I Cannot in Good Manners make my Address to your Lordship in another Letter, without premising my most Humble Thanks for your favourable Acceptance of the former; and for your kind Recommendation of my Plea, to Men of Honour and Goodn­ess, by the Powerful Authority of your Approving it.

[Page 2]And now, My Lord, since you have in so generous a Manner, admit­ted me once to be your Client, I am come again to put my whole Cause into your Hands. For it was my Chance, I know not how, to have such a share in One or Two other Public Affairs of the late Times, as obliges me to make a Second Defence. Though I have always thought, that, next to the committing Offences, no­thing can be more Greivous to an In­genuous Mind, than to be put upon the necessity of making Apologies.

However, upon the Encouragement your Lordship has given Me, I take the boldness to say, that in the Mat­ters about which I trouble you this once more, I trust, I have good Ground for an honest and open Vindi­cation of my self. The One was, [Page 3] My Part in King Charles the Second's Declaration, touching the Conspiracy; the other was, My acting in the Com­mission for the Diocese of London, during the Suspension of my Lord Bishop.

But then my Lord, after my Apo­logy, I shall crave leave to add that which needs None, I mean an Account of what past between King Iames, and some of the Bishops, a little before the late wonderful Revolution; which tho' the Circumstances of it are not so generally known as they ought to be, yet, I am sure, had a very considera­ble effect for the benefit both of Church and State, in that Critical time. And therein I may presume to say, that I had some part: So that when I come to that, perhaps I shall be able to Speak more freely, and shall venture to insist [Page 4] upon it, as a manifest proof to the World, that the Bishops had then as difficult a Post to Maintain, and Main­tain'd it as firmly, as any other Or­der of Men in the Kingdom could do Theirs, for preserving the Liberties and Properties of the Subject, as well as the Interest of the Protestant Reli­gion.

First, my Lord, as for the Book of the Conspiracy, 'tis true, I have often heard, that some Noble and Eminent Persons, whose Kindred or Friends were unhappily concern'd in the Sub­ject of that History, had entertain'd a prejudice against me thereupon. But to them I shall make this equitable Request, that they would suspend any farther Censure of me for what I did write, till they shall be fairly informed how much there is that I have not written.

[Page 5]I will not deny, that it was at the Request, or rather the Command, of King Charles the Second, that I drew up a Relation of that Plot: And, to that end, I had free liberty to consult the Paper-Office and Council-Books, whence I was plentifully furnish'd with such Authentic Materials, either of Papers Printed by Authority, or of Sworn Depositions and Confessions, as have been always thought the best Ground for an Historian to work upon.

But now, my Lord, I can still al­lege, That tho' a vast heap of such Matter was immediately supplied to my hands; and tho' I often received earnest Messages, and some Sharp words from that gentle King to quicken my Slowness, yet more than twelve Months had past, before I could be brought [Page 6] to put Pen to Paper; out of my Na­tural Aversion to any Business, that might reflect severely upon any Man; my own Inclination rather leading me to the other Extream, that is, Rather to Commend too much what in the least seems Well-done, than to Aggra­vate what is Ill-done by others.

However, upon King Charles's fre­quent Commands, and continued Im­portunity, I did at length obey; and the rather, because I had formerly somewhat incurr'd that King's and his Brother's Displeasure, by my declining to write against the States of Holland, during the time of the First and Second Dutch-Wars.

Being thus over-persuaded, I made my Collections, and Presented them to that King: Which his Majesty having himself perused, was pleased [Page 7] to direct me to put them into the Hands of the Lord Keeper North, who carefully Read and Corrected what I had done, and added divers matters of Fact, which had escaped my Observation.

Thus the Work stood in Prepara­tion for the Press, when the deplora­ble Death of that King hapned. And shortly after, King Iames the Second calling for the Papers, and having read them, and Altered divers Passa­ges, caused them to be printed by his own Authority, as is to be seen before the Book.

But now, my Lord, I can truly declare, that during my composing those Collections, I earnestly requested King Charles the Second, (and your Lordship knows as well as any Man, how agreeable such a Request was [Page 8] to the Benign Temper of that King) I requested him I say, that few or no Names of Persons should be men­tioned, whatever probable suggestions might be against them, but only such, upon whom public Judgment had pas­sed, which it could be to no purpose for me to conceal,

I could indeed have wish'd, that my Lord Russel's, and some other Names of Persons of Honour, might have been of the Number to be omit­ted, upon that very account. But 'twas none of my fault that they were not. I could not hinder, nor did I in the least contribute to their Fall. Nay, I lamented it; especially my Lord Russel's, after I was fully convinc'd by Discourse with the Reverend Dean of Canterbury, of that Noble Gentle­man's great Probity, and Constant Ab­horrence [Page 9] of Falshood. But that was a good while after. All that I did, was the Publishing, or rather indeed the putting together methodically, what before was sufficiently published in printed Papers that were Licensed: And out of them, to draw the Substance of a Declaration of State, in Vindication of that, which the Authority of the Nation, at that time, called The Public Justice of the Kingdom.

But, my Lord, to return to what I was saying, King Charles having granted my desire of Concealing di­vers Names; according to this Allow­ance I proceeded; leaving out some, and abbreviating others; endeavouring all along to spare Parties and Fami­lies, and particular Persons, as much as would be allowed. All which may be demonstrated from the Copies [Page 10] of the Depositions, as they went out of my hands, where there were seve­ral Names visibly marked by my own Pen, to be passed by in the Publica­tion. So that if some Indifferent Man should now compare the Infor­mations as they are in Print, with the Originals in the Secretary's, or the Paper-Office, he would, it may be, be apter to suspect Me of Connivance; than of Calumny on that side.

If I have now given your Lord­ship any satisfaction touching my fair Dealing in My Part of that Book, I doubt not but what follows will give you more; when I shall assure you of my having refused to Write a Conti­nuation of the same History. For, my Lord, it was some time after the Duke of Monmouth's Overthrow and Exe­cution, that King Iames the Second [Page 11] required me to undertake such another Task, and presently to set about a Se­cond Part. To that purpose His Ma­jesty gave me a sight of multitudes of Original Letters and Papers, together with the Confessions of several Persons then taken in England and Scotland; who did indeed seem all to outvy one another, who should reveal most, both of Men and Things relating to the old Conspiracy, as well as to the Duke of Monmouth's, and the Earl of Argyle's Invasion.

But finding the Innocence of di­vers Persons of Worth and Honour, touched in those Papers, and by that time beginning vehemently to suspect things were running apace towards the endangering of our Laws and Re­ligion, I must say, I never could be induced by all his Majesties reiterated [Page 12] Commands, to go on with that Work. Instead of that, tho' I had all the Materials for such a Narrative within my Power, for above three Years, and might easily have finished it in a Month or Six Weeks space, yet I chose rather to Suppress and Silence, as much as I could, all that New Evidence; which, if openly produced, would have blemished the Reputation of some Honourable Persons.

Give me leave, My Lord, only to add, That I am confident, there are several Original Papers still in being, which would be more than enough to convince all impartial Men, how Moderate and Tender I was in that Cause.

Next, My Lord, having mention­ed my being concerned in the Com­mission for the Diocese of London in [Page 13] that I had the good Fortune to be join'd with an excellent Person, my Lord Bishop of Peterborough. And we can both truly say, that as we en­ter'd into that Commission with my Lord of London's Good Will, so we acted nothing in it, without the great­est Respect to his Interest.

It is well known we continued all his Officers in the full Profits and Pri­vileges of their Places. We faithfully maintained the Rights of his Bi­shoprick, and once in the Kings own Presence, against his Majesties express Inclinations, in a Business of no less Concernment than my Lord Mayor's Chapel. We never Invaded any of my Lord Bishops Preserments that fell void in that Interval; We dipos'd of none but according to his own Di­rections. We used his Clergy with [Page 14] the same affectionate Care and Bro­therly Love, as He himself had done; Who was on that Account, as Dear to them, as any Bishop in Christen­dom was to his Diocese.

And we Appeal to them, whether we might not rather expect their Kind­ness and Thanks, than suspect their Ill-will for all our Transactions with them. Nor can this be thought a vain Boast to any Man, who shall seriously reflect on the terrible Aspect of Things from Court upon the London-Clergy, du­ring the whole time of our exercising that Jurisdiction. The Remembrance whereof, makes me not doubt to affirm, that if my Lord Bishop of Peterbo­rough and I, had not then stood in the Gap, but some other Persons, who were prepared to be thrust in, upon our leaving that Commission, had got [Page 15] it absolutely into their Power, 'tis pos­sible the most Learned and Pious Clergy in the World, had been somewhat otherwise imployed than they were; and had been too much taken up in defending themselves from the violent Persecutions of the Popish Party, to have leisure to confute and triumph over the Popish Cause; as they entirely did in their admirable Writings, to the Glory and Esta­blishment of the Church of England.

My Lord, to the truth of what I have here said concerning the Com­mission of London, I have the Bishop of Peterborough ready to attest. I should indeed be glad I could claim as just a share in another of his Lord­ships Meritorious Services to the Pub­lic, as I may do in this. But in that I cannot, for 'tis Evident the Seven [Page 16] Bishops, whereof he was One, had such an opportunity put into their Hands by God's Providence, for the overthrow of Popery and Arbitrary Power, by Their Sufferings for delive­ring their Sense of King Iames the Second's Declaration, as 'tis likely ne­ver any of the Episcopal Order had before, and 'tis to be hop'd, will never have again.

This however I will say, I had certainly added my self to their Num­ber, if I had then understood the Question, as well as I did afterwards upon their Tryal, where I was present in order to be a Witness in their be­half, at the same time your Lordship and many other Noble Lords were there, to give Countenance to so Good a Cause.

[Page 17]There it was, My Lord, that I was first convinced of the false Foun­dations and mischievous Consequences of such a Dispensing Power, as that on which the Declaration was ground­ed. So that I have ever since been perswaded, that from that Petition of those Bishops, so defended by the in­vincible Arguments of their Learned Council on that Day; and so justified by the honest Verdict of their Un­daunted Jury on the next Day; from thence I say, we may date the first great successful step, that was made to­wards the rescuing of our Laws and Religion.

For my Part I must own, I was so fully satisfied by the excellent [...]lead­ings of those great Lawyers at that Tryal, that I confess I never had till [Page 18] then so clear a Notion, what unalte­rable Bounds the Law has fix'd be­tween the Just Prerogatives of the Crown, and the Legal Rights of the Subject. And therefore from that very Day I hasten'd to make what Reparations I could for the Errors occasion'd by my former Ignorance; and to act for the future, what I always intended, as became a true English Man.

Nor was it long after, that I met with a Signal Opportunity to put this my Purpose in practice. For percei­ving the Rage of the Popish Party against the Church of England was rather heightned than abated, by my Lords the Bishops being acquitted; and fearing the Ecclesiastical Commission was next to be Employed, to wreak the Papists Revenge on the Orthodox [Page 19] Clergy, when Westminster-Hall could not do it; I presently resolv'd to De­sert that Commission; from whence I had often before Laboured and In­treated in vain to be fairly Dismiss'd: And immediately I sent the Commis­sioners the following Letter; whereof Your Lordship may remember I then presented you with a Copy: as know­ing how much You would be pleased, with my other Friends, at my forsa­king that Board upon any Terms.

Your Lordship, seeing what I have said in this Letter, concerning my Sub­mitting in that business of the Declara­tion, upon a Principle of Conscience, as I then thought, You may expect my Reason for doing so.

[Page 23]I must frankly confess, I had then a Doubt in my Mind, arising from a Rubrick in the Common-Prayer, (which is, as much as any o­ther, a Law of the Land) whether a Bishop could lawfully deny the Reading of whatever the King should Ordain to be Read in Churches. And 'twas merely upon that Mistaken Scruple of Conscience, I was induced not to Op­pose that Command of the King in Council: I say, not to Oppose it: Far­ther than that, I still say, I went not in that Business. For it is most true, That the Orders of Council, for Publish­ing that Declaration in Churches, were dispersed through the Places of my Jurisdiction immediately from the Kings Printing-house, without my In­junction, or so much as my Know­ledge.

[Page 24]And after they were sent abroad, thô I did not, 'tis true, Revoke them, as not being then well determined in the Case, yet I no where insisted to have them obeyed. Nay, both in my own Diocese of Rochester, and in that of London, where I had then very unwillingly some Inspection, there is no one Clergy-man can upbraid me, for Urging any Man to Read, or Repro­ving any for not Reading the Declara­tion.

If it shall be objected, that I per­mitted it to be Read in Westminster-Abby, I desire it may be also consi­der'd, what dreadful Apprehensions this Royal Church and School were then under, from our Neighbours the Jesuits at Court; who lay in wait to take any Advantage, whereby they might stir up the King to Ruin us. [Page 25] Besides that a Quo-Warranto was then actually Issued out against us, and we were every Day threatned, that as we were the nearest, so we should fall the first Prey, into the Hands of the Popish Priests.

But to go on, I need not Re­mind your Lordship, what Wrath and Indignation this Letter to the Commissioners produced against me, from the Jesuited Party at Court: For which yet I esteem­ed my self abundantly Recompen­sed by the Peace it gave me in my own Mind, and I hope I may say, by the good Will it Revi­ved towards me in the Hearts of Good Men; especially of my Lord Archbishop and the other per­secuted Bishops, with whom I ever [Page 26] after acted in perfect Conjunction for the Public Good.

That, My Lord, is the last par­ticular whereof I promised to give your Lordship and Account. And I come to it more chearfully than I did to the rest, because this is the only matter of all I undertook to Speak of, wherein I am not Consci­ous to my self, that I need any Excuse.

It was therefore some time after the Tryal of the Seven Bishops, and after my leaving the Commission, when upon the Kings sudden return from Windsor, and the first Alarm given of the Preparations in Holland, my Lord of Canterbury, and some of his Suffragan Bishops, whereof I had the Honour to be One, were [Page 27] sent for by express Letters dated September the 24th, to attend his Ma­jesty at Whitehall. Accordingly all of us that were in Town, except my Lord Archbishop, who was then very ill, waited on the King the Friday following being the Day appointed. But little or nothing passing betwixt his Majesty and us, at our first Attendance, beyond ge­neral Expressions of his Favour, and our Duty, we intreated my Lord of Canterbury, to procure for us a Second, and more particular Audi­ence; wherein we might all deli­ver our plain and sincere Sense of Things, as we saw the dangerous Condition of the Church and State then required from Men of our Cha­racter. And on the Sunday after, [Page 28] my Lord Archbishop, obtain'd of the King that we should be admitted to a full Liberty of Speech with him the next Tuesday Morning.

All Monday we spent at Lambeth, in preparing the Humble Advice we thought fit to offer the next Day. But the King being otherwise acci­dentally diverted on Tuesday Morn­ing, our Attendance on him was put off till Wednesday. Whereas had we been admitted to his Majesty that Tuesday, we could not have failed of getting some Credit to our selves, and to the Church, for having Re­quested him to Restore the Charter of London among other Charters. For from the very beginning of our Consultations, we had fixed upon that to be One of our Principal Pe­titions. [Page 29] Whereof his Majesty perhaps having had some private Intimation; thought so more for his Service to prevent us, by making it an Act of his own Grace. This is cer­tain, that very Tuesday in the Eve­ning, he first declared publicly in the Council, to divers eminent Citi­zens, his purpose to restore the City Charter. So that when we came the next Day, we found nothing left for us to do towards that great Affair, but only to turn our intended Request into Thanks, as we did.

However, on Wednesday Morning, we had our Second Audience, when my Lord of Canterbury deliver'd our Free and Honest Advice, with such a becoming Meekness, Gravity, and Courage as indeed was Admirable.

[Page 30]Now because there has been hi­therto only an imperfect Relation Printed of what passed at that Meet­ing, I think it may not be unaccep­table to the Public, to give here an exact Account of our whole Pro­ceedings with the King in that Af­fair; as it was drawn up by my Lord Archbishop himself. And it had been Happy, if all Addresses to his Majesty had been alike Faith­ful to the King's and the Kingdom's Interest.

[Page 32] Letters to the same purpose, and of the same Date, (or about that time) were sent to the Bishops of London, Winchester, Ely, Chichester, Ro­chester, Bath and Wells, Peterbo­rough, and Bristol; all which ( but London and Bristol) came to Town; and all, but the Archbishop, waited on the King at the time appointed. The next day the Bishop of Winchester went out of Town, and the day after that, the Archbishop waited upon the King, alone, and by His Appointment, on Wednesday, Octob. 3. all, who remained in Town, went together to His Majesty, to whom (in the Name of the rest) the Archbishop spake, as followeth.

[Page 42]It is for others Information, not for yours, My Lord, that I have been so Punctual and Minute in the Circumstances of this Business, where­with your Lordship was fully made acquainted, just after the very time, at Copthall, as much as my Lord of London's and my Memory could Serve us to do it.

But one thing farther I must observe as very Remarkable in this Affair, that if the exact time of this our Address to King Iames at Whitehall, shall be compar'd with the Day of the Prince of Orange his present Majesties setting forth his First Declaration in Holland, they will both be found to bear very near the same Date. For our Address here, was form'd at Lambeth on [Page 43] Monday, October the First, and should have been deliver'd on Tuesday the Second, and was actually presented on Wednesday the Third. And that Declaration was Sign'd there on the Tenth of October, which, considering the Two Styles, makes little or no Difference.

And if I might presume to com­pare Small Things with Great, in the Matter of them as well as in the Date, I would venture to say, that most of the very same Grievan­ces, which his Highness insisted on in his Declaration, except One or Two, that were too high for us Sub­jects to meddle with, were so early represented by us to the King in that Petition, as Things necessary to be speedily Redress'd.

[Page 44]And, My Lord, I cannot but add, that this we did in a time when the King thought of nothing less than Victory; when in all Humane probability, he was the strongest both by Sea and Land; when as yet there was no appearance of such a Prodi­gious Alienation of his Subjects Af­fections; when at least his Army was thought to be still firm to him; when the very Winds and Seas seem'd hitherto as much on his Side, as they all afterwards turn'd against him.

After that, My Lord, as I re­member the next Solemn time of our Waiting on King Iames the Se­cond, was occasion'd by the Inter­ception of the Prince of Orange's De­claration here in London, some short [Page 45] time before his Highness's Landing, For upon Reading that Expression in it, ‘That the Prince was most earnestly Invited hither by divers Lords both Spiritual and Tempo­ral, and by many Gentlemen and Others of all Ranks;’ the King forthwith sent for some of the Bi­shops, who were nearest at hand, and required us to Justifie our Selves to the World, as to our Part in that Invitation. To this end, His Ma­jesty fixed a Short Day, whereon He obliged us to present him a Paper under our Hands, signifying our Abhorrence of the Prince of Orange's intended Invasion.

My Lord, the Day came; and great Throngs there were at Court, expecting the Issue of that Confe­rence: [Page 46] We saw both the Friends and Enemies of the Church of Eng­land, equally impatient, to know what we would do in that difficult Mo­ment. The King himself had af­firm'd to us, He thought his good Success exceedingly depended upon our Ready Compliance with his Command of Abhorring. A De­claration was then in the Press against the Prince of Orange the present King, and was only stopp'd for our Paper of Abhorrence to be inserted into it: And there happen'd to be but Four of our Number, my Lord of Canterbury, my Lord of London, my Lord of Peterborough, and my Self, who were present upon the Place to endure that terrible Brunt.

[Page 47]In short, as soon as we were come into the King's Presence, His Majesty with great Earnestness called for our Paper; We with all Submission in­treated to be Excused from writing any thing of that Nature, and from making a particular Defence to a ge­neral Accusation; left we should give the First Precedent of that kind, against the Privilege of Peers. Besides that, our Profession being to promote Peace, VVe thought it belong'd not to us to declare VVar, especially against a Prince so nearly Ally'd to the Crown.

But the King still more Insisted, Argued, and Expostulated with us; insomuch, that if ever in all my Life I saw him more than ordinary vehement in Speech, and transported [Page 48] in his Expressions, it was at that time.

However, we still made good our humble Refusal, in as dutiful Terms as 'twas possible: Among many Ar­guments, urging chiefly, That as we were joyn'd with our Brethren, the other Lords Spiritual, and with the Lords Temporal, and with the Gen­try of England, in the Accusation; so we beseech'd him, we might not be separated from them in our Justi­fication: Concluding all with an earnest Request to His Majesty, that He would be pleased to Condescend to the Calling a Free Parliament: Wherein only he could rightly un­derstand, what was the General Sense, and True Interest of the whole King­dom.

[Page 49]At last, when neither the King would bearken to our Zealous Mo­tion for a Parliament, nor we could be prevailed on, to Subscribe an Ab­horrence of the Prince of Orange's Design, His Majesty parted from us with Indignation. And there­upon the Jesuited Party at Court were so violently enraged against us, that, as we were credibly informed, one of the Chief advised in a heat, we should all be Imprisoned, and the Truth should be extorted from us by Violence.

I told your Lordship, the Con­clusion of that our Serious De [...] with the King, was on our Side [...] begging him to call a Free Par [...]ment. The truth is, a Free Par [...]ment was the main Point, and t [...] [Page 50] last Result of all our Requests to His Majesty, from the First Day of his admitting us to give him our honest Advice, till the time of his leaving the Kingdom.

I need not put your Lordship in mind of the Petition we presented him to the same purpose, which was Signed by divers of the Spiritual and Temporal Lords, and, among others, by your Self; and was afterwards Seconded from several Parts of the Nation; especially by the Noble­men and Gentlemen Assembled at York, and by the Fleet under the Command of my Lord Dartmouth, and by the Lord Bishop, and the Clergy, and the Citizens of Bristol. As it had been also soon followed by the rest of the Kingdom, had there [Page 51] been time enough for the doing of it.

But having mentioned that Peti­tion for a Free aud Regular Parlia­ment, I hope it will not be thought Presumption in me, if I suggest, I had the Honour to have it Consi­dered, Agreed on, and Sign'd, at my house at Westminster: And that I was one of the Four Bishops (the Two Archbishops and my Lord of Ely being the other Three) who ventured to deliver it to the King, after we heard he had protested he would take it highly Ill of any Man that should offer him a thing of that Nature. Nevertheless we did it, and thought our selves bound in Duty to God and Man so to do.

[Page 52]Your Lordship perceives, all that I have said on this last Subject, con­cerns only some few Particulars that pass'd in Three or Four Conferences between King Iames the Second, and some of the Bishops, who happen'd then to be within Call. Thô we had afterwards the Concurrence of our Absent Brethren. And we may now appeal to all the World, whe­ther we did not Demean our Selves in those hazardous Occasions, with that Zeal against Popery, and for the Legal Establishment both in Church and State, as became the Station we hold in Both.

If your Lordship's Leisure would permit me to look farther back, and to recount what was Written, Acted, or Suffered, by the Members of the [Page 53] Church of England in general du­ring that Reign; 'twere easie to re­collect so many Memorable Instances of unshaken Truth and Courage in the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and Commonalty of our Communion, in maintaining our Religion against Rome, and our Laws against unli­mited Power, as might well furnish sufficient Materials for an ample Re­lation.

I know it was formerly a popular Objection of divers misguided Dis­senters from the Church of Eng­land, that our Principles were too Monarchical, and that we carried the Doctrine of Obedience farther than might be consistent with the safety of a Protestant Church, or the Privileges of a free-born People,

[Page 54]But it is now to be hoped, that the strongest Argument of all others, which is Experience from undoub­ted Matter of Fact, has put this Objection for ever out of Counte­nance. Since it is undeniable, that during that whole time, when our Civil and Spiritual Liberties were in so much Danger, the greatest, and most considerable stop, that was here put to the Arts of Rome, and In­trigues of France, was Put by the steddy Resolution of the true Sons of the Church of England.

I pretend not to upbraid any Party or Sect among us, for any un­due Compliance in that Time. But this I will Assert, that generally Speaking, the whole Body of the Church of England, both Laity and Clergy did not Comply.

[Page 55]Nay, it were Infinite to reckon up the Examples, we then saw every Day, of Men of all Conditions, from the highest to the lowest, All Members of the Church of Eng­land; who preferred the saving of the Establisht Government in Church and State, before any Temptations of private Profit or Interest.

Not to say any thing more of the Learned and Unanswerable Writings of that time against Po­pery: For in that Merit, I suppose none of any other Persuation will enter into any Competition with the Orthodox Clergy: But I now on­ly Speak of those many Honourable Self-Denials, which the Church of England-Men then Practised, for the [Page 56] Sake of the true English Liberty, and Reformation.

What Officers and Comman­ders were there almost in the whole Army, besides the Sons of the Church of England, who chose to be Discarded from those very Troops and Regiments, which their own Interest and Money had raised, ra­ther than contribute to take away the great Fences of our Liberty and Religion? What Officers in the Courts of Justice, and in the several Branches of the Revenue? What Members of Boroughs, Corporati­ons, and Cities, in Comparison of those of the Church of England, endured the loss of their Places of Trust and Profit, for not Consenting to Abolish the Tests and Penal Laws against Papists?

[Page 57]What eminent Nobility and Gentry in all Counties, submitted chearfully to be flighted, and depri­ved of all Authority and Power among their Neighbours, in Peace or War? Were they not generally, and almost to a Man of the Church of England?

Was not a considerable Part of the Court it self turn'd out? Did not divers Persons of the highest Ti­tles and Dignities there endure to lose their Princes Favour, upon this ve­ry Account? Did we not see the most Advantageous, and most Ho­norable Offices, the very White Staves, and the greatest of them, not valued, but easily parted with, when Religion came in Question's.

[Page 58]I need not go on to recite more particularly all these Things, espe­cially to your Lordship, who were your Self one of the Noble Suffe­rers in the same Cause. 'Twill be sufficient to affirm once for all, that the main Body of those, who made so brave a Stand, were all of the Church of England; and the Prin­ciples on which they stood, were all Church of England Principles.

My Lord, it was by these Per­sons, and these Principles, that [...]o­pery was stopt in its full Career; by these it was then hindred from Con­quering, and put into a Condition to be shortly after Conquer'd it self in this Nation.

After having troubled your Lord­ship so long with my own Private [Page 59] Cause, and having said something too, in the behalf of what is much more dear to me, the Public; pray let me conclude with that, which, in this Juncture of Affairs, may be counted well high another Public Cause: Let me Present you with my Humbly well-meaning Opinion, what Moderation is to be shewn to­wards those, who happen'd to be employed in the late Times.

My Lord, 'twould be great Pre­sumption in me, having been my self too far engaged, to offer at an Apology for other Persons concern'd then, either with me in the Com­mission, or in any other Public Bu­siness; particularly for some of your Lordships Acquaintance, whose Cause may be more Defensible than [Page 60] mine; and I am sure their Abilities to defend it, are much greater. On­ly in general, I will take the free­dom to say, That I make no Que­stion, but divers Good Men, who were then in Imployments, did in Prudence, submit to some things in Order to hinder Worse. I doubt not but many Acted then not to In­crease, but to Mitigate the Violence of those Times. Some were in such Stations, which perhaps 'twas well done of them, not suddenly to De­sert, lest worse Men should come in, to do that which they design'd to prevent. I believe, some being, as it were, in the middle of the Stream, when the Tide turn'd so Violently against our Establisht Church and Laws, were driven [Page 61] down lower than they expected, be­fore they could resist the Current, or get to Shore. Wherefore, consider­ing all Circumstances, 'twas well so many mistook not the true Interest of the Nation. 'Twas happy so many preserv'd their Integrity; so many had the honest Hardiness to stand unmoved by the Importunity of their King, whom they were bred up to Honor, and in all things else to Obey.

And in common Sense of human Frailty, are not many Infirmities at such a time as that, to be overlook'd now, by wise and good Men? Do not many false Steps so made, deserve to be pitied? May it not be thought some kind of Merit, or some degree of Innocence at least, not to have made more, in such a slippery Ground as we then trod on?

[Page 62]If, my Lord, every Failure of that Time, should be esteemed a Criminal Compliance, every Compliance should be judg'd unpardonable, VVho then, that remain'd under the Go­vernment, can be counted Innocent? VVho shall be able justly to throw the first Stone? VVhat Place will be then left for the Offender's Hope, or for a Prince's Forgiveness, the Noblest and most Divine Part of Power?

My Lord, the constant Experience of all wise Times has shewed, that all Civil Dissentions and Quarrels are best ended by the largest Acts of In­demnity and Oblivion: In England especially, where Good Nature is soon apt to have Compassion upon the Afflicted. Here perhaps scarce any thing can be more dangerous to the [Page 63] Party that is uppermost, than to put English-men upon pitying those that suffer under it. And certainly this Revolution, if ever any, should be Mild in the Event, since it was Blood­less in the whole Course of it, in a time, when there was most danger of Effusion of Blood.

I will say no more, my Lord, but this, that after great and unexpected Changes, That hath been always found the firmest Settlement of any State or Government, where the Prevailing Party hath look'd but very little back­ward, and very much forward; where Private Animosity and Revenge have wisely given way to the greater Bene­fits of Public Pardon and Indul­gence.

[Page 64]Perhaps, towards the Beginning of great Reformations, a VVarm impetu­ous Spirit may have its use; but to Compose Things after sudden Com­motions, to Calm Men's Minds for the future, to Settle Affairs in a secure and lasting Peace, most certainly a Gentle, Generous, Charitable Temper, is the best: And to say all in one word, Such a Temper as is your Lord­ships.