THE Reason why this so much talk'd-of Book ought to be Answer'd, is palpable and obvious, because 'tis full of Reflections on the present State of Affairs, or rather a kind of a Compendium of what is objected by mistaken Friends or bitter Enemies. The reason why that Person, who has now undertaken to Answer it, thought not fit to do it before, was, that he expected some better Hands would attempt it, especially when it contain'd Reflections sharp enough on such as were well able to hold the Cudgels against him that made 'em. But those from whom it was expected neglecting to take him to task, lest what he advances should have deeper or larger Influence, because unanswer'd, should be thought unanswerable, these few Sheets are at last sent abroad into the World on purpose to disabuse it, and place some things in a better Light, which he and others have ren­der'd more dark and obscure by pretending to explain 'em. Nor can I expect but to be rank'd by the Zealous Author, for this undertaking, among those whom he styles a Facti­on; perhaps too he'll say I'm of the Court-party, and con­sequently that I am guided by Guilt or Interest in this attempt. But the best is one who shoots his Bolt so nim­bly [Page 2] as he, is in no great probability of hitting what he aims at; and if he should bestow the Character of a Fa­vourer of Debauchery upon me, as he's very liberal that way, I have yet the Comfort of very good Company, as he has order'd it, all the Bishops in England being, if you'll believe him, in little better Circumstances. This all that reade him or know him will grant. He tells the Reader he's a Hearty Friend to King William and Queen Mary; but after all, he is certainly Notion-struck, and believes he has an extraordinary Call to the great Work of Refor­ming Kingdoms. A Privy-Counsellor at once to the Kings of Earth and Heaven, and knows as well why Providence did not give us leave to beat the French, as how to make King William the most Glorious Prince in Christendom, if he would but follow his advice, that is, Gargil his Coun­cil, Fleets and Armies; turn out every Man that would Swear, Drink and Whore; Encounter the King of France with the remainder, and obtain a miraculous Victory by the virtue of Venner's promise, that One should chase a Thousand: And this indeed, if look'd into, is the summ, drift and upshot of all his Writings. He concludes his Epistle with a Politick Complement to his Reader; a Cause placed there's in terrorem (I have seen something like it hang up in a Corn-field) to scare any one from disliking or answering him.

Know therefore also, says he (with a huge deal of Gran­deur and Authority) if thou canst be offended with him who wishes so well to his Country, and no Ill to thy self, thou canst be no good Man. Very well your Argument is.— He that can be offended with any one who wishes well to their Country, and to those who are offended, can be no good Man. This is the sense of this Complaint, or it has none at all: And if 'tis fair Arguing, you also ought to have a care how you are offended with your Answer; who, protest as deeply as [Page 3] you can, that he wishes well to his Country, and no Ill to you. Nay, as you do that, you may be better and wiser, (a very Charitable wish,) for otherwise you have given away that Character you have so deservedly prov'd of a good Man, ac­cording to your own Arguing.

To leave the Preface, and fall upon the Book it self: In considering of which, we'd willingly observe some Me­thod, though 'tis very difficult to keep any, in treating of what has none. However, the best way will be to throw the Contents thereof into these following different heaps, in one or other of which 'twill go hard but we shall meet with and clear all the seeming Arguments there laid to­gether.

The unfortunate business of the Fleet; the general Mis­management of Affairs; the Debauchery of the Nation, and those in publick Employments; the Behaviour of Church-men towards Dissenters, and others; his own Bill at the end.

For the first of these: The Affair of the Fleet. Here the Author of the Reflections needed not to have hedged in his Bett so carefully, and to fright any one from Answer­ing what he writes on that Head, [Enter his Protestation] (as he does Page 10.) ‘That it requires a Person of rare Invention, of equal Impudence, and void of all Sense of Honour and Love to his Country to compose a Vindi­cation of that Transaction—and People of no less stupi­dity and easiness to be impos'd upon by such pretences—and lower—such a Miscarriage as none will offer to ex­cuse, who are not either Partners in the Crime, or no good Friends to the Cause.’ I say he's safe enough in that Lock, and needed not have denounc'd so terribly a­gainst any one who should endeavour to force him out on't. The matter of Fact, of the Baffle we received in the next Action, which, among many other ill Consequences, did un­doubtedly retard the Reduction of Ireland, is too notori­ously [Page 4] and sadly true, and can't but force the Indignation of any English-man who reflects upon't, and few or none who deserve that Character but will, I'm pretty confident, agree with him in his Censure upon the same: That in point of Honour it ought to be enquired into strictly to the bottom, and punished severely to the satisfaction of the World, and in point of Justice no less. But then had this Reflecter been either very Just, or very Honourable, would he not, before he had Try'd and Condemn'd those persons concern'd in this unhappy business, (or Printed Letters to purpose 'em for Execution?) Wou'd he not, at least, have heard 'em speak one word for themselves before the fatal stroke? or is it so very fair to Hang 'em first, and Judge 'em afterwards? He cou'd not but know what they plead in their own defence; and the weaker 'tis, the easier answer'd. For their not Fighting sooner, but turning a­gainst the Wind, is pleaded by their few Friends, what is as to the substance of it, in his own Printed Relations, Pag. 2d and 3d. In a Council of Flag-affairs 'twas agreed not to fight them. And when at last actually engag'd, he can't but have heard what has been farther said by some who have born the largest, and I believe the justest of Censure for that Action.—That in the Engagement the Wind was beat down, as they phrase it, and that 'twas therefore impossible for some of the Ships to come up and relieve, or joyn the other. The wants of the Fleet, the thinness of the Sea-men, the disproportion in Numbers, the hazards of a close Engagement, and danger of losing all, which every one knows are urg'd by those here concern'd, how weakly soever.

These things, and what was before mentioned, deserv'd some Consideration, and a fair Answer from a person so impartial as the Reflecter wou'd be thought to be, and per­haps really is, though so very eager and zealous in the [Page 5] business he undertakes, that he had not time to consider such small matters as these mention'd. But it seems one Neck is not sufficient, a great many more must come in for Compliance both by Sea and Land. Thus he asks the Question, Page 11. ‘Is't likely he would have behav'd himself as he did, if he had not had some encourage­ment at least by a willing and early Compliance.’ There he has indeed put the matter beyond Controversie. He proves all those were guilty who comply'd with those Councils which had such unhappy effects; and thus fairly brings in the Fleet with others, both Dutch and English; for as he himself in his Relation, 'twas agreed upon in a General Council of the Flag-Officers not to fight, because of the disproportion of the Numbers. He next adds some Observations, whether his own or any others, 'tis not much material, complaining that the Fleet was full of Torrington's Creatures; and had he no more to answer for but this, I can't think 'twould much affect him: For shall not an Admiral have power to advance or recom­mend such as he thinks have served the King faithfully? Or is not he, if honest, a proper Judge?

But that which ought to have been considered here, is the Behaviour of those who indeed had been rais'd by him; and were there not of that Number, who signalized themselves in the Action, as much as 'twas possible for Men to do, and have been since deservedly preferr'd for the same to higher Stations, with the applause of all Par­ties, a convincing Argument against one of these mistakes, if not both? Nor is another Complaint he and his Ob­server makes less remarkable, Page 14. That persons are preferr'd according to the time they had serv'd in the Fleet; a wonderfull Accusation, and truly weighty Re­flections as on the Government! What gives Experience but Time; and what deserves Preferment more than Ex­perience? [Page 6] I confess I should have thought the contrary practice would have deserved Censure, but this rather Commendation. Here he enquires into the Effects of our Misfortune at Sea: He tells us very bad news, that we have promoted nothing all this while, nor are in any better Condition than we were in the Spring last was Twelvemonth. One would have thought the Reduction of Ireland had been a good employment for one Summer, and all the glorious Actions of His Majesty's Court (which I will call so, tho' my Antagonist call me Flatterer for my pains) had deserved some small acknowledgment both to God and Man. But he has a pleasant Answer for that in the following lines; We are but where we were, if Ireland should be wholly reduced, because it might have certainly been done at first with less difficulty than now the ta­king of Limmerick, Tyrconnel then only wanting some body to quit it to. For Ireland's not being reduced sooner, how often has he been told of it? The then Prince brought with him only some Fourteen thou­sand; those who joyn'd him after his Landing, part for Fear, part for Interest, he could not depend up­on; some who had joyn'd him with the first at his Landing, not having perhaps their Ambition and Ava­rice satisfied, were again his Enemies: All things were unsettled and in a hurry: There was great probability of accomplishing all without Bloodshed: And after all, con­sidering the nature of the Irish, is not a total new Conquest better for England than such terms as they'd have then stood upon, when their Estates and Numbers were un­broken?

He goes on, Page 16. and tells us, Besides Time, we have lost Lives; a very strange thing in War, especially in Sea-sights, where there are no Back-doors. And Trade too; as strange as the other? But have the Dutch and [Page 7] French as free a Trade as they us'd to have? or are the English only unfortunate? But worse yet, we have lost Ships, Effects and all to our Enemies—And wou'd it not have been strange indeed if we had done it to our Friends? And all this with Expence too. Stranger still! but here he has the good luck to be an ill guesser, when he prog­nosticates the difficulty of getting More supplies. The Parliament of England act on more generous Principles; and so far was that, or any Consideration of the like na­ture, from by assing that August Assembly, that a Summ proportionable to the occasion was granted almost as soon as demanded. He complains the Confederacy is in dan­ger of being broken—But all the World must grant, had they done as much on that side as the King on his, things had been in a far better posture than now we find 'em.

His next Complaint is just as reasonable as all that go before, of Many unexpected accidents which May occur before next Summer. This, I think, is a little too hard, that we Must answer what is not done, as well as what is; and Make an Apology for a thousand ill things that never were nor will be.

He proceeds in the Mismanagement of publick Affairs, to make a great, and perhaps a too just Complaint of the Sale of Offices; which though it might be so order'd as not to be any way prejudicial to the publick, as at pre­sent 'tis in France it self; yet as things are here, nothing can be more mischievous and ruinous. What he seems to deserve a stricter reproof for in this case, is his making such loud Complaints against the present Government and Mi­nisters for this fault, as if 'twas some strange and un­heard-of Mischief, never known in the World till Charles the Second, by his Knavish Example (as he civilly styles it) brought that and such manner of Vices in fashion in [Page 8] England: But was it never so in any other place, or at any other time? Were Queen Elizabeth's Golden days themselves proof against the power of Gold? Does he ex­pect Causin's Holy Court to be set up in England, where Money will do nothing? or, which is homer; are all those of any other Party and Interest such sworn Foes to a Feel­ing now and then, that they'd reject a parcel of Guineys, if thrown at their Feet? The summ is, that there never was, nor ever will be a Court in England, nor any place else we may safely add, where Gold will not be preva­lent, and Men of no Merit often creep in where ten to one persons of real worth and value may be rejected: And hence it follows, that whoever makes loud Com­plaints in things of such a nature, if supposing 'em in some Instances true enough, wou'd yet be esteem'd little less than ridiculous.

Upon this Head he falls foul on the ingenious and learned Gentleman, who is the Author of the Observator, who has done the Government more service by his hand­some and valuable Writings, drest in a Courtly and Manly style, and obliging the World with frequent and accepta­ble rarities, than ever some snarling Pens dipt in Vinegar are like to do, shou'd they write as many Books as he has Observators.

‘We have seen Remarks, says he, on the ill Consequen­quences of buying and selling Offices lately publish't in Print, and by a publick Intelligencer, who had either reason to believe that it is our own Case, or his Remarks were very impertinent—and if he did believe it, his expressing himself as far from granting any such practi­ces to be in us here in England, savour'd more of that vulgar Wisdom lately in fashion, than of those Virtues I mention'd before—Fidelity, Integrity, &c.’

[Page 9]But yet more; he makes him little less than a party concern'd, at least privy to the business: ‘I find it, says he, commonly believ'd by those, who in all probability, little considering these things which I have now men­tion'd, must therefore have some other Reasons from Matter of Fact for their belief.’

All the Matter of fact is, we were at that time, (while the French were hovering about us) in a great ferment, and, as was just, very angry with those who brought 'em hither, if we cou'd have found who those were. 'Twas so natural a Reflection from the unhappy Circumstances of those affairs, to think on the Officers employ'd in them, that one of a much less sagacity than this Author, and as dull as he'd have us believe the Observator himself, cou'd not but light upon it, and enquire into all the probable Reasons thereof; and why he might not fall upon the same with the present Author, without knowing any more of Matter of fact than he himself did, I can't imagine. Nor when the Fret was a little over, why some Expressi­ons might not be softned, and he have liberty at least to hope things were not so ill as he had doubted, especially after a publick enquiry had been made into those Matters by persons above exception; namely, the Commons.—So that upon the whole, the World is left to judge whose Re­marks are most impertinent. The Intelligencer upon Places, or he on the Intelligencer.

But though he has no such particular knowledge in the matter, yet he has shrew'd Guesses that things go wrong from his own Observation.—He recommended a person to be made a Captain, who yet was not preferr'd—and this he thinks— A sign of some sinister respects too preva­lent amongst them. But he answers this himself—he did not do it in propria persona; nay, at last, he did not do it all, but let it drop, for ought we can learn, by the Story.— [Page 10] and 'tis very hard that the Lords Commoners shou'd pre­fer a Man upon the Author's Recommendation, without ever knowing that he did recommend him; or what's worse, for ought appears without his doing it.

The next Reason he gives why Many are preferr'd who want desert, and so are like to injure the Nation rather than defend it, is favour and affection under which he ranks Faction, which he complains has had no small share in in­troducing ill Men into the Government, and keeping good out; Nay, not only one, but two and three Factions, or at least one with three Heads, which is full as terrible.

But those Names which he gives 'em, as well as the things meant by 'em, are so invidious in themselves, and have been so mischievous to the Nation, that surely he can do it very little service who endeavours to conjure 'em up agen, to disquiet both us and them, when they have been now so long asleep and forgotten.

'Twou'd tempt a Man to run upon the other extream, tho' less inoffensively than be does; and to ask him whether he thinks not in his Judgment that the Nation has been really more pester'd with one Faction, than the three (or tripple-headed one) he has there mention'd? If we must have Factions, let any Man, that's of neither Party, impar­tially examine both, and see how much less Atheism, Ma­lice, Uncharitableness, Swearing, Debauchery, Covetous­ness there is on one side than the other; and, I'm afraid, twoud be a hard matter to find one to throw the first Stone. Let us borrow the Author's own words, and a very little turn will make 'em bear hard where he never intended 'em. ‘Is there not really such a thing as a Par­ty, or a Faction if you will, who agree to keep out those who are not theirs, though never so Cordial Friends to King William, &c. to Calumniate and abuse 'em, though never so pious and virtuous—but be they but zealous [Page 11] for their own Party, be they never so vitious, debauched or prophane, never so empty, shallow, blustering or in­considerate, or meanly qualified, they shall be embraced as honest Men, nay as good Protestants, so they do but hate or rail at the Church of England.’

And this indeed is the inseperable Mischief of all Facti­on, or seperate private Interests and Communities within Communities, distinct from, though not formally against, the general Good of the Nation. I'd fain know who had deserved best of Jerusalem, when besieged by the Romans—He who shou'd have been of any particular Party, chuse which he wou'd, and rail at all the rest, as Cause enough there was all round, there as well as here; or he that shou'd have endeavour'd a lasting peace among 'em, obli­terating the very Memory of all those odious distinctions which had such fatal effects.

In the same Nature, one wou'd think a Man that loved his Country shou'd, at this time, endeavour to make them all Friends, not Enemies, to dress every Party as fairly, not as frightfully as possible; and by uniting their Affecti­ons, melt down the inveterate Enmity. Which if 'twere this Gentleman's design, he has certainly taken a very un­lucky way to accomplish it.

I am much of the same Mind with my Author concern­ing admitting Persons into publick Employments, which he treats of Page 23. but perhaps for different Reasons from what he ever thought upon: One is, That the Num­ber of those who dissent from the publick Establishment, supposing they were admitted into Employment, is not so great, as if they design'd any such thing to effect any con­siderable Alterations.

Another Reason is, That Interest being the great quar­rel, quiet but that and all will be friends. But the mis­chief is, this Hypothesis of his, as well as other fine ones, [Page 12] is impracticable, and does not any good at all, laying open to the grand Objection of those Men whom he'd ease by it.

He wou'd have none admitted to publick employ, but such as take the Sacrament, though the limit's larger than before, in some solemn Assembly of Protestant Dissenters, or others.

But here still lyes the Objection,—we are not fit fo [...] t—Why shou'd such a holy thing be made a State-Engine? 'Tis against our Consciences, cry they, to take it at all; and you throw us on a dreadfull hazard, either to lose all our employs, or to eat and drink our own Damnation, and I appeal to any Man whether the business is not thus fairly stated; so that after all our whipping and heaving, you see we are but just where we were, or but very little ad­vanced.

Page 24. He seems to teach all the Princes in the World a new Scheme of Politicks, and wou'd perswade 'em not to oblige Enemies, calling that Noble part of Divine as well as Humane Prudence—little Arts, and pieces of vulgar Craft: and Page 25. pronounces very awfully— ‘I have al­ways lookt upon a certain Condescention to, and compli­ance with some of that Party, to be one of the first steps which have been made since the Revolution; and a Daubing into which, we were betray'd by the pedantick Policy of some, &c. as inconsistent with true Divinity, (you may see which way he squints) as with true Po­licy.’

This is indeed a tender Subject; but we may venture to say on't—That surely he is one of the first good Men, who ever blam'd a Prince for those truly Royal Virtues of Cle­mency and Goodness. The truth is, all sides have play'd the fool and been mad in their turns. Blood enough has been shed, Mischief enough happen'd, and Quarrels long enough fomented—All this the present Government takes no no­tice [Page 13] of, but makes use of whoever are capable of serving it: this at the bottom displeases some, who perhaps thought to have shared all between 'em.

Show us a Prince that ever came into a distracted King­dom, without obliging those who may else possibly not be very easie. And shew me he that can, a parallel of any Re­volution in the World of this nature, made so suddenly, with less confusion and blood attending it; not so much as one Insurrection or Rebellion from the very beginning—A suffici­ent proof that no little Arts or vulgar Tricks, but true Po­liticks and a right Spirit of Government have had the Ma­nagement of Affairs ever since. Which has consider'd the Nature of Mankind, and acted accordingly; and the Event has abundantly made good the firmness and validity of those Principles on which the Government has all along proceeded.

At the close of this Page he breaks out into a very pa­thetick Ejaculation: [ Poor Prince! (speaking of His Majesty) how did my Heart ake for him about this time, tho' I knew not what was the matter?] A perfect Impulse! Poor Man, and just in the same condition he has been ever since.

But he goes on: Princes are Men; ay, and so are Authors, and at least as liable to mistakes as they.

He comes to yet worse news than all this, Page 27. ‘How dangerous a condition the King and Queen are in, of being deliver'd up an expiatory Sacrifice to their Ene­mies, and these Nations, of being involved in Blood and Confusion.’ One half of this, the truth is, wou'd be e­nough to make any honest Man's heart ake as well as the Author's; all the hopes is, it mayn't be true; and tho' he calls what he has heap't together Demonstrations, there need more to perswade an unprejudic'd person to believe it.

He comes to enquire into the Means to prevent all these fatal mischiefs, and throws 'em upon our Debauchery, as one great Cause of all. 'Tis confess'd Sin is the cause of all the miseries of Mankind, but 'tis an impossible thing so to see [Page 14] every circumstance, as to affirm any thing of certainty in these matters. How often is a good Cause and good Men un­successfull? Are the French the most virtuous People in the World? or must not most of these matters necessarily be left to a day of Judgment to declare the Equity of Provi­dence, which seldom seems so exact in these outward distri­butions, as this good Man supposes it?

He seems to desire that none but virtuous persons might have publick Employment. And 'tis no more than every good Man wishes practicable:—But as was said in another case; if we'll converse with no ill Men, we must go out of the World; so if we'd make use of none else, we must e'en go the same way. God himself makes use of ill Men, both for good and evil, to the rest of the World; whereas he needs 'em not in either of those cases. Princes must do the same, e­specially when newly settled, and perhaps, sometimes, all their Reigns after. We know all David's Souldiers were not of the most extraordinary Character, who tho' he himself were a Man after God▪s own heart, many under him were far otherwise. And tho' he says he who leads a Godly life shall be his Servant; yet politick Reasons, the safety of his Country, and security of his Throne, made him make use of a bloody Joab, because a brave General all his life-time. And did he not receive and kindly treat a treacherous Abner, while the true undoubted Heir of his Soveraign was alive, and who left him meerly out of Revenge, and rage, being gently ac­cus'd of incontinency by his timorous Master.

To come a little nearer: Were all those Saints with the then Prince, his present Majesty? or had he done well to have made a Reform among 'em before he Embark'd, turning out whoever wou'd Swear, or Drink, or Whore? Had he taken this method, his Army, ten to one, had been less than Gi­deon's, and he must have expected as great a Miracle to have made him Conqueror.

If Wars are necessary to purge the World, and throw off [Page 15] some ill humours, contracted by long Peace and Luxury, as generally granted, ill Men may in this case be more usefull than good; at least I'm sure they are better spared, and less mist afterwards than the other.

It do's not belong to him, he acknowledges, to inquire what has been done in pursuance of the King's Letter to the Bishop of London, and the other Bishops, for that belongs to them to do.

If no Man meddled with what did not belong to him, the State, as well as Church, wou'd be quieter than ▪tis. But to let that pass: I cou▪d wish he had spoken more upon this point, tho' less on some that go before and follow after. Ought not a Writer, who studies the good and prosperity of the Government he lives under, to acknowledge and commend whatever is handsomely done, rather than make it his business to find fault with every thing? How fair an occasion had he here for a just Panegyrick? But I'm unwil­ling to suspect the true reason why he wou'd not inquire in­to what had been here done, was because he sound something well done; but I can't imagine how a Man that either comes near the Church, or but the High-ways, cou'd be ignorant of the extraordinary methods us'd in this matter.—Of the re­markable care of my Lord of London in Publishing the Let­ter it self with his own, and sending it to all the Ministers in his Jurisdiction; to which, some time after, the Acts of Par­liament were also added.—and what Obedience was given thereto, all the Pulpits in London can witness: If the Mini­sters were not heeded, I hope neither They nor the Govern­ment shall have that charg▪d upon 'em, nor will the Author blame 'em, as for want of other Apostolical Usages, mentio­ned a few Pages after, so for not converting of Thousands, as they did by their Sermons, as miraculous in their Effects as the Inspiration that Dictated 'em to the Speaker. And what if we shou'd say, so far were those in Office, either Sacred or Secular, from neglecting their duty in this case, that some visibly over-did it, and strain'd the Laws (as in stopping [Page 16] Gentlemen on the Sabbath-day) farther than ever it was intended.

After this and all other means which can be us'd, 'tis not the work of a day or year to heal those Wounds, and repair those Ruins which have been industriously made in the Manners of the English for perhaps above this Age last past. We have good Laws, we have an excellent Example one wou'd think enough to shame us into Virtue; but if in the mean time, some of the inferior Officers won't do their Duty, I can't imagine what the King can do more, unless they'd have him preach as well as fight, or Himself turn Informer or Constable; and, with Harry the 8. run to the Cobler's Stall to hear him swear, or the Miller's House to find him out in his cheating. This, I think, is sufficient to wipe off all the Aspersions thrown, Page 39, 40. and other places, upon some of the greatest and best in the Kingdom.

We wou'd now follow him in the same method he leads, to the History of his abortive Bill, and that unfortunate suc­cess it met with: but referring that to the end of his Book, where we shall meet with the Bill it self, it may be here neces­sary to enquire into the great and loud Complaints he makes against the Establish'd Protestant Church of the Nation.

Under this Head, it must be own'd, that never was any particular Church since our Saviour's time, tho' we take in that of the Apostles themselves, without what might be a­mended both in Discipline and Doctrine. And those who pretend to Infallibility in either, or what is next kin to it, and perhaps the same in other words, an extraordinary Pu­rity and Gospel-perfection above their Sister Churches; both these have been not rarely confuted by easie and vulgar Ex­perience. That the Church of England, as well as all other Christian Churches, has a great number who pretend to be her Members, in the same circumstances with those who said they were Jews and were not, but were of the Synagogue of Sa­tan, too sad experience daily tells us, and she her self had ra­ther bewail than deny.

[Page 17]But that the visible Church will always consist of Hypo­crites and ill Men as well as true Christians; that there will be tares as well as good seed in the Field; till the Angels reap the Harvest of all Mankind, that great Shepherd himself has foretold us, who can't be deceiv'd, because his knowledge is infinite.

That the Discipline of our Church is not so exact as in the first Ages, and as she her self desires, is by her acknow­ledg'd in her Rubrick. That it has not been taken care of since the Reformation, is partly to be imputed to the almost continual hurry and struggle she has been in, from one side or the other, partly to the Civil Government, a great many of our Law-makers being so far from giving her more power, that they think she has too much already.

Besides all this, 'twill be as readily granted, that we have Bigots amongst us, as have ever had all the Churches in the World; That we have others under the Mask of Religion who drive on a Secular Interest, as there have also been the same in all Ages. That moreover, the Croud of Debauchees and leud persons, will, for the most part, call themselves of the same side that's uppermost; and that all these Cases are things so common and unavoidable, that they seem not to weigh so heavy in the accusation of the National Church, as this good Man believes.

After all she is able to make it appear, and I think I may modestly add, has already done it unanswerably, That what­ever accidental defects there may be in her Model, She is yet in the Essentials of her Doctrine and Discipline, the most conform'd to the Primitive pattern of any in the World.

This in general: To be now more particular, and answer the severe heavy Charge in the 31, and ensuing Pages laid against her.

In what has been related, he says we may see here; ‘That which may correct and humble us for our vain mag­nifying our Church above all others, and despising, vilify­ing [Page 18] and disturbing our Brethren, who are, in many re­spects, better than our selves.’

Speaking the truth of our Church, and proving it, is not vainly magnifying it: Despising and vilifying our Brethren had been more proper in Heylin ▪s time, when he, and the rest of his temper, unchurch'd all the World beside themselves: If he means our Dissenting Brethren at home, it seems no such scandalous vilifying 'em as he insinuates, to think there are not so many Men of Parts and Learning amongst 'em as may be found otherwhere—For their being in many respects better than we, Comparisons are odious; and notwithstanding that, we may be also in many respects better than they, and I hearti­ly wish in both cases we may learn what's truly good and imitable of one another, and they disturb us no more than we do them, since what is past he do's not speak of, and will only incline a Man to look back yet farther: What wou'd be a kinder Inquiry, is who freed 'em from these Disturbances, but a Parliament compos'd almost entirely of Church-of-En­gland-Men? And who wou'd have yet done more, but the Bi­shops of the same Church, both in Parliament and Convocation?

'Tis too like the most uncharitable of those our foremen­tion'd Brethren, to fix such a dreadfull Censure on so great, and learn'd, and pious a Body of Men, as he do's in the fol­lowing Lines, comparing the Church of England to that of the Laodiceans, (as I remember some in the late times inter­preted all that Prophecy of the same Church,) and tells 'em plainly that they are wretched, and poor, and miserable, and blind and naked. Too truly▪ indeed might the Character of some of the other seven Churches agree with ours, that our Saviour might have some things against us, but I shou'd have thought very few beside a virulent Papist, or most rigid Sec­tary, wou'd chuse the very worst of the seven to compare us to.

That there is scarce a notorious scandalous person in the Nation but of our Communion, is too palbable a—to be an­swer'd; that there are too many such, has been already ac­knowledg'd [Page 19] and accounted for. That such persons, if of Qua­lity, are complimented and treated by the Bishops themselves, may be true, and those good Men know nothing of their De­bauchery—but did they, something is due to their Character; and they may as innocently, I hope, be Complimented with those Titles which are their due, without any imputation of partiality or flattery, as St. Paul styled a corrupt Roman Go­vernour— Most Noble Festus!

He next charges us in the same 32d Page with as great neglect in our Worship, but is so fair to acknowledge 'tis com­mon to all the Reformation, and that is our not Celebrating the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist every day. ‘Adding, that he knows not any Church in the World, from the Passion of our Saviour, to the time of the Reformation, where this was not a part of their ordinary publick Worship of God, and their daily Sacrifice.’ But either his know­ledge is very suddenly improv'd, or he most egregiously con­tradicts himself, and his Zeal makes him over-run his Me­mory; for the very same Page, but a few Lines off, he owns both this and the Effects on't in the time of St. Ambrose and Chrysostome. About some fair thousand Years before the Reformation, and when indeed the Church first began to have need on't. ‘In the Greek Church, says he, where this neglect first began, as is noted by St. Ambrose, and much complained of by Chrysostom, it was follow'd by dismal Contentions, &c. He adds, he is well satisfied that our want of a daily Christian Sacrifice is one of the principal Prejudices which hinders the Reconciliation of the Papists to our Church.’ A new and an odd Argument. New, since 'twas never urg'd before by any of the Communion for them­selves; and very odd, when 'tis known we celebrate it, eve­ry Sunday at least, by our Rubrick, where there are enough to communicate without making the Ordinance contemptible. Whereas at present the Catholicks seldom or never receive but at Easter, nor any other Christian Church, not so much [Page 20] as those that are so much better than we, oftner than once a Month.

Nor yet where that is wanting, I hope, do we want a dai­ly Christian Sacrifice, unless Prayer and Praise deserve not to be call'd by that Name. And why the second Service may not be us'd at other times as well as at the Sacrament, when the Prayers don't immediately refer to, or necessarily imply the reception thereof, I can see no reason, nor I believe he himself invent any, any more than for his calling it a jejune and barren thing, or comparing it to what is so.

He next complains, that our Offices and Collects are defec­tive, but others will complain they are redundant, and 'tis impossible to please both.

He finds as much fault with our Preaching as our Prayers; that it tends to introduce superficial Formality and Pharisai­cal Morality—neglecting to press Humility, Contempt of the World, Heavenly-mindedness, Devotion to God, and Uni­versal Charity to all Men. Thus raking up all the weak baf­fled Objections of our Enemies, which neither need nor de­serve any farther Answer.

Page 35. We are further accused for want of care to make Proselytes, being like Pharisees in every thing else. The Charity and Civility of the Man! I'd defy a Quaker to out­doe him in Comparisons, with whom it seems he wou'd joyn▪ us, in Expeditions to Rome and Constantinople, to convert the Pope and Grand Seignior.

But what need is there of going so far abroad, when even here in England, &c. the Gospel it seems is not throughly plan­ted. The old Complaint of Famine of the word renew'd, where, in truth, a Surfeit is more to be apprehended. But if things be as he represents 'em, there is need enough of those Evangelists he wou'd have sent forth throughout the Kingdom.

What he adds of the small number of Churches, and the great multitude of Ministers, many of 'em unprovided for, relates more to the State than Church, in whose power 'tis [Page 21] both to Erect and Endow what is wanting, to reduce some things to a little more Equality, and to take some care or o­ther to obviate the mischief which arises from the vast dis­proportion between the Clergy and Benefices whereon to maintain 'em.

There follows a complicated Charge against the Mini­sters of London, Page 36. ‘That they neither invite others to God's publick Worship, nor come themselves, nor use it but Sundays, or Sundays, Wednesdays and Fridays, or not at such Hours as some of their Charge can only have for that Service▪They press not their People to frequent the most solemn and peculiar part of our Christian Wor­ship; and then, to excuse their own neglect, falsly ac­cuse their People, and charge it upon them.’

Whether this be a just Accusation, or an unjust, it falls very heavy on those who give the scandal, or him that in­vents it; and he might well expect, as he intimates, that 'twou'd offend some persons; tho' to hinder 'em from taking any notice on't, he plainly tells 'em they can't be so offen­ded, unless void of Piety and Consideration. But there's no reason Innocence shou'd be hufft out of its own defence, and 'tis an easie matter, in order to the same, to send him to pla­ces where the attendance of publick daily prayers, is as ear­nestly prest as possible, tho' is ineffectually as if not a word said on't. Where they are us'd every day, Morning and Even­ing, as well as Sundays, Wednesdays and Fridays, at such hours as are thought most convenient for an Auditory, (tho' what is so to one person, is often the contrary to another,) when, I say, more can hardly be said by Man, nor with more constancy and earnestness to press the people to this most solemn part of Christian Worship; yet where there is seldom a Congregation large enough to make the Responses, nor in such cases as these is it said to excuse their own neglect, by falsly accusing their People, and laying it upon them.

And, the truth is, tho' many more than do frequent such [Page 22] Prayers might be there, if they pleas'd; yet for the much larger part of the common people, this is so far from being their Duty, that they might perhaps rather sin in doing it. God will have Mercy, and not Sacrifice; and they ought not to neglect their Families, or providing for their own House, tho' for the highest Acts of Devotion. And after all, there are very many places in the City and Suburbs, where God's Service is decently and constantly perform'd every day, and Morning and Evening-Sacrifice presented to Heaven—a cu­stom▪ never practis'd by those better Men whom he so much admires. He persists to charge us with (as he calls it be­fore) greater abominations than these. ‘A Pharisaical Ex­action, Pharisaical Persecution, and at the same time per­mitting notorious contempt of the Laws of God in our own members, without check or controul, or scarce seri­ous Resentment. He drives on yet more zealously, calls us Fanaticks and Mad-men, and so much worse Fanaticks than those we call so; that, he says, 'tis a truth too no­torious to be deny'd, that we have few Christian Assem­blies, besides those of the Dissenters, which can properly be call'd Holy.’—I wonder indeed, and so wou'd any one who reads his Book, that he do's not forsake such a Pharisaical, nay Diabolical Communion, and joyn himself to the Holy Ones he so much admires; and were the Church of England such as he represents it, I think it shou'd be one of the last I wou'd communicate with. We have had all, 'tis too true, our Sins and Follies, and, I hope, are by this time of both sides pretty well convinc'd and asham'd of 'em. There is not indeed that desire of Unity which wou'd be wish'd among Christians, of either side, but the Inclination to mischief one another, which has stood still no-where, nor ought to be fix'd on one Party, since it has gone all round, is sure pretty well work't off; and only such things as these, which have a direct tendency to revive the former Enmity, and keen Animosities, which every good Man wishes Eter­nally buried.

[Page 23]But the Nobility and Gentry meet with no kinder enter­tainment from his warm Zeal, than the Church and Clergy▪ Since even the Mob, he assures us, have more steadiness, con­stancy and virtue, than a great part of them can pretend to. Contrary to which one may safely aver, that take a propor­tion of both, tho' I don't pretend to be so intimate with ei­ther of 'em, as I find he is; and I am pretty confident 'twill be much harder to find a Man tollerable virtuous among the scum of the People, whom he magnifies and admires, than among those he vilifies and abuses. And if he were no more fam'd for steadiness and constancy, than that Mob he com­mends, he wou'd not have the Reputation the World now gives him: Which is so great, that I can hardly think he really intends some things which he speaks a little too warm­ly, without being examin'd by his calmer Judgment. What account else shall we give of that passage, Page 42. where he not only prefers the Mob before a great part of the No­bility and Gentry, but, one wou'd think, intended to set 'em upon them (as his Brother the Modest Inquirer do's upon the Clergy) by telling 'em, ‘That wicked Men, be they Gen­tlemen or Noblemen, or what they will; are ten thou­sand times worse than the dirt of the Streets, and ought to be trod upon by the meanest of Humane race.’

I thought there had been respect due to the publick Cha­racter of a person, be his inward Qualifications what they wou'd; however the Mob is but an ill Judge, and if it once calls a Man wicked, as they oft do when a person don't please 'em, there are but a few steps more to their treading 'em under their feet.

For the King's Duty, which he as freely lays down as if he were another Moses sent from Heaven for that very purpose, did not his own Inclinations and Virtue sufficiently prompt him to the performance thereof, he has, I doubt not, not­withstanding the squinting Censures scatter'd through the Book on their Policy and Divinity; those about him who [Page 24] can represent all those things to his Majesty as faithfully, and a little more mannerly than he do's, and who wou'd both in publick and private occasions humbly recommend to his practice those Virtues for which he is already so emi­nent— Fidelity to God, Courage, Vigor, Faith, Resignation, and Righteousness: Nor can I see any reason why they shou'd not Preach on all these Subjects, at least as well as my Author.

Omitting all the Over-worn De Jure and De Facto busi­ness, it ought to be remarkt to the Author's honour, that he certainly has no respect of persons; for after he has done with the King, the Parliament next are to be taken to task—but they are e'en so bad, 'tis in vain to preach to 'em, there being no hopes of their Amendment, and therefore he thinks it a good expedient to send 'em about their business, or, as he expresses, to dissolve 'em and call another speedily, unless they'll mend their manners.

Tis enough to say, on this Head, that we have had few Houses of Commons who have made more good Laws, or more heartily espous'd the Interest of the Nation than this at pre­sent sitting, which deserves sure a more gratefull treatment than some Mens Civility thinks fit to give 'em.

He's got to Sea again, Pag. 53. and tells us very ill news; ‘That our Men of War are generally fill'd with such Cap­tains and Officers, as few Merchants wou'd intrust with a Ship of 200 Tun; and 'tis the common opinion of most Seamen and Merchants, that there are but few amongst 'em that are any way qualified for that service.’

Yet the Blew Squadron, by their own Relation, or that part of it which cou'd get up, fought as bravely as cou'd be expected from Men, and made the French Fleet bend before 'em. The Author, as hot Men often do, usually over-shoots the mark; had he only complain'd that some, nay that too many of of the Officers might not be so fit for their Places, this had lookt with a face of probability; but when he adds—that they are generally such, one may, I hope, take [Page 25] the Liberty to believe, that either his Informations are faulty, or he has drawn such Consequences from it as it won't well bear.

For those Lists mention'd of such as were able and ready to serve the Government, yet refus'd; there are two Questions may be ask'd before any thing can be pronounced on that Subject: The first, Whether there were Places enough vacant for 'em, since o­otherwise, by turning out others to make room for them, both the Sea-men and Captains might be too dangerously disoblig'd? The other, Whether they were Qualified by Law; if not, (not to med­dle with Right, which we formerly discours'd of,) we have now no Dispensing Power, and they cou'd not be accepted by those in publick Trusts without endangering themselves, whatever service it might be to the Nation?

We are now come to the Postscript, wherein the Author promi­ses an Appendix; the design whereof shou'd be to satisfie the Con­sciences of many mistaken honest Men, in the matter of Allegiance to the present Government. A Province which he seems well e­nough able to manage, and which has been long expected from him; and had he made that the Book, and all this the Appendix, if not left it out altogether, he might perhaps have done his Coun­try more service than this is ever like▪ to do. We come now to the Examination of that Bill, inserted at the End of his Book, and which has made so much noise in the Body on't, which matter I've reserv'd entire to this place for the more distinct handling of the same.

This Bill, or a Message from a Divine, by the desire of several Bishops, with the advice of divers of the Judges, drawn up by the Author, for the effectual correcting of the most notorious Sins and Vi­ces of the Age, he complains was quash't and lost by the cowardise and worldly Wisdom of the Bishops, and the worse Inclinations of some of the Temporal Lords, who were likely to make such opposi­tion against it; That the most prudential of the Bishops were against its being read, lest it shou'd be rejected: And by publishing this Story, he thinks to make the Ears of all pious Men tingle, to raise up a better Spirit in the Nation, and shame the Great Men of it into better Manners—as are his own words.

To set this matter in a better light▪ and answer those heavy Ac­cusations which he here lets fly, on some of the greatest Subjects in the Kingdom, Two things will be necessary: First, to enquire into the Nature of his Bill proposed, what Crimes therein to be pu­nish'd, and what their punishments? To prove not only the reason the Bishops had in not appearing For the Bill, but that 'twas not [Page 26] only prudent, but lawfull, and even their Duty, as circumstances then were, to act in that manner.

The Bill it self, it must be own'd, contains many excellent things, particularly the repression of Blasphemy, Swearing, Perjury, Propha­nation of the Lord's Day, Adultery, Fornication and Drunkenness. The Penalty's just, tho' severe; the Methods of Prosecution very adviseable and prudent; the Clause added, to make wilfull neglect of publick Officers, punishable as Perjury, extreamly convenient for the Nation.—And were this all contain'd in the said Bill, the Complaint wou'd be somewhat fairer against the rejecting it. But look on-ward to Page 4. and let the wiser part of the World see whether 'twas fit to be read with those Clauses therein afterward inserted.

‘And because (it goes on) Excess of Drinking exposes people to prophane Swearing, and such Excesses are usually promoted by drinking Healths: be it enacted, that every person who shall begin or pledge any Health, shall forfeit and pay, as is before en­acted, for prophane Swearing.—’

Now what this Forfeiture is, the Paragraph before tells us— ‘Convicted persons are to pay from 20 s. downward, and to be bound to their good Behaviour; and if not able to pay the Summs specified, to be set in the Stocks for the first Offence, and publickly Whipt for every other Offence afterward.’ See on­wards, Page 6, & 7.

‘And be it further enacted, That no person, keeping a pub­lick House within the Cities of London and Westminster, or Bo­rough of Southwark, &c. shall keep any Organ, or other Instru­ment or Instruments of Musick for the Entertainment of Guests, on pain of forfeiting the Summ of 20l. and on farther pain of being disabled to sell Ale, Wine, &c. for the space of a Twelve­month after such Conviction.’

One wou'd think all this shou'd be enough for Drinking the King's Health, or keeping a pair of Bagpipes—But alas, this is not half on't. Over and beside all this, reade what follows: ‘And be it enac­ted, &c. That when any person shall be convicted for any of these Offences, the Judge or Justice, before whom the Convicti­ons are made, shall immediately thereupon signifie the same to the Bishop of the Diocess, to the end that he may thereupon pro­ceed to Excommunication of the Offenders, who shall not be Ab­solv'd but upon special Order of the Bishop, and upon Certificate by the Parson or Vicar, &c. where the Offenders shall inhabit; that the said Offenders shall▪ on some Lord's Day in the Morning, [Page 27] immediately after the Creed, appointed for the Communion-Service, in the Body or greatest Isle of the said Church, have publickiy con­fess'd his or her fault, and solemnly declare his or her unfeigned sorrow and repentance for the same.’

Such was the Bill, such the Act design'd by this good Man, and such the Crimes and Punishments therein contain'd; which whether or no 'twas suitable to the Gravity and Wisdom, or Goodness and Charity of the Reverend Fathers to espouse, I leave even the most rigid Enemy of their Order impartially to consider.

To begin, or pledge a Health, which all the World that can speak sense, now acknowledge in it self absolutely innocent, and the ill conse­quences▪ thereof far enough from being necessary thereto; this must be equall'd in Punishment, and therefore in Crime, with prophane Cursing and Swearing; this must be punish'd with Imprisonment, Stocks, and Whipping, the highest marks of publick Shame and Infamy; and not only so, but those who have endured all this from the Secular Power, be turn'd over to the Ecclesiastical, and given over to Satan, for only drink­ing or pledging one single Glass, and at the same time wishing health to King William and Queen Mary, or the best and nearest Friends they have in the World; and yet more, do publick Pennance in the open Church for the same, without which no Absolution to be granted 'em.

In the same manner must those be dealt with who, in a publick House, keep▪ any Organ, or Instrument of Musick. Woe be to any poor Ale­house-keeper that happens to play upon the Fiddle or Bagpipe, nay even a Jews harp, must cost him 20 s. and send him to the Devil into the bargain.

'Twou'd be worth the while to examine whether this good Man has not something of Discord in his Nature, every thing in the World being out of tune in his Ears, he is therefore such a bitter Enemy to whatever seems like Harmony.

Shou'd we fairly represent the plain Consequences of such an Act, had it taken place, 'twou'd be a hard matter for the Reader to be grave in perusing 'em. VVhen, for example, a couple of hainous Offenders a­gainst this new Law, after the Stocks, and Whipping, and Paying, must come at last to the great Isle to acknowledge their abominable Crimes before the Congregation.

Verily, Christian Friends, (says the first of 'em) I have most leudly and scandalously pledg'd a Health to my Father and Mother, and I hope you'll all take warning by my Example.

And indeed, Beloved! (cries the second) I have yet greater wickedness, and been▪ guilty of the hainous Sin of keeping in my House a Babylonish Bag-pipe, a whole nest of filthy Whistles, call'd an Organ—for which I deservedly stand here at this present.

[Page 28]To be graver; I ask whether these things wou'd not very well be­come a Christian Congregation? and which wou'd appear more decently there, the Penance of these people, or the Reading this Act? which how proper 'tis to be read in Churches, let any Man who will take the pains to read it any-where else consider.

From what has been already said on the Bill it self, may be drawn sufficient to vindicate those Reverend Persons, who were not forward to promote it against all the World. What they might have done since is another Question, and foreign enough from that which they are here accus'd of, viz. wanting courage or honesty▪ to promote this very Bill.

But yet further: Supposing, for once, that the Bill had been on all accounts unexceptionable, as to the draught of it, and the matter it contain'd, 'tis easily prov'd that the Bishops not only lawfully▪ might, but in prudence and duty ought to have acted as they did, supposing circumstances, as he himself represents 'em.

‘The reason, he says, why they flag'd in their prosecution of that matter; were, because the most prudential among 'em apprehended if the Bill had been read, it wou'd, by a contrary Faction, have been thrown out of the House, and therefore advis'd the not reading it till a more favourable and convenient time.’

Now I'd fain know whether in this they did not act like wise and honest Men? Ought not a positive Duty to be, in some cases, forborn or delay'd, if any notable inconvenience will, according to the most ra­tional probability, ensue thereon, nay hinder us from the same for the future? There are many Duties, as every one knows, which bind sem­per, but not ad semper, which always oblige a Man, but don't oblige him always to exercise 'em. Is not Prudence a Christian Virtue? or how is the World like to be govern'd, if in the room thereof we set up wild Enthusiasm? Reproof of 'em is an undoubted Duty: but will any be so absurd to say I ought to reprove a Man which I am sure wou'd stab me presently if I shou'd offer to do so? This for Illustration. But, to come nearer, Ought I to rebuke an Elder publickly? Ought I to deal with a Prince as with another Man? Are there not the Mollia tempora fundi, and agendi too, which every Wise Man will observe, as the hin­ges on which almost all Actions run? On the whole, we are not to cast Pearls, where they'll be trampled under foot, nor to set about the most laudable Enterprizes where we have all Moral Certainty, it will be quash'd if we then do so, and as fair a probability of accomplishing it according to our desires, if we take a more favourable opportunity for the same. The application of all which, to the present purpose, is so plain, there needs no more words about it.