CHAP. I.

WHen Solomon had finisht his stu­pendious Temple at Jerusalem (which better deserv'd to be reckon'd among the World's Wonders, than that at Ephesus,) and the Noble Palace which he built for himself, 1 King. 9.10, 18. 2 Chron. 8.3, 4. in the Twentieth Year of his Reign he made War against Hamath-Zobah, which had been sub­dued by David, but revolted; and ha­ving conquer'd it, he built Tadmor in the Wilderness, the Ʋpper and Nether Bethhoron, Baalath, and all the Store-Cities, which he strongly fortify'd with Walls, and Gates, and Bars; they be­ing his Frontier Towns, and the Limits of his vast Empire: 2 Chron. 9.26. For he reign'd over all the Kings from the River (Euphrates) to the Land of the Philistines, and to the Border of Egypt. 1 King. 4.24. From Tiphsac even to Azzah: i. e. from Gaza to Thap­sachus, which Was one of the Passes over the Euphrates.

The Arabick Translator of 2 Chron. 8.3. implies, that Tadmor was a City before Solomon's time, and that he only re­edified [Page 4]it; that it was a Metropolis of old, as it was in the latter times, and had many Towns under its Jurisdiction: nor is it altogether improbable, those Parts of the World near the Place where the Ark rested after the Deluge ceas'd, being first peopled. The Arabick Hi­storian Vers Poc. p. 53. Abulfarajus, says, That So­lomon, in the Twenty fourth Year of his Reign, having destroy'd the City of Antioch, built seven Cities in its stead, of which Tadmor was one. But the Fabulous Historian of Antioch, Par. 1. p. 185. & Par. 2. p. 152. John Matela, averrs, That the Foun­dations of Palmyra were lay'd in the same place in which David slew Goliah, and cut off his Head with his own Sword; and that King Solomon, in Memory of this great Victory, built a Noble City there, and, from the Fate of the Giant, call'd it Palmyra. While Antiq. l. 8. c. 2. Josephus thus informs us, That Solo­mon, after he had built Gazara, which Pharoah, having taken it from the Phi­listines, gave to his Daughter, not far from it built two Cities, Betachora, and Baleth, with other Places, to which he might retire for his Pleasure, that he might enjoy a temperate Air, excel­lent [Page 5]Fruits, and pleasant Streams: From whence he past into the Desart above Syria, and making himself Master of it, lay'd the Foundations of a great City (which Hier. in Ezek. 47. he beautified with extraordi­nary Buildings) two Days Journey from the Ʋpper Syria, and one from Euphrates, but from Babylon six Days Journey. And the reason why he built this City so far from the inhabited Places of Syria, was, that in the Upper Parts there was no Water, but in that Place only there were Fountains and Wells (as it appears by the Peutinger Tables, that near it stood the Centum Putei.) ^(a) When therefore he had built the City, and fenced it with strong Walls, he named it Tadmor, as it is now called by the Syrians, while the Greeks call it Palmyra.

CHAP. II.

FRom its Founder and Name, I shall proceed to consider its Situation and Plenty. As to its Situation, from the Description that Josephus gives of it, it is plain, that, though it stood in a Desart Country, it was a very Fertile Spot of Ground, the Air being very moderate and healthy: For when Epist. ad Porph. Lon­ginus invites his Friend Porphyry thi­ther, he encourages him to undertake the Journey, upon two Accounts; first, That they might renew their old Friendship; secondly, That he might recover his broken Health, by the ex­cellency of the Air of Palmyra.

Lib. 8. p. 205. Ptolemy places it East from Alexan­andria; (in the same Climate with An­tioch, Seleucia, Hierapolis, Emesa, and other Cities of Alexandria, says the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicon,) Chron. A­lex. p. 82. in the Longit. of 71 deg. 30 min. and the Latit. of 34 deg. the Longest Day being there above 14 Hours.

The first Inhabitants of Tadmur, I conjecture, were the Sons of Abraham [Page 7]by Keturah; for they are said to be sent by their Father into the East, Gen. 25.6. i. e. into the East from Je­rusalem, and the Land of Canaan, into the Desarts of Arabia, and the Coun­tries bordering on the Euphrates, whose Inhabitants are called, in Holy Writ, The Children of the East; and were, for that reason also, call'd Saracens, that is, Orientals, or Easterlings, (as our most Learned Pocock affirms.) Now the Sa­racens are said by Lib. 23. cap. ult. Amm. Marcellinus, to be the Arabes Scenitae (though Pliny and Ptolomy distinguish them) to whom the Palmyrenians were conterminous, if not the same; and for this reason, I doubt not, but Odenathus, in all the latter Writers, is call'd the King of the Saracens; though Zenobia, in her Let­ter to Aurelian, distinguishes the Sara­cens from her Subjects, reckoning the Saracens among her Foreign Troops and Auxiliaries. In the Ecclesiaslick Notitia, it is accounted a part of Phoe­nicia Libanesia. And Porphyry, treat­ing of Longinus's Inviting him to Pal­myra, says, He undertook to persuade him to leave Sicily, and to travel into Phoenicia. Others make it a part of [Page 8] Arabia; but 'tis commonly reputed by Ptolemy, and others, a part of Syria, as Phoenicia is another part of that large Country: though Zenobia, in her Let­ter above-mentioned, distinguishes the Palmyrenians from the Syrians, (as L. 1. p. 40. Zosimus also does.

That it stood in a Wilderness, besides the Holy Writ, and Josephus, Nat. Hist. tom. 1. l. 1. §. 21. p. 583. ad Paris. Pliny, who was Contemporary with the Jewish Hi­storian, agrees, who thus describes it: ‘ Palmyra is a City eminent in its Situa­tion, in the riches of its Soil, and its pleasant Streams, being surrounded on every side with a vast Desart of Sand: It seems to have been separated from the rest of the World, and did preseve its Liberty in a private Condition be­tween the two Mighty Empires, the Roman and Parthian; and as soon as any War happens to break out, it is equally their care to engage it on their side, and in their Interest: It is di­stant from Seleucia on the Tygris 337 Miles; from the neighbouring Shore of Syria, or the Mediterranean, 203; and from Damascus 176.’ The same Author, in other places also, mentions the Solitudes of Palmyra; beyond [Page 9]which, on one hand, is Stelendena (a Country not so much as nam'd by other Writers;) on the other side, they reacht home to Emesa; and to the Westward, as far as Petra in Arabia Felix, from whence to the Persian Gulf, it was all Desart.

It was distant from the Euphrates a Day's Journey, says Ʋbi sup. Josephus: Not far from that Noble River, says Lib. 5. Bell. Civ. p. 676. Ap­pian, (for as soon as Marc. Antony threaten'd the Sack of the City, the In­habitants immediately transported all their Goods beyond the River, the Banks of which they defended with their Archers, and so leaving the Town empty, baffled the Design, and de­ceiv'd the Expectations of the Roman Troops,) but situate by a River that run by its Walls, whose Name Ptolemy either knew not, or omitted. But other Geographers call it Palmyra, Domin. Marius Niger, Ma­ginus, &c. af­firming, that it had its Rise in the Pal­myrene Mountains, ran through the Country, and at last emptied it self into the Euphrates, though now there are no footsteps of its course left: Nor is it a wonder, that a small River should be swallowed up in a long tract [Page 10]of Time, of such vast quantities of Sand.

When Solomon built it, he gave it all the Advantages of Strength and Se­curity that the Rules of Fortification in that Age allowed of; and it conti­nued so as long as it was a Frontier Garrison, fenc'd with strong Walls, and an advantagious Situation; but better guarded by a brave Garrison, the Mi­litia of Palmyra being esteem'd very stout. Their Archers were excellent Marks-men, says Ʋbi sup. Appian, and their Horse-men well armed with heavy Ar­mour, and very secure, (the Army of Zenobia, saith the Historian, consisting of Anchers, Zosim. l. 1. p. 44. and Horse-men arm'd Cap-a-pé,) who, notwithstanding the weight of their Arms, were much better Horse-men than the Romans; and such a Zonar. tom. 2. p. 237. Value did they set upon their Hor­ses, that no greater Affront or Disgrace could be offer'd to a Palmyrenian, than to take his Horse from him. Nor did the Romans disdain their Assistance; for in their Militia with the Assyrians and Moors, the Inhabitants of Palmyrene and Osroene were muster'd.

CHAP. III.

PALMTRA was the Metropolis of the Province, and gave it its Name, being a Place of great Antiquity, and great Trade; Rich, says Pliny, in the Fertility of its Soil, but much more so by its Commerce; for it had not only the Advantage of its own Com­modities, but was the Thorough-fare of all the Merchants that liv'd beyond it toward the Mediterranean, who traded to Forath, and Charax, and other Ports on the Persian Gulf, if I rightly under­stand Nat. Hist. l. 6. §. 32. p. 722. Pliny, who says, that at Petra in Arabia the two Ways met, both of those who came through Palmyra (pro­bably from Antioch, Seleucia in Pisidia, Laodicea, and other conterminous Places,) and of those also who came from Gaza, travelling towards the Gulf, it being impossible, but the Caravans, who made that their constant Road both to and from Persia, must help to enrich the Stages where they Baited.

But this was not all its Happiness; its Inhabitants were great Merchants, [Page 12]says Ʋbi sup. Appian. And Marc. Antony thought the Plunder of this City a sufficient Recompence for all the Fa­tigues and Hardships which his Horse endured in that Countrey, during the Persian War, tho' he failed of his At­tempt: They had form'd themselves into a Company, under a President and Governor of their own. (An East-India Trade cannot well be carry'd on by a single Person, though he were one of the Merchants of Tyre, who were Companions of Princes.) For I find in one of the Inscriptions, Pag. 99. that Septimius Orodes was honourd with an Illustrious Testimonial from ^(a) the Presidents, or Chiefs of the Merchants. And I doubt not, but they carry'd the Manu­factures, and other Commodities of Asia, down the Euphrates to Balsora, [Page 13]or perhaps no farther than Vologesia, Vid. Ap­pend. and brought from Persia the Merchan­dizes of India and Arabia, and so fur­nisht the Romans with Spices, and Silks, and other rich Goods: For though they are said to lie far from the Sea, and without the advantage of the River (which must be retracted, since it an­ciently had the assistance of a River, though it is since lost in the Sands,) yet it must be acknowledged, they were not far from the Euphrates, a Noble and Navigable River, and had the conveniency of their Camels and Dromedaries, by which sort of Car­riage all the Riches of the East were formerly brought into Europe by Ca­ravans, before the Cape of Good-Hope was discover'd.

But Palmyra had its own Product, Salt, with which the Inhabitants now drive a trade; and Dates, the Fruits of their Palm-Trees, which were not only great Delicacies at Rome, and elsewhere, Plut. Sym­pos. 8. qu. 4. (for Nicolaus Damascenus thought the Dates of Syria a fit Pre­sent for Augustus, and Phoenicia hath [Page 14]its Name from its ^(a) Palm-Trees, but was of the same Use to the Asiaticks, that the Cocoa is to the Indians, if we may believe Lib. 16. p. 746. Strabo, who affirms, that the Country about Euphrates pro­duces great quantities of Barley, but that the want of all other things was supplied by their Palm-Trees; that that single Tree afforded the Inhabitants both Wine and Vinegar, Honey and Meal; and out of it they wove their Cloaths: The Shells serve the Smiths for Fire; and when you have soakt the Shells in Water, you may feed your Cattle, your Oxen and Sheep with them: And 'tis reported, that there is a Persic Poem, which enumerates Three hundred and sixty Uses (one for every Day of the old Year) of the Palm­Tree. Id. p. 778. In some Places of Arabia they are perfum'd: And those in Plut. ubi sup. Syria, as they are most Beautiful to [Page 15]the Eye, so they are of a most delicious Taste to the Palate.

And the Ruines of its pompous Build­ings yet standing, erected before it be­came the Seat of the Eastern Empire, are a further and undeniable Demon­stration, that, notwithstanding its un­happy Situation in the Confines of two such Potent and Contentious Neigh­bours, as the Romans and the Parthians, it was once a very Flourishing and Wealthy Place, though now it looks like the Residence of Beggery and Famine.

CHAP. IV.

THE Government of Palmyra comes next to be consider'd, both in Ecclesiastical and Civil Affairs. And first, in Civil Affairs.

As long as it was in the hands of Solomon, I question not but it was govern'd, as the rest of his Provinces were, by such Lieutenants as himself appointed (the [...] & [...] of the several [...], whom Ant. l. 8. c. 2. Jo­sephus mentions) under Rehoboam, I take it for granted, it revolted with the rest of Syria, when Rezin became King of Damascus: but whether it submitted to the Power of Rezin, or form'd it self into a Commonwealth, as it was after­wards, or what its Government was till the days of Augustus, we have no Records. In his time, probably, it was govern'd by a Prince, or Toparch; almost every Town in Parthia, and the neighbouring Syria, upon the Death of Julius Caesar, or rather after the fatal Overthrow of Crassus, Appian l. 5. Bell. Civil. p. 671. being seiz'd upon by some Tyrant, the Parthians sup­porting [Page 17]porting them in their Usurpations, having been invited by those Roytelets to their Assistance. But supposing that it had fallen under one of those petty Princes, in Pliny's time it re­cover'd its old Form of Government; for he affirms, that in his days Palmyra was ( [...], sui Juris) neither sub­ject to the Romans, nor the Parthians, as F. Harduin well interprets the words (privatâ sorte) of the Natural Hi­storian. And Vopisc Aurel, Aurelian, in his Letter to Zenobia, when he requires her to sur­render herself, promises, that the Inha­bitants of the Country should be go­vern'd by their own Laws. And of this the Inscriptions are an unquestio­nable Evidence, wherein ^(a) the Senate and People of Palmyra are frequently said to have erected Monuments to those Illustrious Persons who had deserved well of the Republick. And Septi­mius [Page 18]Odaenathus, and Septimius Aeranes his Son, are said to be Men of the Sena­torian Dignity; and Rupilius Orodes, both a Senator, and of the Council of State.

In the Reign of Antoninus Caracalla it was a Roman Colony, as appears by the Coins: But under Odaenathus and his Sons it became the Seat of the Oriental Empire, conquer'd all Egypt, and forc'd a great part of the Roman Empire to acknowledge its Jurisdiction, being possest of all the East as far as Ancyra, and in a fair way to possess all Bythynia, as far as Chalcedon, had not the Natives taken Arms in behalf of Aurelian: But it is now under an Arab Prince, Nominated by, and Tributary to the Ottoman Port.

CHAP. V.

THE Religion of Palmyra, when it was subject to King Solomon, was, I question not, Jewish; but how long they retain'd Circumcision among them, after God in his just Judgment had confin'd Rehoboam's Kingdom to narrower Limits, I know not: This is very plain, that very many of the Pro­per Names of the Inhabitants in after Ages are Jewish, and Zenobia her self (who by her Name appears to have been a Syrian, and probably of Tadhmur, for there her Father liv'd when she lost her Empire, though she deriv'd her self Originally from Cleopatra Queen of Egypt) was a Jewess. And 'tis not alto­gether unlikely, that Longinus, in Com­plaisance to the Religion of his Mi­stress, in his admirable Treatise of the Sublime, speaks so honourably of Moses and his Writings: And if we may credit Benjamin Tudelensis, even in his time there were Two thousand profest Jews Inhabitants of that City. In process of time, I doubt not but they [Page 20]blended the Jewish Rites with those of the Gentiles, (as the new Inhabitants of Samaria did, after the Natives had been transported by Shalmanezer,) till at last Paganism prevail'd.

After Christianity was planted in the World, and St. Thaddeus had preach'd the Gospel by our Blessed Saviour's own Order at Edessa; I believe, that Holy Religion soon spread it self into the Neighbourhood, even to Tadhmur, tho' Paganism was not quite dispossest; as appears by the Inscriptions to their Country Gods, Alagbelus, and M. Ma­lachbelus, Jaribolus, Venus Aphacitis, and others, who all had at Palmyra their Temples, Priests, and Services. It was very early an Episcopal See, if not an Archiepiscopal, because it was the Metropolis of a Country: but in the Subscriptions of the ancient Coun­cils, or the Notitiae of the Church, we have very little or no mention of its Prelates. Marinus, Bishop of Palmyra, is said to have subscribed the Canons of the First General Council at Niece; and in the Sixth Act of that at Chal­cedon, John Bishop of Palmyra being absent, made his Subscription by the [Page 21]Hand of the Archbishop of Damascus; At which time (as from its being ruin'd by Aurelian), it held the rank of a poor Bishoprick, and was under the Metro­politan of Damascus: But in the No­titia collected by Leo the Wise, Edessa is the Metropolis of Phoenicia Libanesia, in the Patriarchate of Antioch, whose Suffragans were the Bishops of Laodicea, Palmyra, &c. by which it appears, that in Leo's time, Ann. Dom. 900. it was still a Bishoprick; and when it lost that Honour, I cannot determine.

In the Roman Martyrology of Baronius, on the 15th of June is celebrated the Memory of the Saints Lybia and Leonis, who were Sisters; and of Eutropia, a Girl of Twelve Years old, all of Pal­myra, who by divers Torments obtain'd the Crown of Martyrdom. It is true, there is no mention of these Brave Women in the Old Roman Martyrology, as Rosweyd accounts it, nor in Ado of Vienna, but the Acts of St. Febronia, who suffer'd under Dioclesian at Siba­polis (perhaps Scythopolis, V. Mart. Jun. 25. or the [...]) in Syria, mention them, as Per­sons who suffer'd in the same cruel Per­secution. It is plain, from the Inscrip­tions [Page 22]found at Tadhmur, that Dioclesian had been in that Country; and from the Church-Historians, that he rais'd a violent Persecution in Syria: And that which gave Rise to it, was in all like­lihood that which Eusebius observes, that, a little while after the Christians of Nicodemia had felt the Fury of the Emperor, several Confederacies were form'd in Melitene, and other Parts of Syria, to seize the Empire, and to de­throne Dioclesian. Now, in every In­surrection or Tumult, the Christians were sure to suffer, as the Authors of Sedition, though they were the most Peaceable and Loyal Men in the World, both by Principle and Practice.

Thus Christianity subsisted in those days of Persecution, when the Number of Martyrs encreas'd the Number of Confessors: But then Peace and Plenty were, by the Bounty of the Great Con­stantine and his Successors made the Churches Patrimony. I question not but the Followers of our Blessed Saviour, at Palmyra, had their share of the Prosperity which their Brethren en­joy'd; till the Viciousness of the Chri­stian Morals, and the execrable Opi­nions [Page 23]and Heresies that debaucht the Faith of the Orientals, subjected those once Famous Churches to the Maho­metan Yoke: For as soon as Syria sub­mitted to the Power, and acknow­ledg'd the Dominion of the Successors of that False Prophet, I presume, Pal­myra was by degrees reduc'd to the mean Condition in which it now is; for per­haps, no one City hath run so many risks of different Fortune, as Palmyra, though it hath hitherto preserv'd its ancient Name and Situation; while, of Ctesiphon and Persepolis, Niniveh and Babylon, with many other Cities in that part of Asia, it may be averr'd, what the Psalmist says of Sodom, and the other Cities which God destroyed, their Memorial is perisht with them.

CHAP. VI.

IT is a very difficult Task, to give a just and clear Account of the se­veral Fates of Ancient Kingdoms and Governments, especially when Nature hath seem'd to please it self, by placing them in a remote Situation, and at a distance both of Place and Communi­cation from other Nations: And this is the case of Tadhmur, which was re­pair'd, if not built by Solomon, a Great, a Wise, and a Victorious Prince, who beautify'd it with whatever might af­ford it Strength and Ornament; lost, I take it for granted, in a little time after, under his Son Rehoboam, when, through his Folly, and God's just Judg­ment, the greatest part of his Territo­ries revolted from him. I conjecture, that as long as the Kingdom of Da­mascus kept up its Grandeur, so long Palmyra was in Peace, either under those Kings, or under the Conduct of its own Senate: 2 King. 23.29. But when Pharoah Necoh went up against the King of As­syria to the River Euphrates, and made himself Master of all Syria, I doubt not [Page 25]but it was for a while subject to him, till Nebuchadnezzar conquer'd all those Countries home to the Gates of Pelu­sium, now Damiata. The Jo. Males. par. 2. pag. 152. Fabulous Historian of Antioch would have the World believe, that when Nebuchad­nezzar intended to Besiege Jerusalem, it was in the hands of the Jews, who had Mann'd it with a very stout Garrison; and that Victorious Prince, not think­ing fit to leave a Place so well fortified behind him, sate down before it; and when he had taken it, burnt it, and then besieg'd and took Jerusalem.

After this, it continued tributary to the Princes of the Babylonish and Persian Empires, though perhaps govern'd by a Senate of its own Citizens; and in the same State it remain'd under the Successors of the Great Alexander (the Kings of Syria) being united by Se­leucus, I doubt not, to the rest of his Territories; whence, in like manner, as the other Cities under his Government, it receiv'd the Use of the Syrian Epocha, the Aera Antiochena, Dhilcarnain, or Se­leucidarum, and the Names of the Ma­cedonian Months, which the Inscrip­tions undeniably prove.

CHAP. VII.

SYRIA (says Bell. Civ. l. 5. p. 676. Appian) was go­vern'd by the Posterity of Selencus Nicator, to the days of Antiochus Pius, and his Son: but when Pompey the Great conquer'd it, and made it a Pro­vince, it was govern'd by a Roman President: The first who bore that Office, was Scaurus; and after him, though not immediately, Gabinius. Gabinius was succeeded by Crassus, who being slain by the Parthians left his Government to Bibulus. But whether, in all this space of time, while the Ro­man Eagle hover'd over the East, Pal­myra was a Sharer in in the Common Calamity, and felt the Talons of that Bird of Prey, we have no Accounts.

After the Death of Julius Caesar, every City submitted to a Prince of their own; the Parthians affording them their Assistance, having, upon the Invitation of those Tyrants, penetrated Syria. This incens'd Marc Antony, who expell'd the Usurpers, exacted heavy Taxes from other Cities, and attempted [Page 27] Palmyra. For when Cleopatra, who waited on him in Cilicia, was return'd home, Antony, who had given himself up to her Embraces, and, to the loss of his Honour, obey'd all her Dictates, commanded his Horse to Plunder Pal­myra, upon the light and trifling pre­text, that by reason of their Situation in the Confines of the Romans and Par­thians, the Palmyrenians were firm to neither Interest, but minded their own Profit, and, the Encrease of their Trade and Merchandise; but in truth, that he might pay his Soldiers with the Spoils of that wealthy City.

The Inhabitants of Palmyra being aware of the Invasion, carry'd all their rich Moveables to the other side of the River, the Banks of which they lined with their Archers. Upon which, An­tony's Troops finding the City empty of Inhabitants, and of the Riches they so eagerly coveted, having lost their labour, return'd to their Camp. This Invasion occasion'd the next Parthian War, many of the petty Princes of Syria flying for Shelter to the Parthians, while Marc Antony, having been so scandalously foyl'd, stay'd no longer in [Page 28] Syria to settle Affairs, and quiet Di­sturbances, but hasten'd into Egypt to attend Cleopatra, to whom he had en­tirely devoted himself and his Fortunes.

CHAP. VIII.

IN this state of Freedom, Ease and Plenty, it continued under Augustus; and the succeeding Emperors govern'd by their own Officers and Laws, as Pliny expresly averrs, till the Reign of Trajan, when, I conjecture, it fell into the same Common Calamity with Edessa, Nisibis, Dio Cass. Traj. and other Frontier Towns of the East (whose fate it is com­monly to be harrast on both sides;) for Trajan having, in his Sixth Consu­late, declar'd War against the Arme­nians and Parthians, upon the pretext, That the King of Armenia had receiv'd his Crown from the King of Persia, whereas he ought to have taken it from the hands of the Roman Emperor; but in truth, stimulated by his desire of [Page 29]Vain-glory, made an Expedition into the East, reduc'd Armenia, and settled the Government of that Countrey; took Nisibis and Batnae, and was ho­nour'd by the Senate with the Name of Parthicus, added to his other Titles. After which, he winter'd at Antioch, where he, by an extraordinary Provi­dence, and with much difficulty, escap't perishing in that great Earth­quake which had almost ruind that Noble City. After this, he return'd into the East, past the Euphrates, sub­dued all Adiabene, Arbela, and Gauga­mela, and came to Babylon; the Par­thians being unable to oppose him, having been much weaken'd by their Civil Dissentions. Then he past the Tigris, and went to Ctesiphon, and thence pursued his Conquests to the Ocean, where he declared, That if he had been as young as Alexander, he would have follow'd the Example of that Illustrious Prince, and have sail'd into India. But while he was thus amusing himself with his vain Ambi­tious Thoughts, the Provinces which he had subdued revolted, and seiz'd and murther'd the Roman Garrisons. [Page 30]Whereupon, Trajan commanded Lusius and Maximus to chastise the Rebels, and to reduce the Cities to Terms of Duty and Obedience. In this Expedi­tion Maximus was slain in Battle; but Lusius recover'd Nisibis, took Edessa, as he did also Seleucia, and other Places, by his Lieutenant-Generals: Where­upon, to prevent their future Revolt, Trajan gave the Parthians a King, and settled the Estate of the East (as In Au­relian. Vopiscus calls that Country, be­cause, in respect of Rome, the Sun seem'd to rise in Parthia,) and this the Coins confirm, which mention the re­ducing of Armenia and Mesopotamia under the Power and Jurisdiction of the Romans in this Emperor's Reign.

At this time, 'tis probable, Palmyra was much ruin'd; for otherwise it would not have wanted the favourable Assistance of Trajan's Successor, who may be justly reckon'd their Second Founder. Hadrian was a magnificent Prince, and a great Builder (and for that reason call'd the Wall-Flower, a great number of eminent Edifices owing their Being and Beauty to his Liberality:) He it was who built the [Page 31] Fora at Nicodemia and Nice, Chron. A­lex. p. 598. the Four High-ways, and that part of the Wall that looks toward Bithynia: At Cyzicum he built the Temple, and floar'd it with Marble: And in many other Places he either erected New, or re­pair'd the Old Buildings, both Sacred and Civil. And in almost every City of his vast Empire, he left some Marks of his Magnificence. Hadrian. Dio Cassius af­firming, that he generously assisted all the Towns that were subject to his Em­pire, or confederate with it, of which he visited more than any of his Prede­cessors, a great part of his Reign being employed in more than one Progress through those spacious Territories: some Cities he adorn'd with Aqueducts, others with safe Ports; upon some he bestow'd a Donative of Corn, or Pub­lick Buildings; upon others, Money or Privileges. Jo. Malel. par. 1. pag. 363, 364. At Antioch he repair'd what had been destroy'd by that ter­rible and furious Earthquake that in Trajan's time had almost buried that noble City in its own Ruines; as he did the Temple at Cyzicum, which in his own Reign had been destroyed by another Earthquake, and made it one [Page 32]of the World's Wonders for Archi­tecture and Beauty, bestowing great Privileges upon the poor undone Inha­bitants, which was the noblest Charity: He also re-erected the Colossus at Rhodes, which had been many years before thrown down by an Earthquake. Above all, he was a great Benefactor to the City of Athens, toward which he al­ways exprest a peculiar Regard; as in Requital, they call'd him, while alive, Adrianus Olympius in their Coines and Inscriptions; as he was in several other Cities, after his death, Deify'd, espe­cially in Syria; for to speak the Truth, and to be doing Good, were, in the esteem even of the Heathen World, most God-like Qualities.

CHAP. IX.

BUT the Liberality of this Muni­ficent Emperor was not confined to Greece, or the adjacent Parts of Asia; the remoter Cities of Syria, who had suffer'd so deeply during the War which Trajan made in the East, were not ex­cluded from their share in his Bounty: For he had been a Spart. Hadr. Lieutenant-General in that Expedition, and had seen the dismal Effects of War, and Military Rage and Rapine; and upon the Death of Trajan, had made a Peace with the Parthians (envious of the Glory of his Predecessor, says Sextus Rufus, very maliciously,) having remov'd the King, whom Trajan had set over them, and withdrawn the Roman Armies out of all the Countries beyond the Euphrates; and because he was not ambitious to have his Name inscribed on all his Pub­lick Buildings, as it was customary, he gave it to the Cities which he new built or beautified, among whom we must reckon Palmyra, Steph. de Ʋrb. which, after he had repair'd its Ruines, he call'd Ha­drianople; [Page 34]and (with the leave of Father Harduin, perhaps the Coin in the King of France's Treasury, and in Monsieur Patin, p. 203. with this Incription, ΑΔΡΙΑΝ—ΜΗΤΡΟΡΟΛΙϹ) may be ascribed not to Hadrianople in Thrace, nor that other City in Cyrenaica of the same Name, but to Palmyra, which was a Mother-City, as appears by the Pag. 99. In­scriptions, and by Ptolemy, who not only reckons it among the Metropoles of Coelesyria, but makes it the Capital of the Province of Palmyrene, which had its Denomination from it. And it is not unfitly represented by a Woman sitting on a Hill: For Tadmor is en­closed on three sides with long ridges of Mountaines, the Castle being built on one of them, which commands the Entrance into the City: And to this City I would ascribe the Coin of Cara­calla, in Monsieur Patin, p. 302. with the Figure of an Archer almost Naked on the reverse, his Thin Habit imply­ing the Heats; and his Arms, the Militia of his Country; the Sagit­tarii of Palmyrene being Famous in Hi­story.

This City, I doubt not, but Adrian visited, when, in the Sixth Year of his Empire, he made his Progress into the East, and receiv'd the Homage of all the Kings and Toparchs, whose Territories lay in those Parts. And this his Expe­dition, I understand to be meant in the Inscriptions. In which Expedition, Pag. 105. Malech Agrippa, the Son of Jaraius, was the second time the Secretary of the City; and when that Prince happen'd to draw near his end, and the Palmy­renians were in fear of losing their Pa­tron, their Neighbours of the City Tieve, three Days Journey from Tadmor towards the Euphrates (probably the Oriza of Ptolemy, as the Learned Mr. Halley conjectures) and a City of Paelmyrene, as Ptolemy reckons it, made their Vows for his Recovery, (as ap­pears by the Inscription:) Pag. 109. For in the Last Year, the Nineteenth of his Reign, (not the Seventh, as the Aera of Seleu­cidae is mistaken in the First Account,) ‘ Agathangelus of Abila, Vid. Ap­pend. the Decapo­litan, built an Arch, or Cupola, in the Temple of Jupiter, and erected a Bed of State (or Pulvinar, usually dedicated to the Heathen Deities) to [Page 36] Jupiter the Thunderer, for the Health of the Emperor Adrian his Lord’; who languisht a long time before he died, Spart. Hadr. and suffer'd such Agonies of Pain, that he would fain have persuaded his Servant, who attended him, to have run him through; and when that Per­suasive would not prevail, would either have stabb'd or poyson'd himself. So difficult was it for this Great Emperor to breathe his last.

But when Aurelius Antoninus had prevail'd with the Senate to have him Deify'd, and appointed him the Ho­nours properly given to the Gods, with a College of Priests, and Attendants to do the Service of the Temples erected to him at Puteoli, and elsewhere, (which Societies continued to the Reign of Gruter. CCCCVII. 1, 2. CIO­IX. 9. Septimius Severus at Rome; but how long in the Cities of the East, I know not,) and had instituted Publick Games in his Name, (from which Gratitude to his Patron, the Historian says. Au­relius had the Name of Pius given him.)

The Cities of the East, in Imitation of Italy, had their Sodales Hadrianales also (and Temples, questionless, erected to his Memory) of which Samosata is [Page 37]an undemiable Instance, where L. Grut. ubi sup. Fabius M. F. Gal. Cilo, Praefect of the City, was a Fellow of the College of Priests deputed to the Service of the Deisy'd Emperor Adrian; particularly Palmyra, who gratefully commemorated her Se­cond Founder allowed of his Consecra­tion, built him a Temple, and devoted some of her Inhabitants to the Service thereof, as appears by the Inscription in Gruter; Vid. Ap­pend. and by another among those lately publisht, where he is called Adrian the God; and I am apt to be­lieve, that the little Temple mention'd in the Journal, Pag. 104, 105. was erected to his Me­mory, as well as to Jupiter. ⁵

CHAP. X.

THE City having been repair'd, we may justly suppose, that by the Advantages of its Situation and Trade, and the continuance of a long Peace with the Parthians, not often in­terrupted, (except in the War which Septimius Severus made against them, when he took both Ctesiphon and Babylon, Zosim. l. 1. p. 4. and reduced all Arabia, ha­ving ma [...]cht through that Arabia where the Scenitae pitcht their Tents, in which Country Tadmur lay,) it ar­rived to its ancient Glory, when the Emperor Antoninus Caracalla honour'd it with the Privileges of a Ʋlpian. l. 1. de Censib. Roman Colony Juris Italici (for there was a difference between Colonies, all were not Juris Ita­lici, as Palmyra was,) Colonia Palmyra it is stiled in the Goltz. Thes. pag. 151. Coins of that Em­peror, a Metropolis and a Colony, in the Inscriptions; probably in Honour of his Mother, whom he afterward made his Wife, Julia Domna, who was of this Country; but whether of Emisa (as several Authors affirm) or Palnoyra, [Page 39]or some third City, I am not certain: A Native of Syria we know she was, for so says Spartian. Septim. p. 65. Spartianus; and Oppian her Contemporary, calls her, the ^(a) Assvrian Venus, and a Moon that was never Eclipst, or in her Wain. The same Poet, in the same place, mention­ing the Destruction of the Parthians, and the Taking of Ctesiphon (as the Coins do mention the Mezob. p. 295. Victoria Par­thica of that Prince) as do also the Historians; in which Expedition, I doubt not but the Palmyrenians, in Gra­titude, Declared for his Interest.

This Honour and Privilege of a Roman Colony, Palmyra kept, in the Reign of Alexander Severus (for un­der him, the great Lawyer Ʋlpian flourisht) and assisted him with their Forces in his Expedition into the East, in the Fisth Year of his Reign, (of which Undertaking. Vit. Al. Severi. pag. 131, 133, 134. Lampridius gives so august a Character; though Herodian upon this, as upon all other occasions, [Page 40]lessens, and would obscure the Atchieve­ments of that excellent Prince. In this Expedition, Journal, p. 97. Aurelius Zenobius being, as I conjecture, the Commander of the Forces of the Republick of Palmyra, attended, and was an unwearied Assistant to Rutilius Crispinus, the Roman Ge­neral, Vid. Ap­pend. and discharg'd the Offices of a Man of Conduct and Courage against the Persians, and deserv'd the most ample Testimonials of his Bravery and Prudence.

But Palmyra never arrived to such an illustrious pitch of Glory, as it did under Odenathus and his Sons, who establisht it the Seat of the Eastern Em­pire, and beautified and strengthned it accordingly; and for a few Years it afforded as remarkable Transactions of War and State, as any other part of the World can boast of, in so short a space of Time: And therefore I shall give my self the liberty to treat more largely of these Affairs, and to deduce the Series of the History of the Imperial Family of Palmyra, as far as the An­tients afford us light, and shall leave the judicious Reader to his choice, what Memoirs he will give most credit to,

having taken care in every Paragraph to produce my Vouchers; while I bemoan heartily the loss of Ʋranius his ( [...]) Arabick History, in the Second of which Books he treated of Palmyra; as also of Domninus of An­tioch, whom Malela commonly fol­lows; and of Philostratus of Athens, the Historiographer, who liv'd under Aurelian, and wrote the Transactions of his own Time: but particularly I regret the want of that Oration which Longinus made in Praise of Odenathus, and called by his Name, of which Li­banius makes mention in his Epistles, which would questionless have given a more ample History of that Illustrious Prince, than all the jejune Narratives of the Roman Historians. But since we must follow the Light that is given us, I shall first begin with Odenathus, then treat of Zenobia, and their Chil­dren.

CHAP. XI.

ODENATHƲS (says Lib. 7. cap. 22. Orosius) was a Man of mean Birth and Original, ( Odenathus Quidam, as he stiles him:) A Man of Palmyra (says Ʋbi Infr. Zonaras:) Of no Reputation, and unknown (says Lib. 4.134. Agathias,) till he made his Name Famous by his Con­quests over the Persians, and other eminent Atchievements, which give him an extraordinary Character in the ancient Historians. Breviar. Sextus Rufus says, that he was a Decurio of Palmyra; which being a word of large significa­tion, may in that Author, I think, be render'd a Procurator, or Senator: And so he is stiled in the Pag. 88. Ibid. P. 99. Inscriptions, if he be the same Person, Septimius Ode­thus, the Most Illustrious Senator, the Son of Airanes Nephew of Vaballathus; of which Order also his Son Septimius Aira­nes was. And L. 1. p. 36. Zosimus says expresly, that his Ancestors were Men of Honour and Condition, having been in past Ages enobled by the neighbouring Kings. Pag. 382. Georgius Syncellus calls him a [Page 43]great Soldier, and probably he was the General of the Forces of the Com­monwealth of Palmyra: A Prince (says Pag. 192. Pollio) accomplisht in the Art Military, and from his Youth a great Hunter, (Hunting being in those days, according to the most ancient Practice, the Recreation and Exercise of the most Eminent Persons, a Sport that bred them to great Hardiness and Resolution, and much Experience in War,) he be­stowed his leisure hours in destroying Lyons, Leopards, Bears, and other Beasts of Prey, inuring himself to bear the Fatigues of Labour, to endure the Hardships of Heat, and Showers, and the other Toils incident to a Wood­man's Life; and by these Methods brought himself to a Habit of enduring the scorching Beams of the Sun, and the annoyance of the Dust, in his Wars with the Persians.

The later Greeks frequently stile him the King of the Saracens, of the Bar­barous Saracens, as if he had been a Phylarchus of some part of Arabia: Lib. 23. cap. ult. Ammianus averring, that those who were anciently called Arabes Scenitae, were afterwards called Saracens, (but [Page 44]herein he differs from both Pliny and Ptolemy:) A Name (says Scaliger) never used by any Author before Pto­lemy; whereas Pliny, who liv'd at least fifty Years before that excellent Astro­nomer, expresly mentions them. Now the Saracens, over whom Odenathus and Zenobia reign'd, had been of old, says Procopius Confederate with the Ro­mans.

And as the Quality of this Mighty Prince hath been mistaken, so have his Actions been wrongfully represented: Orosius affirming, that he form'd an Army of the Boors of Syria, and with those Rusticks overcame the Persians; and so says Sextus Rufus. But they confound two Stories, if we may credit Par. 1. p. 391, &c. Malela; for he affirms, that when Sapores had over-run all Syria, and had taken, plunder'd and burnt Antioch (which happen'd in the 314th. Year of the Aera Antiochena, the 12th. of the Reigns of Valerian and Gallienus,) he afterward ravaged all the East to Emesa, a City of Phoenicia Libanesia, carrying with him, whither soever he went, Fire and Sword, and all the In­struments of Cruelty: but when he [Page 45]came to Emesa, Sampsigeramus the Priest of Venus, having collected a hasty Army of the Country-men of that Pro­vince, placed himself in the Head of them in his Priestly Habit; which created him Respect from all who saw him, particularly from the King of Persia, to whom he said he was sent an Empassador: Upon which, while the King was discoursing him, one of the Boors threw a Stone from his Sling, and hitting Sapores in the Forehead, slew him; whereupon the Army be­lieving that the Romans were falling on their Camp, left all their Booty, and fled, Sampsigeramus pursuing them; and that while the scattered Persians were making their escape, Enathus a Confederate of the Romans, the King of the Barbarous Saracens, and Lord of that part of Arabia, met them upon the Borders, and destroy'd the remainders of that scatter'd Army, as Domninus the Chronologer of Antioch affirms, to whom Malela gives credit; while Philostratus the Historian (as the same Malela confesses) who liv'd a Con­temporary with those Princes, gives a different Account; That after Sapores [Page 46]had made such great Devastations in Syria, had ravag'd Cilicia and burnt all her eminent Cities, ( Domninus says, the King went not in Person, but sent Spates his General with an Army to commit those Outrages,) as he was returning through Cappadocia into Per­sia, Enathus the King of the Saracens came forth to meet him, and pay the Respects of a Confederate, and at length slew him. But to set the History in its true Light, it will be requisite to take a short View of the State of the Empire at that time.

CHAP. XII.

THE Roman Interest in the East having been sinking for some years after the Death of Gordianus, un­der his Successor Philip, who was also his Murtherer, as also under Decius, Gallus, and Aemilianus; Valerian, and his Son Gallienus, were chosen to wear the Purple; the Persians in the mean time ravaging the East, as the Scy­thians over-ran and pillag'd the rest of the Empire.

This Devastation continued for some years, till at last Valerian marcht against the Scythians, who had taken Chal­cedon, burnt the City of Nice, and pil­lag'd and set fire to the famous Temple of Diana at Ephesus; and after that, he attempted to drive the Persians out of their New Conquests, Anno Christi, 260, but very unfortunately; for having engag'd his Troops in those vast De­sarts, where the Rays of the Sun were very fervent, and few places afforded Water sufficient for an Army, and Forage and Provisions must be brought [Page 48]from a great distance, Valerian sent Embassadors to Sapores, Eclogae Le­gat. Petii Patricii, p. 29. loaden with Gold, to buy a Peace: But the cruel and crafty Monarch knowing the neces­sitous Condition of the Roman Army, and being incens'd, that Valerian, in his Letters, had not treated him with all the Pompous Titles which the Per­sians Kings used to assume to them­selves, detain'd the Embassadors for a while in Prison, till he had gotten all his Forces in a readiness to March, and then dismist them, Zosim. l. 1. p. 32. with this Answer, That if Valerian would give him a Meeting, they would agree upon Ar­ticles among themselves, that should be for the Common Good of both Em­pires. To this Meeting, Valerian, prest by the Necessity of his Affairs, very imprudently assented: but as he was pursuing his Journey, accompanied only with a few Attendants, he was seiz'd on by the Persian Soldiers, and made a Prisoner; Sapores using him with all rigour and contempt, setting his Foot on his Neck every time he mounted his Horse, till after some years he flea'd him, and so put an end to his miserable Life.

In this Expedition, Odenathus, (who, during the Reigns of Decius, Trebo­nianus, Gallus, and Volusianus, while the Persians had seiz'd and pillag'd Me­sopotamia, Syria, and the adjacent Pro­vinces, had probably join'd himself to to the Conquering Party, and acknow­ledg'd the Jurisdiction of the Persians, not being able, alone, and unassisted, to oppose so great a Power,) seeing the Roman Emperor engaged in Person in the Head of a puissant Army for the recovery of the East, and knowing that his Ancestors had received many signal Favours from the Emperors, Predecessors to Valerian, was easily persuaded to declare for the Roman In­terest. But when Valerian was taken Captive, Odenathus bethought himself, and endeavour'd to make his Peace, having found the Persian Monarch so much Superior to the Roman. Where­upon, being convinced of the necessity he was under to smooth the Mind of that haughty Prince, he form'd an Em­bassie, loaded several Camels with most noble Presents, especially of such things which Persia did not produce, and sent them to Sapores with the most submis­sive [Page 50]Letters, affirming, That in the whole War he had not been an Enemy to that Great King. But the proud Persian commanded his Servants to throw the Presents into the River, and tearing the Letters, he trampled them under his Feet, expressing himself in an angry Tone to this purpose, Who is this insolent Man, and from whence, that he dares write his Letters to his Liege Lord and Sovereign? If he intends to alleviate his Punishment, let him come hither with his Hands tied behind his Back, fall at my Feet, and beg my Par­don; but if he refuses, let him know, that I will destroy him and his Family, and ruine his Country.

What effect this sharp Answer had upon the Prince of Palmyra, we want Information; but I doubt not, he dis­sembled his Resentment, made the best Terms he could for himself, and waited an Opportunity to revenge the Injury; which, in a few years offer'd it self, when Gallienus gave him his Commis­sion to insult the Persians.

To support the Opinion, That Ode­nathus was was an Ally, if not a Sub­ject of the Persians, before Valerian [Page 51]attempted the recovery of the East out of their hands, Trebellius Pollio affirms, That when Cyriades pretended to the Empire, he robb'd his Father of a vast Summ of Silver and Gold, and with it fled to the Persians; and having insi­nuated himself into the Affections of Sapores, and entred into a Confederacy with him, incited him to make War upon the Romans, after he had engaged Odenathus in the same Design; that he took Antioch and Caesarea, and made himself, either by downright Force, or the Terror of his Arms, Lord of the East; whereupon he assum'd the Title of Augustus: But when Valerian came into the East, he was slain by his Sol­diers. This Allyance he made with the King of Persia (says Tom. 3. pag. 25. Tristan) in the First or Second Year of Valerian, in the Fourth (says Mezzobarba,) and he reign'd at least two years, say the Goltz. Thesaur. p. 72. Coines. But Salmasius will not al­low, that Odenathus was concerned in this Attempt upon Syria; but Odomastes (perhaps Oromastes) whom he supposes a General, or a Tributary Prince to the Persian; though it is not altogether improbable, but the Prince of Palmyra [Page 52]might be engaged in this Design, not only because in League with the Persian, but also, because being an Ambitious, Politick and Warlike Prince, he was willing to enlarge his Limits, and to take the Advantage of the distracted Estate of the Roman Empire at that time, to make Additions to his own Territories. But when Valerian was marching into the East, and Cyriades was slain, then he bethought himself, and in good time changed his Party, and declared for the Romans: Which enraged Sapores, and gave occasion to him to upbraid Odenathus, when Va­lerian was made Prisoner, with his Apo­stasie from his Duty.

CHAP. XIII.

THE Wings of the Roman Eagle having been thus deplumed, and the Glory of the Empire eclip'st, while Valerian wore the Chains, and daily suffer'd the Insolences of the King of Persia, it might have been with Justice expected that Gallienus should have exerted his utmost Powers to release his Father, and set his Coun­try and Subjects free. But instead of applying himself to such becoming Un­dertakings, which would have given new Life to his People, and new Lawrels to himself, (who had in the beginning of his Reign behaved himself like a Man of Courage and Conduct,) he gave himself up to all manner of Voluptuousness, and permitted the Commonwealth to be shipwrackt, inasmuch as he not only neglected to make an attempt for his Father's Release, (while, by the Bar­barians, the neighbouring Princes, who were Confederate with the Persians, Sapores was sollicited with all earnestness to set him at liberty, and to make a Aurel. Victor. Caess. p. 155. [Page 54]Peace, of which the Letters still ex­tant in Trebellius Pollio are an unde­niable Demonstration; while also the Bactrians, Iberians, Albanians, and Tauroscythae, wrote to the Roman Gene­rals, promising their Assistance to re­deem him out of an ignominious Sla­very,) but suffer'd the Goths, A.D. 261. say the Fasti Idatiani; but Cassiodore says, Anno 263. to over-run all Thrace, Macedon, and Achaia, with the neigh­bouring Provinces, Zosim. l. 1. p. 34. one Party of them ravaging Illyricum, and pillaging all its Cities, another invading Italy, and march­ing to the very Gates of Rome, while the Parthians made their Inroads into. Mesopotamia, and the Syrian Banditti har­rast the East, Aug. Ep. 80. insomuch as the Con­siderate part of Mankind thought the World near its End, (and the sad Effects of those Eruptions were visible, in the Ruines of many a Noble City and Country, almost Two hundred Years after, both in the East and West, says Lib. 7. cap. 22. Orosius,) while every bold Pretender durst set up his Title to the Empire in the West, who could defend his Usur­pation with his Sword; his Father Va­lerian languishing all the while under a [Page 55]severe Captivity, Treb. Pol. p. 175. till his Age and his Afflictions had cover'd him with Grey Hairs.

When the Affairs of the Empire were in this perplext estate, Eutrop. l. 9. §. 10. Treb. Pol. p. 178, 179. and their Inte­rest at the lowest ebb, Gallienus having deserted the Care of the Republick, sauntred away his Time idlely, or spent it ridiculously in the Company of Rope­dancers and Stage-players, and laught at the loss of many a fertile and rich Province; while Posthumus maintained its Grandeur in the West, and preserved Gallia; and Odenathus in the East at­tackt and subdu'd the Persians. For when that senseless Emperor saw him­self so miserably opprest on all hands, awaken'd by the Out-cryes of his People, he for a little while rouz'd him­self out of his Lethargy, and look'd about him; and seeing all at stake, re­quested Odenathus, Zosim. l. 1. pag. 36. Zonar. T. 2. p. 235, 237. the Governor-Gene­ral, or Praetor, of Palmyrene, and Conse­derate of the Romans, (the Prince of that Country, says Trebellius Pollio,) to drive the Persians out of the Roman Territories: Odenathus consider'd, that if he did not interpose, it would be im­possible but that Sapores would in a [Page 56]small time, under so negligent a Prince as Gallienus, have made himself Master of the World, and that his own Native Country must necessarily have been made an Appendage of that Empire; and for this reason, as well as to re­venge the Affront offer'd him in the Slight put on his Embassadors, he join'd his Forces to the remains of the Roman Army, who still continued to support the Reputation of that August Em­pire in the East: And in this diffi­cult Undertaking he behaved himself with so much Address, and such an ex­traordinary Courage, that he humbled the Pride of the Greatest of the Eastern Monarchs in the midst of all his Glory and Triumphs: For he first fell upon the Persian General, and having routed him, recover'd Nisibis and Mesopotamia out of the Hands of the Invaders; then attack't the King of Persia with a Suc­cess suitable to his Bravery; Philostr. ap. Malel. par. 1. p. 393. & Zonar. Tom. 2. p. 237. Agath. l. 4. p. 134. for as Sa­pores was returning home, loaden with the Spoils of Syria and Cilicia, Ode­nathus came out to meet him, as one of his Allyes; but under that pretext he deluded him, having way-lay'd him as he past through Euphratesia [Page 57](call'd of old Commagene, says Proco­pius; Augusto-Euphratesia, by Theo­dorit a Bishop of that Country,) so streightned him, that being to march through a Valley whose Ways were too steep and rugged for his Carriages, he slew all his Prisoners, and threw them into the Hollows, and by that means past over his heavy Baggage. After this, he fought and routed the Army of the Persians, and made so great a slaughter of their Troops, that Delega­tionib. p. 45. Peter the Historian, a Man of the Se­natorian Dignity, and Embassador to Chosroes King of Persia, affirms, That when Sapores had past the Euphrates with the remains of his shatter'd Army, his Soldiers thinking themselves secure, by their station on the other side of the River, embraced one another with un­expressible Transports: After which, Sapores sent to the Garrison at Edessa, promising them to give them all the Money which he had plunder'd in Syria, if they would not molest him in his March, but suffer him quietly to hasten Home through their Territory; sub­joyning, that he did not offer them this great Summ, as if he were afraid of [Page 58]them, but that he might make the more speed into Persia, to celebrate a great Festival that he was near, not being willing to be hinder'd in his De­sign. To this the Garrison consented, receiv'd the Money, and gave him leave to pass by the City unmolested.

By this Victory, Odenathus not only preserv'd the Roman Territories in the East, and defended the Limits, but re­cover'd several Cities which the Per­sians had usurpt, and made his Inroads as far as Ctesiphon, the Royal Seat of those Eastern Princes, obliging them to quit their other Conquests, to de­fend their Wives and Children. In this Expedition also he made himself Master of the Treasures of that Great Mo­narch; and of what those Kings held more valuable and more precious than all their Wealth, his Concubines; and at the same time he took many of the Nobility Prisoners. This was so Meri­torious an Action, that the Trib. Pol. p. 192. Roman Hi­storian confesses, That without this In­terposition, the Interest of the Empire had been entirely sunk in the East: And withal, he informs us, That Ode­nathus assumed the Name of King, be­fore [Page 59]he rais'd his Army, (though the Greek Writers allow him to have only been declar'd General of the East, an Honorary Trust conferr'd on none but Persons of the best Condition and Qua­lifications,) that his Wife Zenobia, his eldest Son Herod, and his two younger Sons Herennianus and Timolaus, ac­pany'd him, when ( Anno Christi, 246.) he fought and routed that Potent Mo­narch, and recover'd the Territories that he had usurped on this side the River.

To reward these brave Services, Treb. Pol. p. 180. Gal­lienus declar'd him Augustus, and his Copart'ner in the Empire, (so that the Historians with great injustice reckon Odenathus and his Son Herodian among the Tyrants, as if they had been Usurpers, who ought to have been in­serted into the Catalogue of the Law­ful Emperors,) and commanded Mo­ney to be stamp't in his Name, the re­verse of which represented the Captive Persians following his Triumphant Chariot: The Senate, the City, and all the People of Rome, being wonder­fully pleas'd with the Performance.

This Declaration of Gallienus intitled Odenathus to the Possession of the East, while his illustrious Archievements prov'd him worthy of the Purple: And accordingly, upon his return from Ctesi­phon, he assum'd the Habit and Style, and Declar'd his Son Herodes his Co­part'ner in the Empire, and Princeps Juventutis; as, besides the Historians, the Coins do fully declare.

CHAP. XIV.

Odenathus having thus atton'd for the Negligence of Gallienus, sup­ported the sinking Fortune of that Au­gust Empire, and preserv'd his own Native Country in its own Quiet and Freedom, and behav'd himself with so dextrous an Address, and such an ex­traordinary Courage, that he humbled the Pride of the Greatest of the Eastern Monarchs, and acquir'd a great Repu­tation to his Arms; and having spent some time in settling his new Con­quests, [Page 61](though he fail'd of his main En­terprize of releasing Valerian, who was, upon this Irruption of the Palmy­renians, slain by Sapores,) at the Re­quest of Gallienus, Treb. Pol. p. 192. Zonar. T. 2. p. 237. he undertook to suppress Macrianus, who had, in Op­position to Gallienus, Declar'd himself Emperor in Phoenicia, (though Eusebius avers, that himself did not assume the Purple, but that he made his Sons Em­perors.) and was acknowledg'd by the Roman Army under his Command. But Macrianus having baffled the Scythians, Zonar. Syn­cel. p. 382. Treb. Pol. p. 176. and driven them out of Achaia, was retir'd with his Eldest Son, of his own Name, into Illyricum, where, in a pitch't Battel, they were both slain by Aureolus, another of the Pretenders to the Empire: But Macrianus had left Quietus the Younger of his Sons in the East, with the Title of Augustus, under the Conduct of Balista an Experienced General. Balista was the Praefectus Prae­torio to the Emperor Valerian, a Cap­tain of rare Capacity, and singular Cou­rage, of great Wisdom and Foresight, and as great Resolution and Bravery; he was General of the Horse under Ma­crianus in the East. And when Macrianus [Page 62]that Country, he, with Quietus the Second Son of Macrianus, managed the War with so much Courage and good Fortune, that while he attack't Sapores on one hand, and Odenathus on the other, they drove him to take shelter in the Desarts of Persia; upon which Victory they assumed the Title of Em­perors, which engaged Gallienus against them: Therefore Odenathus march't and fought them at Emesa, where Ba­lista fell by the Sword of Odenathus, Quietus by the Hands of the Citizens of Emesa, says Zonaras; while Trebellius Pollio in one place affirms, Pag. 116. That after the Army was routed, the Soldiers seiz'd both Quietus and Balista, and de­liver'd them to Odenathus, who slew them: Pag. 194. but in another place he says, That the common report was (sew Writers accounting for Balista's Actions, after he was Declar'd Emperor, while they treat more largely of his Per­formances, while he was Praefectus Prae­torio of the East) that he was flain by a Private Sentinel of Odenathus's Army, as he was sleeping in his Tent: but in a third place he affirms, Pag. 176. That the Army of Quietus, instigated by Ba­lista, [Page 63]slew the young Prince, and ha­ving thrown his Body over the Walls of Emesa, immediately surrender'd: Others (as he says) affirming, Pag. 193. That Odenathus having slain Quietus, gave Balista his Life; but that Balista, not daring to trust either Gallienus, Aureolus, or Odenathus, assum'd the Imperial Purple. Nor does the Report want Au­thors, that he was slain at Daphne, near Antioch, at a Farm which he had pur­chased, where helived a private life: while very many others averr, That having Declar'd himself Emperor, he was mur­ther'd by those whom Aureolus sent to apprehend Quietus, whom he deman­ded as part of his Plunder, having slain his Father, and Elder Brother. The Accounts even of those Times being so various, it cannot be expected that the Writers of the present Age should better adjust the History, while we are obliged to the Information of the Coins, Goltz. Thes. p. 72. that Balista reign'd Three Years at least, and that his Name was Servius Anicius (or Sergius Anicetus) Balista. Whatever his Fate was, as to his Titles, he was an Illustrious Person, happy in his Undertakings, and had a [Page 64]singular Faculty in providing his Army with Provisions and Necessaries; and so well vers'd in Politicks, that Vale­rian acknowledged, that he had learn'd the Rules of Government from Balista, and that he was one of the most Provi­dent and most Experienced Generals of the Age. But whether he was that Callistus whom Zonaras affirms to have been chosen by the Roman Troops their General, after the Captivity of Valerian, and who, when he saw the Persians carelesly wandring up and down, as if they had no more Enemies to conquer, fell upon them, and routed them, I will not determine, though it be highly probable, the Names being very like ( Callistus, and Balistas,) and the ex­ploits seem to be the same. But in this one Circumstance Zonaras is mistaken, who attributes the Taking the Baggage and Concubines of Sapores to Callistus, which was the Atchieve­ment of Odenathus.

When Odenathus had thus compleated the Conquest of the East, and wrested it out of the Hands both of the Roman Rebels, and the Persian Usurpers, Treb. Pol. p. 176, 179. he gave an exact Narrative of all his Pro­ceedings [Page 65]to Gallienus, and sent him the Persian Nobility, whom he had taken Prisoners: And that besotted Prince had the confidence to triumph at Rome, for the Victories which Odenathus got in Euphratesia.

Immediately upon this, Sincel ubi sup. Odenathus being a Captain of indefatigable Cou­rage, and great Expedition, engaged himself in the Expulsion of the Goths, who made their Irruptions into Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Galatia, and threatned the East. But having march'd through Cappadocia to Heraclea of Pontus, the Scythians, terrify'd with the Name of the Illustrious General, retired; but as he was preparing to pursue them, he was most unfortunately and most bar­barously murder'd. Treb. Pol. p. 184. The Anger of God against the Roman Commonwealth being most visibly seen; because, after Valerian was slain, he would not reserve Ode­nathus for its Preservation.

CHAP. XV.

THE Manner of Odenathus his Death is differently related, tho' the Historians agree in the main. Ʋbi supr. Malela, ^(a) after his fabulous wont, affirms, That he was slain by Gallienus. L. 1. p. 36. Zosimus, That while he was at Emisa, celebrating either his own, or some Friend's Birth-Day, he was by Trea­chery murthered. But the generality of Writers assert, That Odenathus, with his Son Herodes, were slain as they were about to pursue the Scythians, who fled before them: That the Parricide who made the Assassination, was his Kinsman, his Brother's Son, Moeonius; whom Syncellus calls Odaenathus (pro­bably according to the Mode of that Time and Country, Moeonius Odae­nathus:) and that he, for a few days after, assum'd the Title of Emperor, [Page 67](as appears by the Coins,) but that he was suddenly dispatcht by those very Soldiers who had been wheadled to cloath him with the Imperial Pur­ple. So fell the most Unjust of Men to his Relations, the most Disloyal Traytor to his Prince, the most Un­grateful Villain to his Benefactor, and the most Profligate of Wretches.

Maeonius was induced to imbrue his Hands in the Blood of his King, Pol. p. 192, 193. Cuspin. Caes. p. 74. his Re­lation, and his Friend; instigated (say some) by Zenobia, who, to dispatch a Son-in-Law, that hinder'd her Children from succeeding to the Empire of the East, (for Herodes, or Herodian, was the Son of Odenathus by a former Wife,) was content at the same time to see her Husband stabb'd. But more probably he committed the execrable Murther, being instigated by the most malicious of Tempers, and an abominable mixture of Envy and Ambition; this prompted him to destroy one of the best of Em­perors, upon the pretext, that his Son Herod was a Man of extraordinary Softness and Delicacy, (as Men who are naturally Kind and Good-natur'd, are apt to be Effeminate. Voluptuous [Page 68]and Amorous,) and because his Father had given him all the King of Persia's Concubines, all his Treasures, and all the Gems taken in the War: Or rather, upon an old Grudge; Zonar. T. 2. p. 237. for the fierce Young Man accompanying his Uncle in his Manly Exercise of Hunting, pre­sum'd, the first of the Company, to throw his Javelin at the Wild Beast that was rouz'd; and being reproved for it by his Uncle, that Honour being reserv'd for the most Eminent Person of the Hunt) in contempt of the Re­primand, persisted to gratifie his own Humour, and committed the same Crime a second and a third time: Whereupon, Odenathus ordered him to be dismounted, and his Horse taken from him, (which was the greatest Af­front that could be offer'd to a Man of Quality in that country.) Upon this, the hot Spark could not forbear expres­pressing his Resentments, and threatning Revenge. Whereupon he was confin'd: but in a little time, at the Intercession of Herodes, Odenathus set him at li­berty. But the Pardon was as uneasily digested as the Affront, (the injur'd Person may be inclined to remit the [Page 69]Offence; but he who does the Wrong, never forgives;) for he watch't his Opportunity, and imbru'd his Hands in the Blood of both his King, and his Advocate.

Thus fell that Great Prince and his Eldest Son, both Emperors, after Ode­nathus had Reigned Four Years, (and Herodes at least Three, as the Coins expresly prove; it being probable, that Odenathus wore the Purple some time after Gallienus declar'd him Em­peror, before he assum'd Herodes to be his Copartner in his Government,) leaving his Crown and Scepter by Right to his Grandson Vaballathus, Vid. Ap­pend. but in the Possession of, and de Facto to Ze­nobia, and her Sons Herennianus and Timolaus.

CHAP. XVI.

O Denathus was murther'd the same Year that Gallienus was slain, but some time before him. For, Anno Christi 260, Valerian was taken, in the Sixth Year of his Reign; after which, the Persians managed the Af­fairs of the East according to their own Will and Pleasure. Valerian's Son, and his Copart'ner in the Empire, Gallienus, being lost in the mazes of his Vices, and so devoted to his Pleasures, that his Name was not so much as mention'd in the Army, who seem'd to have for­gotten him, as entirely as he had for­gotten himself, and all Princely Qua­lifications; for he rejoyc'd at his Fa­ther's Captivity, which clad all Rome in Mourning, and cover'd every Wise Man with Tears; and diverted him­self with Stage-plays, Treb. Pol. p. 176, 182. Horse-races, and the Combats of the Gladiators; in making himself Beds of Roses to wallow in, in the Summer-time; and Beds of Melons, to gratifie his Palate in the Winter; in building Castles of Apples, [Page 71]and other Fruits, and exercising his noble Courage in attacking them; in finding out Methods how to Preserve Grapes Sound and Untainted three Years, and Wines always in the Muste, Figs always Green, and Apples Ripe in every Month in the Year; as if he had been born a Slave to his Belly and his Pleasures. He spent all his time in Riot and Luxury, in Wine and Women; never would drink, but out of a Golden Bowl (despising Glass, because com­mon and cheap,) and every time chang'd his Wine: his Concubines sate at the same Table with him; and at the next Table to him, his Buffoons, Parasites and Jesters. His Cloaths were foreign, and different from the Habit of the Roman Princes his Predecessors; his Hair powder'd with Gold, and his Head crown'd with Rays; while his most intimate Privy-Counsellers were the Roman Ladies. And in this disso­lute Course he lived till the Year of Christ, 264. when Odenathus undertook and revenged the Quarrel, and baffled and put to flight the formidable Host, In which Year, it is very probable, the Persian King, enraged at his loss of [Page 72]Honour, Spoils, and Conquer'd Terri­tories, put Valerian to Death. Anno 268, Odenathus was murther'd, and the same year Gallienus was slain. For thus the Treb. Pol. p. 184. Historian states his Accompts of Time: ‘Whereas Valerian and his Son reign'd Fifteen Years, in the Sixth Valerian was taken Prisoner by the Persians; after which, Gal­lienus reign'd Nine Years, some say Ten: For its certain, that he cele­brated his Decennalia at Rome; and after that, overcame the Goths, made a Peace with Odenathus, an Agree­ment with Aureolus, and overcame Posthumus and Lollianus.’ — After which, he was slain near Milan, by the Hand of Cerronius (or Cecropius) the General of the Dalmatian Troops.

What the Quarrel was between Gal­lienus and Odenathus, and upon what Reasons, no Historian, that I know of, gives any Account: but perhaps the Coins hint it; for in those of Gallienus, Anno Christi 266, a year and more be­fore Odenathus was murthered, there often occurs Pax Augg. Concordia Augg. (with two Right Hands joined.) 'Tis true, Mezzobarba understands the In­scriptions, [Page 73]of the Union between Gal­lienus and the junior Valerian; but be­sides that Valerian was not Emperor till the next year after those Coins were stampt, Anno Christi 267, as Mezzo­barba himself confesses, we never read of any Dispute between them; for the Younger Valerian was a Prince of ex­cellent Temper and Modesty; but a Quarrel there was between Odenathus and Gallienus (as Trebellius Pollio says expresly.) Much less can I interpret the Coins to have relation to Valerian the Father, as Monsieur Patin does; for long before this year, Valerian was a Prisoner in Persia, and probably mur­thered.

It must be confest, that there is great variety of Opinions concerning the Age of Valerian; and that it is very difficult to adjust the precise time of his Death, which happen'd at so great a distance from Rome, and in a Country at open War with the Em­peror, which precluded all Communi­cation. But I shall endeavour to fix the Time. Tom. 3. pag. 1. Monsieur Tristan says expresly, That Valerian was born An. V.C. 937. Anno Christi 185; and [Page 74]that he was murthered an. aet. 75, Christi 260, the very year in which he was made a Prisoner. But the whole Assertion is precarious, and built upon the wrong Supposition, That he lived but 75 years, and was flea'd the very year in which he was taken.

Signior Mezzobarba affirms, that he was slain an. aet. 77. but fixes no year either from the Building of Rome, or from our Blessed Saviour's Birth. The Writers of the Imperial History of those Times say only in general, that he lived to a great Age in the state of Cap­tivity: While the Writer of the Chro­nicon, commonly call'd the Alexan­drian, allows him to have lived but 61 years; but expresly affirms, that he reign'd 14 years, and that he was put to death by the Persians when Claudius and Paternus were Consuls, Anno Christi 268/9.

Most of the Old Fasti averr, that Valerian and Gallienus reign'd 15 years; and so does Trebellius Pollio; and that Valerian was taken by the Persians, Gallieno 7. & Sabinillo Coss. Anno Christi 266. (as Idatius declares.)

Among all which Writers, there [Page 75]is great Variety, but little Truth; while its plain to me, that Valerian was alive when Odenathus first took Arms for his Release (and so could not be put to Death the same year in which he was taken.) Pag. 179. Trebellius Pollio ex­presly affirming, that Odenathus exerted his utmost Vigour; and attended to nothing else but that Valerian might recover his Liberty. And the same Author as expresly avers, Pag. 184. that Valerian was dead before Odenathus was mur­thered: The Anger of God (as he says) appearing visibly against the Roman Commonwealth, in that after Valerian was slain, he would not suffer Odenathus to live. I am therefore of the Opinion of the learned Monsieur Patin, Pag. 405. that as soon as Sapores had experimented, to his cost, the Bravery and Conduct of the King of Palmyra, and understood that his Design was to restore the Cap­tive Valerian to his Liberty, from an ignominious Slavery; then his Rage transported him to that barbarous and inhumane Act of Cruelty, A. C. 264; and if we may credit the Coin in Golt­zius, he was Deify'd after his Death. Thesaur. p. 70. But enough of this Digression; let us return to Zenobia.

CHAP. XVII.

SEptimia Zenobia (for so she was call'd, and for the knowledge of her first Name we are wholly obliged to the Coins) being thus left by her Husband the Empress of the East, (for as she follow'd him in all his Wars, so she accompany'd him in his Expedition against the Goths, when he was assassi­nated at Heraclea,) and acknowledg'd to be so by the Army (after they had dispatch't her Ephemerous Competitor Maeonius, a Man of the loosest Man­ners, profuse Luxury, and an ungo­vernable Temper) managed that vast Empire with a Bravery and Conduct truly Heroick, and above her Sex; and by the Assistance of the wise Mi­nisters and Generals Odenathus left her, kept up the Reputation of her Government, and advanc'd it. She was Prudent and Fair, Learned and Stout; as rigorous as a Tyrant, to those who were perverse and obstinate; but humane and kind to all who were ready to live under Laws and Disci­pline. [Page 77]She surpast even her Husband, who was one of the most Illustrious Personages in the World, in Courage, Magnanimity, and every generous Quality. In a word, she was an addroit Accomplish't Lady, who had all the transcendent Qualities that would create her the Esteem of the World, and render her worthy the Noblest Throne upon Earth, being of High Birth, Extraordinary Accomplish­ments, and the Greatest Performances.

Her Original was Noble, Treb. Pol. p. 196, 198, 200. and the best Blood of the Egyptian Kings flow'd in her Veins; for she deriv'd her self from the Family of the Ptolemy's, and from Cleopatra; and had a great Re­gard for the last Queen of Egypt, whom with Dido and Semiramis she celebra­ted, as the Heroins of their several Ages; Zenobia particularly proposing to her self the Imitation of all Cleopatra's Illustrious Qualifications, while she avoided those Vices that eclip'st her Glory. Her Mother's Name we are ignorant of, but her Father was Achil­leus (Zozimus calls him Antiochus) whom the Palmyrenians chose to be their Prince, Vopisc. p. 219. when they took Arms [Page 78]against Aurelian. To him, Zosimus says, that Aurelian gave his Life and Liberty, after he had made him his Prisoner. Nor is it the most unpardo­nable Conjectures, to imagine that he was the Father of Lucius Epidius Achil­leus, who twenty years afterthe Sack of Palmyra, being made Governor of Egypt, took upon him the Im­perial Purple, and maintained his Pre­tensions for six years at the least, as the Coins expresly inform us; and at last, after he had been besieged eight Months in Alexandrid, was overcome by Dio­clesian and Galerius, and put to death.

Her Beauty was as Illustrious as her Birth, Id. p. 192. but Manly and August, not Soft and Effeminate; Cornelius Capitolinus affirming, that she was the Handsomest of all the Eastern Ladies, (though Syria were famous for Beauties, more than one of the Roman Empresses owing their Birth to that Country:) Her Face was of a Brownish colour, Pag. 199. (and 'tis no wonder that she appear'd so at Rome, who in Palmyrene had been inur'd to march in the Head of her Army, on foot, several miles at a time, where the Rays of the Sun were so servent and so [Page 79]troublesom.) Her Eyes Black and Sparkling, her Mien Divine, her Charms Irresistable; her Teeth of such an ex­traordinary Whiteness, that some Men thought them Pearls: Her Voice Clear and Masculine: And all her Shapes Re­gular and Lovely.

And with her Beauty, she had Youth and Vigour; for after her Captivity, she was marry'd at Rome, and there had Children by a Man of the Senatorian Dignity.

But all the Symmetry of her Face, and the Beauties of her Mien, were not fit to stand in competition with the more ravishing Accomplishments of her Mind.

CHAP. XVIII.

HEr Ancestor Cleopatra was a Lady of great Wit, Plut. M. Anton. p. 1698. & pass. edit. Steph. and many Lan­guages; so that she seldom made use of an Interpreter, but her self answered all Foreigners that petition'd her in their own Languages, Aethiopians, Troglo­dytes, Jews, Arabs, Syrians, Medes and Parthians; whereas her Predeces­sors hardly understood the Speech of their own Country, the Greek and the Coptick; and all this variety was re­commended by a charming Delivery; her Words flowing with a delicate Sweetness, intermixt with a becoming Raillery: The several Languages which she spake, were like the several Notes of a well-tun'd Lute; every thing that she said, was harmonious, and gave a new pleasure to all who heard her. And in this Qualification Pol. p. 199. Zenobia strove to imitate that Great Lady; she had some knowledge of the Latin Tongue, but out of Modesty used it not: but she spake Greek, and the Language of Egypt, in perfection: And [Page 81]so well skill'd was she in the Alexan­drian and Oriental Histories, that she is said to have written an Epitome of them; and she was also acquainted with as much of the Roman Affairs, as were treated of in Greek. And though she understood other Tongues more accurately than the Latin, and thought it not worth her while to be a Critick in it; yet she commanded her Sons to inure themselves to the Language of Rome, rather than that of Greece, (which they spake but seldom, and with some difficulty,) designing them probably, in her ambitious Thoughts, for the Go­vernment of that proud City, as she had already declared them Emperors; to which end she had provided her self of a pompous Chariot, in which she intended to have made her trium­phant Entry into the Capital of the World, as a Conqueror; while it hap­pen'd that she was carry'd in the same Chariot a Captive into that haughty City. Vopis [...]

And as she was very Learned her self, so she became a declared Patroness of Arts, and a Favourer of Scholars. Longinus (the best Critick of the Age [Page 82]he liv'd in, and perhaps of any Age, and a Philosopher of unquestionable Re­putation) fix'd his Residence at the Court of this Heroick Empress, was admitted to a share in our Councils, taught her Greek, and was probably made the Governor of her Sons: And, could Longinus have persuaded Porphyry, whom by Letter he earnestly invited to Palmyra (with the Queen's Allow­ance, I doubt not) that admirable Pla­tonist had tasted of her Bounty, as did Paulus of Samosata, and other Votaries of Learning in that Age.

Id. p. 198. Sec. Sat­rectionem. Her Magnificence went an equipage with her Learning and her Charms. From the Coins it appears, that she took the Name of Augusta, managing the Empire not only in her Son's Name (as the Historian says) but in her own: And while Gallienus was sauntring in Rome among Fidlers and Players, she kept the State of a Persian Monarch; and to perpetuate her Memory, she built a City on the Banks of the River Euphrates, toward the West, five Miles from the Castle of Mambri, nearer to the Roman Territories, but three Days Journey from Circesium, which she [Page 83]call'd by her own Name, Zenobia; which, Proeop. Pers. l. 2. c. 5. p. 97. & de Ae­dific. l. 2. c. 8. p. 42, 43. when in after Ages it fell into decay, was repair'd, fortify'd and beautify'd by Justinian; and the Place where the Emperor Aurelian gave her a House at Tivoli, thought it self happy to change its old Name for that of this magnifi­cent Princess.

Her Court was pompous, her Gran­deur eminent, she was ador'd like the Eastern Kings, and her Treats were as splendid as any of those made by the Roman Emperors. She usually wore the Royal Robe, and a Diadem; but when she made a Speech to her Army, she put on a Helmet, and appear'd like a second Pallas. Her Cimar was of Purple trimm'd round the Edges with rich Gems, and clasp'd in the middle with a large sparkling Diamond, instead of a Button; her Arm being often bare.

At her Feasts she was serv'd in Gold Plate, enchast with Precious-stones, after the manner of Cleopatra; and chose to be attended rather by elderly Eunuchs, than Women. And the part she bore in the Triumph of Aurelian (than which Rome never saw any thing [Page 84]more Pompous) though it demon­strated her great Misfortune, yet was suited to her magnificent Temper; for she was loaded with Gems of the greatest Magnitude and Value, pro­bably the Spoils of her own Cabinet; which, though she were a Lady of a vigorous Constitution, much incom­moded her, during the Cavalcade. Her Feet and Hands were chain'd with Golden Fetters; and her Necklace was a massie Gold Chain, the end of which was held up by a Persian Buffoon.

She was Chaste to a Miracle, (and in this she differ'd from her Ancestor the Queen of Egypt, whose Lewdness blemisht her other Accomplishments,) inasmuch as she never enjoy'd her Husband's Com­pany, but for the sake of Children; and as soon as she found she had Con­ceiv'd, she retir'd, according to the Custom of the Jews, of whom P [...]ag. l. 2. c. 12. Clemens of Alexandria gives the same Cha­racter.

And in the midst of all her Plenty, her Temperance was admirable, being always sober; though sometimes she used to drink with her Captains, to [Page 85]ingratiate her self to them; and at other times, with the Armenians and Persians, the better to dive into their Secrets.

Upon all Occasions she was very Li­beral, and yet managed her Largesses with great Prudence; and took more care of her Revenues, than most Mo­narchs usually do: And this appear'd by the vast Summs found in her Cof­fers, when she fell into the Hands of Aurelian.

CHAP. XIX.

ZEnobia's Religion was at first Pagan; Phot. Cod. [...]. pag. 802. Gr. but she forsook the Hea­then Polytheism, and became a Jewess, by whose Persuasions, I know not, (for Philastrius was certainly in a Dream, when he aver'd, That Paulus of Samo­sata, Bishop of Antioch, being a Ju­daizing Christian, and a Teacher of the Necessity of Circumcision, and other Mosaical Rites, persuaded her to turn Jew: Nor can I acquit Monsieur Tristan [Page 86]of Inadvertency, Tom. 3. p. 203. when he quotes Pho­tius, That Odenathus also quitted the Idolatry in which he had been bred, and turn'd Jew probably upon the Per­suasions of his Wife; and that there is reason to believe, that both of them were converted by Paulus of Samosata to Christianity; for all that he says, is without Authority, and groundless.) But notwithstanding her Religion, she behav'd her self with great Temper and Meekness towards the Christians her Subjects, neither endeavouring to com­pell their Consciences, nor to seize their Churches. She was a Hater of Perse­cution, though she were a New Con­vert, (and such Persons are generally very warm, and acted by an extraor­dinary Zeal,) and though she was of a Religion whose Proselytes have al­ways been Haters of all who differ from them in Principles; for Epist. ad Solitar. St. Athanasius says, That she was so Just to the Chri­stians, as not to convert their Churches into Synagogues.

It is the common Opinion, Niceph. l. 6. c. 27. that she was in a fair way to have embrac'd Christianity, if she had faln into good Hands; that Paulus of Samosata, the [Page 87]Patriarch of Antioch, undertook the Province, and took great pains therein, ( Zenobia being an excellent Disputant, and admirably skill'd in Controversie,) but having unhappily fallen into the Heresie of Artemon, he infus'd into her Mind very mean Notions of our Blessed Saviour, That he was a meer Man, and not of the same Nature with God the Father; and that this occasion'd his Deposition, and probably the loss of his design'd Disciple. But it is al­most indisputably certain, that all this fair Story is built on a Mistake of the words of Theodorit, who only says, That Paulus fell into the Heresie of Ar­temon; Lib. 2. de Haerisib. n. Paulus. and affirm'd, That our Saviour was only a meer Man; by this means designing to ingratiate himself with, and to flatter Zenobia, Vid. Vales. in Euseb. l. 7. c. 30. who was a Jewess, and so would not allow Jesus to be God.

It is plain from the Ecclesiastick Hi­storian, that she had a great regard for Paul, that she made him her Ducenarius, or Procurator at Antioch; and that he affected rather to be called by that Title, than that of Bishop, being a haughty Man, and a Lover of Secular [Page 88]Grandeur; but for his Heresie, and his vain and disallowable Morals, he was condemn'd by a Synod at Antioch, Euseb. l. 7. c. 28, 29. Anno Christi 166, and the 12th. Year of Gallienus, in which year Dionysius Bi­shop of Alexandria died: But the proud Patriarch, supported by his powerful Patroness, despised the Determination of the Synod. Whereupon, the Ca­tholick Prelates, after Aurelian, the de­clar'd Enemy of Zenobia, had assum'd the Purple, call'd a Second Synod, de­pos'd the Heretick, and fill'd the See with Domnus, Son of his Predecessor Demetrianus: But though Condemn'd by two Synods, the Heretick main­tain'd his pretended Title to his Juris­diction, and kept the Possession of his Episcopal Palace and Revenues, though his Throne were possess'd by a more Orthodox Prelate. Whereupon, the Synod appeal'd to Aurelian, who or­der'd Paul to be Ejected by the Secular Power. So well affected was that Em­peror towards the Christian Church at that time, tho' afterwards he chang'd his Behaviour. And it is not the most groundless of Conjectures, that Aure­lian was so ready to serve the Orthodox [Page 89]against the Heretick; because Paul was a Favorite and Dependant of Ze­nobia his Enemy, while the Catholicks were his Friends, and good Subjects.

CHAP. XX.

AND now, having accounted for her Religion, I shall adventure to describe her Course of Life, and Practises. She used her self to all sorts of becoming Manly Exercise; and shew'd, upon all Occasions, a Hardiness above that of her soft Sex. She often rode on Horse-back, commonly in a Chariot, seldom was carry'd in a Chair, Treb. Pol. p. 192. and very frequently march'd three or four miles on foot in the Head of her Army, having inur'd her self to bear the Fatigues of War, the Scorchings of the Sun, and the parch't Sands of the Desarts: For her Education was like that of her Husband's; and in the opinion of some very good Judges, the [Page 90]Wife was the braver of the two; the most Couragious, as well as the Fairest of her Sex. She often arm'd her Head with a Casque, and as often assisted at her Councils of War; and such an esteem she had of true Magnanmity, that she told Aurelian, That she ac­counted Gallienus and Aureolus Milk­sops, but she esteem'd him qualify'd to make an Emperor of the World; be­cause he was a Stout and Adventurous General. She accompany'd Odenathus in all his Expeditions, and was with him when he so succesfully attempted the Persians.

The Persians, it must be confest, used to carry their Wives with them into the Field, but rather for Show and Mag­nificence, that they might enjoy the pleasure of seeing a fierce Battle fought, and be exempt from all the Hazards of it; but Zenobia went into the Field as a great General, and had her share in the Dangers of the Engagement.

And this part of her August Cha­racter her Enemy Aurelian gave her: 1b. p. 198. For when it was objected to him, That he made a mighty bustle about a Trifle, when he triumph't over an unfortunate [Page 91]Woman: — He told the Senate, ‘That they knew not the Accomplish­ments of that Great Lady; That she was Prudent and Politick in her Councils, and Constant to her Reso­lutions; That she had an entire and undisputed Power over her Army; was very Liberal, when Necessity requir'd; and very Sharp, when Se­verity was requisite; That it was by her Conduct, that Odenathus over­came the Persians, put Sapores to flight, and march't to the Walls of Ctesiphon; That she made all the East, and all Egypt tremble, when neither the Arabs, nor the Saracens, nor the Armenians could affright them; and and that he gave her her Life, upon the prospect that such an extraordi­nary Heroine, who could preserve and manage the vast Empire of the East for her self and Children, would be of great Advantage to the Com­monwealth, and teach the Romans the Rules of Conduct and Govern­ment.’

To make good this Character, and to let the World see how well the Deli­cate Sex might be accomplisht for Rule [Page 92]and Dominion, she told the Emperor, That if she had succeeded in her At­tempt, she design'd to have constituted Victoria, the Wife of Victorinus, ano­ther brave Lady of that Age (who had made more than one Emperor, and took to her self the Title of Augusta, and is stiled in the Coins and Histo­rians, Mater Castrorum) her Companion in the Royal Dignity, and between them they would have divided the Em­pire of the World.

The only Fault which I find her charg'd with (except her Fear, when she fell into the Hands of Aurelian, which prompted her to discover all her Friends and Assistants to that cruel Prince, who presently murther'd them, for in this she fell beneath the Great Cleopatra,) was her dislike of her Son-in-Law Herodes, whom Odenathus had begotten on a former Wife, and that she consented to his murther, that the Empire might devolve on her own Sons, Herennianus and Timolaus. But this is reported by only one Historian; and I cannot believe, that to rid her hands of a Son-in-Law, she would con­sent to the Parricide of her Husband, [Page 93]whom she lov'd so dearly, and who so well deserv'd it; for they both fell at the same time, and by the same Hand. But Diamonds have their Flaws; and the richest Metals, some Alloy.

I have thus endeavoured to set this Heroine in a true Light; for it would not have been just, to treat a Princess of such rare Endowments both of Mind and Body (who was the Ornament of her Sex, and the Wonder of the Age she liv'd in, reverenc'd over all the East, and admir'd even at Rome by her bitterest Adversaries) with a meager and jejune Character, though the best Descriptions, even of the ancient Wri­ters, fall below her Merit. And now I shall proceed to a more particular Ac­count of her Atchievements.

CHAP. XXI.

ODenathus and Herodian being slain, Treb. Pol. p. 180, 197. Zenobia, during the Mi­nority of her two Sons (who were left very young) Herennianus and Timolaus, whom she declar'd Principes Juventutis & Augusti, took upon her the Em­pire, (Monsieur Patin says, Pag. 430. That Gallienus gave her the Title of Empress, but without Proof: but whether it was given her, or she assum'd it, Theodorit and Nicephorus Callisti are much mi­staken, who call her only the Toparch of the Country, and affirm, that she ow'd her Dominion and Territory to the Persians, who having overcome the Romans, gave her the Government of Syria and Phoenice,) and she manag'd it not like a Woman, nor only better than Gallienus, but with more Courage and better Conduct than many famous Em­perors, and gave Gallienus a Specimen of her Abilities, in a few Months after she had undertook to weild her Scepter. For when the News of Odenathus's Mur­ther was brought to Rome, the Emperor, [Page 95]who had some Courage (for he was an odd mixture of Softness and Hardiness) made Preparations of War, though very late, against the Persians, to re­venge his Fathers ignominious and bar­barous Death; and to this end, sent an Army under Heraclianus the Prae­fectus Praetorio, a famous General, and a true Lover of his Country, into the East. But Zenobia, jealous of his De­sign, and resolv'd neither to dethrone her Sons, nor to devest her self of the Imperial Purple, and acknowledge the Roman Authority, met him upon the Borders of Persia, fought him, and routed and destroyed his whole Army. This General Heraclian, Caess. p. 74. Cuspinian calls Herodian, by a great Mistake, affirm­ing, that he was the Governor of Gallia (Dux Galliae;) and that he was op­pos'd by Zenobia, because he made the Expedition into Persia without her Order.

Heraclianus, Zosim. l. 1. p. 37. Treb. Pol. p. 181. upon his return from this unfortunate Expedition, where his Honour had been sacrificed, and his Life with great difficulty saved, ha­ving assisted in the driving the Scy­thians or Goths out of Greece, entred [Page 96]into a Conspiracy with Claudius, the next Man in Dignity and Employment to the Emperor; and having engag'd Cecropius, the General of the Dalmatian Forces, in the Design, they by his Hand slew Gallienus, (this Cecropius, The General of the Dalmatians, Tom. 3. p. 177. Monsieur Tristan believes to be the same Cecrops the Moor, whom L. 1. p. 35. Zosimus affirms to have assum'd the Empire, when Gal­lienus return'd from Germany to Rome, to drive the Scythians out of Italy; and that he was call'd the Moor, be­cause made Governor of Mauritania by Claudius: Whereas Zosimus affirms, that the other Disturbers of that Reign of Gallienus, Cecrops, Antoninus, and the like, were brought to condign Punish­ment by him, only Aurelius survived: And if so, Cecropius in Zosimus could not be the same who murther'd Gal­lienus,) and by a general Consent Clau­dius was declar'd Emperor, who (as Aurelian in his Letters declares) suffer'd Zenobia to Reign quietly, Treb. Pol. p. 199. while he was busied in the Gothick War. And in this he acted very politickly, that that Warlike Lady preserving the Bounda­ries of the Eastern Empire free from [Page 97]Disturbance, he might the more se­curely accomplish his other Designs; and in this Resolution he persisted, Pol. p. 204. though the Senate, when he was elected, cried out five times, O Emperor Clau­dius, deliver us from the Palmyrenians: And again seven times, O Emperor Claudius, rescue us from Zenobia and Victorina. For he was forc'd to ac­knowledge in his Letters, That as Te­tricus had made himself Master of all France and Spain; so the Queen of Palmyra, to their shame be it spoken, was possest of all their Archers.

While the Forces of the Empire were employ'd by Claudius, Zosim. l. 1. p. 39, 40. Pollio, ubi sup. in the First Year of his Reign ( Anno Christi 270, An­tiochianus and Orphitus being Consuls) to compel the Scythians to repass the Danube, and to return to their own Country, (for they had ravag'd Asia and Achaia, Acarnania, Boeotia, Thes­saly, and the adjacent Countries,) Ze­nobia sent her Troops into Egypt, to reduce that fertile Country under her Jurisdiction; the Inhabitants of that rich Province having, upon the News of the Death of Gallienus, unanimously acknowledg'd and taken the Oath of [Page 98]Allegiance to Claudius, though he were absent. This Zenobia resented, as an Injury offer'd to her own Title, and the Succession of her Sons, it being usual for the Junior Augustus, upon the Death of the Elder, to claim the Possession of the whole Empire: Or else she took this occasion to assert her Pretensions to that Kingdom; for she derived her Pe­degree from the Family of the Ptolemy's, and particularly from Cleopatra the last Queen of that Country, whom the Ro­mans had by force dispossest.

To make this Conquest, she sent her General Zabdas into Egypt (where a Party of the Natives, under Timagenes ( Pollio calls him Timogenes) had already declar'd for her Interest, and supported her Claim) who with a powerful Army of Seventy thousand Men, made up of Palmyrenians, Syrians and Barbarians, fought Fifty thousand Egyptians, and after a very sharp Engagement (in which the Militia of Palmyra continued the Fight with unwearied Obstinacy and Pertinaciousness) got the Victory: After which, having left Five thousand of his Soldiers behind him to keep the Country in awe, he return'd to Palmyra.

While this Invasion was made, Probus, whom the Emperor Claudius had de­clar'd the Praefect of Egypt, was, accor­ding to Command, scouring the neigh­bouring Seas of the Pyrates, who, in those times of Disorder, much infested the bottom of the Streights: But as soon as he heard the fatal News, that during his Absence, Egypt had been subdued; he return'd with all speed, forming an Army of what Forces he had with him, and such other of the Natives as were content to List them­selves for the Service, and to throw off the Yoke of the Palmyrenians, which they hated; and making an Attempt upon the Guards whom Zabdas had left to preserve his New Conquest in Obe­dience, he drove them out of the Country.

Upon the Report of this Revolution, Zabdas return'd; but Probus having in the mean time strengthned his Troops with Recruits from Lybia, and the re­moter Parts of Egypt, attack't the E­nemy, got the Victory, and drove the Men of Palmyra a second time out of that Country.

In pursuit of this Victory, Probus possest himself of a Hill near Babylon (the Egyptian City of that Name) that he might preclude Zabdas from retiring into Syria. But Timagenes, who ex­actly knew all the Country, with Two thousand Palmyrenians got to the top of the Hill, unknown to the Egyp­tians, and falling upon them unex­pectedly, cut them all off. Which when their General saw, he, not willing to outlive his Honour, fell on his own Sword.

CHAP. XXII.

EGyt being thus reduc'd under the Power of Zenobia, the remainder of the Barbarians, who outliv'd the Battle fought between Claudius and the Goths, at Naissus, secured themselves within a Tabor of their Waggons, and so made their Retreat: A violent Pesti­lence at the same time raging in both Camps; in which Contagion, Claudius, [Page 101]one of the most Accomplisht of the Roman Princes, breath'd his last. To him Quintillus his Brother succeeded; but hearing that Aurelian was chosen Emperor, he order'd his Physicians to cut his Veins, and so expir'd.

Aurelian having baffled the Scy­thians, and subdued all the Pretenders to the Government, having built the Walls of Rome, and settled the Civil State of that City (which took up the two first Years of his Reign) undertook an Expedition into the East, to reduce Palmyra, which at that time had brought under its Jurisdiction all Egypt, and all the East, home to Ancyra the Metropolis of Galatia; and would have extended its Conquests over Bithynia to the Gates of Chalcedon, if the Inha­bitants, having been made acquainted with the Resolutions of Aurelian, had not emancipated themselves from that Yoke.

Aurelian did not march directly into the East, Vopisc. p. 216. but secured the Provinces through which he went, being forc'd to fight many Battels by the way, be­fore he reach'd Syria. For in Illyricum and Thrace he overthrew the remainders [Page 102]of the Goths, and slew Five thousand of them, with their Commander Can­nabas. After which, he march'd through Byzantium into Bithynia, which had declar'd for his Interests; took Tyana, which was betray'd to him by Heraclammon, but spar'd the City, for the sake of the Philosopher Apollonius, who was born there, while he order'd the Traytor to be executed; all the other Cities between Tyana and Antioch rendring themselves.

Near Antioch, Zenobia had fix'd her station, in the Head of a numerous Army advantagiously posted. But Au­relian was a Prince of Undaunted Cou­rage, a Bold Spirit, and Dextrous Ad­dress; and prepar'd himself, as became a Prudent General, for a Battel: And observing, that the Strength of Zenobia's Forces consisted in her Horse-men, (who were arm'd Cap-a-pée, and better understood Horsemanship than the Roman Troops) he posted his Foot be­yond the River Orontes, in a separate Body, and commanded his Horse not to engage the Palmyrenians while their Body was fresh and lusty; but when they charg'd, to retire, and dissemble a [Page 103]Flight, till the extreme Heat of the Weather, and the Weight of their heavy Arms had tyred them, and forc'd them to desist from the Pursuit. The due Observation of this Order got the Victory: For when the Romans, by this manner of Fighting, had satigued the Palmyrenian Troops, and tyred their Horses, then they charg'd them with the utmost Vigour, and as they fell from their Horses, or their Horses sunk under them, trod them under their feet. The Slaughter was various; some were slain with the Sword, others stifled with the fall of their own Horses upon them, a third sort trampled to death by the Roman Troops, while the scatter'd re­mainders of that great Army fled to Antioch.

This Battel was fought (says Chron. ex vers. Hier. Eu­sebius) in the second Year of the 250th. Olympiad, Anno Christi 273, at ^(a) Imma, not far from Antioch, [Page 104]and in the Engagement Pompeianus the Frank (whose Family thereupon settled at Antioch, and was in being in St. Je­rom's time, his dear Friend Euagrius being of that House and Lineage) did the Emperor extraordinary Service, and behav'd himself with great Bravery. And it was this Battel, or rather the Shadow of a Battel, says L. 7. c. 23. Orosius, for Zenobia was rather frighted than beaten into Submission) that put that Great Princess into the Hands of the Romans, and decided the Controversie (say Eutropius, and Aurelius Victor.) But they are both mistaken; for Ze­nobia lost her Empire in a much sharper Engagement at Emesa, where her Forces were entirely routed: Of which more in the next Chapter.

CHAP. XXIII.

ZAbdas the General of Zenobia's Ar­my, Zosim. p. 45. a Commander of great Expe­rience, and (till then) as great Success, fear­ing lest the People of Antioch, upon the report of the loss of the Battel, should have fallen upon and insulted the re­mains of his Conquer'd Troops, having found a Man who somewhat resembled Aurelian, clad him in such Habit as that Prince used to wear when he fought, leading him through the Streets of that large City in Triumph, as if he had gotten the Victory, and made the Em­peror his Prisoner.

By this Stratagem Zabdas imposed upon the Citizens of Antioch, and amuzed them the remaining part of that Day, till the Night coming on, he retir'd with Zenobia to Emesa: And thus he deluded the Antiochians, who otherwise would have much in­commoded his Retreat, and escap'd being surpriz'd and ruin'd by Aurelian; for the Emperor had recall'd his Foot from the other side of the Orontes, with [Page 106]an Intention, the next day, to have failen upon the reliques of the Palmy­renian Army on every side: But his Design was frustrated by the flight of Zenobia; whereupon he alter'd his Intentions, and enter'd Antioch, being receiv'd by the Citizens with all the Marks of Zeal for his Service; and was so well pleas'd with the Testimonies of their Repentance and Submission, that he publish'd an Indemnity to the Inha­bitants, and recall'd those who had fled out of fear of being punish'd for ad­hering to the Interests of the Queen of Palmyra.

At this time Aurelian was inform'd, that a Party of the Palmyrenians had posted themselves advantageously on a Hill that overlook'd Daphne, the famous Suburb of Antioch, in confidence that the Steepness of the Place would secure them from all the Attacks of the Ro­mans. But the Emperor commanded his Infantry to draw themselves into their Close Order, and to cover them­selves with their Shields, so to bear off the Darts and Stones that their Ad­versaries might hurl down upon them: And by this method they got an easie [Page 107]Victory, and put all their Enemies to flight; whom the Romans pursued so closely, that some were forc'd to throw themselves off from the Preci­pices, and so were torn in pieces, while the remainder perish't by the Swords of the Victors.

After this, the Cities of Apamea, La­rissa and Arethusa open'd their Gates, and submitted to the Conqueror, re­ceiving him with all the Marks of Ho­nour and Respect. But Aurelian un­derstanding that the Army of Zenobia, and her Allies, being no less than Se­venty thousand Men, were encamp't in the Plain before Emesa, immediately mov'd towards them, and encamp't with his Dalmatian, Mysian and Pan­nonian Horse, with the Legions of No­ricum and Rhaetia, and with his Praeto­rian Bands, who were all select Troops, and tryed Men, in view of the Enemy. Besides these Regiments, Aurelian had in his Army several Troops of Moorish Horse, of the Militia of Asia, from Tyana, and from Mesopotamia, Syria, Phenicia, and Palestine, all choice Men.

When the Armies engag'd, the Ro­man Horse took care not to be enclos'd [Page 108]by the Palmyrenians, who were supe­riour to them in number, and gall'd them very severely, breaking and dis­ordering their Ranks. But as they were about to turn their backs, the Roman Foot charg'd the Enemy's Troops so briskly, that they soon put them to flight. Upon this followed a bloody slaughter, the Jews falling on with their Clubs and Maces, which made a thun­dering and unusual Noise upon the Ar­mour of Brass and Iron in which the Palmyrenians charg'd: The whole Country was cover'd with the Car­casses of Men and Horses, while the few that escap'd, fled to the City.

Zenobia being extremely grieved, as she ought, at her Defeat, deliberated what she should do; and it was unani­mously in Council agreed, That she should desert Emesa (the Inhabitants of the City being her Enemies, and wish­ing well to the Romans) and betake her self to Palmyra, where being more se­cure, she might consult at leisure how to repair her lost Fortunes. This Ad­vice she immediately comply'd with, and fled to Palmyra.

The News of her flight being brought to Aurelian, he entred Emesa in Triumph, cover'd with the Trophies of a noble Victory, and was receiv'd by the Citi­zens with all the Marks of Joy, and ac­cording to the Deserts of an Invincible Hero. At Emesa he seiz'd the Trea­sures of Zenobia, which, by reason of her precipitate haste, she was forc'd to leave behind her, and then with all ima­ginable speed mov'd toward Palmyra. In his March, Vopisc. p. 218. the Syrian Banditti much infested his Camp; for they had, Victor. p. 155. du­ring the Disturbances of the Empire, made themselves very formidable, their Troops being numerous, their Horses fleet to admiration, and the Desarts fa­vouring their retreat with their Prey; inasmuch as at this time it was Prover­bial at Rome, That none but Women and Thieves govern'd the East.

When Aurelian had quitted himself of these troublesom Attendants, he form'd the Siege of Palmyra, straightly beleaguing the City, and fortifying his Camp with Castles, while the neigh­bouring Nations furnisht him with all sorts of Provisions. The Besieged, in the mean time, being possest with a [Page 110]vain Opinion, That their City was Im­pregnable, derided the Attempts of the Romans, as if they must be forc'd, in a few days, to raise their Siege, for want of Necessaries; while the City was well provided with all the requisites of War, the Garrison numerous and brave, and engaged to fight, not, as be­fore, for Glory and Conquest, but for their Wives and Children, and their own Liberties, their All being at stake: For it was beyond the reach of Fancy to imagine (says Aurelian, in his Let­ter to Mucapores) what vast quantities of Arms and Military Stores were in that City; that no part of the Wall was without two or three Engines to throw Darts, and other Instruments of Mischief, into the Enemies Camp; that with some of their Machines they threw Fire among their Tents; and that the Garrison behav'd themselves with so much Resolution, that Aurelian having been wounded with an Arrow, had like to have breath'd his last under the Walls of Palmyra.

CHAP. XXIV.

THis Resolution of the Besieged, join'd to the many Fatigues the Emperor was obliged to undergo, made him almost quite weary of his Design: Whereupon he wrote to Zenobia, re­quiring her to surrender the Place, and promising her and her Confederates, that they should be allowed to live in great Plenty and Security, in such a part of the Empire as the Senate should appoint, upon Condition, that all her Treasure and Arms, her Horses and Camels, should be given up to the Romans; after which, Palmyra should be permitted to be a Free Common­wealth, as it had been in past Ages. But the haughty Queen kept up her Courage, though her Fortunes were sunk, and return'd the Emperor this Answer:

This Epistle inflam'd Aurelian, and put him upon doing all that a wise and brave General ought to have attempted, [Page 113]to reduce the City; he intercepted the Persian Succours, and debaucht the Sa­racens and Armenians, whom he cor­rupted by Money, and bought off, till they deserted, according to the Custom of those fickle and changeable Nations, who are true only to their own Inte­rests, and pay their Homage and Ser­vices to that Prince who bids most for them.

When the Garrison heard that all their Relief was cut off, and saw the Emperor bent to carry on his At­tacks with the utmost vigour, being also much prest with the want of Ne­cessaries, they determined to send their Queen over the Euphrates into Persia, to beg the Assistance of that great King; and to this end, they did set Ze­nobia on a female Camel, which sort of Creatures run swifter than any Horse, (others say, on a swift Dromedary,) and convey'd her out of the City.

Aurelian, vex'd heartily that his Enemy had made her escape, dispatch't his Light-Horse to overtake her, who seiz'd on her as she was just embark't, en­deavouring to reach the farther side of the Euphrates, and brought her back [Page 114]to the Roman Camp with mighty Joy and Triumph.

In the mean time, the Garrison was divided in their Sentiments, one Party of them resolving to maintain the Town to the last Man, and to the last drop of their Blood; while others were determined to supplicate the Emperor's Pardon, and to surrender. And this last Opinion prevail'd; whereupon, Aurelian having given his Promise, that they should be indemnify'd for whatever was past, they open'd their Gates, and begg'd the Conqueror's Mercy, who receiv'd them with all Kindness, and took care they should not suffer any damage.

CHAP. XXV.

THus was that proud City, emu­lous of the Glory of Old Rome, reduc'd under the Power of Aurelian, who having possest himself of all the Treasure and rich Moveables of it, re­turn'd to Emesa, and there sate in Judg­ment on Zenobia and her Accomplices. For the Army were ready to mutiny, and petition'd, that she that had been the cause of all their Hardships, should be Executed. But Aurelian, who had a grand Esteem for her Courage, and other Heroical Qualifications, and who could not have forgotten the Merits of her Husband Odenathus, and his great Services, who supported the sinking Empire in the East, and preserv'd it from utter Ruine, thought it beneath the Courage of a brave Man to murder a Woman, one of so rare Endowments, and who had for some years worn the Sacred Purple, in cold blood; and being convinc'd, that it would more contribute to his Glory, to carry her in Triumph to Rome, than to put her [Page 116]to Death in the East, he preserv'd her from the Rage of the incens'd Soldiers; and to satisfie the Mutinous, sharply expostulated with her the Reasons of her Obstinacy, and caused all those to be slain who had engaged her to take up Arms against Aurelian. This oc­casion'd the Execution of many emi­nent Persons, among whom the most learned Longinus met his Fate with great Resolution; and to the last, he bore his Sufferings with a Philoso­phical Courage, and was so far from being affrighted with the Shadows of the Grave, that he comforted his Friends who bemoan'd his Destiny, and convinc'd them, that if this lower World be but one large Prison, he is the happiest Man who is soonest dis­charg'd and set at liberty.

CHAP. XXVI.

THe Affairs of the East having thus been adjusted, Vopisc. p. 219. and the Country left without Disturbance, Zosim. l. 1, p. 55: Au­relian determin'd to return into Eu­rope; but before he could reach Rome, while he was passing through Rhodopa, a Province of Thrace, the Inhabitants of Palmyra, who could not content them­selves with their meaner Circumstances (the loss of their Empire being a con­tinual Affliction) resolved to betake themselves to their Arms, to recover their ancient Grandeur. In pursuit of this Design, they fell upon Sandario, and the Six hundred Archers whom the Emperor had left there in Garrison, and putting them to the Sword, chose Achilleus (the Father of their Captive Queen Zenobia) their Prince. But as soon as the Emperor heard of the Re­volt, being a General of unwearied Diligence and Dispatch, he immediately march'd back into Asia, and utterly de­stroy'd that unhappy City.

This part of the Story Zosimus tells somewhat differently; That the Men of Palmyra, instigated by Apsaeus, who had in former times been a busie Agi­tator among them, attempted to per­suade Marcellieus ( T. Nonnius Marcel­linus, I suppose, who afterwards was Consul in Year of the Emperor Tacitus, Anno Christi 275,) whom Aurelian had constituted his Governor of Mesopo­tamia, and the Praefectus Praetorio of the East, to take upon him the Em­pire. He put them off from day to day; and under the pretext of consi­dering so weighty an Affair, before he determin'd his Resolutions, gain'd time till he had certify'd Aurelian of the Re­volt; but at last he positively refused to take the Purple. Whereupon they chose Antiochus their King, and arm'd themselves in his defence.

Upon the News that Marcellinus sent, the Emperor doubled his March, and in a short time came to Antioch; the Inhabitants, who were busied about their Sports, in seeing the Horse-races, being surpriz'd at his coming; from whence he immediately speeded to Pal­myra, which without fighting he took, [Page 119]and raz'd, giving Antiochus his Life and Liberty, accounting him beneath his Anger.

In the Sack of the City, the Soldiers were surfeited with Blood and Rapine (as Aurelian, in his Letters to Cejonius Bassus, relates) sparing neither Age, Sex nor Quality, involving Women and Children, Old and Young, the Nobility and the Boors in the same common Ruine, till there was hardly left a Man to inhabit the City, or to manure the Ground.

Such a Revenge satiated even the fierce Temper of Aurelian, inasmuch as he he wrote to Cejonius Bassus (or rather Cerronius, according to the old Copies, probably the same Cerronius, the General of the Dalmatian Troops, who slew Gallienus, whom, I conjecture, Aurelian left the Governor of Palmy­rene) to put a period to the Carnage, and to spare the poor remains of that unfortunate City, enjoyning him ex­presly to build the Temple of the Sun (which had been sack't and rifled by the Soldiers of the Third Legion) as mag­nificently as it had been in times past (and by the Ruines of it extant at this Vid. Ap­pend. [Page 120]day, it appears to have been a stupen­dous Building) to the repairing this noble Structure he enjoined him to ex­pend 300 Pound weight of Gold, which he found in the Coffers of Zenobia, be­sides 1800 Pound weight of Silver, which was rais'd from the sale of the Peoples Goods, together with the Crown Jewels, all which he order'd to be sold, to make Money to beautifie the Temple, while himself promises to write to the Senate to send a Priest from Rome to Dedicate it.

After this, Aurelian return'd into Europe without any disturbance, car­rying the unhappy Zenobia his Prisoner with him to Rome, till she became one of the Ornaments of his Triumph; whither I shall follow her, to compleat her Story, when I have briefly con­sider'd the Fortunes of her Associate Firmius.

CHAP. XVII.

WHen Aurelian had put to death all Zenobia's Councellors, Mi­litary Officers, and Associates, and de­stroy'd the City, Marcus Firmius (as the Coins stile him, while the Histo­rians call him Firmus) one of the Con­federates of the Captive Princess, took upon him the Title of Emperor, Vopis. p. 242. and endeavour'd to revenge her Quarrel: He was born at Seleucia, and bred up to all manner of robust Exercises, Na­ture having fitted him with a Gigantick Body qualified for such Undertakings; his Stature was tall to a Prodigy; and his Limbs so firm, that supporting him­self only with his Hands, he could en­dure the Smiths, when they had laid an Anvil on his bare Breast, to smite on it with their Sledges: And propor­tionable to his Strength was his Sto­mach, for he used to eat an Ostrich at a Meal; and could swallow at a sit­ting, though his usual Drink was Wa­ter, as much Wine as two Buckets would hold: He had also amast vast [Page 122]Wealth, having often sent his Ships to trade in the East-Indies, which return'd loaden with all sort of rich Goods, and among other Rarities, two Elephants Teeth of ten Foot long: And of the Products of Egypt, he had in his Ware­house as much Paper and Glew as would maintain an Army. Vid. Sal­mas. in loc. And, that he might keep a Port suitable to his Sta­tion, to his Riches, and his Dignity, he built him a noble and pompous Pa­lace at Alexandria.

Firmius having thus fill'd his Coffers, and provided all things necessary to maintain the Interest he resolv'd to en­gage in, declar'd himself a Friend and Confederate to Zenobia, (nor is it alto­gether improbable that Zenobia consti­tuted him, being a Man of extraordinary Strength and Courage, and Master of a great Estate, her Governor over Egypt, when Zabdas had conquer'd it,) and when that Illustrious Queen fell into her Misfortunes, he enter'd into a League with the Blemmyoe and Sara­cens, and then declar'd himself Empe­ror (as the Coins expresly prove, tho' Aurelian, according to the Custom of that Age, which stiled all Tyrants and [Page 123]Usurpers Thieves, will not allow him a better Title than that of the Egyptian Robber, and though Vopiscus says that he declar'd Egypt a Free State, refusing to assume the Ensigns of Royalty) and having recollected the scatter'd Forces of Zenobia's Army, undertook to sup­port the improsperous Cause, and to defend Alexandria.

But no Power could resist the Genius of Aurelian; for after the return of that great Man from Carrae, Firmius fell a Victor to the Conqueror, and some say, became his own Executioner. But Aurelian himself affirms, that after he had routed his Army, he besieged him in Alexandria, and having taken the City by Storm, he severely cha­stised the Citizens for their Sedition, but Crucify'd their Ephemerous Em­peror (for he did not reign a full Year) which was the usual Punishment to which Thieves were Condemn'd.

From Egypt the fierce and indefati­gable Emperor march'd his Troops to­ward the West, vex'd and angry that Tetricus still maintain'd his Pretensions to the Purple in France; but upon his approach, Tetricus, who could no longer [Page 124]endure nor digest the Insolence of his Legions, gave up his Army to Aure­lian, who having thus quietted the Af­fairs of both the East and West, re­turn'd to Rome with his Captives, which City he resolv'd to enter in State, as the Lord of the Universe.

CHAP. XXVIII.

THe Affairs of Zenobia, after she fell into the Hands of Aurelian, are differently related. L. 1. p. 55. Zosimus avers, that the Victorious Emperor carried her, her Son, and all her Accomplices with him towards Rome, and that it was reported, that she either died of some Disease, or that refusing all man­ner of Sustenance, she starved her self; and that the rest of the Captives, ex­cept her Son, were Shipwrack't, and drown'd in the Streights, between Chal­cedon and Byzantium. Pay. 2. p. 397. Malela says, that Aurelian caus'd her to ride on a Dromedary, and carry'd her with him [Page 125]through all the East, till he came to Antioch, where for three Days he ex­posed her to the sight of the People, loaden with Fetters, who had often seen her in the height of her Glory; after which, he transported her to Rome, where, after she had acted her part among the Princes of the conquer'd Provinces, he caus'd her to be Be­headed. But Tom. 2. p. 240. Zonaras talks doubtfully, his Authors from whom he derived his Notices differing in their Accounts; some affirming, that the Victor used her with the greatest Clemency, and marry'd her at Rome to a Man of Qua­lity, ( Syncellus says he was a Senator,) others, that she died by the way, op­prest with grief for the loss of her Em­pire, and that Aurelian himself mar­ried one of her Daughters, and dis­pos'd of the others for Wives to the most Illustrious of the Romans.

But in the Memoirs of the Western Affairs, we are rather to be guided by the Writers of that Country, who may be presumed to have been better ac­quainted with what was done in their own Country, than those who liv'd at a great distance in the East. And they [Page 126]all agree, Hier. Chron. Eutrop. Treb. Pol. &c. that Zenobia surviv'd all her Misfortunes, that Aurelian gave her her Life for her own sake, and for the Me­rits of Odenathus, and that she lived very happily in Italy, after she, having been devested of the Empire of the East, had made her Figure in the Tri­umph of Aurelian; and I shall account for the Pomp of it, which the Historian says was Specious and Magnificent, be­cause that was the last of the Imperial Triumphs, which was made according to the ancient manner. Though it must be confest, that Onuphrius Pan­vinius says, that the last Triumph was that of Belisarius, who, by the Order of the Emperor Justinian, was allowed to make his Entry into the City of Con­stantinople in a Triumphant Chariot, drawn by four Horses a breast, after he had recover'd Africa out of the hands of the Vandals, and made Gelimer their King his Prisoner; and that his Scho­liast Joachim Maderus affirms, that Heraclius, Johannes Commenus, and Manuel his Son, had their several Triumphs: But these have no re­lation to Rome, but to Constanti­nople. And of the Triumph of Beli­sarius, [Page 127]Procopius says expresly, Vandal. l. 2. c. 9. p. 255. [...], &c. that it was not according to the ancient me­thod, but that he began his Procession at his own House, from whence he march'd on foot to the Hippodrome, and from thence to the Imperial Throne; and withal he avers, that for near Six hundred Years before Belisarius, the Honour of the Triumph was not given to any other, since the days of Titus and Trajan, and those other great Emperors who had con­quer'd the Barbarians; among whom, I suppose, he includes Aurelian.

CHAP. XXIX.

THe Triumphal Pomp was always very August: Vopisc. p. 220. & Onufr. de Triumph. p. 140. The whole Senate march'd in their several Ranks toward the Capitol, being followed by the Trumpets of War, who sounding a Charge, introduc'd the Representations of the several Countries that had been subdued, and the Cities that had been [Page 128]taken, done in exquisite Imagery and Picture: After these followed the Riches of the Conquer'd Provinces, vast quan­tities of Gold and Silver, and noble Gems, Crowns and Royal Robes, and the other Ornaments of Royalty and Gran­deur, intermix'd with the Arms that were peculiar to the Regions that had been reduc'd under the Roman Power: These were succeeded, among others, by a long Train of Sacrifices, and Priests attending that Service, all clad in rich Garments of Silk and Purple, inter­wove with Gold: Then came the Cha­riots of the unfortunate Princes, with a long train of their faithful Subjects, who, to shew their Fidelity, were con­tent to follow the adverse Fortune of their Sovereigns.

When Aurelian made his Entry into that superb City, there were three Royal Chariots very remarkable: The first belong'd to the Hero Odenathus, (while alive) richly adorn'd with Gold, and Silver, and Precious-Stones, which gave it a peculiar Lustre. The second, no less glorious than the first, was a Present made by the King of Persia to the Great Aurelian, (who also presented [Page 129]him with a Purple Robe, of so beautiful a Dye, dipt in the Indies, that nothing of the Imperial Wardrobe, or the Ca­binets of the Roman Ladies, was com­parable to it.) The third, was the Chariot which Zenobia had caused to be made for her self, in hopes to have entred Rome in Triumph, after she had reduced that proud City. 'Tis true, she made her entry into Rome in the same Chariot; but she rode in it a Cap­tive, not a Queen.

These Chariots were followed by a fourth, which (as it was reported) did once belong to the King of the Goths, drawn by four Stags a-breast, in which Aurelian (clad in the famous Purple above-mentioned, which he afterwards dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus, and which after Ages look'd on with Admi­ration) was drawn to the Capitol, where he sacrificed the Stags, according to a Vow made to Jupiter, when he took the Chariot. In the head of these Chariots march'd twenty Elephants; of Lybian Lions, Vid. Sal­mas. in Vo­pisc. pag. 371. Leopards and Pan­thers, as also of those of Palestine, two hundred; which, after the Triumph was ended, Aurelian bestowed on his [Page 130]private Friends, that he might lessen the Publick Expence. These were sol­lowed by four Tygars, by several Camelopardali, Elks, and other strange Beasts, each in their orders.

Part of this Pomp consisted of eight hundred pair of Gladiators destin'd to the Entertainment of the People, and of an infinite number of Captives; for, besides the Barbarous Nations of the Blemmyes, the Inhabitants of Axumis, and of Arabia the Happy; the Indians, Bactrians, Iberians, Saracens and Per­sians; and after them, the Goths, the Alans, the Roxolans, the Sarmatians, Franks, Suevians, Vandals and Ger­mans, with their Hands bound behind their Backs, preceded the Imperial Cha­riot. Among these, the principal Men of Palmyra, as many as had outliv'd the Calamity of their Country, and the Rebels of Egypt, had their station. But the most remarkable of the Captives were ten Masculine Women, who, habited in Mens Cloaths, had done ex­traordinary Service to the Gothick Ge­neral; these few being all that survived of the Amazonian Race, who sought against the Romans; and in the Head [Page 131]of every Nation, was carry'd the Name of the Country to which they belong'd.

Amid'st this numerous train of Prisc­ners, Tetricus made a peculiar Figure; he was habited A-la-mode de France, where he had been Emperor, in a Scar­let Cloak, under which he wore a light Gold-coloured Coat, and a pair of French Breeches; with him was his Son, whom Tetricus had declared Em­peror in France. After him followed Zenobia, deck'd to the greatest advan­tage, but loaden with her Golden Chains, whose weight was supported by her Attendants. The Crown of every conquer'd City, distinguish'd by an eminent Inscription, was carried before every Nation. After them fol­lowed the People of Rome, the Banners of the several Colleges, and the Ensigns of every Regiment, with the Cuirassiers, followed by the rest of the Army. And after these the Senators march'd (but not so brisk and merry as otherwise they would have been on such a Solemnity, because Tetricus, who was a Member of that August Body, was led a Captive in the Triumph.) It was late e're the [Page 132]Cavalcade reach'd the Capitol, but Night before the Emperor return'd to the Palace.

On the following Days the common People were solaced with the sight of Stage-plays, Horse-races, Huntings, the Duels of the Gladiators, and mock Sea­fights. And among other the Plea­santries of that merry time, it is not to be forgotten, that Aurelian, before he made his Expedition into the East, promised the Romans, that if he return'd a Conqueror, he would give a Crown of two Pound weight to every Citizen, which they expected would be of no worse Metal than Gold: But the Em­peror being neither able nor willing, presented each of them with a fine Wheaten Loaf in shape of a Crown, and of the same weight, and one of these he bestowed on every Commoner, every year, as long as he liv'd.

CHAP. XXX.

WHen this Ceremony was over, Aurelian gave both Tetricus and Zenobia their Lives, constituting Tetricus ^(a) Corrector of Lucania, ( Trebellius Pollio says, of all Italy,) and setling Zenobia at Rome, where she liv'd in much Plenty and Honour to a great Age, maintaining the Port of a Roman Matron, by the Estate which the Emperor possest her of in Tivoli, not far from the Emperor Adrian's Palace, and the Place which is called Conchae (or Concae;) and so well she behav'd her self in her new Habitation, that the Place of her Residence was called Zenobia, from the illustrious Inhabi­tant.

The precise Situation of this Zenobia (the Villa of this excellent Princess) is to this day under dispute: Cons. del Ré de l'An­tichità Ti­burtine, par. 2. c. 5. Fulvio Car­doli says, that the Ruines of the Villa Zenobia are to be seen in that Place that is called Colle di Santo Stephano, which is situate near the Palace of Adrian. But Del Ré avers, that Conchae is near the Lake Della Solforata, call'd the Baths; that the Plain is to this day called the Plain of Conche; and, that the noble Marbles to be seen there, are a demonstration that he was not mi­staken in the Situation. The Baths being built (says the learned Andrea Bacci) by Agrippa, for the use of such as would fre­quent them; that three hundred years after their first Foundation, the Place was deputed for the Habitation of Zenobia; and, that the Cardinal Hyppolito of Fer­rara found there a Jewel of Gold, an Antique Vessel of Silver, and other Or­naments belonging to the Ladies of those early times, with an Inscription, that in that Place one of the Daughters of Zenobia was buried. From all which, viz. from the Name Conche, still re­maining, from the Antique Fabricks standing thereabouts, and from what [Page 135]was found there, it may be gathered, that the Villa Zenobia could not be far off.

Some Authors affirm, that Zenobia's Sons, Herennianus and Timolaus, were slain by Aurelian's Order, (Greatness is seldom unaccompanied with Jea­lousie; and a Rival Prince never thinks his Title secure, till his Competitor is in his Grave;) but others say, that they tasted of the Emperor's Clemency, and died at Rome natural Deaths, the very year in which they were brought thither, Ann. Chr. 273, Pag. 385. (says Mezzo­barba;) while Vaballathus having been led in Triumph with his Mother Ze­nobia, spent the remainder of his life in a private station. But whence that learned Man had these Notices, I pro­fess I know not. This we are sure of, that in the Reign of Constantine the Great, her Posterity were reckon'd among the Nobility of Rome, so says Trebellius Pollio expresly: In the Reign of Valens the same Family continued in great Reputation, says Eutropius: And St. Jerom witnesses the same thing for the times of Honorius. And Cardinal Baronius imagines, that Zenobius the [Page 136]Bishop of Florence, St. Ambrose's Con­temporary, was one of the Descendants of this famous Empress; but I suppose he built his Conjecture on no other Foundation, but the Likeness of the Names.

Such was the Fate of this illustrious Lady; such the Destiny of Palmyra, the Metropolis of her Empire, under Aurelian; L. 5. p. 53. a Catastrophe, if we may credit the Heathen Historian Zosimus (who was a great Bigot for Paganism) foretold by Oracles, Vid. Ap­pend. and confirm'd by more than one sad Omen, which de­termin'd the period of that short-liv'd Empire.

CHAP. XXXI.

AƲrelian having thus subdued all his Adversaries, Aurel. Vit. &c. and establish'd his own and the Empires Quiet, lived after this in an extraordinary Pomp and Splendor: He was the first of the Roman Emperors who habited himself in Cloth of Gold, the first who wore Gems on [Page 137]his Cloaths, and in his Shoes, and put on a Diadem, (the Coin in Oeselius de­scribing him encircled with a Diadem different from, and more rich than those of his Predecessors:) He valued himself, as the Recoverer of the Empire both in the East and West, as the Re­storer of the World to its desired Peace and Tranquility, and as one who was born a God, Deus & Dominus Natus, on the reverse of one of his Coins in Mezzo­barba, p. 407. and the Lord of the Uni­verse. He was undoubtedly an emi­nent Prince, though born of mean Pa­rents, comparable to the Alexanders, and the Julius Caesars of former Ages, if he had not sully'd the Lustre of his Vertues by his Excessive Cruelties, of which the Carnage at the Sack of Pal­myra is a severe Instance. And so valuable did he account that Victory, that, to preserve the Memory of it (ac­cording to the Practice of the Roraan Emperors) he added to his Imperial Titles, among many others, that of the Palmyrenian, as appears by an old In­scription consecrated to his Honour in the Fifth Year of his Reign, in Thesaur. p. 274. Goltzius, ( i. e. the last, says Petavius and Tristan, though the old Ibid. Coins (and their Au­thority is to me unquestionable) ex­presly [Page 138]mention the Sixth Year of his Reign; and with them agrees the Pag. 637. Chronicon, commonly call'd the Alex­andrian,) which is worth the preserving, because in very few Inscriptions the mention of Palmyra occurs:

Or, To the Great Au­gustus. To the Great and August, the most Illustri­ous of Princes, the Bravest of Emperors, the Preserver of the World, Lucius Do­mitius Aurelianus, Pious and Happy, the Chief Priest, in the Fifth Year of his Tribunitian Power, the Father of his Country, Consul the Third time, Pro­consul, the most Glorious Conqueror of the Goths, the Palmyrenians and Ger­mans,

The Brescians dedicate this Inscription.

His Cruelty was the cause of his Death; for his Secretary Eros (or Mnestheus, as Vopiscus calls him) having been threatned by Aurelian, and fearing his fierce Temper, thought it adviseable to prevent his own Death, by imbruing his Hands in the Blood of his Master, whom, by the help of his Accomplices in the Treason, and by the Hand of Mucapores, he slew, as he was taking the Air, attended with but a thin Guard, while the Camp lay at the New Castle (Coenophrium) a Mansion between Heraclea and Byzantium, in the Road, toward Persia, against which Aurelian was marching his Army, Cuspin. Caes. p. 79. to revenge himself upon that Nation, for assisting Zenobia in the former War against the Romans.

Thus Aurelian made his Exit, in the Chron. Alex. p. 637. Seventy fifth Year of his Age; and after his Death, was honoured, as the more deserving Princes usually were, with a Deification, as both the Histo­rians and the Coins declare.

CHAP. XXXII.

BUt though Palmyra was thus ruin'd by the Commands of Au­relian, I cannot think it was wholly raz'd, it not being consonant to the Wisdom of that August Government to slight so strong a Garrison upon the Borders; for this would have been the same, as to invite the Persians to a new Invasion; but that the Emperor, who gave a particular Order to re-build, beautifie and endow the noble Temple of the Sun, that had been plunder'd and destroyed by the insolent Soldiers, did also take care, that the City should be put in a posture of defence, so as it might obstruct the Irruptions of the Enemy, and that to that end he consti­tuted Cerronius Bassus the Governor of that Province; though I doubt not, but it lost the Privileges of a Roman Co­lony, of a Metropolis, and in all pro­bability of a Free City, and was only left in the condition of a Garrison, or Praesidium. For as it was usual to ad­vance a Praesidium, or Fort, to the [Page 141]Honour of a City, as Bosra in Arabia was promoted by the Emperor Severus; so, on the contrary, a City often lost its Franchises, when it turn'd Rebel to the Emperor. In this condition I sup­pose it to have been, when Dioclesian and Maximinian wore the Imperial Purple, Hierocles at that time being the Praefect of the Province, as appears by the only Latin Inscription that hath been as yet found at Palmyra; the Pil­lar being erected to the Honour of the above-named Emperors, Vid. Ap­pend. and of Constan­tius and Galerius Maximianus the Cae­sars, who had most happily founded Castra.

Now, that we may know when Castra was founded, it will be necessary to consider the State of the Empire at that time. Dioclesian having been op­posed by many Competitors, was par­ticularly rival'd by Achilleus in Egypt; Eutrop. brev. Idat. Chron. against him therefore he march'd in Per­son, besieged him in Alexandria, and at last slew him. After this, he went into Me­sopotamia, and there making a halt, sent Galerius, Ann. Chr. 296, against Narses King of Persia. Galerius rashly engaging the Persians, between Callinicus and [Page 142] Carrae, with a very small Force, was routed, and beaten back to the Camp of Dioclesian; who, when he met him, treated him with so much scorn, that he made him run in his Purple Robe some Miles by his Chariot-side, like a Foot-man, before he vouchsafed to speak to him. But in a little time after this, Ann. Chr. 297, upon Galerius his important Solicitations, he furnish'd him with Recruits from Illyricum and Maesia, and commanded him to retrieve the Honour he had lost in the first Engage­ment, and accordingly he behav'd him­self with so much Bravery in the second Battle (in which with 25000 Men he broke into the Enemies Camp) that he routed the Persians, beat them out of Armenia Major, where they had posted themselves, took the Tents and Bag­gage of Narses, and a great Booty, made his Wives, his Sisters, and Children, (his Daughters, says Rufus Festus,) with a great part of the Persian Nobility, Pri­soners, drove the King to fly for shelter to the remotest Solitudes of his Domi­nions, and acquitted the Romans from the ignominy of the Captivity of Va­lerian.

Narses being reduc'd to so great ex­tremity by this last Blow, P. Patric. excerpt. p. 26. that had al­most determin'd the period of his Em­pire, chose Appharban, one of the most trusty and most beloved of his Courtiers (his Praefectus Praetorio, as the Historian, using the Style of his own Country, calls him) his Chief Minister, a Man of Address, and happy Application, to be his Ambassador to Galerius; who having obtained leave to deliver his Message, thus accosted this victorious Prince; ‘That all Mankind knew, that the two Empires of Rome and Persia, were two great Luminaries, which, like the two Eyes in the Body, were to receive Lustre, Beauty and Help one from the other; that it was unnatural, when they endeavoured to extinguish each other; that to destroy, and bring to desolation, could not be reckon'd among the illustrious Atchievements, but must be accounted an effect of Madness and Folly; that only meaner Spirits delighted in the Ruine of their Enemies; that Narseus was not to be reckoned a weak Prince, because he was unfortunate, but that Galerius being the greatest of Monarchs, the [Page 144]Conquest of Narseus, who was in no one noble Qualification inferior to any of his Predecessors, was referv'd by the Destinies for him. And that he further had it in his Commission to assure him, That though his Master had a just Title to his Dominions, yet he threw himself upon the Mercy and Clemency of the Romans; that he would not offer any Terms to Gale­rius, but would be content with what­ever Articles he would please to allow him, desiring him to return him his Wives and his Children; that this Humanity would entitle him to a nobler Conquest, than his victorious Arms; and, that his generous Usage of his Family already had been such, that he profess'd his inability to pay him his Acknowledgments as he de­served.’ — (For the Kings Wives and Children had been treated with all sort of handsom Usage; and the Nobi­lity who had been made Prisoners of War, except their restraint, found no difference between their Captivity and Freedom, between the Enemies Camp and their own Palaces; that not only no Insults were made on their Persons, [Page 145]no Injuries offered them, but their En­tertainment was liberal, and suited to their Quality.) To this the Persian Embassa­dor subjoin'd, ‘That the State of Man­kind was very mutable, and subject to great Alterations,’

Upon this Galerius seem'd to be in a heat, and answer'd, ‘That it was not well done of the Persians, to desire their Adversaries to consider the Instabilty of Humane Affairs; because, whenever they were bless'd with Success, them­selves were the most insolent of Con­querors, and added new Afflictions, by their opprobrious Usage to those who who were before most heavily opprest: putting them in mind of their inhu­mane Carriage toward the unfortunate Emperor Valerian, to whom they shew'd neither Justice nor Moderation; for after you had circumvented him, and made him your Prisoner, you kept him in Chains, till he had languisht out many years in durance, and without any re­gard to his extreme Age, or his Sacred Character, you used him with scorn, and at last put him to a cruel and disho­nourable Death: And whereas the Rage of the most violent and wicked Men [Page 146]uses to be appeas'd, when their Ad­versaries are dead, your Malice out­liv'd the Object of it; and though his Body was mortal, you resolv'd to treat it with a Tyranny that endeavour'd to make it self immortal; for having flea'd that great Prince alive, you salted and preserved his Skin, as a lasting Me­morial of your Treachery, and insa­tiable Cruelty: This last thing, he as­sured the Embassador he mention'd, not that he resolved to follow so ignomi­nious a President, but to convince the Persians that they could not have any Pretensions to that Humane Usage which they petition'd for; and that he was satisfied, that their Argument from the Inconstancy of Humane Affairs, never made any impression on their Minds in the days of their Prosperity; while he was resolv'd to tread in the steps and to imitate the nobler Practices of his Predecessors, who were accustom'd to suppress the Stubborn and Obstinate, but to comfort and support the Peni­tent.’ — And having thus spoken, he commanded the Embassador to return to his Master, and to represent to him the Clemency of the Romans, of whose Cou­rage [Page 147]he had lately met with an unque­stionable Demonstration, bidding him to expect in a short time the return of the Prisoners, according to his Desires.

Having dismist the Persian Embas­sador, the Triumphant Galerius re­turn'd into Mesopotamia to Dioclesian, cover'd with Lawrels, and the Trophies of an entire Victory, and was received with the testimonies of the greatest Ho­nour, as he justly deserv'd. At Nisibis, Galerius met the Emperor, without whose Consent himself, being only Caesar at that time, could not confirm a Peace, and having made Dioclesian acquainted with the Particulars, consulted with him what Articles they should propose to the Persian Monarch. P. Patric. Excerp. p. 29. 30. When they had ad­justed the Affair, they sent Sicorius Pro­bus, the Emperor's Secretary, into Per­sia, with the Terms of Agreement. The King treated the Embassador with all Ci­vility; but, pretending some hinderance or other, carried him with him from place to place, till he came to Asprudis, a River of Media, where the scattered remains of his routed Army, having ral­lyed, and embody'd themselves, pitcht their Tents; there he granted the Em­bassador [Page 148]all the Demands of his Master the Emperor, except that the Place of Meeting should be Nisibis: Upon which the Persian Monarch's Wife and Children were restored him, and the Captive No­bility had their Liberty.

At this time Castra was founded by Dioclesian, says Lib. 23. cap. 5. Ammianus Marcellinus, (and Par. 2. p. 17. Johannes Malela,) which he calls Cercusium; Malela, Circisium; but the Subscriptions of the Chalcedon Council, Castro-Circon, by a complication of both Names. For the Irruptions of the Persians into the Roman Territories on the side of the Euphrates were so destructive to those Provinces, that the Procop. Persic. l. 2. c. 5. p. 97. & de Aedi­fic. l. 2. c. 3. p. 42. Emperors saw it very necessary to build several Cities and Castles upon the Banks of that River, to secure their Borders, particularly in that large and barren Desart that lies between Euphratesia and the Persian Limits; in that Solitude Dioclesian erected three Castles built of unbak'd Bricks, of which number Mambri was one, which was si­tuate five miles below Zenobia; but Cir­cesium stood three days Journey lower than Zenobia, and as far from Palmyra, be­ing the last and remotest Castle that the Romans had on their Confines, a little be­low [Page 149] Thapsacus; it was built very neat, and very strong, on the confluence of the Euphrates, and the Abora (or Cha­borras, as it is called in Ptolemy) two noble Rivers, which wash the Walls of the City, being situated on the farther side of the Euphrates, in that very Angle which the two Rivers make when they meet: Besides the Ramparts of the Castle, it was defended by a long Wall, which extended it self for some miles on the sides of both the Rivers, and was built in the figure of a Triangle. In times past it was a mean place, and not tenable; but Dioclesian fenced it with high Walls and Towers, when in the Confines of the Barbarians he fix'd the Limits of the Roman Empire, lest the Persians should by that Pass invade Syria, as they had in times past often done, to the great detriment of the Provinces, paricularly under Ammian. ubi supr. Gallienus, when they march'd their Army over this Ford, and sack't and burnt Antioch. In Malel. par. 2. p. 17. the Reign of Julian the Apostate it was garrison'd with 6000 Men: and in the 13th. Year of Precop. ubi supr. Justinian, when Chosroes brought his Forces thither, with a design that way to invade the Empire, he durst not attempt [Page 150]it. After which time, how long it con­tinued in the hands of the Emperors of the East, I know not. By all which it appears, that Castra was founded Anno Christi 27 8/9. and that at that time Hierocles was Governor of Palmyra.

CHAP. XXXIII.

IN the Reign of Honorius, Palmyra continued a Roman Garrison, the Town being then under the Inspection of the Dux Phoeniciae, as the Notitiae, collected probably in that Emperor's Reign, affirm; commanded by a Co­lonel, or Praefect of the first Illyrian Legion, which was left there in Garrison. And in this state it was when Stephen the Grammarian of Constantinople pub­lish'd his Work concerning the Cities; for he calls it expresly a Castle of Syria ( [...],) as Hermolaus his Epitomator, who dedicated his Breviate to the Emperor Justinian informs us. But though the Civil Privileges of the [Page 151]City were infring'd, it retain'd the Ho­nour of an Episcopal See; this fell not under the cognizance of the Pagan Em­perors, and for that reason was not for­tified; the Church being careful to pre­serve her Rights, when the City ho­nour'd with the Episcopal Jurisdiction, had lost her's.

Justinian having determin'd, in the First Year of his Reign, Ann. Chr. 52⅞. to make War upon the Persians, resolv'd to re-build Palmyra, says Procopius, who thus describes it: Procop. de Aedific. l. 2. c. 11. p. 50. & l. 5. c. 1. p. 95. That there was a City of Phoenicia, near Mount Libanus, cal­led Palmyra, built of old in a Country that had no Neighbours but such as were at a great distance, but most com­modiously situated to observe the move­ments of the Saracens, the Enemies of the Romans, having been built on pur­pose to prevent the Irruptions of those Barbarians into the Roman Territories. This City having been for a long time deserted, Justinian strengthened with ex­traordinary Fortifications, bringing Wa­ter to the Place for the support of a strong Garrison which he fix'd there. (And to Justinian I am enclined to attri­bute the building the Castle of Palmyra, Vid. Jour­nal p. 84, 85, 103. [Page 152]rather than to a Prince of the Druses, who never, that we read of, enlarged their Territories as far as Tadmur; as also, that noble Aqueduct seems to be of his Foundation, which runs under­ground in a direct passage five miles, and is cover'd all the way with an Arch of bastard-Marble, and a Path on both sides the Chanel, large enough for two Persons to walk a breast in, with Venti­ducts at every twenty yards distance, being built for the supply of the Garrison with Water.) This was done (says Chronogr. p. 148. Theophanes) in the First Year of Justi­nian, after the Death of his Uncle Justin, the Emperor having given Commission to Patricius the Armenian, the Governor of the East, to see the Work done ef­fectually, having furnish'd him with Money to that purpose, commanding also the Governor of the East to make that Place the Seat of his constant Resi­dence, and to preserve the Churches from the Sacrilegious Saracens.

Eight Years after this, Procop. Bel. Pers. l. 2. c. 1. p. 88. when Belisarius had reduced Italy under the Obedience of the Emperor, Ann. Chr. 535, Chosroes King of Persia concerted his Affairs with Alamundarus one of the Arabian Princes, [Page 153]that he should invade Arethas another of the Saracen Kings, but in the Roman Interest, upon the pretext, that Arethas detain'd from him a little Region cal­led Strata, that lies to the South of the City Palmyra, but barren of all things being burnt with the fervent Sun, so that it produces neither Trees nor Fruits, and is destin'd only to the feeding of a few Cattle. Id. c. 5. p. 97. Whereupon Chosroes made an Inroad into the Roman Territories, march'd his Army three days by the Banks of the River Euphrates, till he came to Zenobia, the Foundation of the Queen of Palmyrene; but finding the Region uninhabited, and destitute of all Necessaries, the City also refusing to sur­render, when required to do so, he re­tired to Sura, another City upon the Euphrates.

CHAP. XXXIV.

ABout a hundred Years after the repairing of Palmyra by Justinian, it pleased God to permit Mahomet, an obscure Arab, to scourge the Eastern Churches for their Heresies, and their [Page 154]loose Manners; and to lay the Founda­tions of an Empire, which, with the Religion call'd Mahometan, hath pre­vail'd over a great part of the known World, and in a very few years after the first appearance of that false Prophet, establish't its Jurisdiction in Tadmur, where it prevails to this day.

In the Year of Christ, Elmacin. l. 1. c. 1. 623. the Second of the Hegira, Chosroes the Second, the King of Persia, commanded all the Churches in Syria and Mesopotamia to be destroy'd, carrying away with him all the Gold and Silver, with all the Or­naments of those Holy Places, even to the very Marble, into his own Country. It is probable, that Tadmur was not ex­empt from this dreadful Persecution: But whatever its Fate was under Chosroes, it is unquestionable, that a few years after­wards it fell into the Hands of the Ma­hometans, who, Anno Christi 638, He­girae 16, having taken the Capital City of the Persians, and routed Izdigerdes their last King, and seiz'd his Empire (the Constantinopolitan Princes not con­cerning themselves, as they ought, to prevent these sudden and large Con­quests) may be presumed to have made [Page 155] Palmyra their own. After which time, I believe, the Fortifications were permit­ted to run to decay, it being no longer a Frontier, since Persia was in their hands on one side of it, and Arabia on the other: And then also, I conjecture, it ceas'd to be a Mart, the Mahometans be­ing in constant Hostility with the Chri­stians; so that the Caravans not being able to travel safely, the Trade with the Persian Gulph was diverted and lost; of which beneficial Commerce the City being deprived, and situate in a desart Country, soon fell into Poverty and Ruine.

In the Year 659, the 39th. Elmac. l. 1. c. 5. of the Mahometan Computation, when Muavias the Son of Abusofianus, with his Army of Syrians, march'd against Alis the Fifth of Mahomet's Successors, he sent Da­hacus with 3000 Men to plunder Iraca, after which they fell into the Province of Higiaza, and having murther'd all the Arabs they met with, loaded themselves with their Spoiles. Whereupon Alis sent against him his General Hagjar the Son of Adis, with 4000 Men, who fol­fowed them as far as Tadmur within the [Page 156]District of Emesa (for so it was reckon'd at that time) where they had a sharp En­gagement, in which Dahacus was routed. And by this it is very plain, that Tadmur came very early into the hands of the Successors of Mahomet.

Anno Christi 746, Id. l. 1. c. 21. of the Hegira 127, the People of Emesa, at that time the Metropolis of the Country, rebell'd against Merwan the Caliph, who came against the Town with a strong Force, and besieged it: Whereupon the In­habitants supplicated his Pardon, pro­mised Obedience, and open'd their Gates. But when the Caliph had entred the City in the Head of 300 Men, the Citizens betook themselves to their Arms, and slew all the Soldiers, Merwan him­self hardly escaping through the Gate that leads to Tadmur, (the old Roman Road lay from Emesa to Apamea, and thence to Palmyra, but the direct Road lay through the Desart, without touch­ing at Apamea;) and when Suleiman the Son of Hisjam, being created Caliph, in opposition to Merwan, by the Men of Basra, was overthrown in Battle, he re­tired, first to Emesa, which he fortified; [Page 157]but being a second time beaten, he fled to Tadmur, leaving his Brother Saidus his Lieutenant in Emesa. From which Pas­sages it appears to me credible, that Tad­mur was then a Place of little Trade or Interest, but a Sanctuary for the Unfor­tunate, for Banditti, and Free-booters, who fled thither, and found a secure re­treat, being protected by the advanta­geous Situation of the Town, which for several Days Journey was on every side surrounded with wild and uninhabited Solitudes.

And if I might be allowed a bold Conjecture, how the River that ran by Palmyra, in Ptolemy's time, and which Marius Niger says emptied it self into the Euphrates, happen'd so to be lost, that now there remain no footsteps of it; I would affirm, Elmacin, l. 2. c. 11. that it was buried in that terrible Earthquake that happen'd in those Countries, Anno Christi 859, of the Hegira 245, which ruin'd many a noble City, threw down the Palace at Bagdat, did great damage to Carrae, Emesa, Damascus, Edessa, Laodicea, and all along the Coast of Syria: for at this time, the Arabick Historian avers, that a River vanish't (nor is it unusual in such [Page 158]most violent Concussions) being swal­lowed up of the Earth, that no Man ever could discover what new Channel it had found under ground. At this time, 'tis highly probable, Tadmur did not escape, when all the neighbouring Cities were harrast, and then the River might be absorpt. Nor does Justinian's bringing Water to Tadmur, for the service of his Garrison, contradict this Opinion, because a River may be for other uses, and yet not fit for Drink, many other of the Springs in those Countries being brackish and sulphurous.

About the Year of Christ 1172, Itiner. p. 57, 58. Ben­jamin Tudelensis the Jew, among other Parts of the East which he visited in his Travels, touch'd at Tadmur, and he in­forms us (though he is mistaken in the exact distances of Places) that from Baalbeck (or Baalath) built by Solomon in the Valley of Libanus, to Tadmur in the Desart, was four Days Journey; that Solomon built it of large Stones, and fenced it with a strong Wall; that it was built in a Desart far from any Inha­bitants; and that in his time there were in the City 2000 stout Jews, who waged War with the Christians, and with the [Page 159] Arabs the Subjects of Sultan Noraldin, but were ready to assist their Neighbours the Ishmaelites. From which Passage it appears, that in Benjamin's time, the Eastern Jews, a Race of known Wan­derers, had nested in Tadmur, deserted probably by the Arabs, and that they lived by Rapine and Inroads.

When the Caliphs of Babylon began to lose their Empire, I question not but Tadmur became subject to the Mamalukes; and upon the fall of their Empire, to the Grand Signior, under whose Jurisdiction they now live, though govern'd by a Prince of their own, and by the Usage of our English Merchants, when Melham was their Emir, it is put past all doubt that they have not forgotten, to this day, the Custom of their Ancestors, of rob­bing all that fall into their hands; for which Rapines, and their other ill ma­nagement, their Emirs are frequently deposed, and sometimes strangled by the Ottoman Port; so Melham, who robb'd the English Merchants, was in some time after surpriz'd by the Bassa of Aleppo, and put to death. Hassine, his Successor, was, Anno 1693, deposed, and one Dor substituted the Emir of those Arabs.

Thus I have, according to the best of my Understanding, given the History of Palmyra, from its first Foundation, to the present Age: And by this Ac­count we may learn, that Cities, as well as their Inhabitants, have their Infancy and Youth, their Riper Years, and their [...]ecrepit Days; that nothing can resist the Insults of Time, and the Barbarity of Ungovernable Conquerors; and that it is impossible to erect a Monument to our Memory, that shall be lasting, but a noble Series of Vertuous and Brave Actions, that they only rescue from Oblivion, and give Immortality, when Marbles shall Moulder into Dust, and the World it self shall be no more.