always richer, and more splendid: They wear no Turban; but their Foreheads are covered with an Head-band of three Fingers breadth, cover'd with enamel'd Gold, and set with Rubies, Diamonds, and Pearls, and the Border that hangs from it is of Gold Crowns of Venice, which make a very agreeable Fringe. Their Hair hangs behind all wreathed in Tresses; their Heads are wrapp'd in Caps embroider'd with Gold, and en­compass'd with a fine brocarded Scarf, part of which flows behind, even down [Page 64]to their Girdles. They wear Pearl Necklaces about their Necks; they gird themselves with Girdles four Fingers broad, which are all over cover'd with Gold Plate; this Gold is engrav'd or emboss'd, and many times set with pre­cious Stones. Their Under-garments are of Brocard with Gold or Silver Grounds, and their Upper a sort of Justacorps very rich, and furr'd with Martins Skins: These have Sleeves in the Winter but none in the Summer. They never wear Stockings, because their Breeches come down streight, even to their Ancles. In the Winter they put on a sort of very rich Shooes embroider'd, which they use only as Men doe Slippers. They have a sort of Red Pouder, with which they paint the Palms of their Hands, the Soles of their Feet, and the Ends of their Nails; also they black their Eyes with Tuty. Blew, Gray, and Ash-colour'd Eyes have no esteem with them; the Black only are priz'd. The Men also paint their Beards black.

The King having eight Years since receiv'd the Son of the Great Mogul, Smart Raillery the Mo­gul 's Son. with a great deal of Honour, at his Court, he one day ask'd him, What [Page 65]he thought of his Lords, and other Officers? To which this Prince reply'd, That he thought they had every one a very good Mien; but he was amaz'd to see not one old Man amongst 'em. Which Reflection the King took so great notice of, that he forbad all his Courtiers from that time to paint their Beards; so that the Audience following, this Prince was as much surpriz'd with the many Gray­beards, as he was before with the Black.

Whilst the King thus takes his Diver­sion in Hunting with his Ladies, Hunting. The Lordt the Lords of the Court take theirs also a­mongst themselves, but they must be sure they do not come within the King's view: He permits them sometimes to Hunt with him, and 'tis then he is wont to chase the great Beasts. He oftentimes slips his Dogs at Hares, Coneys, Deers, Leopards, Wolves, and Boars; but then what they take is always their own Fees. Venison, and other Flesh of that kind, which the Per­sians love very heartily, seems to them defil'd, when it has once touch'd a Dogs Jaws; and 'tis a Maxim of their Religion, Not to eat any thing that has been torn by any Beasts, because they [Page 66]then cannot know whether the Bloud was shed on the South-side or not, which is a Condition absolutely neces­sary to render it lawful in their Opini­ons. Persian Superstiti­on. Also they would be very scrupulous how they tasted any Fowl that had not been wounded on that side, which they esteem so sacred and sanctified, because of the Sepulchre of Mahomet, which is towards the South. This King draws a Bow and shoots a Gun with a great deal of address; what he kills is in so great Veneration, that he cannot oblige his Officers more, than to present 'em part.

The Seasons of Hunting are very long; Long Sea­sons for Hunting. they continue almost all the Winter, and the King never forbears 'till the Frosts are very severe: The Cold alone is not capable of discoura­ging him; for Persia is so dispos'd, that you need but go from one Mountain to another, to pass from excessive Cold to excessive Heat; Different Climates. and 'twas perhaps this variety and easie change of Climate, that enclin'd Ahasuerus to make his Re­sidence at Susa, before the many other fruitful and fair Povinces he was Ma­ster of, because the Mountains here are scorching hot in on situation, and very [Page] [Page]

Tower of Bones and Hornes

[Page 67]temperate and refreshing in another; for the Summer is moderate at Sultanie, and the Winter at Bagdat. The first Kings of Persia pass'd the Summer in the first Town, and the Winter in the last.

Cha Abbas took so great a number of Beasts in one Hunting he had with his Lords, Tower of Heads, &c that he built with 'em a Trophy of new Invention: He caus'd their Bones to be gather'd together, and rais'd a Minares, or Tower in the middle of Ispahan, the Structure whereof was no less agreeable, than absolutely new; it is made only of Stags Horns and Car­kasses, and Bones of other Animals, but which are plac'd together with a great deal of order and exactness. It is round, and resembles a Pyramid of Columns rais'd one above another, be­cause it is divided by Capitols, that seem also Pedestals to the other Co­lumns: The binding about of these Capitols is with Thigh Bones, whose Joinings together look very well. The Balcony and top of this Pillar are of the tallest Staggs Horns; the bodies of the Columns are compos'd of the smal­lest Bones and Horns: Its symetry is every-where kept so exactly, that [Page 68]Strangers, whose Curiosity leads 'em to this Tower, know not which to ad­mire most, whether the Niceness of the Structure, or the Industry of the Workmen, whose Art has been so much the more wonderful, as they have known how to compose so noble a Piece of Architecture, out of such fo­reign and strange Materials.

One may very well say, The King's Revenue. that all Per­sia is in the King's Demesns; for if the Lords possess great Estates, it is but look'd upon as the King's Bounty, and who can take them again, when they fall into disgrace; nay, the Children of his most faithful Servants do not in­herit unless he pleases.

There is no other extraordinary Re­venue in Persia but Land-Taxes and Aids.

These Taxes are only upon Land; The Taxes. the King has about Fifteen pence of our Money out of every Acre, which if Persia were as France is, would amount to a great many Millions; but that Country is every-where fill'd with Mountains and Desarts; and there are no Lands of any value, but only those that can be over flow'd, for the Win­ter, which is very short, being gone, [Page 69]there falls no more Rain in Persia. Christian Tribute. The Christian Tribute is not like these Land-Taxes, for they pay so much an Head, viz. those of Fifteen Years old, Seven Livres and Ten Sols; and those of Twenty, Fifteen Livres.

The principal Custom-Houses in Per­sia are that of the Persian Gulf, The Custom-Houses. and that of Guilan, whence comes the Silk: That of the Persian Gulf, which com­prehends the Ports of Bandar Abassi, Ban­dar Congo, Bandar Ric, and the Isle of Babarin, is farm'd at Threescore and five thousand Tomans, which make of our Money Two millions Nine hun­dred and twenty five thousand Livres.

The English, for having assisted Cha Abbas to take Ormus from the Portuguese, shar'd the Customs of Bandar Abassi with the King of Persia; and the Por­tuguese those of Bandar Congo; but at present they have little or no Benefit from 'em.

The Customs of Guilan bring the King in Fourscore thousand Tomans, which make Three millions and Six hundred thousand Livres of our Mo­ney.

The Customs of Tobacco produce Two millions and 500 thousand Livres; and [Page 70]those on the Oyl of Naphté about a Million. This Oyl is brought from Sciamaki. I can't tell how much the Pearl-Fishing at Baharin, the Fishing at Guilan, or the Mummy they draw out of Wells in certain places of Per­sia, and not embalm'd Bodies out of the Sands like those of Egypt, produce the King. That which distills from a Rock near the City of Lar is so pre­cious and so rare, that none but the King has of it. I am also ignorant of what duties are laid upon Weights and Cattle; but I know they give two Sols and six Deniers for every Beast, and fifteen Deniers for an Hun­dred weight of all Commodities sold in Markets.

The Searchers of the High-Roads take Five Sols for every Horse-Load of Merchandise without opening, Searchers. or examining what it is. The Gover­nours of Provinces farm these, and the foregoing Customs; and that is the reason I could not learn what they were worth.

The King gets a swinging Summ from Bawdy-Houses; but Cha Abbas fearing to sully his Treasury with Money rais'd from so infamous a Com­merce, [Page 71]order'd it should pass the Fire to purifie it, that is, be employ'd to de­fray the expence of Flambeaux, Illu­minations, and other artificial Fire­works that are made at the King's charge.

There is in every City a Vizier, Intendant of the Cu­stoms. or Intendant of the Customs, who col­lects all these Duties, and out of which the Governour has always Ten per Cent. for his part. For he has no o­ther Revenue than what is assigned him upon these Duties, and the seve­ral Causes he determines; where he always takes the Tenth of the Summ adjudg'd. But his Officers are main­tain'd out of the Royal Treasury; for only those of Garisons who compose his Court, are entertain'd in his Go­vernment. These Soldiers serve both for Messengers and Collectors of Taxes.

These Troopers are maintain'd out of the King's Demesn Lands. Trooper's Pay. He gives a County to a Colonel, and such a num­ber of Villages to a Captain, on con­dition they raise their Soldiers Pay out of 'em. A Trooper's Pay is an Hun­dred Crowns a Year. The Generals are also provided of Governments to defray their Charges, and those Prin­ces [Page 72]that retire into Persia. The Am­bassadors and Guests who are enter­tain'd at Court, are all charg'd upon the Demesn Lands, which also furnish Expences to the Kings Houshold. The King's vast Reve­nue. Thus all Charges paid, the King lays up ove­ry year Eight hundred thousand To­mans, which make 28 millions of Li­vres.

The King's Guards are compos'd of Fourteen Thousand Men, The King's Guards. who are divided into Five several Bodies.

The first is that of the Sophi's; but which is none of the most Honourable, Five Bo­dies. as I observ'd before: Nevertheless they have the nearest Guard to the Gate of the Haram. They make together a Body of Two Thousand Men, over whom the Echik Agassi, or Great Cap­tain of the Guard is Colonel.

The Second is the Dgez Hairtchis, that is, Guards du Corps. They per­form Duty in the Inner Court of the Palace. Their Body is compos'd of Four Thousand Men, whose Colonel is the Toptchi Bachi, or Great Master of the Artillery.

The Third is of the Kouls, or King's Slaves, who keep guard in the Cloy­sters between the First and Second [Page 73]Gate of the Palace. Their Body also consists of Four Thousand Men, of of whom the Kouler Agassi is Colonel.

The Fourth is of the Fusiliers, who guard the Entrance into the Palace. Their Body is of Two Thousand Men, commanded by the Tfankchi Agassi.

The Fifth is of the Kaurs Ysaouls, who are the Messengers on Horse-back. They make Two Thousand Men; whose Captain is the Great Consta­ble. But when they are in the Coun­try upon Duty, they are commanded by the Captain of the Watch. These Messengers watch a-nights about the King's Palace. They remove the Peo­ple out of the way when the King gets on Horse-back, keep silence in the Divan Begui's Courts, persorm all Executions, Seizures, Arresting of disgrac'd Kans, and cutting off their Heads whenever the King commands it.

The Five Colonels that command these Troops, Order of Mounting the Guard. mount the Guard in their turns; and they are never re­liev'd but from three Days to three Days. Their Troopers are Tablers whilst they are upon the Guard, and they have, over and above, Three [Page 74]Hundred and Fifty Livres paid 'em a Year, which is assign'd 'em out of the Demesns. They are all oblig'd to ac­company the King when he commands the Army in Person, except only the Sophi's, who are left to guard the out­side of the Haram, whilst the Eunuchs guard the inner. The chief Eunuch has supream command over these, as al­so of governing the Kingdom in the King's absence.

The Kingdom of Persia is of great extent, yet has a great many Enemies from those Mahometans of a different Sect, who have always for 'em an un­appeasable Aversion. Whence it comes that the King is always oblig'd to keep a strong Guard upon his Frontiers, viz. Number of Troops to guard the Frontiers. 12000 Men in the Province of Candahar, which confines with the Great Mogul; 20000 in Korassan, which borders with the Tartars of Balk, Bo­cara, and Samarkand; 15000 in Ma­zandran and Guilan, which border with the Moscovites and Cossacks, by the Ca­spian Sea; 12000 at Derband and Chir­van, which confine with the same People: And also a great number at Circassia, Georgia, and Colchide; 20000 in Media, whose Upper part confines [Page 75]with Turcomania, and Lower with Cur­distan; 12000 at Erivan, which bor­ders with the Empire of the Grand Signior, towards the Lesser Armenia; 12000 in Laurestan, which confines with Bagdat; 15000 in the Province of Susa, which confines with Arabia; and 12000 in the ancient Persia and Ka­ramania, which extend themselves from the Persian Gulf even to the River Indus.

These Troops, Number of the Ordi­nary For­ces. together with the King's Guards, make no less than an Hundred and Fifty Thousand Men, without comprehending the Garisons of Cities which are in the Heart of the Kingdom. They are all provided for out of the Demesns, and confiscated Estates. By this we may judge what prodigious Army the King of Persia is able to have on foot upon any ex­traordinary Occasion. He has little or no Infantry, because they could not support the Fatigues of Desarts and Mountains, which Persia is all over full of. No Infan­try or Ar­tillery, and wherefore. And they make use of little or no Artillery for the same reason; for they have no need of it to defend their Towns, which have neither Walls nor Fortifications, and therefore must trust wholy to their Bodies. Also [Page 76]none of the Castles on the Frontiers could ever be able to resist. The Fusiliers I spoke of before, are never on Foot, but when they guard the King at home; for when they accompany him to the Wars, they are always mount­ed.

The Persian Battles are never regu­lar: Their man­ner of fighting. They throw themselves up­on their Enemy in round Bodies. They shoot their Arrows, and then retire; but it is dangerous to pursue 'em, for they are very dextrous at levelling be­hind them, Their Stra­tagems. tho' they are flying upon full speed. They are subtle, and know when to engage an Enemy, where they can divert the Water, and so make 'em perish with Thirst. They are also very cunning at flying to Ambuscades, where they can cut their Enemy to pieces. Their Horses are ex­traordinary, for they can clime those places? where a Footman would be scarce able to pass.

The King of Persia has no Forces by Sea, No Forces by Sea. and he only reserves to him­self a Soveraignty over the Gulf of Ormus, the Arabian and Caspian Seas. His Subjects don't love Navigation; for they have it in so great abhor­rence, that they call those Nacoda's, [Page 77]that is, Atheists, who expose their Lives upon so inconstant in Element. This no doubt extreamly pleases the Ar­menians, who have all the Commerce by Sea of this Kingdom.

'Tis a great Advantage to a Sove­raign to have so numerous an Army at his command, but much greater to have it in the power of his Treasury to augment it as far as he pleases. His Treasure which his Father left him has been very much encreas'd since his coming to the Crown; for I believe above Twenty Years, there has never a Day past but there has come into his Exchequer 50000 Livres. Present Treasury augmented This is enough (without doubt) to govern his Kingdom quietly, and to augment it, if he pleases, by new Con­quests. And nothing, that I know of, hinders him to put 'em in Execution but his singular Goodness: For his Power is absolute over his Subjects, who are all almost Slaves; his Mini­sters are Skilfull and Active, his Coun­sellors great Politicians, and well ad­vis'd; and his Soldiers valiant.

I believe there is not in all the World a more absolute Despotick Govern­ment than that of Persia: Autho ity of the King of Persia. For the [Page 78]King is so entirely such, that he need never Register his Commands to have 'em executed, but disposes of the Lives and Estates of his Subjects without e­ver acquainting his Privy-Council. I'll give you one Example in the Person of Abdel Kassamkan, Governour of the City of Hamadan, Metropolis of a Pro­vince in the Kingdom of Media. This Lord having obtain'd this Go­vernment by his Merit, and of which he had given sufficient proofs in the charge of Divan Begui, which he had executed Nine Years, incurr'd the King's displeasure, upon a false Ac­cusation of an Arabian Merchant, employ'd by his Enemies to that pur­pose. The King immediately dispatch­ed an Ysaoul or Messenger to command him to Court. This Fellow coming to the Governour's Palace whilst he was doing Justice, without any Cere­mony, immediately crowded into the Chamber of Audience, and insolently march'd up to the Kan's Seat, when forbidding him to stir, he arrogantly acquainted him that he had dis­pleas'd the King. The Kan, who had all his Officers about him, and more than Four Hundred Soldiers in an ad­joyning [Page 79]Court, reply'd only, I am the King's Slave; I reverence his Orders: Put in execution what you are commanded. When at the same time taking his Girdle from his Waste, he presented it to the Messenger; who snatching it from him, instantly bound his Hands behind his Back. Then the Kan throwing his Turban upon the Ground, offer'd him also his Head: But the Messenger told him, that his Or­ders extended only to the seizing of his Person and Goods. Which Or­der having given to the Vizier, or King's Lieutenant to read, he immediately enter'd his Haram, seiz'd upon what­ever he found, and drove out his Wo­men after a very shameful manner. thus his House being pillaged, and all his Goods confiscated, he was led bound to Court, after the rudest and most ignominious manner imagina­ble. He remain'd there Nine Years as a private Person, without either E­quipage or Retinue, and without ever daring to appear before his Prince. But at length Fortune began to change in his favour, He is clear­ed by the Ruine of his Enemy. and the Constable, who was the cause of his Misfortune, fell himself into a deeper Disgrace, whose [Page 80]tragical Circumstances are but too re­markable not to relate.

This Constable's name was Sarou Kan, Tragical end of the Constable. who over and above the charge of this Office, had also the superinten­dency of Money, and of the Govern­ments of the Provinces of Hamadan, Cazran, First Ac­cusation. and Sambran. The first blow that made him stagger was given by the Kan of Kermoncha, Son of the last Etmadaulet, who complain'd to the King, that the Lieutenant of the Con­stable at Hamadan sacrific'd to the par­ticular Prejudice his Master always had towards his Father, the Lives and justest Interests of all the Lords of his Race, who were very numerous in that Province: And the better to sup­port his Accusation, he produc'd the Proceedings of the Massacre of the principal of his Family, word for word. The Constable presently began to ju­stifie himself in denying the Fact; but the King having referr'd the Exami­nation of the Matter to the Great Master of his Houshould, told the Constable, That if he were convicted, His and his Lieutenant's Head alone should not suffice to revenge so much Innocent Blood.

The Second Blow was upon account of the Money he had Superintendance over; Second Ac­cusation. for he was accused of great Misdemeanors in that Office, and of having put the whole Kingdom into disorder. The King for this began to reprehend him with a great deal of heat: Whereupon he had the Impu­dence to retort, and tell his Majesty, He knew not what sort of King he was, to believe so easily the Malice and Calumnies of his Enemies. This so nettled our Monarch, that the Death of this Lord had undoubtedly ensued his Displeasure, had not the Etmadaulet fell on his Knees, and im­mediately beg'd his Life.

Lastly, Occasion of his Ruine. The sudden return of Ab­dulla Sultan, Son to the Kan of Merva, from the Country of the Usbeg Tar­tars, where he was Prisoner, was the unavoidable occasion of the final ruine of this Constable. This Sultan, who has been always acknowledged to be one of the most valiant Captains in all Persia, having receiv'd Orders Three Years before to go to defend the Castle of Mourg-ab against the Us­begs, who were come to besiege it, parted from Hispahan with 300 Horse, [Page 82]and the King's Orders to the Gover­nour of Herat, to equip him with as many other Troops as he should have occasion for in this Expedition. But scarce was he got to Mourg-ab, but he was invested with Twelve Thou­sand Usbegs: Whereupon he immedi­ately dispatch'd a Courier to the Go­vernour of Herat, to send him instant Supplies. But this Governour, who was a sworn Enemy of the Kan of Merva's, being glad of this occasion of ruining the Sultan his Son, re­ceiv'd these Couriers without giving them any Answer. Governour of Herat 's Treachery. He was also so treacherous as to write to the Com­mander of the Usbeg Army, to proceed without fear, and to give no Quarter to the Sultan. He also di­spatch'd another Courier to the Prince of the Usbegs, Balk and Bocara, to ex­hort him to profit himself now that the King was as it were in a Le­thargy, and that he never would have again the like opportunity of regain­ing the Province of Corassan. And moreover that he might be sure of the Constable, and of him, for that they were both his sworn Friends, and he thought they might be allow'd [Page 83]Authority enough between 'em to hin­der any Succours being sent to Abdulla Sultan.

The Sultan receiving neither An­swer nor Assistance from the Gover­nour of Herat, made all possible haste to Court, Vacant two Years. where the death of the Et­madaulet, and the long vacancy of his Office, obliging him to put his Busi­ness into the Constable's Hands, who had always intelligence with the Go­vernour of Herat, and who had the same inclinations for his Ruine, he re­ceiv'd no more satisfaction at Court than what he had done before from the Governour. The Constable also being unwilling to yield in Treachery to the Governour, writ to his Son the Kan of Sambran, to prevent any of his Troops going to the assistance of Ab­dulla Sultan; and also commanded him to send a Letter to the Prince of the Usbegs, written by him, to the same effect as that of the Governours. The Sultan finding his stay vain, and being unwilling to disoblige his Prince with Delays, which might seem the effect of Cowardice rather than Necessity, re­turn'd to his Charge without so much as seeing the King.

In the mean time, A famous Siege. the Usbegs press'd on vigorously the Siege of Mourg-ab, and Abdulla Sultan defended himself with no less Courage than he was at­tack'd; for having lost all hopes of Re­lief, he was resolv'd to die as bravely as he could: He arm'd as many of the Inhabitants as were able, with whom he made several successful Sal­lies. But this Advantage over the Usbegs did not procure him any long Quiet; for they having receiv'd a Reinforce­ment of Eight thousand Men, push'd the Siege on with greater Vigour than before. Whereupon Abdulla not know­ing of their Recruits, attempted a se­cond Sally; where being over-power'd with Numbers, he was forc'd to retreat with the total loss of the City, and shut himself up in the Castle: The Revolt of the Be­sieg'd a­gainst the Sultan. But scarce was he enter'd there, when the Garison and Inhabitants being tired with so long a Siege, and not seeing any Suc­cours come to their assistance, imme­diately revolted against him, and ad­mitted the Enemy. Thus Abdulla Sul­tan seeing all Hopes lost, hearken'd to no Motives but those of extream Jealou­sie, which the Persians have all of their Wives, His strange Resolutions. and by which he thought to save his from Infamy: He therefore be­gan [Page 85]to represent to her, that the Castle was irrecoverably lost, and that she was in danger of being dishonour'd by the mortal Enemies both of her Nation and Religion. His Wife stabs her self. His Sister also. And he himself his Son. Whereupon she snatch'd the Ponyard he wore by his side, and bu­ried it in her Bosom. The Sultan's Sister follow'd her barbarous Example; but his only Son, who was yet too young for such an Action, had his Fa­ther's inhuman Help to dispatch him; for snatching the Ponyard all reeking with Blood out of his Sister's Breast, he plung'd it into this innocent Youth's Heart, chusing rather by a false Idea of Honour to murther his own Son, than to suffer him to be led a Captive with equal danger, by the Enemies of his Prince and Religion.

Thus having seen the total Extincti­on and tragical End of his Family, there was nothing more remain'd but that he should think of dying himself: Whereupon rushing with fury into the thickest of his Enemies, he made no small havock of 'em with his Scymiter; but tho' he expos'd himself to so many, yet he did not meet with that Death his Despair sought after; for over­power'd with their Force, he at length [Page 86]dropp'd in his own Bloud, where his Enemies taking him up, He is made Captive. they imme­diately dress'd and bound up his Wounds, and then led him Captive.

The Rigours of this Slavery did not wholly appease the Hatred of his Ene­mies in Persia; for the Constable, who had then altogether the King's Ear, employ'd the Misfortunes of the Son, for the Ruine of the Father; and to that purpose gave so sudden and subtile a Turn to the taking of Mourg-ab, that the King laid all the fault of this ill success upon the Father of Abdulla Sul­tan, whom he immediately depriv'd of his Governments of Merva and Ma­rouchak. The Con­stables Ma­lice. Moreover, the Constable had so incens'd the King against him, that he would never be perswaded to ad­mit him to any Defence of Himself, or Justification of his Son.

Nevertheless, Abdulla Sultan was not without some Consolation in his Capti­vity; for Sepan Kouli Prince of the Usbegs, having no ordinary sense of his Valour, us'd him well, and endeavour'd many times in vain to engage him to his Service; but promising him his Li­berty, if he could end that War success­fully, which he then had with the [Page 87] Kalmouch Tartars, He com­mands the Enemy's Army. he at length prevail'd upon him to accept the Command of his Army; which he knew so well how to manage, that he quickly recover'd all the Slaves and Country that they had taken from this Prince; He conquers and obiains his Liberty. wherewithal the Usbeg Monarch was so well satisfied, that he kept his Word, and gave him his Freedom. And to convince him the better of his Respect, he deliver'd into his hands the Constable and Go­vernour of Herat's Letters, which had been the only cause of the loss of Mourg-ab, the Massacre of his Family, and his own Captivity.

Thus being prepar'd for Revenge, he posted immediately to Court, where he understood his Father had fallen al­so under his Enemies Ill-will; His return into Persia. he arriv'd the 4th. of August, 1691. where pre­senting himself before the King, he was surpriz'd to see him alive: He re­ceiv'd him very favourably, and the Audience lasted from Noon till Night. He spent all that time to unriddle to the King the Treason and Intrigues of the Constable and the Governour of Herat, with the Tartarian Prince. Discovers the Intrigue

This Constable was a Man of all the World that knew best how to ma­nage Condition of the Con­stable at Court. [Page 88]his Tongue; the King lov'd him so extreamly well, that he past by those things in him, that would have been capital Crimes in others: He was so well setled in his Prince's Favour, that he easily parry'd all the Thrusts were offer'd at him, upon the account of the Money-Misdemeanour, and his Cruelty against those of the Family of the late Etmadaulet; and moreover, up­on this unexpected arrival of the Sultan, he was greater in favour than ever.

'Tis true, His Chara­cter. he had all the necessary Charms requir'd in a Courtier, to make himself belov'd by his Prince; His Air was Noble, and Manners seem­ingly obliging; his Shape tall, and well-proportion'd; in short, he was the finest Lord of all the Court. His Wit. But the Beau­ties of his Wit far excell'd those of his Body; his Discourse was always enga­ging, eloquent, insinuating, and gen­teel; and he could write in Verse or Prose as polite as any body. He knew how to manage his Talents so well, that he was look'd upon to be the most pru­dent, discreet Lord of all the Court. But nevertheless the King made him sometimes drink, to hear him censure and rally the rest of the Courtiers; and [Page 89]it was then that he could say or do any thing; yet ne'er a one of 'em all was in a Condition high enough to revenge himself. He was at this pitch of Fa­vour, when the Sultan came to Court; yet however he was suddenly forc'd to yield to a strange Turn of Affairs: His Ene­mies. His secret Enemies that he had at Court, were for the most part the Eunuchs, whom he had not the discretion to spare in his Railleries, insomuch that they were not only contented to support his Accusations against him, but took also occasion to discover to the King another Intrigue of his, which alone was sufficient to ruin him.

Mariam Kanum, the King's Aunt, remaining a Widow some time after the Sadre her Husband's death, she at last fell in love with the Constable, who it seems had not Prudence enough to prevent the Miseries that Intrigues with Princesses of the Blood bring a Man into; for he yielded to her Passion, and they some time deceived the Vigilance of the Eunuchs about her: But the Jealousie of his Wives encreasing by his frequent absence, they at last discover'd the whole Plot, and gave immediate notice to the Eunuchs; who not da­ring [Page 90]to discover it to the King, because of the Constable's being so great a Favourite, they were now resolv'd not to lose so plausible an occasion, but de­clar'd the whole matter.

The King, The King's Cunning. who has always been re­puted very cunning, was resolv'd to re­tain his Resentments, till he had heard from the Princess's own Mouth, whe­ther she had any love for the Con­stable; and to that purpose caus'd her immediately to be call'd into his Apart­ment; where after a great deal of Dis­course, he at last acquainted her with the great Respect and Esteem he had for her, and therefore was resolv'd spee­dily to re-marry her: Whereupon he began to propose to her many of his Fa­vourites; but she shew'd for 'em all an equal Dislike, till at last coming to the Constable, he told her, he should have propos'd him before, but that he thought he was too much in years for her Embraces: Whereupon she not be­ing able to conceal her Love, imme­diately told the King, that his Age was best suitable with hers; and moreover began to run on in such a long harangue in his Commendations, that the King had no more reason to doubt of the [Page 91]truth of what had been told him. Wherefore dismissing her, he made her believe he would speedily bestow her upon the Constable; and so bid her re­tire, whilst he dispos'd of all things for the Nuptials. She being infinitely sur­priz'd and pleas'd, kiss'd his Feet, and so departed.

So sawcy an Attempt upon the Royal Bloud, and the Treason discover'd by the Sultan, were more than was neces­sary to ruin the Constable: But ne­vertheless, the King calling in his Eunuchs again, they did not cease to augment the Disturbance of his Mind, by telling him, That the Intrigues the Constable had with his Aunt, might in time amount to dethroning him: And, That they thought they had reason to believe he design'd to place the Crown on his Majesty's eldest Son's Head, who was Two and twenty Years old. I know no more of the Particulars of this Conspiracy, but that the young Prince was not suffer'd to live to succeed his Father.

The King being extreamly incens'd with these Relations, dispatch'd away Three Couriers immediately to Herat, with express Orders to bring him the [Page 92]Head of the Governour; but Death had prevented their Design, for he died three Days before. Next the King com­manded the Constable's Son to be arre­sted at Sembran, and the Lieutenants of Kazran and Hamadan. All these Orders were secretly executed by the Eunuchs, without either the knowledge of the Etmadaulet of Council. And all the Lords were extreamly surpriz'd, when they receiv'd Orders at midnight to come to the Palace.

The Etmadaulet, the Constable, the Divan Begui, and the Superintendant of the Slaves, appear'd the first before the King, being the Four Principal Officers of the Crown, when the King, not so much as affording one favourable Look to the Constable, gave him pre­sently a surprizing Prospect of his Misfortunes, which was augmented the more, when he saw the Guards rein­forc'd with Two hundred Eunuchs in Arms about the King's Person. Never­theless, he endeavour'd to conceal his Concern, and took his ordinary Place next to the Etmadaulet, to whom the King had given Wine, and to two other Lords; but took no notice of the Constable; which the Superintendant [Page 93]of the Slaves (being the King's great Favourite) observing, express'd the Effects of Wonder in his Looks, and which gave the King occasion to di­rect his Discourse to him in these Words: You seem surpriz'd (says he) that I take no greater notice of this Traytor; but that you may know I can do all things in due time, I command you instantly to rise, and to go cut off his Head. This Lord being frighted with so strange a Com­mand, immediately cast himself at the King's Feet; but instead of obtaining Mercy for his Friend, he got only the Privilege of being a Companion in his Condemnation: For the King being nettled with his Disobedience, rigo­rously commanded the Divan Begui to out off both their Heads. But the Et­madaulet a little intercepting, fell on his Knees, and with his ordinary Elo­quence having represented to his Maje­sty, That the Constable might well be thought criminal, in being the first occasion of displeasing so merciful a Prince: But for the Superintendant of the Slaves, he took only an inno­cent Liberty of interceeding for his Friend, without acting any thing con­trary to the Respect that was due to [Page 94]his Commands; for that all his Pre­decessors had confirmed that Law, which forbid any one to execute such Orders as this, till they had been reite­rated thrice; and that knowing of what importance it was to oppose some­times an humble Intercession to their Anger, they have always allow'd of solliciting their Clemency in favour of the Accus'd. Very well then (says the King) I pardon the Superintendant of the Slaves: But you, Divan Begui, I com­mand you thrice go execute my Orders; go instantly and strike off that Traytors's Head. Whereupon the Divan Begui, though very unwillingly, was forc'd to go and seize the Constable, and to degrade him, by snatching off his Turban, and throwing it on the ground, when drag­ging him out of the Hall, he took off his Girdle, and bound his Hands be­hind him: The Constable all the while wishing Prosperity and long Life to the King, without daring to murmur any Complaints against his Usage; and to shew his entire Submission to his Ma­ster's Orders, he often kiss'd the Divan Begui's Robe, and conjur'd him to en­treat his Majesty, that he would be pleased to pay his Debts, and not to [Page 95]extend his Wrath to the reft of his Fa­mily, they being altogether innocent, and he only guilty. Then he desired the Alcoran to pray in, and to know whe­ther his last Hour were yet come, ho­ping always the King's Anger would mitigate. But the Divan Begui, fearing by delay to incense the King farther a­gainst himself, fix'd the last Minute of his Life, by discharging a Stroke into his Neck, which through Grief to see his Friend in that Condition, was not strong enough to do his Business; wherefore the Constable entreating by their ancient Friendship to dispatch him, the Divan Begui not being farther able himself, caus'd his Gentleman to come up, who with three Blows of a Scymetar, sever'd his Head from his Body. Which done, it was immediate­ly carry'd to the King; who looking upon it with a stern Countenance, cried, Very well, Traytor: Am I now asleep? Am I now in a Lethargy, as you sent word to my Enemies? No, no; you find I am not. Then ordering the Head to be taken from him, he turn'd himself to the Lords of his Court, and told 'em, That that Head was but the First of Four that should fall. Which surprizing [Page 96]Speech made every one tremble and look pale for fear it should be his own.

The Wedding that the King promi­sed to the Princess his Aunt, was by these means chang'd into a bloody and frightful Tragedy; for he immediate­ly order'd an Eunuch to carry her the Constable's Head; and moreover to acquaint her from him, that it belon­ged to the Husband he had made choice of for her, and that it was cer­tain she had yet made no attempt a­gainst his Person. Nevertheless he should not be contented by punishing her only with Griefs to see her Lover's Head in a Platter, he would also have her's for reparation.

Whilst these Executions were doing in the Palace, the Great Master of the Houshold, and Governour of Shiras were sealing of the Constable's House. The King terminated these tragical Actions by giving the Government of Hamadan to Abdelksum-Kan, who had been dispossest thereof Eight Years before by the Wiles of the Con­stable: But the King, tho' he restor'd him his Government, yet kept his Goods, which he had confiscated and united to his Demesns. This so abso­lute [Page 97]Authority that makes the King of Persia Unaccountable, at the same time renders his Subjects Miserable.

Chiek Sephi, restorer of the Monar­chy of Persia, and who rais'd its Power to that height we see it in at present, was, without doubt, an excellent Po­litician. Original of the King's Despotick Power. He knew how to make use of the Advantages he had by being de­scended from Mahomet, and whose Re­ligion the greatest part of the Medians came in Crowds to embrace. He had immediately a Reputation of being a Saint of that Law, his Life being very regular and retir'd. Upon which oc­casion he had leisure to invent a great many Improbable Revelations; but which, nevertheless, he put off to the People for Oracles. In short, he knew so well how to manage their weak­ness with his Hypocrisy, He is Head of his Re­ligion. that he made 'em acknowledge his Son Cha Ishmael for the Sovereign and Supream Head of their Religion. Insomuch that the succeeding Kings have retain'd this Power and Advantage. For the Peo­ple ignorantly believe, His Sub­jects be­lieve him Infallible. That being descended from Mahomet, they are always faultless in their Manners, and infallible in their Decisions. In a man­ner [Page 98]that the Emperor of Persia holds in his Hands, both the Reins of Spiritual and Temporal Authority, which are the Two only Foundations that can support an Arbitrary Power.

The Persians are so pre-possess'd and bigotted with the Infallibility of their Prince, that they receive his Com­mands and Ordinances as Oracles de­scended from Heaven. Their re­spect to his Commands. And however innocent a Person in disgrace is, yet they look upon him as a Traytor and a Villain: Being of Opinion, That to incurr the displeasure of their Prince is one of the most enormous of Crimes. 'Tis therefore they always treat 'em like Cain, with the terms of Traytor, Ingrate, and unworthy to see the Light, it being not possible to enter into their Heads, That the King can ever con­demn any Body without just Cause.

This spiritual Power is to be remar­ked in all the Addresses and Discour­ses they have to and with him: As Kourban Olim (which is) May I be sa­crific'd for you. Din Imanum Padicha, My King, my Saint, my Law! Bachan­ha Dunim, May I turn about your Head.

This way of expressing themselves, May I turn about your Head, is not of modern Invention, but was in use with the ancient Persian Kings, and it is practised now in so particular and fre­quent a manner, that it cannot well be past by. For when the King bestows any charge, he to whom it is given takes his Instalment by turning thrice about his Person, and saying, May I turn about your Head; and afterwards by falling on his Knees, and kissing his Majesty's Feet. He protests by this Ceremony, That he is ready to expose his Life for the safety of his Masters, and acknowledges withal, that his and his Family's dependance is altogether upon his Pleasure; and 'tis therefore they call their King Veli Nahmet, that is, The Master and Distributer of Favours.

All things are well order'd in the King's Privy-Council: The King's Council. His Counsellors of Religion, the Sword, and the Gown, are of an equal number; all chosen Men, both of Wit and Experience. They have a deep Penetration, and a great deal of Vivacity. They conceive things easily, and always give every Affair as much Attention as it deserves. They deliberate maturely; and are never very hasty [Page 100]to decide. Their Qua­lities. They have this Maxim a­mongst 'em, That Time does more than an Army: And, That To know how to Temporize is to be able to Conquer, with­out running any risque.

The Hollanders in 1686 were very sensible of the Advantage the Persians drew from this Maxim. Their Cun­ning. For having several times complain'd that they fur­nish'd 'em with bad Silk out of the King's Magazine, and whence they were obliged to take 300 Charges e­very Year, not being able to obtain the Justice they desir'd, they at length sent Four Ships into the Per­sian Gulf, who cannonaded Bandar-A­bassi, and possess'd themselves of the Isle of Quixme, near Ormus. The Persians, who had no power to oppose 'em by Sea, were forc'd to give 'em good Words, and perswaded 'em to send an Agent to Court, to whom they would not fail to give satisfaction. Upon which the Hollanders dispatch'd away immediately Van Heuvle for that pur­pose, who came thither with a great Retinue; but who was suffer'd to stay Three Years without ever being ask'd the occasion of his coming. At length the Dutch man, weary with presenting [Page 101]so many Petitions, and receiving no Answers determin'd to deliver up the Island which they had been at so pro­digious an Expence to keep, and with­out reckoning the farther Charges he was at to obtain leave to be gone. Which when he had procur'd, he was dismiss'd with this Reprimand, That it did not suit with the Quality of Merchants to demand Justice of a King by Cannonading.

Also nothing has been more judici­ous than those Answers they gave to the Envoys from Germany, Poland, Judicious Answers. and Muscovy, when they came to propose to 'em to enter into a League with their Masters against the Grand Sig­nior.

The Arch Bishop D'Abaranel, a Ger­man, who brought a Letter from the Emperor to the King of Persia, very earnestly sollicited this Prince to enter into a League with his Master, and represented to him many Advantages he might obtain by it. To which the Etmadaulet answer'd, That the King ought not to shew greater hast for this League than the Emperor and his Al­lies had discover'd Inclinations for that which his Master propos'd to 'em [Page 102]by his Ambassadors at his coming to the Crown: And as for the hopes of Advantages by this League, the King knew none more prevailing than to keep his Word given to the Grand Sig­nior, and to live in Peace with him. The Arch-Bishop Reply'd, That the Turks had but too often broke their Words with the King of Persia, and that they never made so many Scru­ples to violate the Faith of Treaties. To which he was answer'd, That it did not consist with the glory of the King of Persia to be worse than his Word: And that the Grand Signior might be as false as he pleas'd, for he should take no care to imitate him.

The Polish Ambassador represented, That there was a very favourable Op­portunity for the King of Persia to re­cover from the Turks the Cities of Bal­sora, Bagdat, and Erzerom. But he was answer'd, That those places were not more important to the Persians than Caminiec was to the Poles; and that when they could take one, they would take the other.

The Envoy of Muscovy shew'd how great a Confusion the Grand Signior was in, and how easie a matter it was to [Page 103]Ruine him: Let him be humbled a God's Name, says the Etmadaulet, but let him not be ruin'd: He is a potent Neighbour ('tis true) and one that often incommodes us, but we should be less able to endure a Prince of another Religion. And, moreover, it is not for our Interest that he should be too much weakned, because his Kingdom serves for a Barricado to defend us on the Christians side.

And upon their last Importunities, at their Audience of Leave, the Etma­daulet told 'em, That it was dange­rous to open too large an Hole in an Hive, for fear of being expos'd to the Bees Stings. Giving 'em to understand that Persia was at quiet whilst the Grand Signior, his most formidable E­nemy, was busied in resisting the Chri­stians. But if they should join with them in League against him, the Us­beg Tartars, and the Mogul would pour in in Shoals to defend him, being of the same Sect: Who tho' their Forces may be as weak as Bees, in respect of those of Persia, yet their great Num­bers would not fail to plague 'em con­tinually, without their ever being able to be deliver'd by the Christians, by reason of their great distance.

Secrets are kept so nicely in the Council, Secrets nicely ob­serv'd. that it has been observ'd, a Father has not discover'd to his Son the Measures he knew were taken a­gainst his Life. The Condemnation of Persons out of favour is not known before their Heads are seen brought in a Charger to the King's Table. All the Heads that have been cut off in one Year are presented to the King the first day of the ensuing; a sad spe­ctacle this, and one would think ve­ry little suiting with the solemn Joy of a Feast!

Whatever discussions are made of Affairs of State in this Council, Authority of the Eu­nuchs. yet they are never decided there. They treat only of Means, and the Appli­cation is reserv'd to the Privy-Coun­cil, which is compos'd of the princi­pal Eunuchs. In this Council are de­termin'd the most important Affairs of State. The chief Minister, and the other Lords know nothing of what is transacted there. These Eunuchs are Men of Wit, and the King always re­lies upon their fidelity.

The Governour of the Princes is an Eunuch: They enjoy the Chief Offices. Their Tutors are Eunuchs: The Affairs of the Kingdom are in the [Page 105]hands of an Eunuch; and 'tis an Eu­nuch alone that chuses which of the King's Sons shall succeed him after his death, and who gives him notice ac­cordingly, and immediately places him upon the Throne. In fine, they are all Eunuchs who have the manage­ment of any thing in the King's House.

The Royal Treasure is confided in an Eunuch, as well as the Royal Ward­robe, with all other Rareties which are presented to the King: And they have this reason for their Trust, That these Eunuchs being bought Children out of the Indies, and who know nei­ther Country, Father or Mother, nor have any Families to raise, they will be the likelier to be more Faithful and Honest: Besides, these gainful Offices are bestowed upon them because the King is their Heir, and whatever they heap up is sure to come again into his Treasury. The King does nothing in the Council of his Revenue, without the knowledge of this Eunuch, who is the keeper of it.

The Etmadaulet and the King's Se­cretary gives him every Month an account of the Charges and Royal Who takes the Ac­counts, [Page 106]Bounties within the Kingdom. Also of all other Summs they have out of the Treasury. The Nazir, likewise, or Great Master of the Houshold passes his Accounts with him, and which are allow'd or controll'd at his Pleasure.

The Kingdom of Persia is so very large, A good Pu­licy. that the most distant Kans might very well disturb the State, if they were allow'd to be altogether Masters of their Soldiers: But this probable disorder has been prevented by placing in every Province a Vizier, or Over­seer, which does the same thing in Persia as the Intendant in France, ex­cept that they are not allow'd to pro­nounce Justice as they do, but are on­ly Assistants to the Kans, who are al­ways the proper Judges in their own Provinces. These Viziers raise the Sol­diers Pay upon the Demesns, that the Kans might not have the power to engage 'em to a Revolt. They have also care that the Peasants, to avoid the hard Usages of the Kans, and o­ther Officers, do not forsake their Labour. The Kalentar, or Provost of the Merchants, has also authority to prevent the abusing of Merchants, and other Tradesmen. And the Deputies [Page 107]of the Sadre, Chiek Alislam, and the Ka­zi, are as so many Spies to observe the Proceedings of the Kan, and who can scarce do any thing without their Privity. These are good Orders, but ill observ'd; for if the Kan have but cunning enough to manage the Peo­ple, he may do what he pleases, with­out any Check or Restraint.

Tho' the People have the justest cause imaginable, Petitions, when pre­sented. yet they find it of­ten very difficult to make their Com­plaints, for they can never present a­ny Petition to the King but when he goes on Horse-back, and then the Kans have always so much Interest at Court as to prevent their Approach­ing him. Sometimes they make the Great Astrologer their Friend, who pretends to consult the Stars, and that it is not a lucky Hour for his Maje­sty to receive Petitions in. How pre­vented. And some­times the Great Marshal, who goes just before the King, and commands his Servants to keep the Suppliants off with tough Cudgels. Morever, the King always does the honour of Dis­coursing with him upon the way, to some one of his Ministers, who if he be engag'd, will discourse of quite a­nother [Page 108]thing than what is expos'd in the Petition. And, in a Word, there is nothing easier than to corrupt the King's Footmen, who always run to receive the Petitions, and who can ve­ry well suppress some of them by the way.

Nevertheless, Hazara to oppress his Subjects. it is no common ha­zard to oppress any of this King's Subjects, for he has so great a love for them, that he severely punishes those Governours that do but offend 'em; but yet he is not always right­ly inform'd of their conduct. The Lords of his Councel are all provided of some Government; whose Lieute­nants are also subject to the same ha­zards with their Governours, and there­fore these employ their Interests as stre­nuously for them as themselves, for fear their Extortions being discover'd, might prove a prejudice to their Gran­deur, and great Expences at Court, which are altogether supply'd by these means: So that providing there be no falling out between the Governours, their Oppressions and Injustice can ne­ver be known.

A difference arising between the Chief Minister and the Constable in [Page 109]1685, was the cause of a Brother of the latter's ruine: For the Constable, who ow'd his own Rise to this Mini­ster, insinuated himself so much far­ther into his Favour, that he obtain'd the Government of Sembran for his Brother Mahmed Reza Kan. But this new Governour, who might have been one of the greatest Men in Persia, had he had so much Goodness and Hone­sty as Wit, began to exercise so many Inhumanities and Oppressions in that Province, that the People came to Court in Crowds for redress. They carried their Accusations first to the Chief Minister, who sending for the Con­stable, acquainted him with the many Complaints were made against his Brother, and desir'd him to use means to prevent the like for the future, for fear of the ill Consequences that would certainly ensue, if they should come to the King's Ear. So great a kindness as this from a Person that had a power of distributing Justice himself, one would have thought might have prevail'd upon this Constable, but the favour he imagin'd he was in with the King, over balanc'd all other Considerations, and therefore blinded [Page 110]with Ambition, he gave him such an Answer as was the utter ruine of his Brother, and in a great measure of himself. For he told this Minister, That it was not so great a wonder if his Brother, who was a young Man had ruin'd a Province, when he that was so consummated a Politician had done the like for all Persia. This Constable forgot all the while he ow'd his Pre­ferment to this Man, and who had as great a power to suppress his Pride, as he had had to advance it. In short, the Etmadaulet inform'd the King of all, and this Governour of Sembran was immediately degraded, and his E­state confiscated to the People's use, to make 'em amends for their loss. He was forthwith sent to Hispahan, and there laid in Irons: He also re­ceiv'd so many blows on the Feet as made his Nails jump off from 'em; and he never had escap'd a shameful death, if the Constable, who was also out of favour upon this occasion, had not found out some means to appease the angry Etmadaulet, and moreover dis­burs'd Twenty Thousand Crowns to make the People full satisfaction. He saved his Brother's Head by these means, [Page 111]but he was never able to re-establish him in any Employ, or the King's fa­vour, who would never so much as look upon him ever afterwards.

The People may also present Peti­tions against the Kans by way of the Etmadaulet, or Divan-Begui; Petitions presented, how. but these ways are full as chargeable, and often of as great difficulty as the former. For if the Kans, Complained against, are Friends either to one or other of these great Lords; or if they be Per­sons of a better Reputation than or­dinary, they will be sure to have these Petitions secretly sent 'em. And, if not so, the Suppliant must enter into a Recognizance to the King, conformable to the importance of the matter, to be instantly paid, if he has falsly accus'd the Kan. The Etmadau­let, and Divan-Begui, affix their Seals to this Recognizance; and then it must be enter'd in Five several Registers, where there are great Duties to be paid. After that the Suppliant carries it to the Divan-Begui, who grants out a Commission to some Lord of that Province to examine into the Affair, and then he allows the Suppliant a Mes­senger of the Palace to do Execution, [Page 112]and levy the Recognizance. Afterwards he carries it to the Chancery, where the Keeper of the Seals sends him into the Haram, to get the King's Seal ap­ply'd. Then the Suppliant departs with his Messenger, whose Charges he is oblig'd to defray 'till he has made good what he pretended. 'Tis easie to guess after this with what Impunity the Kans are suffer'd to Tyrannize o­ver the People when they are plac'd so far from a Remedy.

The Chamber of great Days will redress many other Grievances which are crept into the Government, The Cham­ber of great Days. as well those in respect of the Soldiers as those which concern Trade. Those Soldiers are ill paid, which are assign'd their Money upon the Villages and Lands which the King has confiscated; for the Viziers, who have the management of it, make 'em run sometimes 300 Leagues after it, and then they know how to bubble 'em so well, that 'tis much if they can but get two thirds. The Kans are oblig'd to maintain such a number of Soldiers; but if the Vi­zier and they can agree, they'll get the Profits of half to themselves. And this they do without any fear, as [Page 113]they are at a greater distance from Court.

They are not also more just in obser­ving the Treaties and Privileges the King grants Merchants, The Per­sians have lost their Credit. to facilitate their Commerce in his Kingdom; and they have now no more Credit with any Nation, because there is none which they have not abus'd upon this Article.

The Hollanders of all Strangers have had the greatest reason to complain of the little regard the Officers and Far­mers at the Ports shew'd to the Ar­ticles and Privileges the King granted 'em: The Hol­landers most reason to complain. For having made a Treaty with the King about Silks, they oblig'd themselves to take every Year 300 Charges, and for which they were to pay 1000 Livres upon every Charge more than the Market-price, on con­dition that they should be excus'd from paying Customs for Spices which they sold in Persia. Upon this, they thriv'd very well before the last Wars; but since, their Trade is very much weaken'd, and now they carry but little Merchandice into Persia. So that the Benefit they have by the Release of Customs, does not equal the Gain the [Page 114]King makes of his Silks; for the Offi­cers of his Court gave 'em so very bad, that they could not put 'em to any other use, than to make Cordage for their Horses at Batavia. Whereupon four Years ago, they sent a famous Embassie to remedy this Disorder; and their Ambassadour Van Leenen made the King a great many magnificent Presents, to obtain a more reaso­nable Price upon his Silks; and at last with much ado he got it lower'd Thirty Crowns every Charge. But in all likelihood this was only a politick Promise, that he might not think much of his Presents; for he has been never able to get it in Writing ever since, though he spar'd no Reward to the Great Ministers; insomuch, as he pro­tested against this Commerce, when he came to Lar, and threatned to bring Ships from Batavia, to ruin the Ports of Persia. But the Persians were not so ill Politicians, but they knew that their Company was not able to do it, because of some French Ships that from time to time appear'd in that Sea.

The Hollanders are not the only Peo­ple who do not find it worth their while to traffick into Persia; for their [Page 115]Money is become so bad, that no body cares to carry their Goods so far, to re­ceive their Price in Copper. This Cor­ruption of Money, proceeds from their supine neglect to find out the false Coi­ners; and when they have found any, Coiners how pu­nish'd. from their contenting themselves with only confiscating their Goods, and so leaving their Hands at liberty to return to the same Trade. More than ten Years a Reformation of this has been labour'd at. The King has stamp'd Pieces of very good Allay at Ispahan, Erivan, Dadian, Tauris, Ardaville, Ha­madan, and Avisa: But scarce have they come out of the Mint, but they have been immediately spirited away to the Indies, notwithstanding the ma­ny rigorous Edicts the King has made against it. They got the Kan of Ban­dar Abassi on their side; and so the more Money is coined in Persia, the less is to be seen in the Kingdom. How pre­vented. They might remedy this Inconvenience, by raising the value of those Pieces that were good; for then the Indians would not be so ready to carry 'em away.

They have so much abated the Price of our Gold and Silver, European Money lower'd in value. that now no Merchant will carry any thither; but [Page 116]our Zekins of Venice, and Crowns of Spain, are transported by way of Bal­sora to the Indies. So that Persia ha­ving no Mines, in a short time there will be no Silver in the Kingdom to coin new Pieces. Also two other In­conveniences arise from this abatement of Money, viz. the interruption of Trade, The Incon­veniencies thereby. and the loss of the Customs, that other Nations will benefit by.

The King does not suffer this so considerable loss by any Cessation of Commerce of Silks; for they are now wrought as much as ever, and Manu­factures are establish'd at Ispahan, Ca­chan, Tauris, and Masched; but these Manufactures, where they work very fine and rich Silks, are made only for the use of the Kingdom; for the Great Mogul, to hinder the utterance of 'em in his Empire, has forbid his Subjects to wear 'em. And the Turks seldom wear any Gold or Silver, as also few others of the Neighbours of Persia. So that these Commodities being not in use elsewhere, must of necessity be confin'd to that Kingdom.

The Great Mogul, The Great Mogul not their grea­test Enemy. whose State joins on the South and East-side to Persia, is not the most formidable Enemy they [Page 117]have, though he be the most consi­derable in extent of Dominion and Riches: For the Frontiers are so well guarded on that side by Mountains, and the Castle of Candahar, which is the only Place of Strength in the Kingdom, that he cannot easily anoy 'em. Those that have writ of the Wars of those two Nations, observe these Advantages the Persians have had over the Indians: The Persians are more Warlike, How the King despi­ses the Mogul 's Armies. better disciplin'd, and much stronger than they. Cha Abbas the Great, always sent but a Third part of Troops a­gainst 'em; and 'tis said, that to ridicule their Weakness, he one day gave the Command of his Army to a Concu­bine, who entirely defeated the Indians, Routed by a Woman. and kill'd 'em abundance of Men. It was she, that to insult over the Indians after her Victory, gave occasion to this Proverb: Ker kerguiabir dasche. There needs but one Stone to kill forty Crows. Meaning, It was much for a Woman to rout so ma­ny Indians, who are black as Crows.

The King of Persia has a great ma­ny Emissaries in the Great Mogul's Court, Emissaries in the Mogul 's Court. who give him constant Advi­ces of all Transactions there. The Great Mogul plays his Part better on [Page 118]that side near Golconda, where the In­dians are much more soft and effemi­nate than those of his own Country; but he has no Troops which are fit­ting to compare with the Kzel-baches, for Shape, Strength, Address, or Wit.

The Governours of Kandahar have so often betray'd the King, A Precau­tion to keep the Frontiers secure. in delive­ring the Fortress to the Mogul, that there are no more sent, but such as are Faith­ful, Rich, and Powerful, and who would not have been able to have found greater Advantages in his Court, than they had at home in their own. And besides, they always pitch upon a good Fa­mily, that they may retain 'em for Hostages.

The King always keeps a strong Ga­rison in the Province of Candahar, for fear of being surpriz'd by the Bullodges and Agwanes, that inhabit the Mountains: These are People that live in Tents, like our First-fathers. They are very Warlike, and know how to use a Bow admirably well; but they are great Thieves, and never give any Quarter to the Caravans. They live in Scythia, yet are Subjects of the Great Mogul; but still he is not so much their [Page 119]Master, but that they'll serve them that give 'em most. Persia knows how to manage 'em very well; for it allows 'em, so many Privileges and Advan­tages, Colony of Christians in Scythia. that if they do not altogether en­gage 'em to their Service, yet they take away their Inclinations of doing 'em any harm. They make the Sign of the CROSS, and love Christians ex­treamly; but have as great an Aver­sion for Mahometans. They are of those Armenians of Turcomania, and the Countries about the Caspian Sea, which Tamerlan carried away to plant 'em in Colonies in Scythia. They have for­got their Religion; but for the little that remains in 'em of Christianity, it would be much easier for the Missionae­ries to make good Christians of them, than to convert those Schismatick Arme­nians; so much these last are wed­ded to their Errours and Superstiti­ons.

The Intrigues the King of Persia has in the Mogul's Court, The Mo­gul 's Son a Refugee in Persia. and the favou­rable Reception he gave to his Fourth Son, Cha Hegber, seven Years since, has made some believe he had a secret In­telligence with that Prince, about the Revolt against his Father.

'Tis very well known, that Cha Ab­bas his Father got the Province of Kan­dahar upon the like occasion. But ne­vertheless, these Conjectures are not very valid; for the King has not only refus'd this Prince Assistance, but given sufficient proofs, that he, on the con­trary, highly disapprov'd of his Designs against his Father. Yet it is to be doubted, whether he will make any scruple to assist him against his Brothers after his Father's death, and whether he would not be very glad to divide that Empire, whose daily encrease gives him so much Jealousie.

Cha Hegber is Son of a Recheboude; His Rebel­lion against his Father. those of his Nation, who are the best Soldiers the Mogul has, being revolted against him, engag'd this Prince to seize upon the Government, for fear his elder Brothers should do it before him, after their Father's death. There­fore putting himself at their Head, he advanc'd towards the Capital City, where he might very well have surpriz'd his Father, who had no Forces about him, had not the wary Monarch op­pos'd his Designs after this manner: He counterfeited his Son's Hand and Seal, and dispatch'd away a faithful [Page 121]Servant immediately into the midst of his Son's Army; where pretending he was coming from his Son towards him, he was immediately stopp'd by the Recheboudes, who surprizing him, found the Letter in these Words:

Dear Honoured SIR;

DO not believe me capable of daring to make any Attempt against your Per­son or Kingdom; the Recheboudes, who have given you so much Disturbance in their Rebellion, have at length found in me a General, who know my Duty so far as to submit 'em to your Pleasure: I have there­fore brought 'em to your Capital City, to deal with according to your Discretion. But be sure to have your Guards ready, to seize upon the Chief Ringleaders; and be humbly assur'd I shall be one of the first who shall endeavour to deliver 'em to Justice; and you shall be fully satisfied of my Fide­lity, by my Diligence, to punish the rest.

Your Dutiful CHA HEGBER.

When the Recheboudes had read this Letter, they immediately resolv'd to disengage themselves from Cha Hegber; and all the Protestations he was able to use, were not sufficient to appease 'em. The greatest part of 'em left him, and the others would not advance a step farther, insomuch as the Mogul had time to raise Men, with which he gave a total Overthrow to his Son, and forc'd him to save his Life. 'Twas then he fled into Persia, where the King entertain'd him with a most magnificent and numerous Court; for many Great Lords follow'd him in this Disgrace, and do now wait for some favourable Revolution when they may enter into India. They impati­ently expect the King's Death, who is at present said to be above an Hundred years old.

The Persians have more reason to fear the Usbeg Tartars for Enemies; Usbeg Tartars how trou­blesome to Persia. for tho' they be worse Disciplined, yet the unexpected courses they take in unpro­per seasons, are so much the more grie­vous to the Persians, as they cannot possibly be prevented; and when they have ravag'd a Country, they cannot be pursu'd. They are not to be stopt [Page 123]by the vast and burning Desarts, that separate them from the Province of Kandahar. They make these Enter­prizes in the very hottest part of the Summer, and trouble themselves but little with carrying Provisions, their natural love of Flesh enclining 'em to eat any thing; Their natu­ral Barba­rity. nay so much as their Baggage-Horses, after they have spent all the Hay and Oats they carry'd for the sustenance of those for their Saddle. They always eat their Flesh raw; and when they are adry, they prick their Horses Necks and suck out the Blood, which serves 'em instead of Drink. They have a sort of little Pads, which are as indefatigable as they are fleet. The Persians were never made to live after this manner, and therefore they suffer the more by their Incursions.

These Usbegs do not content them­selves with only Ravaging; they have at present a numerous Army on foot, which has so weakened the Persian Troops with their frequent Skirmishes and Surprizes for near these six Years that this War has been begun, that 'tis to be fear'd they may at last take the City of Masched, and recover the Pro­vince of Corrassan, which Cha Abbas [Page 124]the Great took from them. 'Tis not to be doubted but that the Mogul will be ready to encourage 'em, and to furnish 'em with requisite supports. And this Suspicion is not without a rea­sonable ground; for 'tis certain, that the Usbegs did not begin this Wat before the King of Persia had receiv'd this Princes Son into his protection.

Masched is a City very Rich, City of Masched the place of the Persian Pilgrimage. because 'tis the place whither the Persians make their Pilgrimage. Cha Abbas having a mind to prevent his Subjects carrying Money out of his Kingdom to that of the Ottoman's, dissuaded 'em from their Pilgrimage to Mecca, and inspir'd 'em with great Devotion for Iman Reza, one of the Twelve Saints of Persia, who has his Sepulchre at Masched. He has made this Tomb Famous by a great many false Miracles he caus'd to be practis'd there; for placing People there on purpose, who should counter­feit themselves Blind, they suddenly re­ceiv'd their Sight at this Sepulchre, and immediately cryed out, A Miracle! He procur'd so great a Veneration for this Tomb of Iman Reza, that most of the greatest Lords in Persia have desired to be bury'd in his Mosque, and to [Page 125]which they give great Legacies. From thence arises the great Treasure it has in it, and of which, no doubt, the Ʋs­begs are more desirous than of the Town it self. They were so near to it about two Years ago, that the King was oblig'd to send a puissant Army thither, under the Conduct of Roustan Kan, his Divan Begui and Favourite. He omit­ted nothing to divide these Usbegs; in­somuch that his good Deeds prevail'd upon the Prince D' Organge to be de­tach'd from their side.

The good Intelligence the King of Persia always has with the Kalmoukes and Lezguis, Good Intel­ligence with the o­ther Tar­tars against the Musco­vites. serves for a Bulwark to defend him against the Muscovites on the North: Nevertheless they might very much incommode Persia by Pyra­cies on the Caspian Sea: For the Cossacks, who live under their Obedience, day­ly encrease in strength there; but yet they would not do wisely to make any descent, for their Troops are not fit­ting to grapple with those of Persia, especially such as live about Mount-Caucasus, for they retain too much of the Courage of the Amazons, from whom they descend, ever to be over­come. The Women also have a great [Page 126]deal of their Valour in them: They are very Tall and very Fair, and do not want for Chastity. Their Men have also a great Meen, and are very strong, but are unreasonably Brutish, and have little or no Neatness.

The Grand Signior is the most formi­dable Enemy the Persians have: The Persi­ans Poli­ticks, in re­gard of the Grand Sig­nior. His State confines with Persia, from the Black Sea even to Balsora, which comprehends both the West and the South. The Christian Princes in League against the Grand Signior, not being satisfied with the Answers they receiv'd byt their Ambassadors, sent Solomon Skourki, whom I have mention'd before, once more to Sollicite the King of Persia with new Arguments; in which they employ'd all the power of Politicks to engage him to advantage himself by the Confusion and Disorder the Grand Signior was in; and moreover they en­deavour'd to persuade him, that he might now restore his Empire to that glorious condition it was in in the Reign of his Predecessor Ahasuerus, who Go­vern'd 27 Provinces, and of which the Grand Signior now enjoys Arabia, Chal­daea, Syria, and the other Countries which are between Tygris and Aethi­opia, [Page 127]which confin'd the Empire of Ahasuerus. But he was answered anew, That the King of Persia would rather chuse to lose his Kingdom, than to Conquer another, contrary to Articles of Peace made betwixt him and the Grand Signior.

The Arabians, who had possest them­selves of Balsora two Years ago, di­spatcht away Couriers to the Gover­nour of Laurestan, to desire him to send thither a Garrison to take possession of that place for the King his Master; whom the Governour sent away imme­diately to Court, with other Couriers from him. But the King did not think fit to accept of their Offer, and they had the same Answer with the former.

The Persians, His mana­ging Allian­ces with his Neighbours against this Powerful Neighbour, take care to manage their Alliance prudently with the Princes of Turcomania, Curdistan, and Arabia De­serta; all which owe no Obedience to the Grand Signior.

They also carefully keep Correspon­dence with the Prince of the Arabians of Mascat, to assist 'em against the Portuguese, when they come with Sword in hand to demand their share of the Customs of Congo, Bandarik, and Baharin.

The King's Politicks are admirable in respect of the Georgians, His Poli­ticks with the Geor­gians. who might give him a great deal of disturbance if they were once united against him. But he knows how to keep 'em divi­ded, the better to correspond with his Interest. He preferrs so advantage­ously all their greatest Lords, that they forget both their Country and Reli­gion, to apply themselves wholly to his Service. The greatest Trusts in the Empire, are at present in their hands; and they who have no Pre­ferments, yet have all their Places at Royal Feasts, their Expences out of the Treasury, and enjoy all other Privileges of the King's Guests and Tablers.

The care that Chiek-Sephi took to Establish a particular Sect, which was so very different from the other Maho­metans, was an admirable Invention to prevent the People from Revolting, through the Solicitations of either the Turks, Tartars, or Indians, who are all their Neighbours; for it has imprinted 'em with such an horrour of their belief, that the Persians have a saying, That if you should boil together a Sunni, that is, a Follower of Omar, [Page 129]with Chiai, who is a Follower of Ali, their Substances would never Mix, but keep their Antipathy and Opposition, tho' they were both dissolv'd. The Sunni's for their part, and above all, the Usbeg Tartars have so great an aversion for the Persians, that a Sol­dier returning from the Campagne, would be but ill received by his Wife, if he should not bring her some of a Persian's Blood, wherein she might in­dulge her Joy for his safe return.

The Persians have no other Codes, The manner of admini­string Ju­stice in Per­sia. or Digests, than the Interpretation of the Alcoran, made by the Imans, de­scended from Mortas Ali. They have three sorts of Tribunals: 1. The Cri­minal, which they call Ourf: 2. The Civil, called Cheher: And 3. the Legal, which has the name of Di­van Ali, that is, The Soveraign Tri­bunal.

The Chief Justice of the Courts at Hispahan, The sole Chief Ju­stice of the Kingdom. and all other Superiour Courts of the Kingdom, is the Diven Begui. He has a Derogat to execute his Sen­tences, who also serves as Jaylor, and sometimes as Judge, to determine petty Criminal Causes. The Kans are also Chief in their own Courts in their Pro­vinces, [Page 130]but there always lies an Appeal from them to the Divan Bigui.

The Divan Bigui has no cognizance of Treason, for that is try'd in the inner part of the King's Palace, with­out any relation had to the Council, as I observed before. But no Criminal whatever he be, is Sentenc'd without the King's knowledge, who must be fully acquainted with the Sadre's De­cision, who always determines the sort of Punishment according to the Laws prescribed by the Imans. They pro­ceed in these Courts much after the same manner with us of Europe, viz. by Proofs, Confronting of Witnesses, and Tortures.

There are two sorts of Tortures in use in Persia as in Europe; Manner of putting to the Torture. 1. Ordina­ry, and 2. Extraordinary.

Ordinary by way of Bastinadoes, which are always given in full Assem­bly; and which cause no ordinary Terrour of their Tribunals.

There are many kinds of Extraor­dinary, which consist also of Bastina­does, but after a manner much more Merciless and Sensible. For they slash the bottom of the Heels with Razors, put Salt into their bleeding Wounds, [Page 131]and then make use of the Battoon; which you must needs think is no common Torture. Also they some­times tear off the Nails from their Feet with Pincers. Sometimes they bind the Criminals to four Stakes by the Hands and Feet, and apply red­hot Irons to the most fleshy parts; and sometimes they quite tear out the Flesh with Pincers. If these poor wretches confess the Crimes of which they are accused, then they desist from Tortures, and proceed to Sentence: Afterwards they deliver the condemn'd to the Par­ties concern'd, The Crimi­nal deli­ver'd to the Accuser. to be dispos'd of at their pleasure. But if they do not confess, the Accusers must pay the Person Tortur'd SMart-money, which is allow'd 'em according to their Qua­lity.

'Tis Remarkable, that they do not proceed against Murtherers till the Party interess'd requires it: So that a Child whose Father has been kill'd, is at liberty to revenge or compound for his Blood, without any Check from the Court of Justice.

When the Party interess'd will not Compound, and that he has prov'd the Murther, the Sadre determines the [Page 132]Punishment, and returns the Criminal to the Parties power to take Blood for Blood.

The Party interess'd has none of the Goods Confiscated; the Court seizes upon all; whence it comes to pass, that Executions are seldom pra­ctis'd when the Criminal has any Money to Compound.

Their Laws are very severe against Crimes of Uncleanness. Rigorous Laws a­gainst Im­purities. Women that abuse their Husbands Beds, are thrown from the top of the Minarées, or Mosque-Steeples. When a Woman is ac­cus'd of this Crime of Uncleanness, they first shave her Head and daub her Face, and then mount her upon an Ass with her Face towards the Tail, which the Hang-man leads thro' the Streets, crying before her, Woe be to Women, who have no care of their Honour.

The Laws of the Imans are so very rigorous, A Story of a Brother that kill'd his Sister taken in this Crime. that they allow Fathers and Mothers to Stab their Daughters if they take 'em in this Crime. I saw an Example of this kind at the Lieu­tenant's of the Governour of Hamadan: A Mother having surpriz'd her Daugh­ter in this Act, not being able to vent [Page 133]her Anger upon him who had disho­nour'd her, made her Daughter the Victim of her Indignation, who had not time to escape: For this passionate Wo­man calling her Son to her, commanded him to kill his Sister upon the spot; who as hastily obeying, he had so little re­morse after this Parricide, that he could not content himself with Stabbing her, but immediately cut off her Head and carry'd it home in Triumph. His Neighbours came to the Lieutenant's to accuse him as a Parricide: He was seized, and his Mother followed him to the Hall, where I heard all the Circumstances. The Lieutenant ask'd him why he had kill'd his only Sister? He answered, He had done well, and that he deserved a Reward rather than a Punishment; for in having Stabb'd an Unchast Sister, he had reveng'd the Honour of his Religion which she had defil'd, and wash'd away a blot which her Crime had cast upon his Family: And then turning to his Mo­ther, he gave her a thousand Bene­dictions for having inspir'd him with so noble a design. Whereupon he was bid to withdraw, and his Mother commanded to stand forth: Where [Page 134]she being ask'd her reason for what she did; she presently justify'd her self, and commended the generous Action of her Son. The end of this Tragedy was very surprizing; for the Lieute­nant being then at Dinner, gave the Mother Melons and other Fruit from his Table; and after having exalted her Inhumanity, as an Heroick Acti­on, he gave her Son an Habit for being the Executioner. This surpriz'd me very much, and quite took away my stomach to my Meat: Which the Lieutenant perceiving, ask'd me, if we did not Judge so in Europe? I told him, no. And not daring to ex­plain my self farther, and to tell him, we did not use to reward Parricides, I was fain to content my self with only offering my Opinion, That this Mother ought first to have had re­course to his Court for Justice against her Daughter, and not to take so much upon her without Orders. He answer­ed, that that was true; but that he was oblig'd to determine so, according to the Laws of Mahomet; which made me have a secret pity for the Persians, that are so much blinded by their Al­coran, and who are otherwise the most [Page 135]Knowing, Polish'd, Politick, and Ra­tional of all the East.

They punish severely all Children that abuse their Fathers and Mo­thers: Punishment of Children for abusing Fathers or Mothers. For if any one be convicted of such a Crime, they immediately cut out his Tongue; and if they strike 'em, they cut off their Arms.

The King deputes oftentimes the Divan Begui, as great a Lord as he is, The Judges and greatest Lords assist at Executi­ons. to assist at Executions, or, at least, he must send one of the greatest Lords of the Court in his Room. A poor Armenian Catholick being found in the Road where the King was to pass, with his Ladies, he was seiz'd, and condemn'd to have his Head cut off. Whereupon the Kouler Agassi, who is the chief Favourite, and one of the Four great Officers of State, was commanded to assist at his Execution, and to offer him Mercy if he would renounce Christianity, and become Mahometan. But the Christian refusing his Offers, kept firm to his Faith. And perceiving this Favourite delay'd his Death, with hopes he would comply, broke out into these words: Martyrdom of a Chri­stian. Do not expect that I can be so base to forsake my Saviour Jesus Christ, who is the Truth it­self, [Page 136]to follow the Belief of an Impostor; whereupon his desires were immediately accomplish'd, and his Faith recompens'd, for his Head was struck off in a trice, and thrown to the Dogs. I was his Con­fessor, and at my earnest intreaty his Body was taken from the Dogs, and buried in the Franks Church yard.

The Persians have not set Punish­ments for every Crime. Divers Pu­nishments. They make use of a Gibbet after a very cruel man­ner; for they fasten the Patient by the Throat with an Iron Hook, and there let him hang till he perish. They have another sort of Punishment yet more cruel than the former, and that is, They bind the Criminal upon a Ca­mel's Back, and then open his Belly, as a Butcher does a Sheep, and thus they lead him about the Streets with his Guts hanging out, and who will live sometimes Two or Three Days in this Condition. The Punishment for Thieves is particular: They put 'em into a Ditch up to the Middle, and af­terwards fill it with Plaister, which gives the Patient excessive Tortures assoon as it is dry.

Empaling is not in use, no more than Fire: They have no Wheels, but [Page 137]yet they have Punishments as cruel. They lay the Patient upon a broad Board, and there hash his Body into small Pieces.

The Governours Lieutenants have no power to condemn to death till they have permission from the King by a Brevet. The Derogats may Ham­string, or cut off the Noses and Ears of Butchers and Bakers, assoon as ever the Lieutenant of the Policies has convi­cted 'em of selling too dear, or by false Weights. But none except the Kans, a few Sultans, and privileged De­rogats can condemn to death; which causes a great disorder in this King­dom; for the Thieves will be sure to ravage that Country most where they know there's none have Authority to Condemn 'em.

The Divan Begui (as I have remark­ed before) is the chief of the Civil Justice, Of the Ci­vil Justice. as well as the Four Great Pon­tiffs of Persia. This Court is very com­modious for the Subject, for there are neither Messengers, Councellors, or Attorneys. Every one may exhibit his own Cause by way of Petition: Every one pleads for himself, and de­fends his own Right: They have [Page 138]Cryers to command Silence; and their Audiences are always very tumultuous; and he that speaks loudest has com­monly the better of the Day. They never pass Judgment by Default, which is the reason that he who was in the wrong oftentimes saves himself by ma­king a good Composition.

The Laws of the Alcoran, by which they steer their Judgments, oftentimes subject People to a great many incon­veniencies: For a Man that lends his Money is always in danger of losing it, according to these Laws. If he to whom it is lent be of good Repute, and has no Money ready to pay, the other cannot bring his Action with­out considerable Damage to himself, for he must pay the Tenth part of the Summ immediately, and all the Costs of Suit. If the Defendant confess the Debt, they always give him a reaso­nable time for Payment. He that has the better on't pays the Costs; which Law is not just.

The Alcoran forbids Usury; Ʋsury for­bid. but the Indians and Armenians never mind it. For Example: If they lend 100 Crowns for a Year, they compute what Inte­rest they might make by it, and that [Page 139]can never be less than Eight per Cent. However practised. so that they add that to the principal Summ in the Bond before-hand.

This Craft will signifie nothing if the Debtor be a Knave; for at the end of the Term he'll deny to have recei­ved the full Sum, and so offering to lay down in Court the 100 Crowns, he'll avoid the Interest. 10 per Cent for the Judge's Box, and all the Costs of Suit.

This Court is very ridiculous and un­just in respect of a Defendant that will deny his Debt, for there he is al­low'd to do it contrary to his own Hand-writing, and the Testimony of the Judge, who saw the Money lent, and put his Hand and Seal to the Ob­ligation: Nevertheless the Defendant need but deny the Fact boldly, and the Creditor will be ordered to make Proof of the Loan, and to produce his Witnesses, or he will be Non-sui­ted. These Two things are equally prejudicial to the Creditor; for to prove any Act according to their Laws, they must produce Seventy Two Wit­nesses, who must all very near equal the Imans in Integrity, if not wholly. The express Words of the Law are [Page 140]these, That to be believ'd, the Witnesses must be either Imans, or Naib Imans, that is, Saints, or Deputies of Saints. There are not wanting in Persia People that can equal these pretended Saints in A­dultery, Knavery, and Murther; but they must also equal 'em in Hypo­crisy, Treachery, and being worse than their Word. A Christian is never al­low'd for Evidence, and much less a Jew, Indian, or follower of Omar. Therefore you may judge in what Confusion a Creditor must needs be, who is oblig'd to find so great a num­ber of such choice Witnesses. He ought to have lent his Money by sound of Trumpet, to have got so many to have prov'd the Fact.

I affirm that it is almost impossible for a Plaintiff to prove his Debt; so that he must always yield himself Non­suit when he commences a Suit, unless he relies upon Remorses of Consci­ence, which seldom or never trouble the Mahometans, especially when they are to injure a Christian. But if he be so happy to see any reluctance in his Adversary for a false Oath, all his Good Fortune will amount but to this, that he must compound for a Third [Page 141]part, out of which the Judge will have also his Tenth. When the Debtor de­nies the Debt, the Plaintiff is at liber­ty to swear it after what manner, and with what Circumstances he pleases, but it will signify nothing.

I can never remember without Hor­ror after what a cruel manner I saw an Oath forc'd from a Christian in the Province of Naxivan, A cruel manner of putting a Christian to his Oath. where the Ar­menians are Catholicks. A Renegado made an Insult upon a Christian, and de­manded 2000 Crowns which he said he lent him upon his Word, without Wri­ting; but having no Witnesses to prove it, he would needs put him to his Oath. And to that purpose hal'd away this poor Christian by force to his own Church, follow'd by a Crowd of Ma­hometans, where scattering of Bread all the way up to the Altar, he forc'd him to walk upon it with Two Dogs tied to his Arms, and in this manner he oblig'd him to lay his Hand upon the Evangelists, and to swear with a Thousand Oaths and Impreca­tions, that were enough to frighten one, that he ow'd him nothing. This Man, who was an honest Merchant, would have willingly given him 100 [Page 142]Crowns to have freed himself from such a Scandal, and his Church from so great a Profanation; but he might as well have offer'd a Penny to satisfie the whole Sum; for he was resolv'd he should drink out of the Chalice in that posture, which gave me as much unea­siness and dislike as it did him.

If there be so much hazard in Tra­ding or Lending Money in Persia, there is without doubt no less in Buying Lands or Houses; for whatever care is taken of the Contract, the Seller may deny he ever sold 'em; or if he owns the selling, yet he may deny receiving of his Money, and so put the Buyer upon proving it, which perhaps he would never be able to do. Therefore the best way is to take immediate Pos­session, and to let the other prove it un­just and illegal.

The Soveraign Judge of the Tribu­nal of Religion, Tribunal of Religion. is the Sadre Cassa, who is the Chief Pontiff, or Archbishop of Persia, and whose Deputies are the Modarrés in all Provinces, but from whom there lies an Appeal to this Court.

This Tribunal is very like the Sanhe­drim of the Jews; for 'tis here that Im­piety [Page 143]and Treachery take their Mea­sures, to seize upon Christ, and Rob and Crucifie him over again in the Per­sons of Christians his Children; and 'tis there they likewise dispose of Crowns of Martyrdom, to such as refuse to follow the Standard of Mahomet; and 'tis there also that the greatest Wretches avoid the justest Torments and tempo­ral Deaths, if they will but renounce their Master CHRIST; for there are no Crimes so great, but they can pardon to a Christian that will embrace the Abominations of Mahometism.

Moullahs, or Mahometan Priests, are to sue or be su'd in this Court; and they there also decide the Differences that arise about Marriages and Di­vorces, which are practis'd in Persia after the same manner as with the Jews, and not like the Turks, who use infamous Ceremonies towards the Wo­man that is divorc'd.

'Tis also in this Court that they exe­cute the Law of Iman Dgafar, which adjudges all the Goods of a Christian Family, to but one of 'em that shall become Mahometan; for the rest may starve, if they don't think fit to follow his wicked Example. 'Tis by these [Page 144]means this impious Legislator thought to draw the Armenians to Mahometism: But nevertheless, this Law is not so well approv'd of by the Governours, who lose their Tribute when Christians turn Mahometans, and therefore com­monly do what they can to oppose it; but yet the false Zeal of these Mini­sters of the Law always prevails.

The Sadre in this Court permits Re­negadoes to return to Christianity, upon their making it appear to him, by an humble Petition, That they are not able to fulfil the Law of Mahomet: That they cannot accustom themselves to all the Purifications and Prayers which are requir'd: That they have not Strength sufficient to undergo their rigorous Abstinence in their Ramazan, or Lent: And lastly, That the Law of Mahomet is an insupportable Yoke to 'em. The Sadre having read this their Petition, immediately throws it at their Heads; which the Secretary ta­king up, writes at the bottom, These are Mortettes; that is, unclean, base, and unwarthy of so holy and pure a Reli­gion as that of Mahomet. Then they return to their Tribute, and exercise their Religion freely.

This easie Method of returning to Christianity, is mightily practis'd by the Armenians, when they have a mind to elude the Law of Iman Dgafar; for you shall see a rich Armenian, if he finds any of his Family turn Mahometans, immediate­ly Circumcise one of his Sons, to prevent their having his Estate: And afterwards if his Renegado Relation die without Issue, then he shall present a Petition to the Sadre, back'd with a rich Present, to permit his Son to recant. But if he does not die, then it is his Business to keep in with his Son, that he may not take the advantage the Law has given him and so himself and the rest of his Children suffer. This wicked Law de­stroys thousands of Souls, without any Remedy to prevent it.

But the Turks are very far from this Custom; for they, instead of making a Renegado sole Heir of the Family, will not so much as allow him a share with his Brothers, they thinking him very well provided for, by the Choice he has made of their Religion: And a Return to Christianity with them is punish'd by Fire.

The Religion of the modern Persians, The Persi­an Religion. is the Mahometan; and the Alcoran is [Page 146]the sole Guide of their Belief. This impure Book, Their Books. compos'd by Mahomet, is a ridiculous Collection of many Im­pieties and Fables, mix'd with some Truths, which he had gather'd from Holy Books and Tradition; which is the reason that they reckon among their sacred Library, Sacred Li­brary. the Pentateuch, the Psalms, all the Prophets, and the Holy Evan­gelists; but these Divine Writers have been all perverted by Mahomet. They object against the Missionaries, who make use of Arguments out of the Holy Scriptures against 'em, that 'tis the Chri­stians have corrupted those Writings, and interpreted 'em according to their own purpose: As for Example; In the 14th. Chapter of St. John, where our Saviour says to his Apostles, The Com­forter, that is, the Holy Ghost, whom my Father shall send in my Name, shall teach you all things: They say, the Chri­stians have blotted out the Name of Mahomet, which they pretend was the Holy Ghost promis'd.

The Alcoran teaches the Belief of one God, The Ʋnity of a Deity. Creator of Heaven and Earth, Holy, Eternal, Immense, Good, Just, Almighty, and Infinite in all kinds of Perfection. One of the most absurd [Page 147]Fancies you find in this Book, is, where it says, That God having created the World, bore it up on the Horns of a Bull, of so prodigious an heighth, that each of his Horns took up as much space, as an Horseman well-mounted could traverse in a thousand Days, though he rid never so swift. But this Animal, as prodigious as he was, had but a very thin Skin; for the pricking of a Fly, would spur and move him; from whence, says Mahomet, proceed Earth-quakes.

But they altogether reject the Be­lief of the Blessed Mystery of the TRINITY, They deny the Trinity. and the Incarnation of the WORD. They say, That JESUS CHRIST was pure Man, a Great Prophet, the True Messias promis'd to the Jews: That he was born of a Vir­gin, a Favourite of God, and commen­dable for his many Miracles. Also, That he is not dead, but was carry'd into Heaven, whilst the Jews, thinking they had crucified him, only vented their Malice upon Judas the Iscariot, whom they had taken for him. This is the sum of what the Persians believe concerning God.

Also they have very absurd Opi­nions concerning the Angels; Opinion of Angels. for they believe 'em corporeal, and capable of committing the grossest Sins: That the Bad Angels have been created of a pe­stiferous Fire; and those that have be­liev'd the Alcoran, have always ob­tain'd favour before God.

They believe the Immortality of the Soul, Immortali­ty of the Soul. and that there is a future Life where God will reward the Good, and punish the Wicked. Their Paradise consists in nothing but sensual Plea­sures. They pray for the Dead, and interr 'em with abundance of Cere­mony.

They Honour all such Saints, What Saints they Honour. who have lived in perfect Obedience to their Law. The Twelve chief Descendants from Ali have the first place amongst 'em. They have the Interpretation of the Alcoran from them, and they fol­low no other: They solemnize Feasts to their Memory. The last Wednesday of the Year they celebrate one in Ho­nour of Fatma, Wife of Ali, and Daughter of Mahomet. This Fatma, to content the Potters, who complain'd of their bad Trade, caus'd her Dome­sticks to break all the Pitchers that [Page 149]came to her Fountain, the last Wednesday of the Year, which is the reason that in memory of so laudable an Action, they now every Year on the same Day break all the Pots and Pitchers that come into their hands.

There are no Altars in their Tem­ples, or any Ornaments; they there assemble together to Pray, to hear the Interpretation of the Alcoran, and to celebrate Marriages: These Temples are call'd Mosques. They do not per­form their Sacrifices here, but in pub­lick Places, where they sacrifice every Year a Camel, in remembrance of that of Abraham, which they believe to have been such a Beast, and not a Ram, which he kill'd instead of his Son Ismael, whom they take for Isaac. This Sacrifice is perform'd on the Tenth of the Month Zilhadgea, with a great deal of Ceremony. Amongst the Camels that have made the Voyage of Mecca, they chuse a White one, be­lieving that that of Abraham, and that which Mahomet us'd commonly to ride, was of that Colour. This Camel be­ing cover'd with rich Silk, adorn'd with Garlands, and carrying Bells tied to his Legs, Neck, and Ears, is led [Page 150]with sound of Instruments about the City the space of Ten Days, by the Captains of Divisions, each of 'em in his turn. They run after this Animal, and happy is he that can pluck some of his Hair. The Cries they make, toge­ther with the Noise of Instruments of Musick, and Jingling of Bells, make a terrible Concert. He is led the Tenth Day to the Gate of the Principal Mosque, where the Pontiff blesses him, and delivers him over to the Lieutenant-Criminal, who leading him out of the City, the King pierces him with his Lance. In the King's absence, this Honour is conferr'd upon the Lieute­nant-Criminal. When the first Blow is given, every one gives his, and the Camel is cut to pieces in a trice. They take one Piece for the King's Table, and the Lords also take theirs. That Captain that gets the biggest Piece afterwards, is declar'd Conquerour, and the Honour of his Victory is spread throughout his Division. This Cere­mony ended, the King makes a Pub­lick Feast.

Their Prayers consist of nothing else but an Enumeration of the Attributes of GOD; Their Pray­ers. yet they always intermix [Page 151]the Names of Mahomet and Ali, cal­ling the First Ressoul Allah, which signi­fies Apostle, or Envoy of God, and the Second Veloul Allah, which is as much as to say, Lieutenant of God. They have a sort of Bead-roll, by which they number their Prayers. They pray thrice a day; first, at Sun-rising; secondly, at Noon; and, thirdly at Sun-set: But the Turks pray five times at five diffe­rent Hours. The Ceremonies they ob­serve at Prayer, are only a great many Prostrations and Reverences. They always salute at the end of their Prayers their Good and Bad Angels. They move their Heads continually, when they read the Alcoran, for fear they should pronounce the Name of God without bowing. When they Pray, they always turn their Faces towards the South; and that's the reason they have always a Compass about 'em. They spread a little Carpet, and place upon it a piece of Load-stone, their Bead-roll, the Alcoran, and a Comb, with which they adjust their Beards be­fore they Pray.

They have different kinds of Pu­rifications, Purificati­on. some to prepare 'em for Prayer, and others to expiate their [Page 152]Sins: In these, they imitate the Jews, and they practise like them all sorts of lawful Purifications; but they have car­ried their Whimsies and Impertinencies much farther, even to ridiculous Su­perstitions that deserve pity; and it is the Duty of an Evangelick Labourer, who is zealous for the Salvation of Souls, to follow them in all their Wan­derings and Strayings, and to seek for plausible Arguments to convince and convert 'em with patience.

They observe Circumcision, Circumcisi­on. but 'tis only by Tradition; for the Alcoran pre­scribes no such thing: They Circum­cise their Children at Thirteen Years old, because of Ismael their Patriarch, who was Circumcis'd at the same Age.

They observe a Fast of Thirty Days: A Fast. They are forbid to eat and drink in the Day-time; but at Night they do as they please. This Fast is follow'd by a great Feast.

When they have transgress'd this Law of the Fast, they immediately go and accuse themselves to the Pontiff; who, after having made 'em lay their Hands on the Alcoran, and sworn not to commit the like Crimes again, im­poses [Page 153]on 'em slight Penances. This sort of Confession, which they call Toba, is also in use when they have violated the other Laws of the Al­coran.

The Persians have Doctors, Persian Doctors. who are substitute to a Chief they call Sadre, of whom I have spoken before: They have recourse to him upon all Difficul­ties that arise about their Religion; and those that will not submit to their Decisions, are punish'd with Death.

These are the Subordinations amongst the Ministers of the Persian Religion: Spiritual Subordina­tions. The Sadre Cassa, Universal Chief; the Sadre Elmam Alek, his Vicar-General; the Chiek Alislam, is as his Archdeacon; and the Cazi, his Official. In the Capi­tal Cities of Provinces, there is a Mo­darrés for each City. He has the same Officers as the Sadre Cassa: His Juris­diction is divided into certain Pre­cincts, as our Archdeaconries and Dea­neries: The Deans have under them the Catiffs, who are the Curates, and Moullahs, or Priests are under them.

They have Religious People which they call Derviches, or Abdals; Derviches a sort of Re­ligious Peo­ple. they lead a poor and austere Life; they preach the Alcoran in the corners of Streets, [Page 154]Coffee Houses, publick Ways, and, in short, where ever they can find Audi­ [...]. They talk with a great deal of Zeal, and some of 'em have a little Eloquence. They know nothing but Fables, with which they amuse the Vul­gar. They are no more esteem'd of by Men of Wit, than the Charlatans are in France.

There are Publick Schools in Persia, Publick Schools. where the Alcoran is explain'd by the Doctors; they also there teach Philo­sophy, Astronomy, Law, and Physick. Aristotle is their Guide for Philosophy, and Avicen for Physick. The Study of the Laws is very much esteem'd of a­mongst 'em; for Magistrates apply their Children strictly to it, and they also take great care to instruct 'em in it themselves, by asking every day their Opinion in some Case they have ad­judged.

There are in Persia different Maho­metan Sects: different Sects. for Mahometisme is there so divided, that there are almost as many different Opinions, as there are different Conditions. The Belief of a Trades-man is not the same with a Scholars; and the Courtier has also one particular to himself.

The mean People follow the lite­ral sense of the Alcoran, and affirm, Belief of the Vulgar. that the Mysteries therein contain'd, are not to be comprehended. This Prevention is an unsurmountable Obstacle to their Conversion. When the Missionaries have endeavour'd to convince 'em of some Absurdities of their Faith, they have answer'd only, That they were Mysteries, and therefore not to be en­quir'd into, nor comprehended; and that God had reserv'd the knowledge of them alone to himself, and his Prophet.

Learned Men explain the Alcoran, Of Learned Men. they study the interpretation of it, and they love to dispute about their Religi­on. When a Missionary has convinc'd 'em, they commonly have no other fruit of their Victory than a few Elo­giums, and marks of Esteem they con­ceive of 'em. ‘You have a great deal of Wit (quoth they) I wish you were of our Religion; you would be a no­table defender of it.’

The Courtiers, The Cour­tier's Faith who have commonly a great deal of Knowledge, never seem'd to me to have much kindness either for Mahomet, or the illusions of his Alcoran, yet they all profess Ma­hometism. [Page 156]The Missionaries can easier gain ground upon them than the com­mon People: They hear us willingly, and love to be entertain'd with Dis­courses of Religion; for they always put us first upon talking of it, and they are always extreamly attentive to our Reasonings. Also they have had the honesty to confess, when they have been Convinced, that our Arguments had a great deal of force over 'em. All those who I have had any thing to do with upon this occasion, have been of this Character.

The last Year I travell'd by Ouri­guerd: Ouriguerd a City, where si­tuate. This City is in the 13th De­gree of the Equator; 'tis situate upon the Border of Susiana and Media, built in Amphitheatre, upon the declining of a little Hill, something like an Horse-Shooe. At the Foot of these Walls runs the River Gamasan. The Governour of this City is a Sultan, who keeps in it 1000 Horsemen, which serve for a Guard to the whole Coun­try. There are no Christians here; but there are abundance of Jews. When I brought a Letter from the King of Persia to our King, an Officer of the Court with two Life-Guard-men [Page 157]accompanied me, with express Orders to defray my Expences throughout the Kingdom. At this place the Pontiff came to see me at the Mayor's House, where I was lodg'd: His visit was chiefly employ'd to propose Questions of Religion; and amongst others, he ask'd me, If Wine was not forbid Christians as well as Mahometans? I answer'd him, We sometimes abstain from it upon account of Penitence, and our Law controll'd the excessive use of it; but it did not forbid it as an ill thing. I added moreover, That it was with Wine as with all other things which God had created for the use of Man, they were all good in themselves, but that unruly Lusts, Defence of Wine. cau­sed by Sin, abus'd the best things, and render'd 'em bad: That Wine was good after that manner the Patriarchs used to drink it; that it was made use of by Melchisedec in his Sacrifices; that the Outrages we see too often committed thro' the Excess of it, are not sufficient Reasons or Arguments to condemn and forbid it. For by the same reason you might forbid Meat, because some Men are Gluttons; and so People would be depriv'd of both [Page 158]the kinds of natural Sustenance. I believe truly, reply'd the Pontiff, it was only the ill use of Wine that made Maho­met forbid it. Our Interpreters have not fully understood the Law of the Alcoran, but you have found out its true meaning.

Then we began to talk of Marriage; Polygamy condemn'd. whereupon he ask'd me, If Polygamy were allow'd to Christians? I told him, No; and that I believed he would agree with me, That the Gospel in that, as well as all other things, was accor­ding to the Principles of right Reason. What time (said I) do you believe that Reason has been in its greatest Purity and Strength? He reply'd, In Adam 's time, before the Fall. You know then, said I, how many Wives he had at that time; this is clear enough in the Turat, that is, the Bible. He had but One, says he. Then hence I must draw my Conclusion, reply'd I, That the Law of pure and right Reason permits but One Wife, and therefore those Laws that allow many are manifestly Er­roneous. I added, moreover, some Re­flections upon the Inconveniencies ari­sing by Polygamy; so that at length he seem'd entirely satisfied. Of all the People of the East, the Persians rellish a Moral Reasoning best.

From Ouriguerd I went on to Laure­stan: Laurestan. This is the Kingdom of the Ela­mites, where Chedorlaomer reign'd in the Days of Abraham: It borders with the Government of Goulpakan to the East, to Susiana on the South, the River Tygris on the West, and Lower Media on the North: Its Capital City is Courmabat: City of Courma­bat. It lies in the 33d. Degree of Latitude: It is all but as one Fortress. It has no­thing remarkable in it but the Gover­nour's Palace, and the stately Shops which the last Vali built there. This Va­li lost his Head at Casbin, and the King gave his Government to Abdel Kassum Kan. I had Orders from Court concern­ing Missions directed to him, therefore was receiv'd with a great deal of Civi­lity; for it was a great while that I had been acquainted with him. Many times at Court he propos'd to me Questions about Religion, and now he was at the same Play again at his Table.

‘There cannot be too much praise given to the Franks, A Confe­rence about Religion. (says he, to the Intendant of the Province, and the other Lords of his Court) for they are really Men of great Wit, Ingenious, and capable of every thing.’ After this honest Prelude, which always pre­cedes [Page 160]their Discourses of Religion, he directed his Discourse to me, and said, ‘I believe you know better than to af­firm, as the Armenians doe, that JESUS CHRIST was cruci­fied by the Jews. I answer'd him, That that Belief only was the Foun­dation of the Christian Religion; and I prov'd to him out of the Prophets, that the Messias was to be put to Death.’ And moreover, because it is the Custom amongst them to make use of Parables, I thought that way fittest to convince him.

My Lord, said I, God has given you great Knowledge to apprehend the obscurest Cases, therefore I would make you Judge of the following one. A Man comes to complain at your Tribunal, that his Father has been kill'd: The Murther­er is present, and confesses and glo­ries in his Crime: A Third comes a great while afterwards, and denies the Fact. Would your Lordship now be­lieve this Man? Would you receive his Evidence? No, says he, but I would immediately order him 100 blows on his Feet for a Reward of his Impudence. Pardon me then, my Lord, said I, if I proceed to make [Page 161]the Application of this Parable. The Christians complain their Father has been murther'd on the Cross: The Jews acknowledge they have been the Mur­therers: Then ought Mahomet to come 600 Years afterwards to give 'em the Lye? Why then, says the Intendant, the Prophet comes under the Batoon: Ay, says the Governour laughing, but the Doctors will presently deliver him, for I have past Sentence according to forms.

But when we grant, reply'd the Intendant, that Jesus Christ is dead, does it follow that Jesus Christ is God? No, answer'd I, but the Advantage I shall have over you, will be sufficient to prove that in this Point, at least, Mahomet has deceiv'd you; and if he has deceiv'd you in this Point, ought you then to believe him in other Points? If he be not to be believ'd when he says that Christ was not dead, is he any more when he says that Christ is not God? But I do not pretend to prove the Divinity of Je­sus Christ by his Death, I have Au­thority enough from the Holy Scri­ptures, which Mahomet has allow'd in his Alcoran to have been reveal'd by [Page 162]the Holy Ghost to Moses, the Pro­phets, and to Jesus Christ; I mean from those very Scriptures that he has commanded you to have the same re­spect for as the Alcoran. 'Tis true, re­ply'd the Intendant, we do allow the Divinity of the Holy Scriptures, but not such as you have made 'em by altering them in a Thousand pla­ces, to deduce Arguments to prove the Divinity of Jesus Christ. I know very well, my Lord, answer'd I, that this you always charge us with in all your Conferences with us: But if you will be pleas'd to honour me with the same Attention you have hitherto done, I do not doubt but to shew you, That this Objection is not sufficiently maintain'd. Do's it suffice to con­vince us (think you) that we have falsify'd the Scriptures, because they are found to differ from those Cita­tions Mahomet has made in his Alco­ran; and have not we the same grounds to reproach you, that it was Mahomet himself that alter'd 'em? But to make an end of this Contest, my Lord, let us take a Third Person, who shall be neither Christian nor Ma­hometan: I appeal to our greatest E­nemies [Page 163]the Jews in this Case, even those that have crucified our Saviour, the Author and Consummator of our Faith; Let them speak whether they think we have falsified the Scriptures? if those we profess are not the same with theirs? Let 'em lay before you the Holy Books, even such as they have receiv'd 'em from the Prophets, and let 'em determine if there be any difference? I am very well assur'd they would not say the least to the contrary. I know they would accuse us of not understanding 'em, but ne­vertheless, they would readily grant, we have alter'd nothing. By these means nothing is more easie than to end this difference between us. There are Jews amongst you as well as all other Nations; and I dare be bold to affirm, That the reason that God scat­ter'd this People so wide in the World, was the better to give an universal Testimony of the Divinity of his Son. The Jews themselves, said he, inter­rupting me, were the first that falsi­fi'd the Scriptures. I know, reply'd I, my Lord, that Mahomet in many places of his Alcoran does accuse 'em of it, but had he any reasonable [Page 164]grounds for what he said? When did the Jews falsifie the Scriptures? Was it before Jesus Christ appear'd in the World? or was it after? I sup­pose you will not say it was before Je­sus Christ, and I insist upon but Two or Three Reasons to prove it was not after. Jesus Christ, who reproach­ed 'em of so many Disorders, wou'd he, think you, have omitted so enor­mous a Prevarication as to falsify the Holy Scriptures? And can any one imagine, that being to quote 'em so often in his Instructions to Men, on the account of his Father, God Al­mighty, he would have quoted 'em so falsifi'd by the Jews; for it evidently appears, that he spake the very same they have in their Hands: Also you cannot think the Jews corrupted 'em after his Death, when they believ'd him an Impostor, and one that justiy suffer'd for offering to seduce 'em. Would not they have alter'd all the places that plainly prove him and his Apostles Holy, which he employ'd a­gainst 'em.

And now perceiving that my Ar­guments had begun to make some Im­pression upon the Intendant, I added [Page 165]farther, ‘That it was plain the Jews had not falsify'd the Holy Evan­gelists, tho' they might very well have inclinations to do so; neither ought this reproach to be cast upon Christians. Then applying my self to the Intendant, I went on in this manner: ‘You seem to say they had a prospect by this falsification, to prove the Divinity of Christ; and if so, pray, At what time should they have done it? Should it have been at the beginning of Christianity? or was it only in the time of Ma­homet? If it had been in the begin­ning of Christianity, it must have been done by the Apostles, or those that immediately succeeded 'em. But it was not done by the Apostles you grant, by demanding at every foot, the Gospel as it came out of their hands. Neither was it done by their immediate Successors, is plain; For how should these Men have underta­ken to prove the Divinity of Christ, if the Apostles had said he was meer Man? And would not there have been Men then living, who would have contradicted 'em? These very Men that saw the Scriptures in their [Page 166]Purity, would they have suffer'd 'em to have been alter'd by so difficult a point of Faith, without any gain­saying? Do you think that Christ, who had hitherto been able to pass for no more than meer Man, must all of a sudden have become God, upon the bare Testimony of some Passages inserted into those Holy Books, and which would have been so easily detected by every body? And this Falsification has not been done in the time of Mahomet, I'm sure, tho' he reproaches us with it; for does he shew us any Ancient Book where Christ's Humanity is mentioned without his Divinity? Another Re­flection, my Lord, comes in my mind. The Christians, you say, have a Pro­spect by this Falsification, to prove that Jesus Christ was GOD. Then they ought to have left in the Bible, only those Actions that were for his Grandeur and Divinity: Such as the Prophecy of the Angel Gabriel, which foretold, That Jesus Christ should be stil'd, The Son of the most High: That he should Reign for ever in the House of Jacob; and that he should deliver his People from their Sins: Also the [Page 167]Miracle of his Conception by the Operations of the Holy Ghost: His Birth of a Virgin: The Miracles he perform'd: His Transfiguration on Mount Tabor: His Triumphant Ascen­sion into Heaven: The Descension of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles: And, His last coming in Glory to Judge the World. The Christians, I say, ought only to have left these Actions in the Holy Gospel; and if they had any design to prove his Divinity by an Alteration, they should have retrench'd all the other Cir­cumstances of his Life, which were Arguments of Humanity and Weak­ness: As, His Birth in a Stable; His Flight into Egypt, to avoid the Per­secution of a Tyrant: The Hunger he suffer'd in the Desart: His Fa­tigues in his Journey he undertook for the Instruction of Men; and his Weariness and Thirst when he sat at Noon upon Jacob's Well: The Tears he wept over Jerusalem, when he foretold the Miseries he saw would fall upon her: Also those he shed upon the Tomb of Lazarus: The Mortal Affliction his Soul was seiz'd with in the Garden of Olives, at the [Page 168]sight of the Torments he was a-go­ing to suffer: The Prayer he made to his Father three times, to remove the bitter Cup far from him: The Humble Circumstances of his Passion: And lastly, His Ignominious Death. It was a Glorious and Triumphing Jesus Christ that they ought to have preach'd, and not one that could be humbled and ty'd to a Cross. The Zeal you see us have, my Lord, to maintain that Christ dy'd on the Cross, should be a Motive to encline you to believe us. For else why could not we agree with you that it was Judas was Crucify'd in his place, and spare our selves the shame of Adoring a God fix'd to a Gibbet. But 'tis this shame alone which is the cause of our Glory. We Preach Jesus Christ Crucify'd, which is a subject of Scan­dal to the Jews, and to you a Mo­tive of Mockery and Laughter.’

The Curiosity the Persians have a­bout Religion, gives the Missionaries a great advantage over 'em. To Con­vert 'em to Christianity, there is need of a great deal of Candour and even Temper, and little or no Passion, or over-hot Zeal. They will never be­lieve [Page 169]a Man inspir'd with the Spirit of God, who is govern'd by Rage and Passion. Also as they have themselves a great deal of Flegm, too brisk a Method would not have its end. To make 'em sensible of the Contradicti­ons and Absurdities of the Alcoran, has prov'd to me of great use. Also as they have the Bible and some of the Fathers amongst 'em, we might advise 'em to read 'em. They find out themselves how different those Histories are from the Fables of Ma­homet left 'em in his Alcoran. This Reading has been a means God has made use of to induce many of the Greatest Men about 'em to be led to the true knowledge of him and his Son.

From Laurestan I took my Journey towards Hamadan, a City of Media, and Capital of a Province of the same Name, and chief Residence of a Be­gueler-Begui. 'Tis situate at the foot of Mount Alvand, which the Persians call Sultan Alvand, that is to say, Queen of the Mountains; because it is the most Fertile, and one of the highest in all Persia. It is a branch of Mount Taurus, [Page 170]which leaves it at the Town of Zen­gan, and runs even to the Persian Gulf. The famous Avicen liv'd a great while upon this Mountain to make his Ob­servation upon Simples, with which it is all cover'd over. Hamadan has 35 degrees and 12 Minutes of Polar Ele­vation. It is a very Ancient City, as may be judg'd by the ruins of a new Magnificent Temple there, and of which there remains nothing at pre­sent but a very high Dome, built with Bricks, and Painted like Porcelane, upon which appear some few Hebrew Characters. Under this Dome there is a Chappel 18 foot square, where are the Tombs of Hester and Mordecai: Upon these Tombs are rais'd two stately Mausoleums, made of a very hard Wood, and Engraven with the Story of Hester in Hebrew Characters. Upon Hester's Tomb is writ, The Great Queen HESTER; and on Mordecai's, These Mausoleums have been plac'd here by Ardachir, or Arsaces; But there is no Date to distinguish which of the Arsaces is meant. The Mausoleum of Mordecai is on the right hand: It has 7 foot in length and heighth, upon [Page 171]3 of breadth. That of Hester is on the left, built after the same fashion, only it is a foot higher than that of Mordecai. The Jews keep there a great number of Lamps, which burn Night and Day. They Pray here only on their great Days. Our House was not far from this Temple. We were esta­blish'd there in 1684. I brought the King of Persia's Patents thither, obtain'd by our King's Recommendation, and which confirm our Establishment.

One day making a Visit about our Affairs to a Persian Lord, call'd, Reza-Kouli-Begue, a Dervich; a Man of very good Sence, an excellent Philosopher, and one that was very well read in the Holy Scriptures: He of a sudden turn'd all the discourse upon Religion. He began by giving great commen­dation to the Christian Faith, and said,

That he thought it every where very conformable to Reason, unless in that place where it teaches that Jesus Christ is GOD. 'Tis true, reply'd I, we do acknowledge his Divinity; that Point is the Foundation of our Religion: But what amazes me is, That you should have the same thing in your [Page 172] Alcoran, and yet not believe it: For, under correction, what signifies Rouh Allah, which is the word that Mahomet gives to Jesus Christ? This Arabian word, Arguments with a Per­sian Lord, to prove Christ's Di­vinity. says he, for I have thoroughly study'd that Language, signifies the Spirit or Soul of God. This Spirit or Soul of God, then said I, is it distinct from God, or the same thing with him? It cannot be distinct from him, without doubt, says he. Then, reply'd I, Jesus Christ must be God: For what is the same thing with God is God. He seem'd touch'd with this conclusion; but I extreamly com­mended his being so Ingenuous as to give me the true sense of the word Rouh Allah. I have not met with, said I, in other Mahometans, the like sin­cerity; they have always given this word a different sense, to elude the consequence I have drawn from it.

We all, reply'd Reza Kouli-Begue, acknowledge Jesus Christ for a Divine Person, and we have for him a very great respect; when you Christians do but slight and vilifie our Holy Pro­phet Mahomet. You respect Jesus Christ, said I, because you every where [Page 173]meet with a Saint in his Character that moves you: but shew me through­out all Mahomet's Life, the least sha­dow of such Characters. You re­spect Jesus Christ because you own him for a Prophet, sent by God to Man; and you acknowledge him such by evident Proofs of his Holiness, which you are not able to resist But is there any one that can give us such an Idea of Mahomet? What has been his Conduct? What Doctrine has he taught Men? By what Miracles has he prov'd that he was sent from God? What Prophets have foretold his Mis­sion, or his Conduct? I shall not insist, Sir, upon any shameful Cir­cumstances of his Life, because I'm well assur'd that you your self do secretly detest 'em in your heart. His Conduct! No, Sir, I have too good an opinion of you, to say any thing of that. It is not from his Conduct, I'm sure, that you believe him a Prophet. His Alcoran, where he has dar'd to publish his own Un­cleannesses, in all Ages will rise up in Judgment against him. And had you never so many Miracles to boast [Page 174]in his behalf, his Infamous Life alone, would be enough to cancel 'em all; and no Man of good sense would suffer himself to be gain'd to his Party. But now I think on't, what Miracles can you alledge in his fa­vour? His Voyage to Heaven up­on the Horse Alborach, to whom he promises Paradise; and the Moon divided by his Fingers; but these Miracles are certainly fit for none but the blind Vulgar to believe; all Learned Men must needs laugh at 'em. Mahomet himself acknowledg'd, that God had not given him the gift of Miracles. Now as to his Doctrine, how many Whimsies are there through­out his whole Alcoran? How many Contradictions and Absurdities, op­posite even to good Manners and right Reason: Such as the World born up upon the Horns of a Bull; Angels form'd out of pestiferous Fire; Heaven compos'd of Smoak; the Sun plac'd in a Fountain of hot Water; a Blazing-Star detach't from the Fir­mament to pull down the Devils from Heaven, when they came so near as to hearken to what was said: [Page 175] Solomon entertaining himself with Ants and Birds; his Letters carry'd to the Queen of Sheba by flakes of Snow; the Devils and Birds, which compose his Armies; God swearing by Figs and Bees, and just afterwards the quite contrary, by Cows: Wine forbid in one Chapter, and allowed in another; and a thousand other Absurdities of the like nature, which sufficiently satisfie us what this Doctrine of Ma­homet is.

At least 'twas necessary that God should have given Man some mani­fest and evident Sign of Mahomet's coming from him: There ought to have been Prophecies of this New Legislator, which might have en­clin'd Man's belief in him: But pray what Prophecies have there been? Which of all the Prophets has spo­ken of him? Jesus Christ himself, (cry'd the Dervich) in that passage where he promises to send the Holy Ghost the Comforter, and which ought to be understood of Mahomet; for his Name was actually in the Gospel, before you blotted it out. [Page 176]To which I answer'd only what I had said before upon that subject; That it was without Grounds that they reproach us after that manner: That they could not prove when this Alteration was made; nor could produce any Authentick Copy where the Name of Mahomet was ever men­tion'd. I added moreover, That this Comforter promised by Jesus Christ, could not be Mahomet for this reason; Because the Holy Ghost the Comforter, should have taught the Apostles, and put 'em in mind of what Jesus Christ had taught 'em; and this ought to have been his principal business; but has Mahomet done any of this? What strange Opposition is there between his Maxims and those of Jesus Christ! Jesus Christ speaks of no thing but Mildness, Patience, Poverty, and Renouncing of himself! He would have a Man hate his own Flesh, bear his Cross every day, Love his Ene­mies, Pray for 'em, do 'em good, and suppress even the least desire of Revenge. But on the contrary, what does Mahomet teach? Why, his Al­coran [Page 177]inspires nothing else but Rage, Violence, Pride, and the love of Plea­sure. The Spirit of Truth that Jesus Christ promis'd in this Passage, ought to receive its Doctrine from Jesus Christ; that is, The Doctrine of Je­sus Christ and Mahomet cannot be the same. Is not this true? be your self Judge. Do not we find in the read­ing of these two Laws, an endless Difference and Contradiction? When you retire into your Cell to meditate upon Divine Matters, I suppose you sometimes take in your Hands our Holy Evangelists; where, it may be, you no sooner read those Divine Maxims with satisfaction, but you have immediately a mind to com­pare 'em with those of your Alcoran, Eh! Do it in the Name of that Great God you pretend to devote your self to, by renouncing all the conveniencies of Life. And then tell me the difference; tell me your sin­cere Opinion. Here I began to per­ceive he was mov'd; for he told me there was but little more requir'd to be said to make him a Christian: That he had always had an extream Ve­neration [Page 178]for Jesus Christ; and that he long since propos'd his humble, mean, poor Life, as a Pattern for him to imitate. Furthermore, he told me, He should give a great deal of At­tention to these things; and therefore desired I would permit him more fre­quent Conferences with me about 'em. I express'd to him the great Satisfaction I had to hear him of these Sentiments; and that when he pleas'd, I was always at leasure to wait on him.

It has been hitherto thought that the best way to deal with these Infidels was to make use of certain plausible Arguments adapted to their Capacities, and which they would find forcible, because of their weakness. As to tell 'em, That to think to wash away their inward Impurities by the outward means of Baths, was as ridiculous as to wash a Bottle of Ink without, when it would not be less Black within. But it seems to me unworthy of the gran­deur and solidity of the Christian Re­ligion to go no farther. These ways of opening Men's Eyes ought only to [Page 179]serve for an Introduction to let in the true Light which they ought after­wards to have preach'd to 'em, upon the Holy Scriptures and Tradition, in which Two only consists the true Re­ligion: Otherwise it might happen to them as it did to certain Hereticks in France, who having been a little affe­cted with the Arguments were us'd to convert 'em; and being suffer'd to cool by a succeding neglect, they immedi­ately grew angry with themselves, as if they had been betray'd to their con­cessions, and so became Ten times more obstinate than before. I affirm that it is very difficult to make use of the Authority of the Holy Scriptures to disabuse the Persians, for they are falsely pre-possest with our altering them; therefore we must remove the Obstacle, and agree with them in Scri­ptures, that they believe pure and en­tire: But, nevertheless, they come a­bout again when we make use of the same Proofs that they do against us, and they are not able to draw those Arguments they produce themselves.

Now you must not wonder at my free manner of disputing with the Ma­hometans; I knew very well I was in Persia when I did it, where the Laws allow Disputes in matters of Religion: How the Persians differ from other Nati­ons about Religion. But in Turkey they are forbid under pe­nalty of the Faggot.

I have observ'd that the Persians do not well agree amongst themselves a­bout the points of Religion; but they do less agree with the other Mahome­tans.

The chief foundation of this Con­test is about the Successor of Mahomet. The Persians maintain it was Mortus Ali, Cousin German and Son-in-Law of Mahomet: But the Turks pretend on the contrary it was Omar, of whom they speak modestly in respect of the Persians, who make a kind of God of their Ali. Observe how they speak of him; Ali K [...]da na midonem, ammaez Ko­da dguda na midonem; (That is as much as to say) I do not believe that Ali is God, but I cannot think him much less. A blasphemous and contradictory Ex­pression at the same time, and of which [Page 181]the Turks have so much Horror, that they call the Persians Blasphemers and Idolaters.

The Interpretations of the Alcoran by these two Nations are altogether contrary; and therefore because they have their Codes and Ceremonials from hence, their Laws and Ceremoniés of their Religion are also different.

The Turks wash before Pray­er, by letting the Water run down from the top of their Arms to their Hands; and the Persians quite contrary. Each defends his particular manner of Purifying, and maintains it against his Adversary with so much heat, that they have both entire Volumes about it. Their Postures and Prostrations in Praying are altogether contrary, and their Opposition goes even to their Ha­bits.

The Persians, as I have told you be­fore, have from the Jews their legal Impurities. They believe every thing impure that has but touch'd what was esteem'd such by the Law of Moses. [Page 182]The mean People, and those that be­long to the Law would not easily be prevail'd upon to touch any thing, or eat in the same Plate with Christians, Jews, or Indians, nay even with the Sect of Omar, as much Mahometans as they are. The Turks are not given to those Superstitions; they eat indifferent­ly with all the World, and, except it be Pork, without any distinction of Vi­ands. The Courtiers and Soldiers do the same thing in Persia.

The Persians hold, Dissimula­tion neces­sary. that Dissimulation is not only permitted, but necessary in Religion to avoid being ill treated by the Mahometans their Neighbours; for when they go amongst 'em in Pilgri­mage to Mecca, they change their Habits and Turbans, and profess themselves Followers of Omar.

But, on the other side, the Turks have this Dissimulation in great abhorrence; for they never change those Habits which distinguish their Religion.

The Turks have a superstitious Kind­ness for Green, because, they say, that [Page 183]Colour was consecrated to their false Prophet; and they will condemn a Christian to death, that shall ever be known to wear it; but the Persians, on the contrary, laugh at this Supersti­tion.

I have heard say in Persia, that Amu­rah should send an Ambassadour to Cha Abbas, to complain that he had suffer'd this Colour to be profan'd by the Christians. To whom Cha Abbas answer'd: I shall endeavour to hinder this Colour being profan'd by the Christians, when Amurah shall forbid his Green Mea­dows to be profan'd by his Cattle.

There are at this Day a great num­ber of the ancient Persians in Persia, Religion, &c. of the Gaures, or ancient Persians. who could never be persuaded to change their Religion for the Mahometan; but these People do retain little of the Po­liteness, Knowledge, and Valour of their Ancestors. They groan under a cruel Slavery: They are forbid the Li­beral Arts, and exercise only the mean Drudgery of Labourers, Gardeners, and Porters: They are always put up­on the vilest and most painful Works, [Page 184]insomuch as their continu'd Slavery for many Ages, has at this day render'd 'em Cowardly, Simple, Ignorant, and Dull; yet they still retain the ancient Persian Idiom, and some few of 'em can read and write it. This Language is altogether different from the modern; but of no more use than common Talk amongst them, for it serves neither for Learning nor Commerce.

Their Belief is contain'd in several Skins, which their Magi, or Priests, read to 'em upon certain Days; these Skins are fill'd with Fables and super­stitious Traditions, but which are ne­vertheless kept private by their Priests, for they make it a point of their Reli­gion not to show 'em to any body; so that 'tis impossible to know any more of their Faith, than whiat is discover'd by their Priests; and they are common­ly so dull, that there is little or nothing to be learn'd from them.

The modern Persians call 'em Gavres, that is, Idolaters, and treat 'em worse than they do the Jews; they ac­cuse 'em of worshipping the Sun, and [Page 185]the Fire, But however great my Cu­riosity has been, I have been able to know but little of 'em; yet this I have ob­serv'd, That they have no Images, and that they very much abhorr those that have. When you ask 'em why they fall down before the Rising Sun? they shall answer, That they do Homage to that Creature, which is the most perfect next to Man, that God hath made out of nothing. They say also, That God has establish'd his Throne there, and that his Glorious Majesty must needs merit their so humble Respects. This Salutation they pay the Rising Sun, is not particular to them, the modern Persians also make use of it by profound Reverences, and the Ar­menians by frequent Crossing themselves. They say they believe Fire worthy of Respect, because it is the purest of all Elements. The care they take to keep it alight, is very scrupulous and ridi­culous, for they dare not blow, for fear of polluting it with their Breath; and then they would believe themselves defil'd, if they should chance to let fall any Filth upon the Wood they burn.

They don't observe Circumcision; No Circum­cision. their Priests present their new-born In­fants to the Sun, and before the Fire; and so they believe 'em sanctified by this Ceremony.

They believe a Paradise, Their Para­dise, where. which they say is within the Sphere of the Sun. The Happiness of their Saints consists in viewing the Sun clearly, in which, they say, they see God by Re­flexion, as in a Glass. But no body is admitted to this Felicity, 'till three Days after his death; and that is the reason they carry three Days Provision to their Tombs, that they may nei­ther hunger nor thirst. The poor Ma­hometans, and in their absence the Birds and Dogs, profit themselves by this Superstition.

They believe Hell to be a Prison under-ground, Their Hell, where. damp and stinking, be­ing every-where full of Worms, Ser­pents, and other sorts of Insects, but above all a great number of Crows and Frogs; for 'tis these two sorts of Animals that they have the greatest aversion for. They call Crows Messen­gers [Page 187]and Heralds of the Devil; and Frogs, Musicians to the Damn'd.

The manner of examining what shall be their Lott in the other Life, is very pleasant: They carry the dead body out of the Town; they set it up a­gainst a Wall, with its face towards the East; then the Priests and Parents of the Dead retire to a convenient distance, where they observe what notice the Crows take of it: If they fall first upon the Right Eye, (for with the Eyes they commonly begin) then it is a sign of Predestination, and they play and dance about the Carkass with a great deal of Joy: But if it be the Left, that's an Argument they are not pure enough to be admitted into the Sphere of the Sun; nor yet impure enough to be condemn'd to the ob­scure Prison of Hell, but must remain some time in the middle Region of the Air, there to endure the Cold, and from thence to be translated to the Fire to be purify'd. At these Fune­rals they are sad and mourn. If the Crows pick out both their Eyes, then the Priests pronounce 'em damn'd, be­cause [Page 188]having no more Eyes, they can­not view the Sun. The Funerals of these last are most lamented.

They have Saints which they wor­ship; Saints, and how become so. and they say that the way to become such, is to work to purifie the Elements; to till the Ground; to cultivate the Gardens; to purge the Water of Infects; and, to keep the Fire alight. These are their daily Employ­ments. By the Principles of their Re­ligion, they are oblig'd to leave in their Wills a certain Summ, to rid the Ponds of such a number of Frogs, Toads, Ser­pents, and other Insects. They also leave something for People to carry a­way the Carrion which the Mahome­tans let stink in the Streets. To purifie the Air, and to preserve the Towns from Contagion, is a very pious Acti­on amongst them.

Their most Venerable Saint was Zo­rouster, a famous Astrologer, who first taught Astronomy to the ancient Per­sian Magi, and perhaps that 'tis from him that they learn'd to worship the Sun. But the Gavres nevertheless will tell [Page 189]you, that they do not worship this Planet, but only one God; but Histo­ries say the contrary; we know that Armenia has been honour'd with a great many Martyrs, that chose rather to die than adore the Sun. How to reconcile this with the Gavres Profes­sion, I cannot well tell; but I am apt to believe these People are asham'd to own their Idolatry.

Their Chief Feast is call'd Nau-Rous, that is, a New Day; for 'tis al­ways the First Day of the Year. They begin this Feast the very same minute the Sun enters into Aries; it lasts Eight Days, all which they spend in Dancing, Sports, and Jovialty, in Honour of the Sun. The modern Persians also retain this Feast.

The Gavres seem to me to differ less from the Christians, than the modern Persians, for their Manners are much purer; they are brought up and nou­rish'd in the Bosom of Poverty, and have a good Disposition to the Gospel if they could be but made more attentive.

FINIS.

ERRATA.

Page 112. line 13. for will, read would. p. 40. l. 7. for First, r. Ʋpper. p. 21. l. 15. for Quer-Koule, r. Kouler.

A TABLE Of the most Remarkable CONTENTS.

A
  • AB-Couran, a large River in Per­sia, 55
  • Address of the Persian Ladies, 61. Their Employments in the Haram, 62. Their Number, ibid.
  • A Koud, or Chiek Alislam, third Pontiff of Persia, and Chief Lieutenant-Civil, 15. His Substitutes, 16
  • Alcoran, what Book it is, 146. The Per­sians and other Mahometans have each a different Interpretation of it, ibid. Its Law not just, 138. It is the sole Rule of the Belief of the Persians, 146. Its Whimsies and Absurdities, ibid. The People follow it exactly: The Men of [Page]Letters only explain it, 155. Men of good sense take but little notice of its Illusions, ibid.
  • Alla Kapi, what it is, 39
  • Amazons, who are those that descended from 'em, 125. The Characters of both the Men and Women, 126
  • Ambassadours and Envoys in Persia, how they are receiv'd, 50. Their Stipend and Maintenance, 51. How much the King values 'em, ibid. How he be­haves himself towards 'em during their stay, ibid.
  • Armies Naval, the King of Persia has none, 76
  • Artillery, he also has little or none, and wherefore, 75
  • Asses belonging to the King of Persia richly accoutred, 44
  • Answers (judicious) to the Envoys of Ger­many, Poland, and Muscovy, 101
  • An Answer by way of Parable, by the Et­madaulet, 103
B.
  • Beasts in Parade before the Hall of Au­dience, at the time of the King's Feasts, 43
  • Belief, how different between the Persians and Mahometans,
  • [Page] Books of the Persians corrupted by Ma­homet, 146
  • Bridge upon the River Zendroud, 56. Its description, ibid.
  • Bullodges and Agwanes, what People they are, and wherefore the Persians fear to be surpriz'd by 'em, 118. What the Persians do to engage 'em to their Inte­rests, 119
C.
  • Cassa, the King's Wife, 62
  • Cha Abbas, what he did, 177, 67, 120
  • Cha Hegber, Third Son to the Mogul, a Refugee in Persia, 119. His Rebellion against his Father, 120. A Stratagem of his Father's that avoided his Designs, ibid.
  • Chamber of Great Days, they have no such in Persia, and the ill Consequences there­of, 112
  • Chiek Sephi, Restorer of the Persian Mo­narchy, 97
  • Children that abuse their Fathers and Mo­thers, how they are punish'd, 135
  • Circumcision of the Persians, 152
  • Climate, its diversity in Persia, 66
  • Colonies of Armenian Christians corrupted, but how easily recover'd, 119
  • Commerce, the Kans and Viziers are not just in observing the Treaties and Privi­leges [Page]the King grants to Merchants which ruins Trade, 113. Complaints of the Dutch on this account, 114. They have had great Trade for silk with the Dutch, and why it is decreas'd, 113. Whence it happens that foreign Merchants do not much care to Trade there, 115
  • Constable, who was the cause of the Mis­fortune of a Governour falsly accus'd, 80. His Treachery, 83. His Malice incens'd the King, 86. A Sultan discovers his Treason, 87. How much he was in the King's Favour at that time, 88. His Character, ibid. His Wit, ibid. He raises himself Enemies, 89. Other In­trigues of his discover'd to the King, ib. His tragical End, 94, 95. His Head carried to his Mistress by the King's Or­ders, 96
  • Council of State of the King of Persia; Qualities and Qualifications of them that compose it, 99. Their manner of trans­acting Affairs; Secrets there nicely ob­serv'd, 104
  • Court of Persia, its Magnificence by the great number of Officers, 33
  • Course of the King of Persia, its descripti­on, 53. Another Course, 54. Its Ri­ver, ibid.
  • A Courtesan victorious Commanding the [Page]King's Army. 117
  • Courtiers easier to be converted than the Vulgar, 156
  • Custom Houses and Customs; see Douannes.
  • Custom House Officers on the Roads, 70
D.
  • Derviches, or Abdals, Religious Men in Persia, 153
  • Derogat of the Deftar, 19
  • Dgez Haitchis, what they are near the King of Persia, 102
  • Difference between the Chief Minister and the Constable, and what was the Conse­quence, 108, &c.
  • Discourse of the Etmadaulet to the King, in favour of the Constable condemn'd to death, 93, &c.
  • Disgrace of a Governour falsly accus'd, 78. Afterwards found innocent, 79
  • Divan Begui, who he is, 22
  • Doctrine of Jesus Christ very contrary to that of Mahomet, 171
  • Douannes, or Custom-Houses of Persia, 69. Customs on Tobacco, how much they a­mount to, ibid. &c.
  • Drinking; the Great Men drink Wine to excess at their Feasts, 47. Why the King commands to do it, 48
  • Dispute about the use of Wine and Polygamy condemn'd, upon the Death and Cruci­fixion [Page]of Jesus Christ, 157, &c. And a Parable thereupon, 160. About the Holy Scriptures, 161, &c. About the Divinity of Christ, ibid. &c.
  • Daughters Prostitutes, the Authority of their Parents and Relations to punish 'em as they please, 132. A Story of one sur­priz'd and stabb'd by her Brother in the act, ibid.
E.
  • Eating, the manner of the Persians, 48
  • Echick Agasi Bachi, who he is, 23. His Office, ibid.
  • Emissaries of the King of Persia in the Mogul 's Court, 117
  • Enemies irreconcilable to the King of Persia, 3. The Name they give him, ibid.
  • Envoys how receiv'd in Persia, 50
  • Esteem of the Persians for Jesus Christ, 178
  • Etmadaulet, Grand Vizier, and Chancel­lor of Persia, 17. His Salary, Perqui­sits, and Maintenance, 18. His Six De­puties, or Viziers, ibid. They are like the Intendants of the Revenue, 20. His Secretaries, ibid.
  • Eunuchs, their Authority in Persia, 104. They enjoy the Chief Offices of the King­dom, ibid. &c. They have the Manage­ment of all in the King's House, 105. What they are, and whence they come, ib.
  • [Page] Executions; the Judges and Great Lords assist at 'em. 135
  • Exercises of young Persian Lords, 34
  • Example of the Goodness of the King of Persia towards Christians, 7
  • Expressions of the Persians to acknowledge the Spiritual Power of their King, 98
F.
  • Fast; See Ramazan.
  • Feasts (Publick) of the King of Persia, with the manner how the Guests are served at 'em, 41. Their Magnificence, 42. Their Plenty, ibid.
  • Pusileers of the King of Persia, 73
G.
  • Guards of the King of Persia, 72
  • Georgians, their Advantages and Prero­gatives in the Persian Court, and where­fore, 128
  • Government (Politick) of Persia, 77
  • Governments Establish'd, Order in 'em, 106
  • Guests of the King of Persia, who they are, 50
H.
  • Habits of the Persian Lords, 46. Of the Persian Ladies, 63. A Powder they make use of, and wherefore, 64
  • Hakim Bachi, the King's Physician; he is personally responsible for the King's Life, 25
  • Hall of Audience of the King of Persia, 40. Other Halls of Audience, 41
  • [Page]Hamadan, a Capital City in Persia, 78
  • Hazar-Pecha, what it is, 48
  • Hazar-Dgerib, what, 57
  • Heads brought to the King of Persia the first day of the Year, 104
  • Horses of the King richly Harnassed, 44
  • Hunting of the King of Persia with his Ladies, 59. Of the Lords, 65
I.
  • Jealousie of the Persians in respect of their Wives, 37
  • Indians more Effeminate than the Mogul's Subjects, 117
  • Infantry, the King of Persia has none, 75
  • Intendants (Particular) of the Revenue, 71
  • Intelligences, &c. of the Kans, to hinder the People from complaining to the King, 107
  • Judges of Persia cannot all condemn to death, 137. Disorder thereupon, ibid.
  • Julpha, Suburbs of Ispahan, 56
  • Justice, how administred in Persia, 129. The Tribunals, ibid. The Chief Ju­stice, &c. ibid. Those that can condemn to death, 130
K.
  • Kalenter, who he is, 19
  • Kalmoukes and the Lezguis, what sort of Tartars, 125
  • Kans, or Governours of Persia, 29
  • [Page]Kans Begueler-Begui's, of Provinces, 31 Those of Towns, &c. ibid.
  • Kaurs Ysaouls, what they are, 73
  • Kazi, Fourth Pontiff, or second Lieutenant, Civil, 116
  • His Deputies, ibid.
  • The King of Persia, 2. His Titles and Qualities, ibid. Very Affable to Stran­gers, 5. His Name, Age, and Cha­racter, ibid. His Strength, 6. His Ad­dress and Nature, ibid. His great love for his Subjects; 7. His Kindness and goodness to Christians, ibid. His Good­will towards the Missionaries and French Merchants, 9. He calls himself Son of a Saint and a Prophet, 10. He exacts no Tribute from the Armenians, and other Christians that Trade in his Kingdom, 9. His Absolute Authority, 77. The Origin and cause of it, 97. He is Supream Head of his Religion, ibid. His Subjects believe him Infallible, ibid. His Commands always very much respect­ed, 98. His scorn of the Mogul 's Troops, 116. His taking the Air, and other Diversions, 52. His Politicks a­gainst the Usbeg-Tartars, ibid.
  • Kodafa, who he is, 28
  • Kortchi-Bachi, who, and his Salary what, 20
  • [Page]Koulam Vizier, who, 26
  • Kouler Agasi, Captain of the Troops of Slaves, 21
  • Kouls, what they are, 72
  • Kzel-Baches, what, 47
  • Kzel Baches, who; Their Merit superior to the Indians, 118
L.
  • Laurestan, a Kingdom of the Elamites, 157 Its chief City, ibid.
  • Lending, no encouragement for it in Per­sia, 138, &c.
  • Lords of Persia. 32
M.
  • Manner of Mounting the Guard in the King's Court, 73
  • Masched, a strong Town in Persia, 124
  • Magnificence of Publick Feasts of the King of Persia, 41
  • Mahomet, and his false Miracles, 174
  • Master (Great) of the King's Houshold, 24
  • Manufactures of Persia; what is there made, 116
  • March or Cavalcade of the King of Per­sia, 57
  • March of the Lords after the King when he goes a Hunting with his Ladies, 65
  • Mariam Kanum, the King's Aunt; Her Amours and Intrigues with the Con­stable, 89. Her Discourse with the King, [Page]and what follow'd, 90
  • Martyrdom of a Christian, 135
  • Maxim to incline Mahometans to the Truth, 168
  • Media, a Province, 169
  • Megdeles Rou's, what they are, 33
  • Meheurdar, Keeper of the Seals, with his Deputies, 25, &c.
  • Mehmoudar Bachi, what is his Office, 27
  • Meidan, what it is, 33, &c.
  • Meats, (Persian) 43
  • Minarreés, what, 37
  • Minarreés, or Tower built with Bones and Horns of Beasts taken in one Hunting, 67
  • Ministers of State, 17
  • Mirachor-Bachi, who, 26
  • Mir-Chekar Bachi, who, ibid.
  • Modesty of the Persians whilst they are Eating, 49
  • Manners and Customs of the Persians, different from the Mahometans, 181
  • Moullahs, what they are, and their Em­ployments, 37
  • Mouadgen-Bachi, chief Astrologer, 24
  • Modarés, Deputies of the Sadre, 14
  • Money (Persian) become bad, and how, 115 What makes it so scarce in Persia, 116
  • Mosques of Persia, 35. Their Descripti­on, ibid. They have no Altars. 149
  • Moucheruff, who he is, 26
  • [Page]Moustofi Elmam Alek, who, 19
  • Moustofi Cassa, who, ibid.
  • Musick, (Persian) 39
N.
  • Nacoda, what it signifies, 76
  • Naib Sedarets, what they are in Persia,
  • Navab Alié, the Queen-Mother, 62
  • Navigation, why the Persians don't love it, 76
  • Nazir, who he is. 24
O.
  • Observations on the Persians ancient man­ner of Expressing themselves. 99
  • Omara's, who they are, 33
  • Opinion of the Persians concerning their Kings, 10, &c.
  • Orders of the King of Persia for the fa­vourable Reception of the four Vessels of the French Company, ibid.
  • Orders (barbarous) to Strangle Children, 13
  • Order of the Sophi's in Persia, 27. Its Institution, 28. Their Duty and Head, ib. They are at present in Disgrace, 29
  • Ouriguerd, a Town in Persia; Its Situ­ation, 156.
  • Odious manner of exacting an Oath from a Christian. 141
P.
  • Palace of the King of Persia, 33. Its De­scription, ibid. Its Situation, ibid, &c. [Page] and Riches of the Place. 124, &c.
  • Petitions, they are not presented easily to the King, 107. The several Difficulties, 108 Other (but Chargeable) ways to present Petitions, 111
  • Persians, they are more Warlike, better Disciplin'd, and Stronger than the In­dians, 117. Their good Intelligence with the Tartars against the Musco­vites, 125. Their Politicks towards the Grand Signior, 126. And with other Neighbouring Princes, 127. Their Be­lief, 145, &c. What they Reject, 147
  • Piche-Nahmaz, Great Almoner, 16
  • Pilgrimage of the Persians; Its Origin, Politicks of the Persians towards their Neighbours, 118
  • Precaution of the Persians to prevent Sur­prize on the Frontiers, ibid.
  • Priests of the Mahometan Religion, 12
  • Privileges granted to Merchants Invaded by the Viziers, which is the reason of the little Commerce now into Persia, 113, &c.
  • Prayers of the Persians, 150
  • Of the Princes of the Blood, and King's Sons, 11. Their sad Fate, ibid. What is done to his Brothers who Mounts the Throne, ib. &c.
  • Proverb, (Persian) and the Occasion, 117
  • [Page] Punishments (Rigorous) to those who are met when the King goes with his Ha­ram, 59. What sort they make use of for Criminals, 131, &c. For those who sell by false Measure, or too dear, 137. For the Crimes of Uncleanness, 132. Divers other Punishments, 136
  • Purification, (Persian) 181
Q.
  • Queen of Persia, vid. Cassa and Mariam Kanum,
R.
  • Raillery, by the Son of the Great Mogul on the Court of Persia, 64, &c.
  • Ramazan, or Lent of the Mahometans, 11
  • Rekib Kana-Agasi, who, 26
  • Religion of the Persians; upon what grounded, 180
  • Religion, &c. of the Gaures, or ancient Persians. Their Belief. What Name the Modern Persians give 'em. Their Opinions about the Fire. Their man­ner of examining what shall be their Lots in the other Life. Their Saints. Divers Opinions, and their Principal Feast, 183, &c.
  • What benefit accrues by changing Reli­gion, [Page]&c. 68
  • Revenue of the King of Persia, 72
  • Rohna Dolvet's, what they are, 17
  • Revenge of a Christian upon a Turk, 37
S.
  • Sacrifices of the Persians, how they are perform'd, 149, &c.
  • Sadre Cassa, Chief Pontiff of Persia, and his Authority, 12. His Titles, Qualities, and how much he is respected, 13. His Jurisdiction, 14
  • Sadre Elman Aleck, second Pontiff, ibid. His Function, ibid.
  • Sahab-Rakam's, who they are, 20
  • Seasons for Hunting very long in Persia, 66
  • Seat of the King, 45. Of the Officers near the King, ibid. Of the Lords, 46. Of the Musicians, ibid. Of the Stewards, ib.
  • Sects (different) of Mahometans in Per­sia, 154. Every Condition has its own, ibid, &c.
  • Security, none either to buy or sell Houses or Lands in Persia, 142
  • Siege (Famous) of Mourg-ab, 81, &c.
  • Schools (Publick) of Persia, 154
  • Strangers, how receiv'd and Treated in Persia, 2
  • Stratagems of the Persians, 76. Towards the Hollanders, 100
  • Subordination amongst the Priests of the [Page]Persian Religion. 153
  • Sultan-Abdulla, his Valour, 81. His Ga­rison revolt against him, 84. His strange Resolution, ibid, &c. He is taken and made Captive, 86. His good Fortune in his Captivity, ibid. He Commands the Enemies Army, 87. He gains a Bat­tel, ibid. He obtains his Liberty, ibid. His Reception and Re-establishment in Persia, ibid. His Arrival causes an Al­teration in the Persian Court, 89
  • Superstitions of the Persians about Eat­ing, 65
T.
  • Taxes of the Kingdom of Persia, 68
  • Tamerlan, from a mean Shepherd become a famous Conquerour, 14, &c. He over­comes Bajazet near the City of Angory in Galatia, 4. Bajazet had but one Eye, and Tamerlan but one Leg, ibid. He Forces the Walls of China, and enters Egypt and Greece, 5. After his death Chick Sephi restores the Empire of Persia, ibid.
  • Tats and the Kzel-Baches, who they are, 27
  • Tefantchi-Agasi, who, 21
  • Tents of the King and his Ladies, 60
  • Tomans, what they are, 72
  • Tombs of Hester and Mordecai, 170
  • [Page]Toptchi-Bachi, who, 22
  • Tortures, how practis'd, and how many sorts, 130
  • Treasures of the King of Persia, 42
  • Treason of a certain Governour, 82
  • Tribunal of Religion, and its Chief Judge, 142. Difficulties there decided, 143
  • Tribute of Christians, 69. Of Places of Debauchery, 70. How the Money rais'd of these is employ'd, 71
  • Trumpets (speaking) distinguish degrees of Honour in Persia, 31, 39
  • Troops of the King's Guards, and their Num­ber, 72. Of the Frontiers of the Kingdom, and their Number, 74. Of the King's For­ces in general, and their Number, 75
  • Turban, its difference with that of the Turks, 46. That which the King wears, 47
V.
  • A Vessel of Gold of the King of Persia 's, 43
  • Vaki Anevis, and his Office, 24
  • Vackmiat Visiri, who, 26
  • Vali's, who they are, 30. Their Num­ber, ibid. Their Prerogatives at Court, ibid. &c.
  • The Vice Roy's, 32
  • Veli-Nahmet, what this word signifies, 99
  • Visier Elmulki, who, 19
  • Vizier Cassa, who, ibid
  • [Page]Usbeg Tartars, Naturally Barbarous, 122, &c. They have a numerous Ar­my on Foot against the Persians, 123. They have an Eye upon the Riches of the Town of Masched, 125
W.
  • Watch, who are those that keep it, 73
  • Wife (Lawful) of the King, 62
  • Wine, a Discourse about its Use, 157
  • Witnesses, how many are requir'd to prove a Debt, and what Qualifications they must have, according to the Mahome­tan Law, 139
  • Workmen (French) entertain'd and Caress'd by the King of Persia, 52. Their seve­ral Salaries, ibid. How the King values their Works, ibid.
  • Workmen (Chinese) and others, ibid.
Z.
  • Zendroud, a River in Persia, 54
Finis Tabulae.

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